Paducheva Decompositional Semantics

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Verb taxonomy and decompositional semantics of lexicon Elena Paducheva VINITI RAN, Moscow [email protected] , http:// www.lexicograph.ru Boulder CO, October 3, 2008

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Verb taxonomy and decompositional semantics of lexicon

Transcript of Paducheva Decompositional Semantics

  • Verb taxonomy and decompositional semantics of lexiconElena Paducheva

    VINITI RAN, [email protected], http://www.lexicograph.ru Boulder CO, October 3, 2008

  • OutlineDecompositional semantic representation as a base of the verb taxonomy"Lexicographer" a semantic database of Russian verbsArgument structure, aspect and event structureFrom decomposition to taxonomyDescription of meaning shiftsFormalization of the event structureFormatted definitions and verb classes

  • Semantic classifications of verbsRussian National Corpus (http://www.ruscorpora.ru):semantic tagging based on the extensive semantic classifications of the lexiconnounsadjectivespronounsadverbsverbs

  • Semantics of lexicon & GrammarFillmore 1977, Wierzbicka 1980, Lakoff 1977Apresjan 1974, Melchuk 1974:lexicographic definitions = decompositional semantic representations (DRS)A catches up B = A and B move in one direction, A is behind B, the distance from A to B diminishes (Apresjan 1974: 108)

  • Decompositional semantic representationsDSRs are hierarchically organized structures:semantic rolescausationaspect These aspects of verbs meaning, previously studied independently of one another, are closely related.The DSRs are aimed to explain interrelations between semantics and morphosyntax.

  • Regular polysemy in the taxonomyMeaning is flexible and context dependent; regular polysemy is widespread in verbal lexicon (Apresjan 1974).Both meaning and meaning shift must be accounted for.

  • Thematic and aspectual classesTwo classifications of verbs:Thematic, or ontological classes (Levin 1993, Wierzbicka 1987 for English; Babenko 2001, Shvedova 2007 for Russian). Verbs of MOVEMENT, EXISTENCE, PHYSICAL IMPACT, PERCEPTION, EMOTION, SOUND, etc.Aspectual classes (Vendler 1967, Dowty 1979, Wierzbicka 1980, Jackendoff 1991, Kustova, Paducheva 1994, Paducheva 1996). STATES, ACTIVITIES, ACCOMPLISHMENTS, ACHIEVEMENTS; ACTIONS, HAPPENINGS and TELIC PROCESSES

  • DB LexicographerThe semantic database of Russian verbs http://www.lexicographer.ruKustova, Paducheva 1994, Kustova 2004, Paducheva 2004Ca. 300 verbsSeparate entry for each meaning of the verb; LEXEME is a word taken in one of its meanings

  • Lexical entryMain domains of the entry:LegendCategoryThematic classAspectArgument structureDecomposition

  • CategoryThematic classAspectVYTERET 1.2 wipe dry (the dishes, ones hands)Legend

  • Argument structure

  • Argument structureArgument structureVYTERET 1.2 wipe dry (the dishes, ones hands) X vyter Y (Z-om) = X wiped Y (with Z)

    VariableMorphosynt. realizationRankSemantic roleThematic classXSubjectCenterAgentpersonYObjectCenter Patientphysical entity: with a surface(Z)N-InstrumentalPeripheryInstrumentphysical entityW Off ScreenThemeliquid / substance

  • Argument structureDecompositionVYTERET 1.2 wipe dry (the dishes, ones hands). X wiped W =

    K0Initial state | before t

  • Argument structureThematic componentsVYTERET 1.2 wipe dry (the dishes, ones hands). X wiped W =

    K0Initial state | before t

  • Argument structureCategory componentsVYTERET 1.2 wipe dry (the dishes, ones hands). X wiped W =

    K0Initial state | before t

  • DB Lexicographer - what it can be used for?

