Outlaws Spreads

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C h ro no log y 7

T ra ns la to r’s I n t rod uc t io n 9 P ro p he ts a nd O

u t la ws o f t he Se r tão 18

A P P E ND I X O N E: A n I n t rod uc t io n to M i lle na r ia n is m 106

A P P E ND I X T WO: “ No Age L ike U n to T h is Age” 132

CO N T E N T S

Prophets and Outlaws.indd 4-5 10/31/09 9:11:47 PM


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CHRONOLOGY 1500 Pedro Alvares Cabral of Portugal

discovers Brazil.

1530

Colonization advances towards theterritory of the interior.

1550 Te slave trade begins.

1716 Te colony becomes a viceroyalty.

1817 Beginning of Sylvestre José dosSantos’ messianic movement.

1822 Declaration of independence andproclamation of Empire.

1835 João Ferreira’s messianic movement.

1871 Enactment of the law “of the free wind”, a move toward the abolitionof slavery. Pilgrimages of AntonioConselheiro in the state of Bahia andof Father Cicero in the state of Ceara.Groups of cangaceiros multiply.

1888 Slavery is abolished throughout theBrazil.

1889 Proclamation of the Republic. FatherCicero performs his first miracles.Conselheiro preaches insurrectionagainst the Republic.

1896-7 Te Canudos campaign againstAntonio Conselheiro. Te cangaceiroAntonio Silvino begins to declarehimself.

1913 Seditious movement of Father Ciceroagainst the federal government.

1914 Cangaceiro leader Antonio Silvino is arrested.

1920 Lampão joins Sinhô Pereira’s cangaço.

1922 Lampião is proclaimed gang leader.

1926 Lampião’s interview with FatherCicero.

1930 Getúl io Vargas’ presidency.

1934 Father Cicero’s death. Birth ofLourenço’s messianic movement.

1937 Getúl io Vargas’ dictatorship.

1938

rap in Angico and death of Lampião.Lourenço’s movement slaughtered.

1940 Corisco dies. With him, cangaceirismo disappears.



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I F of revolutionary outlaws, Os Cangaceiros , wouldtake an interest in millenarian revolt, since theirnamesakes in Brazil fought side by side with

millenarian rebels on more than one occasion.Such an interest is no mere whim. During theMiddle Ages, revolt almost always expresseditself in millenarian language in the Western world, and such expressions continued, thoughless and less frequently, into modern times. Tus, those of us who are interested in under-standing the ways in which the spirit of revoltdevelops in individuals and in larger groups ofpeople could perhaps learn something fromexamining millenarianism in its various forms. In Prophets and Outlaws of the Sertão1, GeorgesLapierre2 tells the story of two movements ofrevolt in northeastern Brazil whose activities

often intertwined. On the one hand, there wereseveral millenarian movements involving dis-possessed peasants, rural migrant workers, and

1 Sertao refers to the backlands of Brazil.2 One of the individuals involved in the French

group , Os Cangaceiros.

TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTIONS a o F r a n c i s c o R i v e r S e r g

i p e

B a h i a

Itapicurú

Bahia

CanudosBrazil

S o u t h A m

e r i c a

Atlantic Ocean

Geremboabo

Canudos

Monte Santo

Cumbe

QueimadasTucano

Uauá

Joazeiro

Angico

V a s a - B a r r i s R i v e r



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the one that gathered around Father Cicero. Inmy opinion, the former is far more interesting,because it was truly a movement of millenar-ian revolt, whereas Father Cicero’s movement,regardless of any apocalyptic or millenarianlanguage it may have used, was essential ly justa movement of social reform4. Te very fact thatits leader was able to maintain a position in thechurch hierarchy and gain a significant role in

the state hierarchy shows that neither revolt northe bringing of the millennium had any real

the message that drew people to Canudos was aliberation from work, which was seen as worth-less activity and detrimental to the spiritual needsof the moment. In addition, despite Conselheiro’sown extreme asceticism and personal refusal ofsexual intercourse, he not only turned a blind eyeto what Cunha calls “free love”, but even promotedit by saying that in these last days, there was notime to worry about such trivial matters as mar-riage vows.

4 On this level, I tend to see cangaceiro Lampião’srelationship to Father Cicero as perhaps less

respectful than Georges Lapierre portrays it. When Father Cicero gave Lampião a title, armsand ammunition in 1926, of course, Lampiãogladly took them, but for his own purposes. Ratherthan doing what the good padre wanted, he simply went on his way, living his outlaw li fe, an indica-tion to me that he recognized the limits of thepriest’s activities.

TRANSLATOR’S

INTRODUCTION

urban poor. On the other hand, there were thecangaceiros , individuals whose acts of revengeagainst a very visible ruling class and its lackeyshad driven them to live as outlaws. Tey joinedtogether in bands called cangaços to wage theirbattle against a social order to which they wereneither willing to submit nor able to belong.

For me, the most interesting aspect of thishistorical tale lies in the comparisons and con-

trasts that can be made between these two verydifferent forms of rebellion that manifestedthemselves in Brazil as the nineteenth centurymoved into the twentieth century. Tough Georges Lapierre’s account mentionsseveral millenarian movements in Brazil duringthat period, he only goes into any detai l abouttwo of them: the one that gathered around Anto-nio Conselheiro (Antonio the Counselor)3 and

3 Having found an English translat ion of the bookthat Georges Lapierre makes frequent reference to with regard to the movement around Conselheiro(Os Sertoes by Euclides da Cunha, translated as

Rebellion in the Backlands ), several other interest-ing facts come out. Te movement was a tri-racialgroup, involving indigenous people, those of Afri-can descent, those of European descent and everypossible mixture thereof. In addition, individualsfrom all parts of the underclasses were included:thieves and prostitutes mingled with former cow-hands and “holy women”. A significant part of



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relevance to his activities. He was merely seek-ing to bring his concept of a christian socialmorality into the existing social order. Conselheiro truly hated the existing socialorder and firmly believed that its end was athand. Being a true believer, he was convincedthat god was about to rain his wrath down uponthe ruling order and bring a holy kingdom ofreal equality to the earth, one with neither state

nor property, where the entire world wouldbe equally accessible to all. Such a vision wasbound to attract many of the dispossessed.Conselheiro’s vision was apocalyptic, but alsoa vision of action. While the movement thatgathered around him ended up forming a “holycity” (Canudos), a commune in which to beginthe new way of living, it was also prepared tofight the ruling powers. Tat battle, however,took a form quite typical of a particular sortof millenarianism. It was a defense of the holycity that was based on trust in a supernaturalintervention. Te cangaceiros , on the other hand, were not

religious. Tey were simply outlaws, driven toleave society behind after taking revenge onsomeone from the ruling class or one of itslackeys. Like the millenarian rebels, they werefrom the poor, dispossessed classes. But thepath they chose for their revolt was different,

reflecting a personal humiliation that pushedthem to attack, rather than a more generalhumiliation. Lacking the faith of the mil-lenarians, they built no utopian communal“cities”, choosing rather to roam the coun-tryside, attacking the rich and raiding cities. When their raids on cities were successful, theyoften expressed a type of utopian vision as well,throwing huge drunken feasts with music and

dancing, often giving away some of what theyhad stolen. But they sought no permanence andfaded back into the countryside to wander. I find the sympathy of the cangaceiros for themillenarian movements of their time inter-esting because their way of life in their worldseems to paral lel that of the Free Spirit move-ment of the middle ages. Te Free Spirits areoften described as millenarians, but their mil-lenarianism was distinctly different from thatof Conselheiro, Tomas Münzer 5, the Mün-ster millenarians and most other millenarianmovements. Te distinction lies in the fact thatthe Free Spirits did not see the millennium as

something that was going to come soon, butas something that already existed within them. Teir perspective was not apocalyptic — aiming

