Peking Review

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PEKI 5Februory 3,1978IlI4A-tL

llefence offind $econd

ilationalWorld

lndependenGeGountries

Chino's lndustriqlizotion:How to Achieve ltSoyiet-U.S. "Disarmoment" Tolks


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1r''. .i

Vol. 21, No. 5 Februory 3, .1978

Published in English, E'rench, Spanish,Japanese, German and Arabic editions

CO NTE NTS

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PEKINGREVIEWth 4.{4,k

TBEIJING ZIIOUBAO

THE WEEXVice-Premier Tbng Visits BurmoGreetings to Comrode CeousescuBurundi Foreign Minister in ChinoSotellite Recovered

ARTICLES AND DOCUMENTSDefence of Notionol lndependence ond Sccond World Counkies - So No, ChiuLi-pen ond Shen Yung-hsingChino's lndustriolizotion: How to Achieve lt-Notes on studying Volume V ofthe "Selected Works of Moo Tsetung"-Su HsingEducotion: Criticizing the "Two Estimotes":Historicol Focts Brook No Distortion-Tung Chun-tsoi

Our Educotionol Reform ls Correct-Chou Yun-yu. Miyun Reservoir: Product of Educotionol Revolution - Professor ChongKuong-touNeurosurgery Achievements Connot Be Negoted-Wong Chung-chengExplonotory Notes to Volume V of "Selected Works of Moo Tsetung" (4)Soviet-U.S. "Disormoment" Tolk-A commentory by Hsinhuo CorrespondentSupport for the Koreon People's Just StruggleFour-Point Notionol Solvotion ProgrommeROUND IHE WORLD

Swedish Communist Porty: Stotement on Three-World TheoryHorn of Africo: Soviet Union ls Noked lmperiolismU.S.5.R.-U.S.A.: Contending for AntorcticoNicoroguo: Workers on Protest StrikeON THE HOME FRONT

South Chino Seo lnvestigotedPeking Power GridNew Tunnelling Record in lron MinesSurvey for Recloimoble LondPreservotion of Giont Pondos

Published every Fridoy by PEKING REVIEW, Peking (37), ChinoPost Office Registotion No, 292.P.inted in the People'r Republic of Chino


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THE WEEKYice-Premier TengYisits Burma

Vice-Premier Teng Hsiao-ping arrived in Burma onJanuary 26 for a 6-day friend-ship visit. Since diplomatic rela-tions between China and Bur-ma were established in 1949,leaders of the two countrieshave exchanged visits and Sino-Burmese relations have grownever stronger. The late PremierChou En-lai had visited Burmanine times and President U NeWin had visited China tentimes. Last year the Presidenttwice visited China and waswarmly welcomed by the Chi-nese Government and people.Vice-Premier Teng's visit toBurma, as he pointed out in awritten statement at RangoonAirport, "is aimed at further

consolidating and strengtheningthe traditional friendship be-tween our two peoples and thefriendly relations between ourtwo countries."

Vice-Premier Teng paid thevisit to China's good southernneighbour at the invitation ofPresident U Ne Win and PrimeMinister U Maung Maung Kha.When the special plane fromChina arrived at Rangoon, Vice-Premier Teng and his party werewelcomed at the airport by theBurmese President and PrimeMinister as well as other Bur-mese leaders. That evening,President U Ne Win gave abanquet in honour of the Chi-nese Vice-Premier.Prime Minister U MaungMaung Kha gave a grand ban-quet in honour of the Chinese

guests on the evening of Janu-ary 27. Prime Minister UMaung Maung Kha and Vice-Premier Teng spoke at the ban-quet. (See speech highlights inbox below.)'Next morning, Vice-PremierTeng and his party, accom-panied by Prime Minister UMaung Maung Kha and ForeignMinister U HIa Phone, visitedSandoway, 45 minutes awayfrom Rangoon by air. The latePremier Chou En-lai and lateVice-Premier Chen Yi had bothstayed in the famous seaside re-sort of Ngapali Beach nearSandoway on the coast of theBay of Bengal when they visit-ed Burma and had conversa-tions with President U Ne Winon the kith-and-kin friendshipbetween China and Burma.

On January 30, the eve of hisdeparture, Vice-Premier Tenggave a farewell banquet tothank the Burmese leaders fortheir hospitaiity accorded himduring his visit.Greetings to Comrade

. CeausescuJanuary 26 this year was the60th birthday of Comrade Nico-lae Ceausescu, General Secre-tary of the Romanian Commu-nist Party and President of theSocialist Republic of Romania.Chairman Hua Kuo.feng sentto him a message of greetingswhich said:"You are an outstandingstatesman of Your countrY. Overthe decades, you have dedicatedall your wisdom and energY tothe revolutionary cause of theRomanian proletariat. You

Vice-Premier Teng Hsioo-ping's visit is of speciol signiliconcefor the relotions between our two countries. - U Moung MoungIho It is an orticle of foith with us thot in internotionol rilotionsif only countries with similor or different politicol or sociol bock-grounds or beliefs, be they poor or rich, big or smoll, neor or remote,could live together in peoce, mutuol respect, ond considerotion, theirtrust in eoch other would deepen, ond they would be oble to co-operote for mutuol benefit, Our lwo countries hove been guided intheir relotions by the principles of peoceful coexistence, - U MoungMoung Kholn internotionol offoirs, the Burmese Government hos longpursued o policy of neutrolity ond non-olignment, developed friendlyrelotioris with third world countries ond opposed imperiolism ondhegemonism, thus winning odmirotion ond proise from the peopleof vorious countries,-feng Hsioo-ping

Mony Asion countries hove unequivocolly declored ogoinst theestoblishment of hegemdny by ony country in ony port of the world,ond this reflects the common desire of the people of oll fuion coun-tries. As for the disputes of this or thot kind omong some Asioncountries, we hove olwoys stood for seeking resolution by countriescgncerned through friendly consultotions on the bosis of the FivePrinciples of Peoceful Coexistence. -Teng Hsioo-ping

February 3, 1978


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have led the Romanian people incourageously upholding nation-'al independence and state sov-ereignty, resolutely fightingagainst imperialism and hege-monism and achieving tremen-dous successe! in the cause ofbuilding socialism. The Chinesepeople wish to express theirutmost admiration for the he-roism displayed by the frater-na1 Romanian people in defyingbrute force and daring tostruggle.

"The Romanian people arenow working hard and confi-dently to fulfil the tasks laiddown bf the llth Congress ofthe R.C.P. and its National Con-ference. I am certain that un-der the leadership of the R.C.P.headed by you, they willthrough unremitting effortsmake their socialist motherlandmore powerful and prosperous.

"Our two Parties, two coun-tries and two peoples have forg-ed a profound and militantfriendship in protracted revolu-tionary struggles. Ysu havemade imlrcrtant contributionsto the strengthening of thefraternal, friendly relations be-

'' tween us. The Chinese Com-munist Party and the Chinesepeople are resolved to carry outChairman Mao Tsetung's be-hests and strive for the furtherdevelopment of our friendship."I heartily wish you goodhealth and a long life and newand greater successes in leadingthe Romanian people in themagnificent cause of buildings


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llefence of ilational lndependencelnd Second tTorld Gountries

by So No, Chiu Li-pen ond Shen Yung-hsing

The lolloutittg Ls o translation o! the articlepublisheil in "Rqtmin Ribao" on Jonuarg 78entitled "The Justness of Secoad World Coun-tri.es' Defence of Notional lnd,epend,ence As SeenFrom Lenin's EtTtositionF on 'Defence o! theFatherlanil."' It toas written at the request o!read.ers after the Trublication on last Nooember 7oJ the papefs Eilitofial Departm,ent artiole onthe theory of the d,iffqentiation of the threeuorlds (see "PeHng Reoieu)," No. 45, 1977). Theouthors o! the article ore hbtorians of the In-stitute of World, History unil,er the ChineseAcademy ol Social Science. Srzbheods are ours.- Eit.f N the article "Chairman Mao's Theory of ther Differentiation of the Three Worlds Is a Ma-jor Contribution to Marxism-Leninism" by theEditorial Department of Renmin Ribao, it waspointed out that one task faeing the secondworld countries today, especially the developedcountries in Europe, is defence of their nationalindependence. This is entirely correct and fullyconforms with the Marxist-Leninist principle ofrevolutionary tactics. Here is a discussion ofour approach to this topic in the light of Lenin'sexpositions on "defence of the fatherland."' Lenin's expositions boil down to two poirtts:One. World War I which broke out in 1914 was-an imperialist war and the belligerents on bothsides were reactionary; thus the task of the pro-letariat of the cpuntries concerned was to opposeItebrudry 3, 1978

this reactionary war and turn the imperialistwar into revolutionary civil wars. Two. But thisdid not mean that it was impossible for a na-tional war to take place in Europe in the con-ditions obtaining at the time. On the contrary,not only were the wars waged by the weak andsmall nations against aggression and oppressionjust, even war waged by an imperialist country,when it itself was an object of aggression, couldalso become, under certain conditions, a justwar in defence of national independence.lmperiolist Wqrs ond Toctics ofThe ProletoriqtIn 1914, when World War I broke out,tenin, basing himself on the Marxist axiom thatwar is the continuation of politics, comprehen-sively analysed the cairse of 'the war, showedwith penetrating insight the rapacious and reac-tionary nature of this imperialist war and calledon the proletariat of the countries concerned tooppose it resolutely. He put forth the conect

taetic of "converting the imperialist war intocivil waf' a.nd causing "the defeat of one's 'own'government in the imperialist war." (Socialisrnand War.) Lenin sternly repudiated the oppor-tunist leaders of the Second International whenthey openly raised the slogan "defence of thefatherland" to dbcrive the working class andother labouring people in the countries concern-ed while doing their utmost to speak in defenceof this imperialist war. Denouncing this act of