  • all verbs of the same V-category have the same decomposition format, i.e. the same configuration of category components.(1) The category Action: K4. Activity | X acted with the Goal in mind K6. Causation | this caused K8. Result | new state came about & holds at the MS.e.g. vyteret wipe, razrezat cut , vystirat wash, postroit build, pokrasit paint , svarit boil , vykopat dig out, etc.From Decomposition to the taxonomy: Category

  • all verbs of the same Thematic classes have the same (or similar) thematic components in the Decomposition.(2) The thematic class PHYSIOLOGY VERBS:e.g. razbudit wake up

    From Decomposition to the taxonomy: Thematic class

  • Argument structureRAZBUDIT 1.1 wake up. X waked up Y by Z =

    K0Initial state | before t

  • all verbs of the same Thematic class have the same (or similar) thematic components in the Decomposition.(2) The thematic class PHYSIOLOGY VERBS:hyperonym for sleep - PHYSIOLOGICAL STATEhyperonym for be ill - PHYSIOLOGICAL STATEalso: razbudit wake up, vyzdorovet to recover

    From Decomposition to the taxonomy: Thematic class

  • meaning shifts can be presented as operations on Decompositions.(3) razbudit 1 VS razbudit 2:. razbudil woke ActionIvan razbudilmenja grubympinkom Ivan.NOMwake.PASTme.ACCrudekick.INSIvan woke me up with a rude kick.b. razbudil woke HappeningZvonokvdverrazbudilmenja ringing.NOMindoorwake.PASTme.ACC The ringing of the doorbell woke me up.Description of meaning shifts

  • (#3a) X razbudil Y X woke Y [Action : ordinary] = K1. Initial state | before t
  • (#3a) X razbudil Y X woke Y [Action : ordinary] = K1. Initial state | before t
  • (#4) X razbil Y broke [happening with the subject of responsibility] = K0. Initial state | before t < MS Y was in a state: Y was intact; Y functioned normally K1. Exposition | X was doing something in the vicinity of Y K4. Causer | something happened to Y (: X acquired or lost contact with Y; or ) K6. Causation | 4 caused 7 K8. Result | new state came about & holds at the MS: Y is broken / doesnt function normally K9. Entailment | K10. Implication | X caused damage; X bears responsibility for the damage

    see also prolit spill, porvat tear, rassypat scatter, peregret overheatHappening with the subject of responsibility

  • (#5a) X zapolnil Y Z-om X filled Y with Z [Action : ordinary] Ya zapolnil kotel wodoj I filled the boiler with water

    (#5b) Z zapolnil Y Z filled Y [Process]Voda zapolnila bak Water filled the boiler

    Action VS Process

    VariableMorphosynt. realizationRankSemantic roleThematic classXSubjectCenterAgentpersonYObjectCenter Location-Themecontainer/physical object: has volumeZN-InstrumentalPeripheryMedium-Thememass

    ZSubjectCenterMediummassYObjectCenter Location-Themecontainer/physical object: has volume

  • ZAPOLNIT 1.2 fill : Water filled the boiler W zapolnil Z W filled Z =

    K0Initial state | before t

  • Thematic shifts-1The shift in the examples (6) and (7) is a kind of metonymy: attention either to the yard or to sweepings in the yard.(6) a. vymesti dvor sweep up the yard [vymesti 1.2, thematic class TREATMENT]; b. vymesti musor sweep up litter [vymesti 1.1, thematic class REMOVAL];(7) . vyteret posudu wipe the dishes [vyteret 1.2, thematic class TREATMENT]; b. vyteret sljozy wipe tears [vyteret 1.1, thematic class REMOVAL; ANNIHILATION].