5 Leader of a millenarian revolt in Germanyduring the early 1500s.

TRANSLATOR’S

INTRODUCTION



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toward a future end of the world — but ratherbased in the immediate present. Tis is why theFree Spirits, while still using religious language,actually attacked the foundations of religion:dependence on an external supernatural power,hope in a heavenly future, faith in an externalsource of salvation. Quite rightly, the Free Spir-its declared themselves to be greater than god,and apparently lived as vagabond outlaws…

much like the cangaceiros . Teir perspective leftno room for passivity, because they had chosento be the creators of their own lives. Te millenarians of Canudos and Münster,and the followers of Tomas Münzer, certainlyexpressed a more active — and downrightfierce — form of apocalyptism. Tey wereready to fight to the death for their future mil-lenarian dream. But this willingness was basedon the delusions of faith and hope — faith ina supernatural savior; hope in divine intervention. Tus, they are not so different fromgroups like the Branch Davidians in exas— groups made up largely of the poor, wait-

ing for the apocalypse and ready to defendthemselves to the death if necessary. But thefact is that apocalyptism is far more often pas-sive, precisely because it hopes in an externalintervention. Tis is true whether or not it isreligious in nature. We are currently living

in a period in which apocalyptic thinking isrampant even among people with no religiousbelief. Whether it takes the form of para lyzingfears of massive plagues and disasters or ideal-ized dreams of a collapse that will sweep awaythe technological and bureaucratic horrors ofthe present, it doesn’t ever seem to lead to activerevolt. When people manage to get past theirparalysis, such fears prod them to desperately

grasp at any action the might “give us moretime”, and such desperation leads one to seeany sort of anarchist revolutionary and utopianpractice — especially one that is lived here andnow — as a hindrance to this acceptance ofany action that works, because such a practicerejects all litigation, all legislation, every formof working through the ruling order… And theapocalyptic hopes for a collapse have alwaystended to move people toward a mere survival-ism, a “practice” that is nothing more than anaccumulation of skills in the hopes of being themost fit to survive in the post-collapse world.In my opinion, a small and shabby vision.

Millenarian revolt is interesting mostlybecause when millenarian perspectives actuallyled to revolt, to one extent or another, thoseinvolved had begun to recognize that theythemselves had to act to realize their own lib-eration. Its limits lie precisely in the continued

TRANSLATOR’S

INTRODUCTION



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reliance on a supernatural force to guaranteethis. As long as this faith remained, millenar-ians tended to paint themselves into corners,creating small utopian settlements that theydefended with courage and ferocity, but thatended up as their graveyards. But a few, like theFree Spirits, seem to have gotten beyond faithand hope, beyond dependence on a supernatu-ral power to uphold them. And it is interesting

that their practice becomes much more thatof the outlaw who doesn’t settle down, butremains on the move, the cangaceiro, who mayperhaps develop a revolutionary perspective,and thus learn to aim all the more clearly.

TRANSLATOR’S

INTRODUCTION

Cangaceiros .



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AND OUTLAWSAND OUTLAWS PROPHETS PROPHETS

OF THE SERTÃOOF THE SERTÃOBY GEORGES L APIERREBY GEORGES L APIERRE



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oday in the sertão,there are still a few ephemeral groups gatheredaround beatos 1, rapidly being dispersed by thepolice. Tere are also a few isolated bandits,mere brigands dedicated above all to theft. Onthe other hand, groups of hired killers calledcapangas continue to proliferate. Tey are in theservice of the fazendeiro 2, who has taken great

care to prevent any vague desire to rebel amonghis day laborers, mainly through pure and sim-ple murder. Tis private militia receives supportfor its task from a police force and an army whose current means — helicopters, napalm,machine guns, radios, special troops — makeany sort of social movement impossible. Tesecurity of the state is now assured in this vastarid region of northeast Brazil, which was oncethe place where messianic movements of greatbreadth developed together with the epic deedsof the cangaceiros 3. And yet, there in the northeast, there are stillpeople who remember the cangaceiros , Antonio

Silvino, Sinhô, Lampião4

, who they imagine as1 Blessed ones; the implication is that the beato is

perceived as a living saint.2 Wealthy owner of a fazenda , a cattle ranch.3 Social bandits of northeast Brazil.4 Virgul ino “Lampião” Ferreira (1897-1938), whose

nickname means “lamp” or “lantern”.

champions of a lost world; people who preservea sort of nostalgia for the time of Conselheiro— an era of happiness, abundance and freedomcomparable to the legendary times of Charle-magne’s empire and other enchanted realms. Tere are sti ll those who pass down the leg-end of Father Cicero who is supposed to return

to guide people to perfect happiness. Furthersouth, in the serrana region, they pass downthe legend of the “sleeping” friar João Maria,departing to find refuge on the enchantedmountaintop of ayó. “From time to time,new emissaries of Brother João Maria come toannounce his return; the last attempt happenedin 1954. But the authorities keep watch andalways manage to disperse the small gatheringsof the faithful. But the memory of Brother JoãoMaria does not seem to be close to burning out,and the places where he sojourned are vener-ated by his followers.”5

Now law reigns in the sertão, but this wasn’t

always the case.5 Pereira de Queiroz: Réforme et Révolution dans les

Société raditionnelles.

PROPHETS

AND OUTLAWS

OF THE SERTÃO



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Antonio Conselheiro, “the Counselor”.

PROPHETS

AND OUTLAWS

OF THE SERTÃO

“Let the faithful, then, abandon all their worldly possessions, anything that might defile them with

the faintest trace of vanity. All fortunes stoodon the brink of imminent catastrophe,

and it was useless and foolhardyto endeavor to preserve them.” 6

— Euclydes da CunhaRebellion in the Backlands

Around 1870, the popularity ofAntonio Conselheiro, otherwise called “theCounselor”, would grow little by little in the vil-lages of the interior, in the province of Bahia.

His true name was Antonio Vicente Men-des Maciel. He was originally from the state ofCeara, where a dark and bloody rivalry opposedhis family to the Araujo family, the most pow-erful property owners of the region. He appeared there announcing the end of the world, a cosmic catastrophe followed by the last judgment. He was sent by God and promisedthe faithful salvation and the delights of a HolyCity in which peace and brotherhood would

reign. It was Christ who prophesied his coming when “at the ninth hour, as he was resting onthe Mount of Olives, one of his apostles saith

6 Cunha, p. 135 (University of Chicago Press,Chicago, 1944).



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“In 1897, there will be much pasturage andfew trails, one shepherd and one flock only. “In 1898, there will be many hats and fewheads. “In 1899, the water shall turn to blood, andthe planet will appear in the east, with the sun’sray, the bough shall find itself on the earth,and the earth some place shall find itself inheaven.