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betrayal, Lenin pointed out: "To embellish im-perialist war by applying to it the concept of'defence of the fatherland,' i.e., by presenting itas a democratic war, is to deceive the workersand side with the reactionary bourgeoisie." (4Caricature of Marrism and Imperiali.st Econo-mism.)Lenin denounced the Second Internationalrenegades for their despicable attempt to white-wash their acts of betrayal by wilfully distort-ing, with no regard for the time or the specifichistorical conditions, the examples of Marx'sand Engels' tactics, namely, their energetic sup-port for the bourgeois democratic revolution andnational wars in Europe in the period of laisser-faire capitalism, and their call in 1891 on theGerman working class to defend the fatherland.It is true that Marx and Engels had warmlypraised and actively supported the 1848 demo-cratic revolution in Eurdpe, that they had calledon the working class of various countries tothrow themseLves into the struggle against thereactionary autocratic monarchy in Europe.ftrey had also supported and extolled the na-tional war of 1859 led by Garibaldi in Italyagainst Austria as well as the 1863 Polish peo-ple's national uprising against tsarist Russia,and called on the working class of various

countries to lend its support to this just na-tional war and uprising. In 1891 when tsaristRussia threatened Germany with war, Engelsissued the call to the German working class tcisafeguard its already gained democratic positionby getting ready to "defend the fatherland"with a national war against a possible war ofaggression and annexation launched by tsaristRussia.

Lenin resolutely defended these correctexamples of Marx's and Engels' tactics. Hepointed out that in 1891, Germany, which hadnot yet become an imperialist country, was thecentre of the workers' movement in Europe, thecountry where the proletarian forces were mostpowerful; whereas tsarist Russia, which wasthreatening Germany with war, was the mainenemy of the democratic and progressive forcesin Europe. This was why Engels' call to theworking class of Germany to defend the father-land in the event of a war of aggression by6

tsarist Russia was made in defence ofthe basic interest of the proletariat and,therefore, entirely correct. However, as Leninpointed out, "To identify, even to compare theinternational situations of 1891 and 1914, is aheight of unhistoricalness." (To lnessa Armanil.)This is because the world war that broke out in1914 was a war between two imperialist blocsin the era of imperialism and both sides wantedto redivide colonies and enslave other nations;hence, it was a predatory war between plun-derers scrambling for spoils. It got the ring-leaders of the Second Internationd nowhere tocite the example of 1891 as an apology for theiropportunist slogan "defence of the fatherland"in the 1914 imperialist war.

Lenin denounced the social-chauvinists ofthe Second International for always trying tomake Belgium a case in point to jnstify thestand of the Belgian Socialists and, by exten-sion, their own, for Belgium, they said, was aneutral state under German attack. But Bel-gium, Lenin pointed out, went into the war alsoto preserve its colonial rule and exploitation; aneutral country in form, it actually belonged tothe bloc of the Allied Powers of Britain, Franceand Russia. Besides, in Belgium, as in the otheradvanced European countries, there existed asituation of proletarian revolution. So the cor-rect tactic for the Belgian Socialists to adoptwas not the "defence of the fatherland" but thepreparation and launching of a proletarian rev-olution to oppose and stop this imperialist war.Lenin pointed out: "In the imperialist waxof 1914-17, between ftoo imperialist coalitions,we must be against 'defence of the fatherland,'since (1) imperialism is the eve of socialism,

(2) imperialist war is a war of thieves over theirbooty, (3) in both coalitions there Ls an ailuanced.proletariat, (4) in both a socialist revolution isfipe. Onlg for these reasons are we against 'de-fence of the fatherland,' only for these rasons!"(ibid.)These scientific analyses by Lenin defendedand developed the Marxist principle of tactics,illustrated the pro).etariat's attitude and tacticsin regard to war in the era of imperialism, whennew chariges had taken place in the interna-tional political forces and the oonditions for so-

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cialist revolution were ripe. Ttrey thus repu-diated the fallacies of the social-chauvinists ofthat time and drew a elear line of demarcationbetween Marxism-Leninism and revisionism ofthe Second International.Notionq! Wors Still Possible in Europeln the Ero of lmperiolismWhile bringing to light as the main tend-ency the attempts of the social-chauvinists ofthe Second International to justify their treach-erous activities on the plea of "defence of thefatherland," Lenin sternly criticized the "Left"opportunist views propounded by those withinthe Party suctr as G.L. Pyatakov and N.I. Buk-harin as well as certain muddled ideas found

within the ranks of the revolutionaries. At thattime, Pyatakov, Bukharin and their like wantedto "go somewhat more to the Left" on the ques-tion of defence of the fatherland. They went allout to interfere with Lenin's correct line in re-gard to wars in the era of imperialism and thetactics of proletarian struggle. Ttrey eitherdenied the possibility of a national war in theera of imperialisrn, maintaining that under noeircumstances should the proletariat raise theslogan "defence of the fatherland," and evendismissing the examples of Marx's and Engels'tactics as "worthless," or viewed imperialist waras soinething immutable, something which can-not be transformed, and thus wrongly adopteda rigid, mechanical approach towards Lenin'sproletarian tactics in struggle.

Lenin maintained that an era is the sumtotal of multifarious phenomena, both typicaland atypical, big and small, including thephenomena and wars occurring in both advancedand backward countriesImperialist war is a typical but not the onlyphenomenon in the epoch of imperialism. Inthis epoch, wars of national liberation fought bycolonies or semi-colonies are inevitable; what ismore, democratic or revolutionary national wars, are still possible in Europe. Lenin said: *Ihis'epoch'. . . . by no means precludes nationalwars on the part of, say, small (annexed or na-tionally-oppressed) countries against the impe-rialist powers. . . ." (The Junius Pamphlet.l

February 3, 1978

Lenin also believed that under given conditions,even a highly industrialized country may fight anational war against annexation by an imperial-ist power, because "the characteristic feature ofimperialism is precisely that it strives to annexnot only agrarian territories, but even mosthighty industrialized-rigions." (lmperialism, theHighesb Stage of Capitati,sm,.) T'herefore, hestated in the strongest terms: "![e are not at allagainst 'defence of the fatherland' in general,not against 'defensive wars' irz general. You willneoer find. that nonsense in a single resolution(or in any of my articles). Vlre are against de-fence of the fatherland and a defensive positionin the imperialist utar of 1914-16. . . . But in theimperialist epoch therc maE be also 'just,' 'de-fensive,' revolutionary wars (namely (1) na-tional, (2) civil, (3) socialist and such like." (ToG.Y. Zinot:ieu.)

Lenin also showed the possibility of an im-perialist war being" transformed into a nationalwar under certain conditions, in the light of thelaw of the unity of opposites. He wrote in TheJuni,us Pamphlet: "That all dividing lines, bothin nat'ure anil soeiety, are conventional and dy-namic, and that euery phenomenon might, undercertain conditions, be transformed into its op-posite, is, of course, a basic proposition of Marx-ist dialectics. A national wat might be trans-formed into an imperialist war and. oice versa."

In World War I, for instance, while pointingout that Belgium went into the war with thesame imperialist aims and, therefore, showedits own imperialist rapacity, Lenin envisaged thepossibility of transformation if German impe-rialism had occupied and annexed Belgium inthat war and the Belgian people had riien in anational uprising to free themselves from Ger-man imperialist enslavement. In such a ease, asfar as Belgium was concerned, the imperialistwar would have become a national war, and itwould have been justifiable and correct for theBelgian Socialists to issue the call to "defendthe fatherland." In such circumstances, the inter-national proletariat should not refuse to supportthe uprising on the plea-that the Belgian bour-geoisie possesses "the right to oppress foreignpeoples." It must see the actual social contentof the uprising as a struggle of an oppressed na-tion for liberation from the oppressor nation and


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lend support to it. "Ihere is nothing Marxist"in any other stand the international proletariqtmight have taken. (Lenin: The Discussion onSelf-Determi.nati"on Surmned, Up.) Lenin alsomade another assumption: If Britain, trYanceand other countries had declared war on Ger-many not for imperialist aims but for safdguard-ing Belgian neutrality in observance of the in-ternational treaty, then the Socialists wouldhave been justified in siding with Belgium. Ashe pointed out in The Nascent Trend of lmpe-rialist Econonlism, "T[e would be for the defenceof Belgium (even bgr uarl il this concrete watwere different."?his was not all. Precisely in 1916 duringWorld War I, Lenin, in keeping with historicaldialectics and the law of uneven development of

capitalism, took into full account the tortuous-ness and complexity of the historical course oftransition from the capitalist system to socialismon a worldwide scale, and predicted the posSibleoutbreak of a great national war in Europe inthe era of imperialism. He said: "If the Euro-pean proletariat remains impotent, say, fortwenty years; iJ the present war end,s in vic-tories like Napoleon's and in the subjugationof a number of viable national states; if thetransition to socialism of non-European impe-rialism (primarily Japanese and American) isalso held up for twenty years by a war betweenthese two countries, for example, then a greatnational war in Europe would be possible."(The Junius Pamphlet.) In his opinion, thoughsuch a thing sounded incredible at that time, ifthis tortuousness in history was not taken intodue consideration, "it is r.dialectical, unscien-tific and theoretically wrong." (ibid.)The afore-mentioned teachings of Lenin's

tell us many things. First, while opposing theoppordunists' advocacy of defence of the father-land in an imperialist war, Marxists shouldnever hold that in the era of imperialism onecan indiscriminately negate national wars anddeny the justification of defence of the father-land by the proletariat under certain conditions.On the contrary, "it is preeisely in the 'era ofimperialism,' which is the era of nascent socialrevolution, that the proletariat will today give8

espeeially vigorous support to any revolt of theannexed regions so that tomorrow, or simulta-neously, it may attack the bourgeoisie of the'great' power that is weakened by the revoltJ'(Lenin: The Discussinn on Self-Dqter-m"inationSummed Up.) Second, while criticizing theopportunists for distorting the examples ofMarx's and Engels'tactics, Marxists must in noway consider these examples worthless in theera of imperialism. On the contrary, the prole-tariat, instead of throwing overboard theseexamples of tactics, must draw useful and mostprecious lessons from a concrete analysis. "Re-jecting any examples oI Mat*s tasticJ' ',wouldmean professing Marxism while abandoning itin practice." (ibid.) Third, the proletariatshould by no means stick to a hard and fastformula in regard to whether it should supportwars breaking out in the era of imperielism sn6whether it should recognize the defence of thefatherland as justified, but should make a con-crete analysis of each war, because "wars are asupremely varied, diverse, complex thing. Onecannot approach them with a general pattern.',(Lenin: To Inessa Armand,.)