  • (#7b) vyteret sljozy wipe tears (wipe 1.1) [REMOVAL; ANNIHILATION]

    (#7a) vyteret posudu wipe the dishes (wipe 1.2) [TREATMENT]

    VariableMorphosynt. realizationRankSemantic roleThematic classXSubjectCenterAgentpersonWObjectCenter Themeliquid/substance:Ys + GenPeripheryLocation-Themephysical entity: with surface(Z)InstrumentalPeripheryInstrumentphysical entity

    XSubjectCenterAgentpersonYObjectCenter Themephysical entity: with surface(Z)InstrumentalPeripheryInstrumentphysical entityWOff ScreenThemeliquid/substance:

  • Argument structureVYTERET 1.1 wipe (tears). X wiped W from Y (with Z) =

    K0Initial state | before t

  • Thematic shifts - 2Other examples:(8) . vykopat' kartoshku dig out potatoes [MOVEMENT]; . vykopat' jamu dig a hole [CREATION];(9) a. Pulja probila furazhku the bullet pierced the cap [DEFORMATION]; b. Pulja probila dyru v furazhke the bullet pierced a hole in the cap [CREATION].

  • Aspect: Accomplishments VS AchievmentsIn Russian Accomplishments undergo imperfectivization. A derived Ipfv of an accomplishment is also an Accomplishment but viewed in a synchronous perspective.(10) a. Vanja sel jabloko Vanja ate an apple; b. Vanja est jabloko Vanja is eating an apple.As for Achievements, a derived Ipfv of an achievement is either a Perfective state, see (11), or a Tendency, see (12): (11) Ja ponjal Ive understood Ja ponimaju I understand. (12) John vyigral John won John vyigryvaet most probably, John will win.

  • Ballistic movement & momentaneityOne of the sources of the momentaneity (Paducheva 2004) is the component Process in the Object: non-simultaneous with the activity of the Subject.(13) pokrasit paint [Action: ordinary] K7. Process in Object | simultaneous with the activity; has limit(14) brosit throw [Momentary verb]: Causation of movement by an initial impulse: the activity of the Agent gives rise to a process that takes place when the activity is already behind. See also vzorvat explode, otravit poison, ubit kill.

  • DecausativizationAlso causative alternation (Levin, Rappaport Hovav 1995) (15a)Vanja razbil okno.VanjaNOM breakPAST windowACCVanja broke the window(15b)Oknorazbilos.windowNOM break.SJA.PASTThe window broke(16a) John zakryl dver. (16b)Dver* zakrylas*.John closed the door.The door closed. (17a)On zaper dver na zasov.(17b)*Dver zaperlas na zasov.He bolted the door.doorNOMbolt.SJA.PAST

  • (#5.1) Y utomil X-a Y tired X Initial state| before t < MS X was in a state: normal Causer| at t event Y took place Causation| this caused Effect| new state of X came about & holds at the MS: is tiredEntailment &Implication | * (#5.2) X utomilsja (ot Y-a) = X became tired (because of Y) Initial state| before t < MS X was in a state: normal Periphery causer| at t event Y took place Background causation| this caused New state| new state of X came about & holds at the MS: is tired Implication| Causer is not relevant Decausativisation (2)

  • References 2006 ... . // .. ... . .: , 2006, 75-109.Atkins,Kegl,Levin1988AtkinsB.T., KeglJ., LevinB. Anatomy of a Verb Entry: from Linguistic Theory to Lexicographic Practice // International Journal of Lexicography. Vol.1. No.2. 1988. P.84126.Fillmore1977FillmoreCh.J. The case for case reopened // Syntax and Semantics. Vol.8. N.Y. etc., 1977. P.5981.Haspelmath1993HaspelmathM. More on typology of the inchoative/causative alternations // B.Comrie, M.Polinsky (eds). Causation and Transitivity. Amsterdam; Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1993.Levin,Rappaport1995LevinB.,RappaportH.M. Unaccusativity: At the syntax-lexical semantics interface. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1995.Paducheva 2001 .Paducheva 2003 Paducheva E. Is there an "anticausative" component in the semantics of decausatives? Journal of Slavic Linguistics, v. 11, N 1, 2003, 173198. - , ?

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