“Tere shall be a great rain of stars, and that will be the end of the world. In 1900, the lightsshall be put out. God says in the Gospel: I havea flock which is out of this sheepfold, and theflock must be united that there may be oneshepherd and one flock only!”11

Only those who aided him and who followedhim would be saved. He responded in this wayto the deep aspirations of the poor to escapean underhanded fatality, a precarious and ser- vi le existence of oppress ion and desperation.His determination, his fieriness, his rage, hisdynamic exhortations, had seduced them just asit had fascinated rebels, quilombolas (insurgent

and escaped slaves living in hidden settle-ments called quilombos ), unsubdued indians, allfugitives, mestizo or white, sought by villagepolice.

11 Ibid., taken from notebooks found in Canudos.

Saint Sebastian had drawn his sword. WhenConselheiro founded his first messianic com-munity in 1873, in the area around Itapicurùin the province of Bahia, in many ways thisrecalled the cangaço 12 bands. “Tere having arisen a misunderstandingbetween Antonio Conselheiro and his group,and the curate of Inhambupe, the former pro-ceeded to draw up his forces as if for a pitched

battle, and it is known that they were lyingin wait for the curate, when he should go to aplace known as Junco, in order that they mightassassinate him. Tose who pass that way arefilled with fear at the sight of these miscre-ants equipped with clubs, daggers, huntingknives and blunderbusses; and woe to the one who is suspected of being hostile to AntonioConselheiro.”13 (From a police report of thetime) Te archbishop himself turned to the pres-ident of the province of Bahia, asking forreinforcements to contain “the individual Anto-nio Vicente Maciel, who by preaching subversive

doctrines causes much harm to religion and to

12 Literally a reference to the bundles of weaponscarried by these outlaws, the term was also usedto refer to their bands.

13 Cunha, op. cit., p. 138.

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the state distracting people from carrying theirobligations that they may follow him…”.14

However, as the submissive university studentEuclydes da Cunha wrote with a certain objec-tivity, but in the offensive jargon of his masters:“He drew the people of the backlands after him,not because he dominated them, but becausetheir aberrations (sic!) dominated him.”15 Of course, he announced Christ’s thousand year

kingdom on earth after the end of the world, butaround him, under his stimulus, jagunços 16, rebels,and insurgents organized themselves, occupiedland, shared labor and goods, and received gifts,not always voluntary. Te constituted order could not remainindifferent to the expansion of a communitythat gave so little consideration to the idea ofproperty, that so proudly ignored the founda-tions of authority, religion and the state, as theapostolic archbishop said. Terefore, in 1889,the advent of the Republic, this democracyof property owners accelerated the conflict by

14 Ibid,, p. 138.15 Ibid., p. 140.16 Literally, ruffian, but Cunha tended to use it to

refer to all sertanejos. Apparently the people whofollowed Antonio Conselheiro to Canudos tookthe name upon themselves with pride.

making hostilities emerge. Te millenariansconsidered the Republic precisely for what itmeant: more state. It incarnated mortal sin, thepower of selfishness, of cupidity, the supremeheresy that indicated the ephemeral triumph ofthe antichrist.

“Tere are unlucky beingsWho don’t know how to do good

Tey degrade God’s law And represent the jackal’s law

Protected by laws You are so, people of nothing We have God’s law You have the jackal’s law” 17

Conselheiro preached insurrection againstthe Republic and began to burn governmentdecrees posted in the vil lages:

“In truth, I say unto you, when nation fallsout with nation, Brazil with Brazil, England with England, Prussia with Prussia, then shallDom Sabastião18 with all his army arise from

17 Poetry found in Canudos written on little bitsof paper.

18 D. Sebastião: King of Portugal (1557-1578), diedin the course of an expedition against the Moors. Te populace did not want to believe in his death.He became a legendary and messianic figure

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the waves of the sea. “From the beginning of the world a spell waslaid upon him and his army, and restitutionshall be made in war. “And when the spell was laid upon him, thendid he stick his sword in the rock, up to thehilt, saying: Farewell, world!

“For a thousand and many, for two thousand,thou shalt not come.

“And on that day, when he and his army shallarise, then shall he with the edge of the swordfree all from the yoke of this Republic.

“Te end of this war shall take place in theHoly House of Rome, and the blood shalt floweven in the great assembly.”19

A E Cunha remarked with a valet’s conceit: “your

jagunço is quite as inapt at understanding the

comparable to that of the Emperor of the last days:he would be returned from the isle of Mists, hav-ing organized an army to free Jerusalem. We find

this Portuguese legend from the end of the six-teenth century to again be quite popular in Brazil.It formed the nucleus of two important messianicmovements that manifested in the province ofPernambuco in 1817 an 1835: that of Sylvestre José dos Santo and that of Joa Ferreira.


republican form of government as he is theconstitutional monarchy. Both to him areabstractions, beyond the reach of his intelli-gence. He is instinctively opposed to both ofthem… there was very little political signifi-cance to be found… such as might have lentitself to the messianic tendencies revealed. Ifthe rebel attacked the established order, it wasbecause he believed that the promised kingdom

of bliss was near at hand.”20 Up to this point, the order established bymonarchists or republicans had never led tothe reign of delights for the poor, quite thecontrary. Rather, with the Republic came aclear-cut worsening of the fate reserved to those who did not possess anything. What Consel-heiro and his followers fought against was theprogressive arrangement of a new order. Teydid not rebel in the name of an old order, butfor the idea they had of a human society. Teireye was not turned toward the past, but towardthe future. Tey were carriers of a social proj-ect. Rising up against the constituted order, or

the one that was beginning to be constituted,they rose up against the essence of a world thatcreated private property, forced labor, the wage worker, police, money; they rose up against a

20 Ibid., pp. 160, 162.

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social practice and its essence. For them, thefuture was not a return to the past, but ratherthe end of a world, an overturning of societyfrom top to bottom, a revolution for which thehumanity that was there from the start finallyreturns as realized humanity.

been decreed, the local councils of the interior

of Bahia had tacked up edicts meant to raisetaxes on notice boards, traditional bulletinboards that took the place of the press. When the news spread, Conselheiro was atBom Conselho. Te taxes enraged him, andhe immediately organized a protest. On mar-ket day, the population assembled and set fireto the notice boards amid seditious shoutsand firecracker explosions. After this auto-da-fe that the authorities could not prevent,he raised his voice and, wise and cool-headedas always, openly incited rebellion against thelaws. Aware of the danger that threatened himand his own, he left the city and headed north

on the road of Monte-Santo, toward a remote,abandoned region surrounded by steep moun-tains and insurmountable caatinga , a temporaryrefuge for bandits. Te events had a certain echo in the capi-tal, from which a police force departed to stopthe rebels, who were fewer than two hundred

people at the time. Te squad tracked the reb-els to Massète, a bare, sterile place between ucano and Cumbe. Te thir ty wel l-armedpolice attacked them violently, certain they’dbe victorious in the first assault. But they werefacing bold jagunços . Te police were beaten andhad to hastily retreat on foot. Te commander was the first to give the fine example. After accomplishing this endeavor, the mil-

lenarians were back on the road, accompanyingthe prophet’s Hegira. No longer looking forpopulous places, they headed toward the desert.Passing through mountain chains, bare plateausand sterile plains, they reached Canudos.