During lVorld War II, Stalin, basing himselfon these principles of Lenin's, made a concreteanalysis of the war and concluded that it wasnot a typical imperialist war like,World War I,nor was it immutable and inconvertible. BeforeWorld War II broke out on the European con-tinent, there were Japanese imperialist aggtes-sion against China, Italian imperialist aggressionagainst Ethiopia (Abyssinia) and the Germanand Italian fascist war of aggression against theSpanish Republic. As far as the victims ofaggression were concerned, the wars to defendtheir fatherland and resist Japanese, Germanand Italian fascist aggression were, from startto fi4ish, just wars for national liberation. Whenthe whole of Europe became engulfed in thewar, especially after the attack on the SovietUnion by Hitlerite Germany, World War II be-came a war completely anti-faseist in nature,because the working class and patriotic forcesin the countries subject to aggression took anactive part in the anti-fascist war to defendtheir national independence. Stalin said: "TheSecond \ilorld War against the Axis powers, un-like the First World War, assurned from thevery outset the character of an anti-fascist war,

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a war of liberation, one of the tasks of whichwas to restore democratlc liberties." (SpeechDelh;,ered ot an Electi,on Meeting ln the StatinElection District, Moscow, February 9, 1946.) Itis evident that during World War II the slogan"defence of the fatherland" was correct forcountries fighting against fascism. It is for ttirisneason that the Soviet Union formed an anti-fascist alliance with the United States, Britainand France in a ':ommon effort to defeat the.German, Italian and Japanese fascists in theirwar of aggression to enslave the people of thewhole world. Ttre tactics and policies adoptedby Stalin were undoubtedly in conformity withMarxist-Leninist principles on tactics.Be Well Prepored Agoinst WorOf Aggression

The foregoing analyses show the basieMarxist-Leninist position and approach to thequestion of wars between nations or countries:we should discern the nature of a war byexamining what politics the war has continued;we should analyse the historical role of eachwar by examining it in the context of the par-ticular conditions of the time; we should decideour attitude towards the war in a cpnerete wayby proceeding from the general situation in thewhole world and the intsests of the proletariatas a whole and basing bnrselves on such faetorsas the balance of class forces, whether the con-ditions for revolution are ripe or notand the prospects of the war andproletarian revolution. Generallyspeaking, the proletariat must sup-port the colonies and semi-coloniesin their national wars against im-perialism; it must oppose imperialistwars both sides of which are fight-ing over division of spoils and loot;it must aid and support nationalwars waged by developed oi un-developed countries against annexa-tion and enslavement by imperialistpowers; it must resolutely supportthe socialist countries' wars againstimperialist and social-imperialist ag'-gression and subversion in order todefend the fruits of victory of social-ism. Of course, there are many kindsof wars, and they are extreme-ly'complicated. In dealing with aFebruarg 3,7978

,war, Marxist-Leninists must never proceed frorn'general principles and draw. conclusions accord-ingly, but should make a concrete analysis of a.specific war and, in the light of the developmentAnd changes of the war, work out the correcttactics to follow.Today, the world is still in the era gf im-

perialism and proletarian revolution as Lenin ob-served. But great changes have taken place lnthe balance of the world's political forces and theinternational situation today as compared withthe period of World War I and the 1950s and1960s after World War II. The national-libera-tion movements are surging forward while thecolonial system disintegrates. As a result of theuneven development of imperialism, the im-perialist camp headed by the United States hasbroken up. The Soviet Union, the world's firstsocialist state, has degenerated into social-imperialism after the usurpation of the supremeleadership of the Party and state by theKhrushchov-Brezhnev clique and the socialistcamp is now no longer in existence. By dint oftheir enormously inflated economic and militarystrength, the Soviet Unlon and the United States-have become superpowers lording it over all theother countries. The developed capitilist coun-tries of Europe have been relegated to a posi-tion of secondary importance. The vast up-heavals and great divisions of the 1960s led tothe formation of three worlds which are inter-

High above the-.4tlanttc, a Brltish Royal Navy Phantomintercepts rijSoviet Bear reoonnaissance plane.,


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In Japan, people of Nemuro city meet at the seaslde to demand re-turn of their four uorthern islands now under'Soviet occupation.connected and mutually contradictory. Some de-veloped countries in the second world, thoughstill oppressing and exploiting the third worldcountries, are, in varying degrees, being con-.trolled, threatened and bullied by one or theother of the two superpowers. Some EastEuropean countries have lived under the heelof Sovigt social-imperialism, which occupiestheir land, tramples on their sovereign rights,and robs them of their resources; in reality,,they have become Moscow's dependencies. Forthese countries, the primary immediate task atpresent i:s undoubtedly to fight for and defendnational independence and free themselves fromthe clutches of Soviet social-imperialism. In thecase of the West European countries, they needto free themselves from the grip of the UnitedStates and fight for "equal partnership"; at the' same ti.rne, they face the grave menace of anaggressive and expansionist Soviet Union. To-day, what bothers them is no longer the prob-lem of. redividing the world with the two super-powers but how to safeguard their own inde-pendence and security. The same i;s more orless true of Canada, Japan,. Australia, NewZealand and some other countries.

As everybody can see, the Soviet Union andthe United States are locked in a fierce strugglefor world domination and the focus of their con-tention is Europe. As Soviet-U.S. rivalry con-10

tinues, a war is bound to breakout some day. In fact, both aremaking active preparations fora new world waf. If the warbreaks out, Europe is certain tobear the brunt of the attack.Obviously, the new world wartouched off by the fierce conten-tion between the two super-powers will take on some newfeatures different from those ofWorld War I and World War II.Ttris world war, when it is be-tween Soviet social-imperialismand the second world countries,will be a war between the ag-gressor and those fightingagainst aggression, between theannexationist and those againstannexation.At present, Soviet social-imperialism whichis on the offensive in its contention with theUnited States is making extensive war deploy-ment in Europe. It keeps augmenting itsmilitary strength in Central Europe and isstepping up its pincers drive against WesternEurope from the northern and southern flanks.The independence and security of the WestEuropean countries are now being seriouslythreatened. If a new war breaks out, they will

inevitably become the first object of Soviet at-tack. If ,one looks at the way the Soviet Uuionpushes around and oppresses its East European"allies," it is not diffiqult to imagine whatthings will be like once it has extended its ag-gression to the West European eountries. There-fore, these countries will in fact be brought faceto face with the serious problem of defendingtheir national independence. The outlook isquite clear. If Soviet social=imperialism im-posqs a war of aggression on the developedcountries in Europe, won't the situation belike what Lenin foresaw in 1916? Isn't it pos-sible that many European nation-states of greatvitality will get into the clutches of the new tsarsin the Kremlin and be subjected to enslavement?Owing to, among other things, the spread of re-visionist ideas and the split within the working.class itself, the proletariat in the developed Eu-ropean countries for the time being does not infact have a revolutionary situation in which itcan effect a direct seizure of political power. In

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these circumstances, is it not entirely conceiva-ble and inevitable that a great national war asenvisaged by Lenin will take place in Europe, awar that is progressive in nature? Don,t theexamples of Engels' tactics appiied iir f8gf stilthave a great immediate significance today?Hence, it is absolutely necessary and cor-

rect for the people of the second world coun-tries, faced as they are today with the threat ofbullying, oppression and aggression by Sovietsocial-imperialism, to expose thoroughly theKremlin's war machinations, oppose appease-

ment and be well prepared ?gainst a war of ag-gression. Should the war break out, the prole-tarians of these countries should come to theforefront of a national war, and fight for thepurvival and independence of their nations. Thisis completely in accord with .the aforesaidMarxist principle of tactics advanced by Marxand Engels and developed by Lenin, Stalin andChairman Mao. It is also in conformity withthe fundamental inteiests of the pqople of boththe seeond world countries and the world as awhole.

Chairman Mao for the first time broached thequestion of Chlna's path to industrializationwhen he said: "In discussing our path to ia-dustrialization, we are here concerned prin-cipally with the relationship between the growthof heavy industry, light industry and agricul-ture. It must be affirmed that heavy industryis the core of China's economic construction.At the same time, full attention must be paidto the development of agriculture and lightindustry."Sinee heavy industry, light industry andagriculture are the basic branches of the na-tional economy, their proportional relationship,balance and speed of growth'determine whetherthe national economy can be developed in aplanned and proportionate way and at highspeed and whether it can achieve a comprehen-sive balance.