It was an old fazenda , a temporary holdingsituated on the Vasa-Barris river. By 1890, it was abandoned and was used as a resting place.It included about fifty huts made of clay, rockand straw. In 1893, when the apostle arrived, Canu-dos was in total decay. Everywhere there wereabandoned shelters and empty cabins. And atthe summit of the spur of Mount Favella, the

old residence of the owner was sighted, withouta roof, and its walls reduced to ruins. Te community occupied the wastelands,rapidly making them bear fruit. Te villagedeveloped swiftly as disciples coming from themost widespread places settled there to live. In

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AND OUTLAWS

OF THE SERTÃO



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the eyes of the inhabitants, it was a sacred place,surrounded by mountains, untarnished by theoperations of government. Canudos came toknow dizzying growth. Here is what one witnesssaid: “Certain places in this district and othersround about, as far away even as the state ofSergipe, became depopulated, so great was theinflux of families to Canudos, the site selected byAntonio Conselheiro as the center of his opera-

tions. As a result, there was seen offered for saleat the fairs an extraordinary number of horses,cattle, goats, etc., as well as other things suchas plots of ground, houses and the like, all to behad for next to nothing, the one burning desirebeing to sell and lay hold of a little money, andthen go share it with the Counselor.”21

Te land completely covered the hills. Teabsence of streets and plazas, apart from that ofthe church, and the great mass of hovels, madea single dwelling place out of it. Te village wasinvisible at a certain distance and, surroundedby the windings of the Vasa-Barris river, van-ished into the terrain.

From close up, one would have seen anextraordinary labyrinth of narrow passages thatpoorly divided the chaotic heap of huts fromthe clay roof.

21 Ibid., pp. 143-144.

Te dwellings made of straw and stone werecomposed of three tiny parts: a small waitingroom, a room used as a kitchen and diningroom, and a side alcove hidden by a low, narrowdoor. Tere was some furniture: a bench, twoor three small stools, cedar chests, hammocks.And there were a few accessories: the bogo orborrocha , a leather bag for carrying water, andthe aió, a bag for carrying game made fromcarúa 22 fibers. On the floor of the main roomlay a coarse prayer rug. Finally, there were

22 A small palm.

Canudos.



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old weapons: the large jacare 23 knife with abroad sturdy blade, the parna-hyba knife of thelookout with a blade as long as a sword, thethree-meter goad with its iron point, the hollowclub filled with lead, bows, guns — the musketof thin reed loaded with gravel, the larger mus-ket loaded with buckshot, the heavy harquebuscapable of shooting stones and horns, the blun-derbuss flared like a bell.

Everything was here; the inhabitants ofCanudos had no need for anything else. “Te wandering jagunços were here pitchingtheir tents for the last time, on that miraculousheaven-bound pilgrimage of theirs.”24

Each cabin was both a home and a fortifiednook. Canudos was to become the Münsterof the sertão, its inhabitants “terrible baptistscapable of loading deadly daffodils with rosarybeads.” Canudos generously opened its pantries, filled with gif ts and the fru it of common labor, tothose in need. Social activity was not directed byanyone; it was self-organized. Only brandy had

been prohibited by common agreement. Some were busy with cultivation or tended the flocks

23 Jacare literally means alligator, a reference to thestrength of this knife.


of goats, while others kept watch over the sur-rounding areas. Groups were formed to travelfar, carrying out expeditions. But all the activ-ity seemed to converge toward the constructionof a new church; this was the common workaround which the endeavors were organized. Tis society, which camped in the desert, wasdevoted to a sacred mission, considering itselfa community, a society that was religious in

its essence and that gave body to its spirit bybuilding its church stone by stone. Te newchurch was erected at the tip of the plaza infront of the old one. Its greater, massive wallsrecalled the great walls of fortresses. Te rect-angular body would have been transfigured bytwo very high towers, with the audacity of arough Gothic structure. “Te truth is, thisadmirable temple of the jagunços was possessedof that silent architectural eloquence of whichBossuet speaks.”25

M G,Bom Conselho and Simao Dias. Bands went

out from Canudos, going to attack the sur-rounding territories and sometimes conqueringcities. In Bom Conselho, one of these bandstook possession of the town, placed it in a state

25 Ibid., p. 154.

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of siege and sent the authorities away, start-ing with the justice of the peace. Such warlikeexpeditions alarmed the constituted powers. Te provincial government, and then the fed-eral government, denounced the holy city. It gavean example that was a threat to the state, so muchthe more so as its notoriety grew. Tere was arisk that the experiment would spread. It becameurgent to wipe Canudos off the map, to make it

disappear in fire and blood, to extirpate it. Four increasingly impotent expeditions wereundertaken against Canudos between 1896 and1897. “Te cangaceiros would make incursions tothe south, the jagunços would make forays to thenorth, and they would confront each other wit hout uniting forces, being separated bythe steep barrier of Paulo Affanso. It was theinsurrection in the Monte Santo district whichunited them; and the Canudos Campaignserved to bring together, spontaneously, allthese aberrant forces which were hidden awayin the backlands.”26

Infamous bandits revealed themselves tobe formidable strategists. Te inhabitants ofCanudos made the Republic’s armies waver. In October 1896, the first magistrate of Joazeiro telegraphed the governor of Bahia,

26 Ibid., p. 178.

soliciting his intervention with the aim of tak-ing measures to protect the population, so hesaid, from an attack by the jagunços of AntonioConselheiro. On November 4, the governor sent an armedforce of one hundred soldiers and a doctor underthe command of Lieutenant Manuel da SilvaPires Ferreira. On November 19, they reachedUaúa, a small village on the Vasa-Barris river

between Joazeiro and Canudos. At dawn twodays later, the jagunços brutally attacked them,practically fighting with cold steel againstsoldiers armed with modern repeating rifles. Te rebels lost one hundred and fifty men. Tetroops counted ten dead and sixteen wounded. Te doctor went mad. Te troops arranged toretreat to Joazeiro. On November 25, an armed force (five hun-dred forty-three soldiers, fourteen officers,three doctors) with four Krupp cannon andtwo machine guns, under the command ofCommander Frebonio de Brito, left Bahia atthe time of the Queimadas . It reached Monte

Santo on December 29. On January 12, 1897, itleft for Canudos, taking the Cambaio path. On January 18 and 19, the first battles took place insight of Canudos as the army crossed the gorge. Te jagunços attacked suddenly, disappearing toreappear a bit further away, little blunderbusses

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against repeating rifles and machine guns. Teyleft many dead on the ground, but inflicted sucha harsh and unexpected defeat on the army thatit had to beat a hasty retreat to Monte Santo.

When the government became aware of thedisaster that happened during the crossing ofthe Cambaio, it understood the seriousness of the war in the sertoes , all the more so because thefame of Canudos spread throughout the sertão

as a consequence of this enterprise.

O F , , C M César, well-known throughout the nation,commanded the first regular expedition thatembarked from Rio heading for Bahia. On theeighth day, the expedition reached Queimadas with thirteen hundred men and al l the neces-sary equipment. At Monte Santo, they skirtedthe mountain from the east to arrive at Angicoand on the peak of Favella the afternoon ofMarch 2. Sure of his task, Moreira César launched anassault against the village after a brief bom-

bardment. It was a catastrophe for him and hismen. Like a trap, like an immense spider web,like a fish net, the village closed around thearmy. Every path, every dead end, every turn,every house hid determined people armed withlarge knives, pikes and blunderbusses. Te army

was quick ly caught in a tragic hand-to-handbattle. It was a disaster that quickly turned intoa panic. Te famous Colonel César was fatally wounded. Colonel amarindo, who replacedhim, was also killed. “In the meanwhile, the sertanejos weregathering up the spoils. Along the road andin nearby spots weapons and munitions liestrewn, together with pieces of uniforms, mili-

tary capes and crimson striped trousers, which,standing out against the grey of the caatingas, would have made their wearers too conspicuousas they fled. From which it may be seen thatthe major portion of the troops not only hadthrown away their weapons but had strippedthemselves of their clothing as well.

“Tus it was that, midway between ‘Rosario’and Canudos, the jagunços came to assemble ahelter-skelter open-air arsenal; they now hadenough and more than enough in the way ofarms to satisfy their needs. Te Moreira Césarexpedition appeared to have achieved this oneobjective: that of supplying the enemy with

all this equipment, making him a present of allthese modern weapons and munitions. “Te jagunços took the four Krupps back to

the settlement, their front-line fighters nowequipped with formidable Mannlichers and

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Comblains27 in place of the ancient, slow-loading muskets. As for the uniforms, belts andmilitary bonnets, anything that had touchedthe bodies of the cursed soldiery, they wouldhave defiled the epidermis of these consecrated warriors, and so the latter disposed of them in amanner that was both cruel and gruesome…

“…the jagunços then collected all the corpsesthat were lying here and there, decapitated

them, and burned the bodies; after whichthey lined the heads up along both sides of thehighway, at regular intervals, with the facesturned toward the road, as if keeping guard.Above these, from the tallest shrubbery, theysuspended the remains of the uniforms andequipment, the trousers and multicolored dol-mans, the saddles, belts, red-striped kepis, thecapes, blankets, canteens, and knapsacks. “Te barren, withered caatinga now blos-somed forth with an extravagant-colored flora:the bright red of officers’ stripes, the pale blueof dolmans, set off by the brilliant gleam ofshoulder straps and swaying stirrups.

“Tere is one painful detail that must beadded to complete this cruel picture: at one sideof the road, impaled on a dried angico 28 bough,

27 ypes of repeating rifles.28 A gum-bearing tree.

loomed the body of Colonel amarindo.“It was a horrible sight. Like a terribly maca-

bre manikin, the drooping corpse, arms andlegs swaying in the wind as it hung from theflexible, bending branch, in these desert regionstook on the appearance of some demoniac vision. It remained there for a long time. “And when, three months later, a fresh expe-ditionary force set out for Canudos, this was

the scene that greeted their eyes: rows of skullsbleaching along the roadside, with the shredsof one-time uniforms stuck up on the treebranches round about, while over at one side— mute protagonist of a formidable drama — was the dangling specter of the old colonel.”29

While in the sertão the epic deeds of Canudos were sung in poems where the undertakingsbecame legendary, in the capital the govern-ment was not able to figure it out. Canudos wasan impoverished village, not even on the map,and yet it had managed to put entire regimentsin check. Te state resorted to inventing talesof political conspiracies, but began to seriously

worry. It feared that l ittle known sertão, from which men armed for revenge emerged fromevery province, converging on Canudos to jointhe fight. Te university student Euclydes da

29 Cunha, op.cit., pp. 274-276.

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Te army found itself in a critical situa-tion. Cut off from its supplies, it could neitheradvance nor retreat. “At the same time the riflefire all around made it plain to all that this wasin truth a siege to which they were being sub- jected, even though the enemies’ lines in theform of numerous trenches were spread outlaxly, in an undefined radius, over the slopesof the hill… Te bold and unvarying tactics of

the jagunços were nowhere more clearly revealedthan in the resistance which he offered even while retreating, as he sought every means ofshelter which the terrain afforded… On theone hand were men equipped for war by all theresources of modern industry, materially strongand brutal, as from the mouths of their cannonsthey hurled tons of steel on the rebels; and onthe other hand, were these rude warriors whoopposed to all this the masterly stratagems ofthe backwoodsman. Te latter willingly gavetheir antagonists his meaningless victories, which served merely as a lure; but even as the‘victor’, after having paved with lead the soil

of the caatingas , was unfurling his banners andawakening the desert echoes with his drum-beats, they, not possessing these refinements ofcivilization, kept time to triumphal hymns with

the whines of bullets from their shotguns.”33

wo weeks later, supplies finally arrived, andthe troops launched an attack on the village. Tey were defeated with considerable losses.In the army and the government, there wasdismay. A new brigade, the Girard brigade, was hast-ily formed in Queimadas, consisting of onethousand forty-two soldiers and sixty-eight

officers. It set off on August 3 to supply ArthurOscar’s army with men and provisions. OnAugust 15 it was attacked and lost ninety-oneblockheads, for which it earned the mockingepithet, the nice brigade. Te government now understood that it was no longer a question of mak ing an assaultagainst a village, but of organizing a genu-ine military campaign of several weeks, if notseveral months, with the aim of completely sur-rounding it. It understood that the war wouldbe long and hard, and that it needed to supplyitself with the necessary tools. Marshall Bittencourt was put in charge of the

campaign. wo supplementary brigades arrivedfrom Bahia and formed a division. A regularconvoy service for Monte-Santo was organized. Te army no longer risked being cut off from its

33 Ibid., p 235-236.

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rear and could thus be installed in a trench war. Te long strangulation of Canudos had begun. On September 7, Calumby road was opened,allowing the siege to come together. On September 22, Antonio Conselheiro died. Te fighting resumed more fiercely aroundCanudos. Te inhabitants discovered the spiritof initiative. With an astonishing outflank-ing maneuver, the skirmishes reached all the

enemy’s positions, striking the entire frontline, trench by trench. At a single stroke,they unexpectedly got past every point of thefront. Tey were beaten and driven back. Tenthey launched themselves against the nearesttrenches. Again beaten and pushed back, theydirected themselves against those who followedand went on this way. Tough unsuccessful,their assaults were unremitting, forming animmense ring-around-the-rosy dance beforethe troops. “Tose who, only the day before, had looked with disdain upon this adversary burrowing inhis mud huts, were now filled with astonish-

ment, and as in the evil days of old, but stillmore intensely now, they felt the sudden stran-gling grip of fear. No more displays of foolhardycourage. An order was issued that the buglesshould no longer be sounded, the only feasiblecall to arms being that which the foe himself so

eloquently gave…. “In short, the situation had suddenly becomeunnatural…. “Te battle was feverishly approaching adecisive climax, one that was to put an end tothe conflict. Yet this stupendous show of resis-tance on the part of the enemy made cowardsof the victors.”34 Te troops tried to reinforce the encircle-

ment, penetrating step by step into the interiorof the village, but fierce resistance thwartedtheir advance. Te jagunços fell back, but didnot flee. Tey remained nearby, a few stepsaway, in the next room of the same house, sep-arated from their enemies by a few centimetersof pressed earth. Tere wasn’t much space inthe village, so those who wanted to preservethemselves and put up an increasing resistanceto the soldiers gathered in the hovels to crowdthem. Tough they gave up on some things,they reserved quite different surprises for the victors. Te cunning of the sertanejo made itselffelt. Even in their most tragic moment, they

would never accept defeat. Resist ing to thedeath was not enough — they would challengethe enemy by taking the offensive. On the night of September 26, the jagunços