11

Chino's Indust riolizotion:How to Achieve It- f.lotes on studying Volume Y of the "selected\#orks of Moo Tsetung"

by Su HsingN\

flVen the past 28 years since the birth of New\J China in 1949, big advances have beenmade in building an independent and compre-hensive industrial system. How is China build-ing her industry? Is it true that "China's path toindustrialization is yet to be found" as claimedby the "gang of four"?Chino's Poth to lndustriolizotion

Volume V of the Selected Worlcs of MaoTsetung contains many new relevant con-cepts and propositions. Not only have theysystemgtically dealt with China's path to in-dustrialization, they have also enriehed theMarxlst-Leninist political economy and thetheory concerning socialist construction.In his report On the'Conect Handti,itg o!Contrailietions Among the People made in 195?,February 3,7978


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In dissecting the process of reproduction incapitalist society, Marx divided social produc-tion into two major departments, namely, theproduction of the means of production and thatof consumer goods, made an analysis of the pro-portional relationship between them, andadvanced a serles of basic theories concerningreproduction which, as he foresaw it, wouldapply to socialist society as well. He and Leninalso attached great importance to the relation-ship between industry and agriculture undersocialism. In their Monijesto of the CommunlstPorty, Marx and Engels made the intcgration ofindustry and agriculture an important measuretor transforming the old mode of production inits totality. Shortly after the Great OctoberSocialist Revolution in Bussia, Lenin called forrestoring industry and agrioulture on the basisof the latest scientific achievements, that is,on the basis of electrification. But owing totiiriitations inseparable from the historical con-ditions of the time, none of them during theirlifetime had time to give a general summing-upof the relationship between heavy industpy onthe one hand and agriculture and light industryon the other in the eourse of socialist construc-tion.

Carrying out Lenin's behests, Stalin led theSoviet people in bringing about socialist in-dustrialization and rnade .tremendous contribu-tions. At that time it was correct for the SovietUnion to lay down the principle of givingpriority to the development of heavy industry in12

handling the relationship betweenheavy industry, light industry andagriculture. But they erred in. overemphasizing heavy industryto the neglect of agriculture andlight industry. Compared wittr1913, according to statistics, theSoviet Union's total industrialoutput value in 1958 rose 21-fold,of which heavy industry increased46.5-fold and light industry 8.8-fold. During the same periodagriculture, however, showed amere 46 per cent increase in itstotal output value. This resultedin a shortage of goods on the, market and an unstable currencyand hobbled the growth of heavy indnstry.In view of the detours made by the SovietUnion, Chairman Mao exhorted us to drdw therelevant lessons and pointed out that t'the waywe handle the'relationship between agdcultureand light industry on the one hand and heavyindustry on the other" "is different from theirs,"(Speech at the Seconfi, Plenar7 Sessioz of theEighth Central Committee of the CommunistPorty of Chino,1968.)In his On the Ten Maior Re:l,atianships andother works, Chairman Mao analysed in acomprehensive way the relationship be-tween heavy industry, Iight industry andagriculture, formulated the general policyof taking agriculture as the foundation and in-,dustry as the leading factor for the developmentof the national economy, and called for draw-ing up the national economic plan in this orderof priority - agriculture, tight industry andheavy industry. He pointed out: "The emphasisin our country's construction is on heavy in-dustry. The production of the means of produc-tion must be given priority, that's settled. Butit definitely does not follow that the productionof the means of subsistence, especially grain, canbe neglected. Without enough food and otherdaily necessities, it would be impossible to pro-vide for the workers in the first place, and thenwhat sense would it make to talk aboul develop-ing heavy industry? Therefore, the relationshipbettveen heavy industry on the one hand andlight industry and agriculture on the other mustbe properly handled." (On the Ten Major Rela-

Tapplng molten lron from a blast furnaoe in Peking'sShoutu Iron and Steel Compony.

Peking Reuieu, No. 5 -


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tionships, 1956.) What has been done andachieved over the years proves that China's pathto industrialization as pointed out by ChairmanMao is entirely correct.Agriculturc os the Foundotion

During the period of the War of ResistanceAgainst .Japan, Chairman Mao dealt with thequestion of reforming the land system andIiberating the productive forces in agriculture,qaying: "It is the peasants who are the sourceof China's indEstrial workdrs." "It is the peas-ants who eonstitute the main market for China'sindustry." (On Coaliti.om Gouerwm,ent, 1945)In 1955, on the eve of the socialist upsurge inChina's countryside, he criticized Liu Shao-chi'sRight opportunist line of dissociating and isolat-ing the socialist transformation of agriculturefrom socialist industrialization and expoundedthe relationship between agriculture and in-dustry. IIe emphasized that to realize the so.cialist lrr6rrsa'ialization . of the country it isnecessary to build up a large-scale socialistagriculture.Chairman Mao in 1958 dealt wlth terr majorrelationahipe in sodalist revolution and con-structlon, the llrst betng the relationshlp be-

Irrotorr lor lhc rur.l lrGar.

tween heavy indwtry on the one hand and lightindustry and agriculture on the other. Thefollowing year when he spoke at a conferenceof secrdtaries of provincial, municipal and auton-omous region Party committees, he issued thecall: "The whole Party should attach great im-portanso to agriculture" and analysed the rela-tionship of agrieulture to the national economyand the people's livelihood'in six aspects. Hepointed out:(1) Agriculture is vital to a rural popula-tion of 500 miliion for the supply of grain, meat,edible oils and other agricultural products foidaily use consumed at source.(2) Agriculture is vital for the supply offood to the population in urban, industrial andmining areas.(3) Agriculture is the chief source of rawmaterials for light industry, for which the coun-tryside provides an important market.(4) The countryside is also an importantmarket for heavy industry,(5) Agricultural products make up thebulk of our,exports at present.. (8) Agrlculture is an lmportant souree olaccumulation,.. ,From the above slx points Chalrmsn Meodrew the concluslon: "Tlle may lay that ln arenre agrlculture lr ltrcll lnduatry." (TalJca ata Conference of Secretarlee of Prorslnclal, Munlc-lp,l and, Autonomoue Reglon Party Commltteee,1967,) Si4ce agrlculture and lndustry are Boclosely related, we cannot pay attention to ac-cumulation f6r industry alone tf we are to doa good job of lndustrlallzaUon. Instead, wetnust enable agriculture to accumulate more foritself so that it will expand reproduction andprovlde tndustry with a larger market, therebyaccumulating more funds for the state. Mean-while, industrial departments should gear thelrwork to the needs in the rural areas and givepowerful support to agriculture. This seems tobe in the interest of agriculture, but in fact it isin the inter"est of industry too.

Experience gained in China's socialist con-struction has time and again shown that with-out a stable agriculture whieh provides a solidfoundation, industry cannot grow fast. 'When-13


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More sewlnS machlnes for the merket.ever there is a rich harvest in agriculture, thefollowing year sees a rapid growth of light in-du.stry and of industry as a whole includingheavy industry. Ttre result is just the oppositeif agriculture fails. This has come to stay as aIaw.

lndurtry os the leoding FoctorBy stressing agriculture and light indrstry,we do not mean in the least that hdavy industryshould be weakened. Chairman Mao said:"Talking about the relationship between agri-culturo and industry; we should of course con-centrate on heavy industry and give priority ioits development; this is a principle ab.out whichthere can be no question or wavering. But withthis pre-condition, we must develop industryand agriculture simultaneously and build up amodern industry and modern agriculture stepby step." (Be Actiaists i,n Promoting the Reuolu-ti.on, 1957.)Taking agriculture as the foundation andtaking industry as the leading factor are inse-parable and they complement each other. The

lattdr mainly manifests itself in heavy industry'sleading role to agriculture and the national econ-omy as a whole and the part it plays in trans-forming them. Heavy industry is the producerof the means of production. Only when it isdeveloped can, in the technical field, machinery.be used in all possible branches and places, canadvanced technology be applied to agriculture,light industry and heavy industry itself, and canthe economic features of socialist China be com-pletely changed, so that labour productivity will14

n :{

go up several, a dozen or evenseveral dozen times.The fundamental way.out foragrieulturo lies in mechanization.Farm mechanization is out of thequestion in the absence of welldeveloped iron and steel, petro-leum, coal, power, cherrical andmachine-building industries. Froma study of the developmertt of in-dustrial and agricultural produc-tion, past and present, in someforeign countries we can see clearlythat any country with a com-paratively high labour productivityin agriculture must have an equallyhigh level in the development of its basic in-

dustries and in its farm mechanization- Thereis not a single case showing a country beingquite advanced in agriculture but very back-ward in its basic industries. In China, thoseprovinces, prefectures and counties whieh havedistinguished themselves in farm productionhave, as a rule, done a good job i1 6akin8l in-dustry support agriculture. Here those branchesof the industry geared to back up agriculturechiefly belong to heavy industry.Chairman Mao said in 1957: 'at is not yet

so clearly understood that agriculture providesheavy industry with an important market frisfact, however, will be more readily appreciatedas gradual progress in the technical trarisfotma-tion and modernization of agriculture calls formore and more machinery, fertilizer, water con-servancy and electric power projects and trans-port facilities for the farms, as well as fuel andbuilding materials for the rural consumers."(On the Cor'rect Hond,lin4 of .ContradictionsAmong the People.)