34 Ibid., p. 436-437.

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violently attacked four times. On September27, eighteen times. Te next day, they didn’trespond to morning and afternoon bombings,but attacked from six o’clock in the eveninguntil five the next morning. On October 1, 1897, an intensive bombing ofthe last hotbed of resistance began. A decisivelycleaned-up terrain was needed for the assault.It had to happen at a single strike, at a charge,

with only one concern, the ruins. No projectile was spared. Te last bit of Canu-dos was inexorably turned inside out, house byhouse, from one end to the other. Everything

was completely devastated by the artil lery bar-rage. Te last jagunços suffered the ceaselessbombardment in al l its destructive violence. But no one was seen fleeing; there wasn’t theleast agitation. And when the final strike was shot, the inex-plicable quiet of the destroyed countrysidecould have made one think that it was deserted,as if the population had miraculously escaped

during the night. Te attack began. Te battalions moved infrom three points to converge at the new church. Tey didn’t get far. Te jagunços followed their

Army reinforcements arriving in Bahia prepare forthe final assault on Canudos, September 5, 1897.

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attackers step by step and suddenly came backto life in a surprising and victorious way likealways. All the pre-established tactical movements were thrown into disarray. Instead of converg-ing on the church, the brigades were stopped,fragmented and dispersed among the ruins. Tesertanejos remained invisible. Not a single oneappeared or tried to pass through the plaza.

Tis failu re resembled a rout , since theattackers were stopped by unexpected resis-tance. Tey took shelter in the trenches andfinally escaped the fix by limiting themselvesto a merely defensive strategy. Ten the jagunços emerged from the smoking huts and swoopeddown on the soldiers. Tere was an urgent need to expand theoriginal attack. Ninety dynamite bombs werelaunched against those who remained in Canu-dos. Te vibrations produced fissures thatcrisscrossed over the ground like seismic waves. Walls collapsed. Many roofs fell to pieces. Tethick accumulation of black powder made the air

unbreathable. It seemed as though everythinghad vanished. It was the complete dismantlingof what was left of the “sacred city.” Te battalions waited for the cyclone of flamesto die down before launching the final attack. But it was not to be. On the contrary, a sudden

withdrawal took place. No one knows how, butfrom the flaming ruins, gunfire poured out, andthe soldiers ran for shelter on all sides, mostly withdrawing back behind their trenches. Without trying to hide, jumping over firesand those roofs that remained standing, the lastdefenders of Canudos leapt out. Tey launchedan assault of wild audacity, going to kill theenemy in their trenches. Tese enemies felt

their lack. Teir courage fai led. Unity of com-mand and unity of action dissolved. Teir losses were now heavy. At about two o’clock in the afternoon, thesoldiers fell back in defense, tasting defeat.

But the sertanejos ’ situation had deteriorated,since they were blockaded in such a confinedspace. Nonetheless, on October 2, the weary“victors” saw the dawn emerging under a chal-lenging salvo of gunfire. Troughout the day, three hundred peopletook advantage of the truce and asked to sur-render. But much to the chagrin of the military

authorities, they were just exhausted women, very young or wounded children, and sick old people— all those who could no longer hold a weapon. Tey were slaughtered the following night. (“And words being what they are, what comment should we make on the fact that, from the morning of

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the third on, nothing more was to be seen of theable-bodied prisoners who had been rounded upthe day before…”35) Te military did not reallytake the wounded jaguncos prisoner. All who fellinto the soldiers’ clutches were finished off later with cold steel. “Tere is no need of relating what happenedon October 3 and 4. From day to day the strug-gle had been losing its military character, and it

ended by degenerating completely.… One thingonly they knew, and that was that the jagunços would not be able to hold out for many hours.Some soldiers had gone up to the edge of theenemy’s last stronghold and there had taken inthe situation at a glance. It was incredible. In aquadrangle trench of a little more than a yardin depth, alongside the new church, a score offighting men, weak from hunger and fright-ful to behold, were preparing themselves for adreadful form of suicide… a dozen dying men,their fingers clenched on the trigger for one lasttime, were destined to fight an army. “And fight they did, with the advantage rela-

tively on their side still. At least they succeededin halting their adversaries. Any of the latter whocame too near remained there to help fill that sin-ister trench with bloody mangled bodies…

35 Ibid., p. 475.

“Let us bring this book to a close.“Canudos did not surrender. Te only case of

its kind in history, it held out to the last man.Conquered inch by inch, in the literal meaningof the words, it fell on October 5, toward dusk— when its last defenders fell, dying, everyman of them. Tere were only four of themleft: an old man, two other full-grown men,and a child, facing a furiously raging army of

five thousand soldiers… “Te settlement fell on the fifth. On thesixth they completed the work of destroyingand dismantling the houses — 5,200 of themby careful count.”36

Once again the law of the Republic ruledover the sertão. Tus, the heroic epic of Canudoscame to an end, an adventure full of human-ity that perished in sound and fury. Canudos,the empire of Belo Monte, was not defeated; it vanished together with the last one killed. It was annihilated.

36

Ibid., p. 475. Euclydes da Cunha’s book ends with aslander typical of the time: “… they took [AntonioConselheiro’s head] to the seaboard, where it wasgreeted by delirious multitudes with carnival joy.Let science here have the last word. Standing outin bold relief from all the significant circumvo-lutions were the essential outlines of crime andmadness.” (p. 476)

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In those days,in the province of Ceara, a vast, religiouslyinspired social reform movement developedunder the guidance of Father Cicero. Tismovement experienced a less tragic end,because Father Cicero knew how to navigate

his way with authority among the politicalcomponents of the region, with full respect forthe state and property, a compromise beforepower that assured him not only impunity, buta position recognized and respected by all. Tis movement was of a more priestly ratherthan blatantly messianic inspiration. Te spiritof Catholicism in both its political and socialsense animated the movement more than thespirit of millenarianism, which is purely socialand has nothing to do with politics. It intendedto rediscover the pattern of the primitiveChurch: devoting political means to a socialmission.

Padre Cicero had exceptional prestige. He was the only Brazilian messiah to belong to theclergy. All the others were lay people who werecarried into divine service by vocation, but whonever took holy orders. He was sent into thehamlet of Joazeiro in 1870, in the early days



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of his ministry, and traveled throughout theregion preaching. After this period of Francis-can poverty, he started to animate social activityaround Joazeiro with an ideal of peace accord-ing to which the interests of all were supposedto prevail over particular interests, the sourceof quarrels and conflicts. He had managed toconvince small property owners and peasantsto stop living on their land and instead move to

the village, near to him. In the morning they went to work in the fields, and in the eveningthey came back. A traffic of pilgrims began in Joazeiro. Teycame to ask the blessing and counsel of PadreCicero. In 1889, when the Republic was proclaimed,Padre Cicero reacted in his way by carrying outhis first mirac les, which consolidated his posi-tion and prestige. Te republican state didn’tdare to provoke hostilities and tolerated thismovement that criticized the bourgeois spirit without crit icizing the state. Pilgrims becameincreasingly numerous. Many settled in the

holy city of Joazeiro where they found protec-tion with the “little father”. Te Church wasdisturbed by this and tried to put an end to theturbulence, which it considered dangerous. Itordered Padre Cicero not to say mass or preachanymore, but it could not force him to leave

Joazeiro. It was afraid that his followers wouldmobilize to defend him, something that mustbe avoided at all costs. Padre Cicero had allies among local politi-cal leaders. His prestige, his influence, andthe progressive electoral force at his disposalpushed him to strengthen his growing politi-cal authority by getting elected as municipalprefect.

In 1914, a victory by his enemies made rela-tions with the provincial government difficult. Te “lit tle father” then called his followers toholy war against the provincial government, which represented the Antichrist. God wantedit to be overthrown so that perfect happiness without shadow could reign on earth. Teseincitements to struggle caused troops to be sentagainst the New Jerusalem. But unlike Consel-heiro, Father Cicero enjoyed important politicalsupport in the capital of Brazil; and besides,this insurrection was limited to political goalsand didn’t have the ambition of overthrowingthe constituted order. Te prophet’s follow-

ers, with federal complicity, triumphed overthe forces deployed against them and placedthe provincial capital under siege, putting thegovernor to flight. Te victorious Padre Ciceroofficially became the vice-governor of the stateof Ceara.

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I warfare that raged among the great fami lies,for which the poor unfailingly paid the price,Father Cicero could institute a more peacefulsociety, thus improving the tragic situation ofthose who had nothing. He was able to do sobecause he spoke in the name of the highestauthority, divine authority. In this way, he puthimself above the fray, beyond the local quarrels

— the only way to be heard by all. In a worldincreasingly dominated by selfish interests,only religion could unite, at least in appear-ance, what was separated in deed. In sermons,Father Cicero reproached the “small” and the“great”, because they did not live according tothe divine laws of charity, mutual aid and theforgiveness of offenses. He was thus able to putan end, at least temporarily, to the hostilitiesbetween families, to blot out discord, to renewalliances, to become the arbitrator of disputes,the indisputable and undisputed master of theregion, the “little father”.

His movement had a conscious function of

social reform. Te followers made donations tothe messiah that were used to form a commonfund to provide for the needs of the sick, widowsand orphans; to buy land; and to finance enter-prises (Joazeiro, a small hamlet in 1870, wouldbecome the second city of the province under

the stimulus of the prophet, with 70,000 inhab-itants). But it also had a guardianship functionfor the existing system: the ideal of fraternityand equality was rigorously understood as fra-ternity and equality in faith and before god.

W C with arms in 1896-1897, some men left Joazeiroto aid the commune of Monte-Santo, but the

entire city didn’t rise up. Yet, at that time, aninsurrection in Joazeiro would have absolutelymeant the greatest danger for the Republic, which was very careful not to challenge it. Testate would have found itself forced to conduct a war on two fronts. Considering the tremendousdifficulty that it encountered in getting the bestof the rebels of Canudos, one could legitimatelyask what it would have been able to do in theface of an insurrection of the entire northeast,a thing that would certainly have happened ifthe movement in Joazeiro had committed itselfto that struggle.

In the final analysis, in a period disturbed by

increasingly bitter rivalries between particularinterests, Father Cicero brought social peace. Tis al lowed the poor of the region, along withthose who came from the coast, to breathe, torelax and to rediscover with him, if not thehope of a new life, at least that of a better life.

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A F C , messianic movements developed in the sertão.Most of them were immediately stopped bythe action of the local authorities, unless theylearned to follow the example of Father Ciceroand come to terms with the politicians of theregion. Tis was the case of Pedro Batista deSilva’s movement in Bahia. He succeeded inmaking the Santa-Brigada precinct, where he

established his messianic community and over which he ruled with uncontested authority, risein the ranks of city hall. Tis was not the case of the blessed Lourenço’smovement, which lasted from 1934 to 1938 andended tragically. In the image of the “warrior saint” AntonioConselheiro, the blessed Lourenço founded acolony similar to Canudos in the plain of Ara-ripe, also fully within the sertão. Here again,the poor — who no longer wanted to submitto slavery — occupied the land, establishing akind of primitive communism, a phalanstery.Everything produced was held in common.

Tis scandalous practice that openly challengedthe big property owners by violating or, worse,ignoring the laws of private property (sacredlaws that established the social authority ofthe possessors) aroused the almost immediatereaction of the united forces of the constituted

order. Te sertanejos took up arms, scythesagainst cannons as in Canudos, resisting to thedeath. Tey were all slaughtered after a fierceand relentless battle, but it was too unequal.After a short time, the law of the Republicagain ruled over the sertão.

I , L’ ended in a bloodbath. It was the last revolu-

tionary messianic movement. On July 28 ofthe same year, Lampião was killed with somecompadres at Angico. His death would be thedeath-blow inflicted on cangaceirismo. Tepolice would easily manage to get the best ofthe last scattered, unsettled little groups thatlacked protection or complicity. Te slaughter would be brutal.

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he cangaceiro was thesocial bandit of northeast Brazil,and the cangaço was his band. Te cangaceiro avenged himself for a humiliation, an injustice,for the blackmail imposed by a “colonel” or thepolice, for the murder of a relative. He thendecided to exclude himself from society and gointo hiding by uniting with an a lready existingband, a band that would allow him to survivethrough organized theft and escape the policeforces that were hunting for him. An avenger more than a righter of wrongs,the cangaceiro embodied generalized rebellionagainst the whole social order.

CANGACEIRO around the northeast at the end of the nine-teenth and the beginning of the twentiethcentury stood side by side with the millenarianmovements. In both equally, we find the samecontempt for property and thus for the law,the same taste for wealth, the same generosity,the same challenge launched against the stateand its cops, the same fierce determination,the same fighting spirit, the same fury. Teboundary between the two was faint when notnon-existent, and the passage in either direction was easy. We know of famous bandits, seduced

by the prophecies of Conselheiro, who partici-pated in the founding of Canudos or rushed todefend it, bringing their skills and experience.Lampião thought so highly of Father Cicero’smovement that he always avoided the provinceof Ceara in the course of the ra ids. In both cases, the same people were involved.

“F ,”

student Euclydes da Cunha wrote, “the inhabit-ant of the sertão regarded life from his turbulent viewpoint and understood that he was destined for a struggle with-out respite that urgentlydemanded the convergence of al l hisenergies… alwaysready for a conflict where he wou ldn’tbe victorious, but he wouldn’t be conquered.”It probably wasn’t the natureof the northeast that molded the

fierce character of these people;but they were truly indomitablepeople who preferred death toslavery. Tey were always quickto defend their freedom, the

Virgulino “Lampião” Ferreira.

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idea they had of man, a certain vision of wealth, with the greatest vigor and boldness. Tey stoodagainst the entire world; and from all sides,they were destined to a struggle without respitethat urgently demanded the convergence of alltheir energies, to a war in which they wouldnot allow themselves to be conquered. Whether millenarians or cangaceiros , they were cowhands, sharecroppers, mule drivers.