I{hen we restudy this passage today aftera lapse of 20 years, we can see how farsightedChairman Mao was. The further agriculturemoves towards modernization, tbe closer its tieswith heavy industry become and the morepronounced heavy industry's leading role is.The available amounts of eleetricity, gasolene,diesel oil and chemical fertilizer have a directbearing on the output of agricultural products.And we cannot build big reservoirs without

Peki,ng Reoieu, No. 5


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cement, nor can we nurse seedlings we,Il with-out plastic sheets. These facts are as plain asa pikestaff.. Order of Plonning - Agricutture, lightlndustry ond Heo"y lndustryIn working out the national economic plan,we must proceed in the order of agriculture,Iight industry and heavy industry. In otherwords, the state ellsssfqs funds, materials andlabour force first to agriculture and then to lightindustry. And on the basis of agricultural andlight industrial production, plans are drawn upwith regard to the scale and speed of growthof heavy industry. Where heavy industrial pro-duction is concerned, it is necessary, first andforemost, to make proper arrangements for theproduction of maehinery, chemical fertilizers,

pesticides, building materials, fuel, power,transport facilities and other meanS of proiluc-tion which are related to agriculture.As the foundation of the national economy,agriculture, if properly planned, will guaranteethe development of both light and heavy in-dustries. China develops its farm productionmainly by carrying out the mass movement tolearn from Tachai in agriculture and by relyingon the collective economy to self-reliantly carryout large-scale farmland capital construction

and conduct scientific experiments. At thesame time, the state also takes it upon itself togive every possible assistance to agriculture.And in order to mechanize farming, it becomesa1l the more necessary for industry to keepincreasing its support to agriculture.Under present conditions in China, the statecannot provide huge amounts of funds andmaterial resources for agricultural development.So if we fail to put the emphasis on agriculture,or worse, brush it aside in distributing funds,

materia]s and labour force, then the rate of agri=cultural gfowth will be slowed down. This willbring about a corresponding ilI effect on in-dustrial development which, though not neces-sarily apparent in the current year, will becomeconspicuous in the next year or in the yearsthat follow.Light industrial products mainly go to themarket. And as production develops and thepople's purchasing power increases, there is a

February 3,7978

greater demand for them both quantitativelyand qualitatively. An insufficient supply ofconsumer goods on the market will directlyaffect the livelihoqd of the workers, staff mem-bers arid peasants, the stability of the currencyand the accurrlulation for heavy industry. Sincethe rural areas constitute the principal .marketin the country, the peasants are the first todemand more consumer goods. If the peasantssell their grain but cannot get the industrialproducts they need, the worker-peasant alliancewill be adversely affected. That is why Chair-man Mao gave second.place to light industry.This makes it possible for us to avoid deprivinglight industry of its due funds and materialsjust because the stress is laid on heavy industry,and to ensure that light in{ustry will developin a proportionate way.By making plans for agriculture, then lightindustry and fina{y heavy industry in thatorder, does it mean that the last is not primary?No. Heavy industry nemains primary and isstressed in terms of the propbrtion of funds andmaterials allocated to it. Speaking of theeight requirements for bringing about greatorder across the country in his polifical report"to the llth National Congress of the CommunistParty of China (see our issue No. 35, 197?),Chairman Hua pointed out: "In the field of in-dustry, we should make a succes of light in-dustry and at the same timg try hard to speedup the development of the basfc industries byconcentrating our forces on several all-out cam-paigns, so as to create the conditions for furtherexpansion during the Sixth Five-Year Plan."To concentrate our forces on several aU-outcampaigns and work in a planned way to buildand expand a number of industrial bases forturning out power, fuel and raw and semi-finish-ed materials and a number of key communica-tions and transport projects, we must have ample

funds and materials. T'his'necessitates placingthe emphasis on heavy industry. But also, inthese circumstances, it is all the more impera-tive for us to attach importance to agricultureand light industry whose proper handling be-fore everything else will not slow do-wn thedevelopment of heavy industry but will accel-erate it in the long run. And from an overallpoint of view, it will do much to help achievean overall balance in the national ecoRomy.15


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Educotion

Criticizing the "Two Estimates"lllllllllllllllllllllIllllllllllllluttlllililll!illlllilll!tlilll!tiltll!tillliluililtlllilllillllltr

ln issue No. 57, 7977 rpe published theofiicle "A Great Debate on the EducationalFront" reptitiatmq the "tuto estirnates', cookedup bA the "gang of four.', One of the gang's"esti:tnttes" u>as that, in the ll years betweenthe founiling of New Chinain 1949 and the startof the Great Cultural Reuolutiari in 7g66, Chai,r-man M&o's yroletarion line ur, education ,,utsstn the maim not imyileriented', an(l',the bour-geoine etercised its .ilictatorship ooer the pro-letari,at" on the educotiorcol front. The otfierwas that the majority of the teachers and otthe studente trained, i,n those 17 years were"basicallg bourgeois in thei,r warld outlook,"that theg were "bourgeols intel,leetual,s" onilbelon4ed to the "stinklng nl,nth cotegoty" ot'claee enemtea,ln the eurrent ,rnouement to ctttlclzethe garlg, people ln the eilucotlonal anilother ftel,cl,c lm,uarloue pafta of the countrg hooehelil .meetlnga or urltten artl,el,ee, cltlng factetrorn thelr own eaperlenee to crltlehe the ,,lwoeetlmatec,"

Followl,ng are atcetptd,from come of thelrartlcl,es onil epeeches. - Ed.

Historical Facts BrookNo Distortion

t"'13,.?1,1x':io';J*"1o"

* nf N the first 1? years after liberation, educa-I tion in our country developed amidst thestruggle between the two lines and ChairmanMao's proletarian revolutionary line alwaysheld the dominant position. There are ampleproofs of this.16

On May 1, 1950, Chairman Mao wrote thefollowing inspription for the first issue of thejburnal Renrni.n Jiaoyu (Peop1e's Fducation):"Restoring and developing the people's educa-tion is one oI the important tasks at present."Under the guidance of this instruction, educa-tion in China developed by leaps and bounds.The number of students in primary schools,secondary schools and colleges increased from24 million, 1.26 million and 117,000 in 1949, theyear New China was founded, to 51 million, 3.1million and 191,000 respectively in 1952. Andthe number of school-age children attendingprimary 'schools increased from 25 to 49.2 percent.In his Preface II written on December 2?,1955 to the book Soclal,let upsurge ln Chltu'aCountrycld,e, Chalrmen Mao pointed out: "IEccale and tempo Chlna's lnduetrlallzatlin aad

the developmont of ltc sclcnce, cultuq educa-tlon, health work, otc. GBn no longer procbedexactly ln the way prevlourly ehvkaled, butmurt be approprlately expanded and acceler-atsd." Actlng on this lnstruction, we broughtaborrt another tremendous sdvanee ln educationin 1956.In the following year, however, Liu Shao-chi came up with a Right deviationist potcydesigned to curtail educational undertakingr.On March 7 that sem yeer, Chairman Mao

instructed that the junior middle schools ehouldenrol a great'er number of stud'ents and he at-finmed that it was a good method and en ad-vanced experience for primary schools to openclasses teaching first-year junior middle schoolcourses. He also said that it was neeessary todevelop such schools and increase the funds foreducation. As a result, more money was allo.cated for secondary school education in 1957.The number of students in primary schools,secondary schools and colleges in 1957 rose to 64

Peking Rersieto, No, 5


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million, 7 million and 440,000 respectively,while 61.? per cent of the school-aBe childrenwere in primary schools..In 1958, a big leap forward took place inthe field of education as was the case with aIIother fields of endeavour. The number of

students in primary schools, secondary schoolsand colleges increased again by big margins.Owing to serious natural disasters in the threesubsequent years and interference from LiuShao-chi's revisionist line, the development iheducation slowed down and it was not untilafter 1964 that it started to make steady ad-vancs again. By 1965, the number of studentsin primary schools, secondary schools andcolleges had jumped to 116 million, 14,418,000and 674,000 respectively and 84.? per cent of.the school-agers were in primary schools.Compared with 194g, enrolment in primalyschools, secondary schools and colleges in 1g6b,the year preceding the start of the Great Cul-tural Re*olution, increased 4.?-, 11.4- and E.?-fold respectively.the number of college graduates in the first1? postJiberation years was 1,555,000 or 838,6per eent of the figure of 185,000, the totalnumber of college graduates in the 20 pre-llberatlon years from 1928 to 1947, In thesame l?-year pdrlod, a total .ot 10,2.64 mllllon

illiteratee were taught to read:end wrlte.Before llberatlon, the proportlon ol Btudenttof worker or peasent origin ln the secundaryschools and colleges was negliglble. , By 1905,however, statistics showed that such atudentshad accounted for ?7.9 and 04.6 per'cent re-spectivbly of the total enrolment in secondaryschools and colleges.?he two-line struggle in education alsofound expression in the educational poliey. In-terference from Liu Shao-chl's revlgionist lineonce gave rise to the tendency that in ourschools education was divorcd tn varylng de-grees from rqalities and productive labour andpolitics was neglected. To comct this tendeney,Chai.rman Mao in 1956 put forward the prin-ciple of part-work and part-study. In 195?and 1958 he put forward our educational policythat it "must enable everyone who receivgs aneducation to develop morally; intellectually and

February 3,1978

physic.atly and bectime a worker with both so-cialist consciousness and culture" and that"education must sgrve proletarian politics andbe combined, with productive laboun"Under the guidance of Chairman Mao'sdirectives, educationai reforms were carried out

in all sdrools in 1957, followed by an educa-tional revolution throughout the country in1958. The upshot was school education took onan entirely new look. Ideological and politicaleducation in Marxism-Leninism was strength-ened. With schools running factories andfarms and with factories and people's com-mu.nes setting up part-work and part-studyschbols,'conditions were created for combiningeducation with productive labour. In collegesand secondary schools teaching was combinedwith scientific research and production. Thiswas something hew in education. In addition,new teaching materials were compiled in thelight of the actual conditions in various }ocal-ities. The policy of walking on two legs (mean-ing the setting up of ordinary and worker-peasant bchools at. the same time) and the massllne were followed in running verious forms ofschools, thereby bringing about e big leapforward in education. Irrational rules and reg-ulatlons were changed and thg Party's leader-ship, over education waB greatly etrengthened,

All thlngs, howwer, are,governed by thelaw of one divlding into two. Great achleve-ments have been made ln education under theguldance of Chalrman f,laots revolutionary llneand thls constltutes the malnetream, But owlng'to the lnterterenoe and sabotage by Liu Shao-chl's counter-rqvolutlonary reVislonlst line,much remalned Yo be donp with regard to theiperlod of schoollng which was too long, thesubjects whlch were too numerous and whichoverlapped, and the teaching materials andteachtng methode which had many defects, In

view of *1I thio, Chairman Mao pointed out in1964: "The pollcy end llne ln education arocorr6ct, but our methods are lmproper. I be-lleve thst thsre should be some refonns ln adu-catlon. Education as it is now leaves much tobe desired.', The "gang of'four" slandered that LiuShaechi's revisionist line held the dominantposition on the edueetional front in the first 1?17


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post-Iiberation years. f,his in no way conform-9d to the actual situation. It was, in fact, adistortion of history.

Our Educatisnal Reformls Correctby Chou Yun-Yu, vice'choirmonof. the . revolutionorY committeeof Peking's Chingshon School.

URS is a ten-year school set up in 1960 that'l-provides primary and secondary education.In 1958' an educational revolution sweptthe country. Acting on the policy laid down byChairman Mao that "education must serve pro-letailan:politics arrd be combined with produc-tive labour," teachers and students of the Pe-king Teachers' University made investigationsand study in the factories and rural areas andworked out a plan for educational reforms. Theaim was to find the ways and means to speedup the training of competent personnel for the

coufltry. It rryas for the purporiE of putting thisplan into practice that otlr school was set up.From the outset, we took Chairman Mao'spolicy as our guide in educating the students sothat they would delirelop morally, intellectuallyand physically and.become woikers with'bothsocialist corsciousness and culture.Over the years, whenever Chairman Maoissued instructions concerning educationalwork, the school leadership promptly organizedthe cadres, Party and Youth League members,teachers and students to study and carry themout to the letter.Following Chairman Mao's teaching thatpolitics is the commander, the school authoritiesorganize teachers and students to study works

by Marx, Engels, Irenin and Stalin and Chair-man Mao's woiks, and attach great importanceto doing political and ideological work amongthem. In order to acquaint themselves withthe countryside and the peasants, many teach-ers went to the rural areas to take part in thesocialist education movement; moreover, theyoften go to the villages to labour'for a periodof time.In 1964, our school carried out experimentson simplifying the cur-ricula and reformingteaching and examina-tion methods. With aview to safeguardingthe students' health,further measures weretaken the following yearto lighten their burdenin their studies.

To shorten the periodof schooling, we in-troduced a ten-yearsystem on a trial basisand raised the level ofgraduates to that offirst-year college stu-dents. Students withexceptionally good re-cords could get doublepromotion and takecollege entrance exarnsbefore graduation.

Peking Retsi,ero, No. 5Chou Yun-yu with her students.

I8


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, A new method of learning to read and writewas tried out while reforming the teachingmethods. The students werb required to devotetheir first two years to reading and writ-'ing 3,000 characters in common use. From thethird year on, they. would concentrate theirefforts on reading and writing compositions,thereby completing their secondary school syl.labus for the Chinese la'nguage.Experiments urere also made on dividingstudents of the senior middle school into classeswith the stress either on liberal arts or thenatural sciences.Special attention was paid to reforming theteaching of foreign languages for the studentsof the mcond or third year with emphasis onpronunciation, intonation and spelling as well

as oral exeriises. Students of higher gradesstudied literature and scientilie works in foreignlanguages and practised conversation.With regard to mathematics in the lowerclasses, oral calculation was stressed andelementary geometry and algebra were taught;for students of the higher classes, new teachingmaterials were used on a trial basis. Graduatesin 1965 and 1966 had attained the level of first-year college students.Our school has always attached importanc,eto fostering love for. physical labour among thestudents. Led by their teachers, the students goat regular irrtervals to work in suburban coalmines or rural people's communes, at rail-way stations, bus or trolley bus stops, or in theshops. Twenty-two of the 90 graduates in 1964volunteered to settle in the villages in north-east China; many of them had excellent recordswhile in school.All the above-mentioned experiments were

carried out in accordance with Chairman Mao'sproletarian line in education, and we havegained valuable experiences for raising thequality of teaching. The overwhelming ma-jority of our graduates over the years have re-ceived.good comments from the general publicfor their relatively high level of political con-sciousness and their vocational competence.The "gang of four" dished up the "twoestimates" which totally negated what had been

February 3,7978

achieved in the first 17 years after liberation. .The gang also denied ihe achievements and ex-periences of the Chingshan School and vilifiedit as "a place for training intellectual aristo-cratsl' and "an experimental plot for the revi-sionist line in education." Such slander is ofcourse groundless.Through criticism of the "two estimates"the leading comrades and teachers of our schoolhave shattered the mental shackles imposed onthem by the "gang of four." We have now re-sumed our experiments on educational reformsand we are determined to carry on the revolu-tion in education as instructed by ChairmanMao.

Miyun Reservoir: ProductOf Educational Revolutionby Professor Chong Kuong-tou, De'pirtment of Hydroulic Engineering,Tsinghuo University

mHE Mivun Reservoir on the outskirts ofI Pekinj makes nonsense of the "gang offour's" "two estimates."In response to Chaiiman Mao's call, teach-ers and students of our depdrtment in 1958 un-folded the revolution in education and under-took to design the Miyun Reservoir. I remem-ber that afternoon of June 25, 1958 clearly. Pre-mier Chou En-lai, standing on the desolate riverbank where the site of the dam was to be,sketched the general outline of the reservoir.He told us to rely on our own efforts, workhard and do a good job of the design; at thesame time we should apply what we learnt,carry out scientific research and take part in

physical labour.In August that year when Premier Choucame to Tsinghua University to see an exhibi-tion of graduation designs and examine the pri-mary design of the reservoir, he told us to studyChairman Mao's works diligently and putpolitics in command. Actual work began inSeptember, and when building was going onPremier Chou came to the site on five occasions.Each time he gave specific instructions to us19


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after questioning us closely about'our designingwork.In accordance with his instructions we toolipart in the actrfai construction work, got to-gether with the workers and peasants and learntfrom them. At the same time we studied hard,carried out a tremendous number of experi-ments and with the heip of scientific researchinstitutes completed the design for the wholereservoir. In the process the faculty membersand students of our department lvere temperedpolitically and ideologically and o-ur engineer-ing skills improved. Two years later the reser-voir was in the main completed.On September 9, 1959, Chairman Mao in-spected the reservoir and while he was there

had a swim in it. I was asked to report ,toChairman Mao about the designing work. Hewas very pleased with whet had been done andtold us to continue to do a good job of the rev-olution in education and to design more reser-voirs for the motherland.In the 60s Premier Chou accompanie{vislting heads of state to the Miyun Reservolron sevral occaelons and he never falled tomention the fact tha{ lt was designed by theteacherc and studente of our department andthat thls waa a pioneerinE Sflort of the revolu-tlon ln educatlon, At varlow natlonal confer.ences on weter conservsncy, Premler chouspoke warmly ol thle achlevement of Tsinghuaand pointed out that the line ln the revolutionin educatlon wag correct.

Itre guccessful deslgning of thts reservolr issolid proof thet the "two estimates" concoctedby the "gang of four" and thelr'cronies likeChih Chun stood facts on their head and thattheir assertion ls thoroughly reactionary.The succ3sful designing of the,reservolr byour department riyas anathematlc to the "gangof four." Chih Chun and his like oncewent out to the Miyun Reservoir while I wasthere. When I praised how Chairman Maoand Premier Chou had shown their coneernwith the designing of this reservoir by theteachers and students, their faces hardened ab-ruptly and they turned their backs on me.20

The earthquake which struck Tangshan inJuly 1976 affected the reservoir and theupstream protection layer of the Paiho Riverdam showed signs of slidlng. Teachers and stu-dents of our department were given the task ofdrawing up a design to strengthen the dam.Chih Chun and his cohorts ranted: "A clear de-rirarcation must be made with the revisionist linein education that held sway when the rser-voir was being designed." They tried to sowdiscord between teachers and students. Whenteachers were going over the students' designs,they got some students to stage a struggle meet-ing against the teachers, claiming that the latterwere "bourgeois reactionary academic authori-ties who were hostile to worker-peasant soldierstudents and the revolution in education." How-ever the teachers and students did not giveway and completed the design.

Rec.ently Chairman Hua made an inspec-tion tour of Miyun Reservoir and did a stintof physical labour there. He affirmed that theline in education in the flrst 17 years after lib-eration was correct, stattng that the teactrere andetudents who had destgned the reservotr hadachleved positive results. Thls was I blg tn-splratlon to us. We are determlned to carry onthe revolution ln educatlon and work hstd tobrlng ebout the "four modernlzatlons" ln ourcountry.NeurosurgcryAchievements CannotBe Negated

by Wong Chung.chcng, dlrcctor ofthc nourorurglcol dcportmcnt of thc. Pcklng Hruonwu HospltolrflHE neurosurgical department of the Hsuan-r wu Hospital in Peking was set up in 1955.In less than 20 years we have made good prog-ress in the three major categories in brainsurgery - diagnosis and treatment of skull andbrain injuries, brain tumours and vascular dis-eases of the brain. Our diagnosis and treat-ment of skull and brain injuries are up to ad-

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vanced worid levels.Last year we began toperform operations onanastomosis of arteriesof the scalp and thebrain with good results,an operation only re-cently performed in theworld.

All 48 doctors in ourdepartment finishedtheir college studiesafter liberation andmore than one half ofus, including myself,were trained in the first17 years after libera-tion. We are gsing thebasic theoretical know-ledge we acquired atmedical college alongwith clinical and lidd practices to scale theheights of modern medical science.' As most operations on skull and braininjuries and brain tumours are extremely com-plicated and require delicate skills, the sur-geons must have a thorough knowledge of neu-roanatomy and neurophysiology. To acquire thenecessary skills, our surgeorut have to tirelesslypractise paracentesis with models so as toaccurately locate the nerve paths throughthe skull. In order to make a correct diagnosisof brain tumour and locate its exact site, westudied and analysed more than 2,500brain angiographies and summed up nor-mal and abnormal features of blood vessels inthe brain. When angiographies were first clin-ically used it took several doctors seven toeight hours, but now it only takes one doctorten minutes.

We have also worked out some ge4eral rulesfor':hematoma in the skull and established aprocedure'for drilling through the skull. Thisenables us to proceed with operations for he-matoma !n the skull in many cases without firsthaving to do an angiography. We even can inone operation treat recurrent hematoma. Wehave also established an emergency prdcedutefor brain and skull injuries requiring only 20minutes for examination, X-ray, matching bloodFebruary 3, 1978

type and other preparations before an opera-tion. This has helped save many lives.We did not at first know what to make ofit when fhe "gang of four" asserted that "arevisionist line held sway'1 in education in thefirst 17 years and that intellectuals were"undermining the socialist edifice." BeforeIiberation there were only two hospitals in all

of China which had a neurosurgical ward. Oneof them, the hospital attaehed to the PekingUnion Medical College, had done fewer thanone hundred operations on the brain in twentyyears. After liberation, we started from scratch,first took up simple cases and went on to morecomplicated ones, We learnt to deal with allthe common and recurrent.diseases of the brain,Over the past 20 years we haVe performed 6,000brain tumour operations. Today we carry outanastomosis of arteries 'of the scalp and thebrain, which is quite a sophisticated operation.

How can serving socialism like this be la-belled "undermining the socialist edifice"? Andsince most of us .finished our college studies inthe first 17 years after liberation when, as thegang 'claimed, "a revisionist line held sway"in education, how does that tally with what hasbeen attained? The "gang of four'i" ,,two estf-mates" are completely without foundation.

Neurosurgeons at Hsuanwu Hospital.(author pointing with penl.

21


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"Selected Wgrks of Mao Tsetung" (4)lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllilllllilllil[illliluil]lliltilillllIllilll1illltillltiltIuttIuttlil

Explanatory Notes to Yolume Y of

All sectors of the economy(See p. 30, Vol. V, Ehg. Ed..)Prior to the basic completion of thesocialist transformation of the system ofownership of the means of production in 19b6,there existed in China five sectors of theeconomy, namely, the state economy which wassocialist in nature, the co-operative economy of

a semi-socialist nature, the state capitalisteconomy with varying degrees of socialist fac-tors and based on the co-operation of state andprivate capital, the individual economy in agri-culture and handicraft industry, and theprivate capitalist economy. Of these fivesectors, the state economy was the leadingsector.Tendency towords either closed-doorismor excessive occommodotion in

united front work(See p. 30.)The tendency towards elosed-doorism orexcessive accommodation was a manifestation of"I-eft" or Right opportunism inside the ChineseCommunist Party in carrying out the ievolu-tionary united front work.Closed-doorism advocated reliance on' theworking class alone to the exclusion of otherrevolutionary forces that might be won over orwere willing to take part' in the revolutionagainst the powerful enemy. This tactic wasthe tactic of the regal isolationist. It would infact mean'helping the enemy, isolating ourselvesand bringing defeat to the revolution. The"Left" opportunist line represented by WangMing in the Second Revolutionary Civil Warperiod (L927-37) was a typical example of closed-doorism which rejected all revolutionary allies.As a result, the revolution suffered serioussetbacks.

22

In the early post-Iiberation period, sucherrors were repeated in dealing with non-Partypersonages. The main manifestations were:looking down upon and even discriminatingagainst them, refusing to consult with them onmatters of importance, showing no respect forthem and disregarding their responsibility andauthority.. In contrast to closed-doorism, excessive

accommodation manifested itself as capitula-tionism or tailism in the united front. Chen Tu-hsiu's Right opportunism in the period of theFirst Revolutionary Civil War (1924-27) andWang Ming's Right opportunism in the periodof the War of Resistance Against Japan (1937-45)were typical examples. Both of them stre.ssedonly co-operation with the Kuomintang, whichwas the Party's ally at the time, and neglectedexpanding our own force. When confrontedwith the anti-communist campaign of the Kuo-mintang, they made excessive accommodationwith it and dared not fight back. They gave upthe Party's leadership over the peasants, urbanpetty bourgeoisie and middle bourgeoisie. Inparticular, they gave up leadership over thearmed forces and sacrificed the interests of therevolution to meet the demands of the reaction-ary classes, thus bringing serious setbacks oreven defeat to the Party and the revolutionarycause.Relief for unemployed workersond intellectuols

, (See p. 30.)At the time of liberation in 1949, thenumber of unemployed in the cities was morethan four million. In June 1950, the Admin-istrative Council of the Central People's Gov-ernment issued the Directive on Relief forUnemployed Workers and at the same time ap-proved the Provisional Measures for ProvidingPeking Reuieto, No. 5


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Relief for Unemployed Workers drawn up bythe Ministry of Labour. Local governments alsomade earnest efforts to provide relief and jobsfor unemployed workers and intellectuals. Asa result, the number of unemployed droppedyear after year; and by 1956 unemploymentwas basically eliminated.The October Revolution

(See p. 33.)This refers to the November ? (October 25by the Russian calendar), 1917 Russian prole-tarian soeialist revolution. Under the leader-ship of Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, theRussian proletariat, in unity with the poorpeasants and revolutionary soldiers, staged anarmed uprising that day, overthrew the political

power of the bourgeoisie and set up the world'sfirst socialist state under the dictatorship of theproletariat. For the first time in the history ofmankind, the October Revolution caused abreach in the system of imperialism and openedup a new era of proletarian revolution. Theroad of the October Revolution is the commonroad which the world proletariat should followin carrying out revolution and establishing asocialist society. The Chinese revolution is thecontinuation of the October Revolution.Reduce rent ond interest, suppress thebondits ond locql tyronts

(See p. 34.)Reducing rent and interest was our Party'sIand policy during the War of Resistance AgainstJapan. It lightened the peasants' burden byreducing the rent and interest they had to payto the landlords, old-type rieh peasants and

usurers. In the War. of Liberation (1945-49) andin the early days following couirtry-wide libera-tion in 1949, this policy was also enforced inthe new liberated areas when preparatory workfor carrying out the agrarian reform had notyet been completed. This was for the purposeof uniting with all the peasants, reducing thefeudal exploitation they suffered and initiallyimproving their livelihood so that agriculturalproduction could be rapidly rehabilitated andFebruarg 3, 7978

developed. A general rule followed by thevarious areas was to cut the amount. of rent by25 per cent and pre-liberation arrears of rentwere cancelled. All loans from the war criminrl$and evil landlords and despots were annulled,and the peasants did not have to pay any moreinterest for usurious loans from the landlordsand old-type rich peasants. In addition, therate of interest for future loans should be fixedby both parties through consultation.Suppressing the bandits and local tyrantsmeant eliminating bandits and secret agentsand struggling against local despotic landlords.Usually this was carried out in co-ordinationwith the work of reducing rent and interest. Tosmash the feudal forces in the new liberatedareas, it was necessary first of all to mobilizethe peasant masses to wipe out the remnantKuomintang bandits and landlord armed forces

and carry out struggles against and settleaccounts with the most hated tyrannicallandlords and counter-revolutionaries, exposetheir crimes and take back the land and otherproperty seized by them. The People's Govern-ment would, in compliance with the people'sdemands, hold mass meetings to pass deathsentences on those guilty of heinous crimes andcarry them out immediately.The smoll hondicroftsmen

(See p..34.)These were independent small commodityproducers engaged in small production and witha comparatively low economic status. As wadoften the case with these people, they had theirown workshops and a few simple tools; theyworked by themselves, were forced to sell partof their labour power .from time to time, andwere constantly menaced by unemployment andpoverty. Their economic status was roughly thesame as that of the poor peasants in the coun-tryside and they belonged to the semi-prole-tariat. In the course of the reorganization of oursocial economy, which eame in the wake ofcountry-wide victory in the revolution in 1949,some found themselves temporarily in a difficultposition. That was why Chairman Mao saidthat "we should also help the small handicrafts-men find ways to earn a living."

(To be corr,tinueil.)23


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Soviet-tJ.S. ttDisarmament" TalksWfHAT has mme out of the Soviet-U.S. dis-W armament talks held under various namesin the past year? Instead of an atmosphere ofoptimism as spread by both sides, the telks havebeen deadlocked round after round. Each ,sidehas tried to restrain the other while clinging towhatever superiority it has and the result irs anarnx race of gleater intensity between the twosuperpowers.

Moscow'and Washington spent the wholeof 1977 in hectic commencement or recommence-ment of disarmament talks on ten topics: talkson strategic arms limitation, on troop reductionin Central Europe, on a total ban.on ntr,clearexplosions, on their naval presence in theIndian Ocean, on nuclear non-pnoliferation, onlimitation of the sale of conventional arms, onthe transfer of weapons and technology, on theprohibition 9f radioactive and chemical weap- 'ons, on a ban'on environmental warfare, andon the prohibition of satellite warfare. Andafter a year of toWh birrgaining no aecordwhatsoever was reached.

Take the talks qn hoop reduction ln Cen-tral Europe for example. Three rounds of talkstotalling 33 plenary sessions were held ln 1977,but no progress wae made becauge each euper-power tried to weaken the other, stuck to its owninterprbtation of "disarmament ln parity" and"balanced disarmament,'f and haggled endlesslyover the number of their troops, The numberof Waisaw Pact troops ln Central Europre asgiven by the Soviet Union is 150,000 less thanthe figure tabulated by NATO. Therefore, justas The Los Angetes Times pointed out lastFebruary 4, four years have elapsed and thereare still two, sets of manpower figures on thetable. While not a single old problemhas been solved, new ones have emerged.The .Neut York Times disc,losed lastNovember 24 that the United States wasexaminirlg the possibility of proposing in theCentral Europe force-reduction negotiations2.4

that the neutron bomb will not be deployed inreturn for Soviet restraint in deploying its newintermediate-range missile known as the SS-20.Determined to complicate the issue, Praodadeclared on December 27 that, "the Soviet Unionis entitled to raise ttre question of removal ofU.S. weapons deployed in the forward bases.This involves nuclear submarines, bomberscapable of carrying nuclear weapons and air-craft carriens in the areas concerned in Europe.

And the U.S. side must not forget this."This clearly shows that the disarmamenttalks are actually a form of rivalry between thetwo superpowerq whose relations are based onmutual swpicion and mutual deception.SALT Tolkr: No Progrersfhis becante even more evident at thestrategie erms limitation talla in Geneva,which both Moscow and Washington aelnow-ledged as the "key" to their bilateral relations.

The five-year provisiopal Soviet-U.S. ac-cord signed in 1972 expired on October g,1977,yet a long-term agreement is still nowhere insight. The peneva talks were resumed on May21 after being stranded for six months. The218th meeting of the five-year-old talks washeld on December 13.In an effort to arrive at something beforeOctober 3, the two parties talked matters over inMoscow i-n March, Geneva in May and Washing-ton in September, but without any results, sothey resorted to verbal pledges to continue toobserve the old accord after its expiration. 'The NewYorkTimes commented on Decem-ber 28: "With negotiators still sharply dividedover the old issues of the American cruisemissile and a controversial Soviet bomber (the"Backfire"), the Carter administration officialsadmitted today that the prospect of an earlyagreement.on limitation of strategic armamentshas almost vanished."

$"

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The main reason for the. failure of talks lastyear was that each superpower was out to gainmilitary superiority at the expense qf the other.While one pushed, the other butted. SinceOctober last, word has been spread thatMoscnow and Washington have made "majorcpncessions" on different aspects and workedout an eight-year agreement and a three-yearprotocol. Press circles, ho'ilever, are sayingthat the Soviet Union has not yielded toAmerican desire to limit Moscow's missilescarrying heavier warheads and Washington'scontemplated accommddation to the Soviet de-mand to limit its cruise missiles has set off awave of denunciations at home and abroadwhen news got out and the White House hasfailed up to now to make an ultimate compro-mise. Consequently, only sorne vague explana-tions or "assurances" concerning the cruisemissile and the "Baekfire" bomber were madein a temporary protocol.

Ttris is not all. Well before a cpnclusion ofa new accord, both sides already have foundpretexts for a new round of arrns race. "'W'ehave shown them that we are firm and can't bepushed arouJld," Carter was reported by UPIon December l0 to have said-TASS reported on December 23 thatBrezhnev, commenting on the U.S. manufactureof the neutron bomb, said that '"the people overthere must clearly realize that the U.S.S.R.shall not remain a passive onlooker."It is thus clear that even if Moscow andWashington do come to a long-term agreement,it would only serve as a smokesseen foraffirming their existing strength and launchinga new round of arms race.. As their talks over the key issue were stall-ed, the two superpowers tried to strike dealsfor a total ban on nuclear tests and on theirnaval presence in the Indian Ocean to createsome atmo.sphere of optimism.So, in the second half of last year, they hadtwo rounds of talks on a total ban on nucleartests and three rounds on their naval presence.But the talks failed to achieve any results whenthe year ended.As the talks went off and on, the SovietUnion in 197? cpnducted 11 underground nu-clear tests and the United States 12 and theirnaval presence'in the Indian Ocean has not

February 3, 1978

diminished in the least. That is how much theSoviet-U.S. negotiatioars are worth.Arms Roce Continues

Ttre medley of talks on "disarmament"actually went side by side with an auns race onthe land, at sea, in the air and even under theground. Last year saw the military rivalrybetween the two suprpowens raging on alarger scale.Last year Washington carried on research,tgsting and manufacture of new weapons in anattempt to offset its rival's quantitative super-iority with a qualitative one. It decided todevelop the Fts-lll strategic bomber instead ofthe B-l and accelerate the manufacture ofcruise missiles of various types, and test a newgeneration of missiles launched by Trident sub-

marines. It spent lavishly on the reseqrch anddevelopment of the MX mobile missile system toreplace the present fixed Minuteman. Despitesome controversy over the development of theneutron bomb, there is n6 sign that the U:S.Goverirrnent is going to change its plan.Moscow's arms drive is always wrapped ina shroud of secrecy, but it is gro secret that ithas led the way in terms of quantity and speedin arms production. In 1977, it put into highgear the deployment of its ICBMs types SS-17,SS-18 and SS-19. Its mobile ICBM 55-16 was

being trial-produced at top speed and its mobileintermediate-range missile with multiple war-heads, the SS-20, was being deployed in thewestern parts of the Soviet Union. "Backfire"bombers were being produced at the rate oftwo a month at least. Its latest-type of sub-marine-launched missile, the SS-NX-l8, with atest range of over 5,000 miles, were test firedinto the Pacific several times last year.According to Western press reports, theKremlin resumed its anti-satellite plan in Feb-ruary 197? after it had been suspended for fouryears, and condueted its 18th satellite-inter-cepting test last May. Reuter reported onSeptember 20 that the Soviet air force was flighttesting three types of eombat aircraft, and adispatch from The Neuu York Tirnes on October29 said that the Soviet Union had deployed itsnew T-8d tank on a trial basis and that prepa-rations for its mass production had been com-pleted.


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As the two superpowers went ahead withthe mass production of weapons last year, theyalso conducted many military manoeuvres, es-pecially.on the European eontinent and in itssurrounding waters.. Iheir "disarmament" talks can in no waycover up their arms drive and war preparations.

The scale of rivalry grows hand in hand withthe increase in the number of their talks ondisarmament; the growing number of talks onlyshows the intensity of their arms race. Ttris wasborne out by the Soviet-U.S. ten-topic "disarma-ment" talks in 1977.(A commentorg bg Hsinhuo Coneqonitent)

over the world, including the American people,and from world publie opinion, made a gestureabout its willingness to withdraw its groundtroops along with nuclear'weapons from southKorea in four or five years. Nevertheless, itwill continue to station its naval and air forcesin south Korea to interfere with and obstructthe Korean people's cause of the independentand peaceful reunification of the fatherland.Backed and abetted by the United States, thePak Jung Hi clique stubbornly pursues a polic?of national division, intensifies the repression ofthe south Korean people and deliberately aggra-vates the tension on the Korean Peninsula. Oflate, the Pak clique, working hand in glove withthe United States, planned to establish a 'ROK-U.S. joint command' this summer to keep theUnited States in south Korea, so as to maintainits fascist rule. At the same time, it harped onthe old tune of signing a 'mutual non-aggressiontreaty' between south and riorth, and 'simul-taneous entry into the United Nations' in anintensified effort to create 'two Koreas' andperpetuate the division of Korea."

The article pointed out: "The reunificationof Korea is a trend dictated by the will of thepeople and no force on earth can stop it. Koreabelongs to the Korean people. Ttre beautiful3,000-ri land of Korea is an indivisible entity.Reunification of the south and the north is the

Support for the Koreon People'sJust Strugglelllltl!lllllUllllllllllIlllllllillilllnlllll!llulllliltillltilllllllttllluillllll!ilnll[llilllllEIIGHTEEN Korean political parties and publicU organizations met on January 25,7977 andadopted a letter to the political parties, publicorganizations and people of all strata in southKorea and overseas compatriots. The letter pre-sents a 4-point national salvation programme.(For details of the programme see p. 27.)

The Central Committee of the KoreanDemocratic Front for the Reunification of theFatherland issued a statement on January 24,1978 in connection with the first anniversarSr ofthe publication of the letter, denouncing the PakJung Hi clique for obstructing realization of theprogramme. On January 25, Renmin Ribaocarried an artide by its commentator under thetitle "Resolutely Support the Korean People'sJust Struggle."

The article said: In the past year, the 4-point programme of national salvation has notonly been accorded warm support by the entireKorean people, but has also won broad sym-pathy and support from the people of the wholeworld. Facts have proved that the programmeis just and reasonable, and is of importantsignificance to ending the division of Korea,eliminating the danger of war and realizing theindependent and peaceful reunification ofKorea.

"Last year," the article continued, "the U.S.Government, under pressure from people all26 Peking Reoieu, No. 5


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lofty national aspiration of the entire Koreanpeople. No outside force has any right to in-tervene in the internal affairs of Korea. TheUnited States must end its occupation of southKorea and its intervention in Korea; it must im-plement the resolution on the Korean questionadopted at the 3fth Session of the U.N. GeneralAssembly, dissolve the 'U.N. command,' with-draw all its armed forces from south Korea, andlet the Korean people resolve the question of thereunification of Korea themselves."The article concluded: "China and Koreaare neighbours closely related to each other aslips and teeth. The

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