Tey were part of the rural society that wascontinually threatened in its existence andsubstantially in its freedom. Tey had beenproduced by it. Tey not only found a real com-plicity in this society, but they also expressed itsdeepest aspirations. All in all, very little differ-entiates the two groups. Te millenarians werecarriers of a positive social project, but it hada religious essence, while the cangaceiros werecarriers of a purely negative social project that was not relig ious in its essence. United around a prophet through faith in theimminent arrival of the Millennium, throughthe same aspiration for a new life, the Brazilian

millenarians formed a spiritual community thatintended to organize itself in expectation ofthe final event, preparing for it. Tis messianiccommunity did not have the ambition of real-izing the Millennium itself, but it opposed thespirit of the existing world in a radical way by

recognizing itself in the community of a future world. It carried within itself a positive socialproject that essentially remained religious; itformed the idea of a society not yet realizedand whose realization did not belong to it. It was the premonition of this new society . Te cangaceiros recognized themselves in asimple idea: revenge. Its realization touchedthem directly. Tey formed a warrior commu-

nity whose social project (revenge is, indeed, asocial project) was absolutely negative and forthe most part completely personal. Each onehad his revenge to carry out. It belonged to herand related to a given person or, more gener-ally, a given family. And he intended to bringit to a good end, if he had not already done so. Te entire constituted order was opposed to herrevenge. By carrying it out, the cangaceiro chal-lenged the entire society. Te cangaceiro did not criticize the society in which she lived, but the goal she pursued madehim a rebel. Te millenarians didn’t seek toavenge themselves or, more precisely, the hour

of vengeance did not belong to them, since it was up to God or a supernatural being likeking D. Sabastião, but they criticized society. Tus, it was a lmost inevitable that they wouldmeet, as they did, in fact, in Canudos. Te statearranged to transform a spiritual community

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into a warrior community and an individual insearch of revenge into a social bandit. Te insult that the cangaceiro had to erasecame both from an individual and from thesociety that supported that individual, that washis accomplice. Te offense didn’t come from anisolated individual, from one’s likes — in thosedays, settling such an insult would not havebeen a problem — but from a social authority . It

could be an insult from a “colonel” or someonein his circle, which amounts to the same thing. Te offense came from a fazendeiro who wasinvested with both a social authority as a largeproperty holder and a political authority as arepresentative of the state in the region. Te vengeance of the cangaceiro, in fact, was a socialvengeance . Carrying it out didn’t just mean con-fronting an individual, but also the state thatstood behind him. Te cangaceiro made his own justice towardand against the state, which always stood onthe side of the one who offended him. Hisinalienable and universal right as a free indi-

vidual came into conflict with the objectiveRight of the state, the substance of which isto force the individual to alienate her universaland immediate right to freedom. As Hegel wrote, “It is enough that the I as freebeing am alive in the flesh, because it is prohibited

Cangaceiras .

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each other. Reality itself, in which shamefulself-interest, betrayal and complicity, boldnessand deceit were mixed, was not only complexand contradictory, but already legendary. Withthe cangaceiros , reality had been pierced by anidea. Teir story belonged to an epic poem.

In the nineteenth century, starting from Bra-zil’s independence, social banditry spread withinthe country, reaching its peak at the proclama-tion of the Republic. Ten it took on the traitsof modern cangaceirismo, which would reach itsculmination in Lampião in the 1930s.



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At the beginning of the twentieth century,two figures stood out: Antonio Silvino andSebastiano (Sinhô) Pereira, with whom Virgu-lino Ferreira, the future Lampião, took his firststeps. Legend has presented them to us as expe-cially good and generous, in the style of socia lbandits like Robin Hood. Antonio Silvino wascaptured in 1914 and sentenced to thirty yearsin prison. He was released after twenty years.

Sinhô Pereira withdrew into “public life”. Virgulino (Lampião) was born in 1897 in asmall village in the province of Pernamboac, where his father was a sharecropper on a smallplot of land and also a mule driver. One day,a detachment of the police, whose commander was linked to a hosti le family, slaughtered theold man and the mother. Virgul ino and his brothers burned themourning clothes in the barnyard and sworethat from that moment on they would no longercarry on mourning, but would rather carry thegun. Te sisters were entrusted to the youngestof them, while the others went into hiding. But

finding themselves in an extremely precariousand uncertain situation, after a few victoriousconflicts with the military police, they united with Sinhô Pereira’s cangaço. One of Lampião’s first endeavors was themurder of “colonel” Gonzaga, director of the

Belmonte police in the state of Pernambouc. Teman was killed with his entire family, and eventhe goats and chickens in the barnyard wereslaughtered. Lampião removed the wedding ringfrom Gonzaga’s corpse, put it on his finger anddidn’t take it off again until his final day. When Sinhô Pereiro retired in 1922 (this couldhappen when one could count on the implicitblessing of Father Cicero), Virgulino became theindisputable leader of the band. Tough he wenton to become the most celebrated of the canga-ceiros , he would also be the last. Lampião wrotethe final chapter of a history.

His nickname, Lampião (lamp, lantern),came to him from one of his early battles. Inthe course of a nocturnal ambush, he had takento firing so quickly that it lit up the night. For nearly twenty years, throughout thesertão , Lampião would wander from one

Cangaceiros dancing in the sertão .

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signals that confused the trails, making thepolice and their thugs go crazy. Ten the can-

gaceiros rested and recovered from the fatigueof their latest endeavors, preparing for the nextones with high spirits.39

Expeditions lasted several months and couldcover several northeastern provinces. Lampiãoextorted money from the rich property own-ers, villages and sometimes cities of a certain

importance. He presented himself with hisband, receiving the money — collected fromthe rich, the merchants, and the propertyowners — directly from the local authorities.In some cases, he visited the school while themen sat in the plaza of the church, then usu-ally every thing ended with a banquet followedby dancing. Te feast started with great bingesof overflowing glasses of a brandy called “ latestarda ” (“the stubborn woman”). Poetic chal-lenges were launched where the best bardsconfronted each other, while encounters cametogether and dissolved… In the night, thetroop took off singing their story to the tune of

“ Mulher Rendeira ”:

39 Cangaceiros: Ballads ragique . Illustrations by JôOliveira, text by Mario Fiotani.

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province to another over an immense land-scape, appearing unpredictably, scrambling histrails, always turning conflicts with the policeto his own advantage.

“L’ . A police and traitors: fire! ” Te blows were frequently struck by smallgroups commanded by the best men, while the

leader controlled everything. Sometimes theentire band took part in genuine war expedi-tions. Lampião studied routes, sought todiscover where there were concentrations ofmoney and followed the movements of the“flying squads”. He was considered a “mod-ern” bandit and used strategy and tactics mostskillfully. Te band stayed hidden for long periods ina safe place, a forest, an inaccessible moun-tain chain, a desert oasis or the fazenda of afriend. Te people only moved in small groupsto resupply ammunition (a very d ifficult enter-prise), to deliver messages demanding money,

and to buy food and other things. Tey movedin a limited radius, just a dozen people with aguide, if need be; the round trip lasted a weekat the longest. At times, if the situation becametoo hot, the band literally disappeared withoutleaving a trace, deliberately spreading news and



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Olé, mulher rendeira Olé, mulher renda u me ensina a fazer renda, Eu te ensino a namonar! 40

Sometimes things went badly. For example,during the attack on Inharéma in Paraiba, thecangaceiros did not succeed in taking the cen-ter of the town. Mad with rage, they retreated,

destroying, looting and burning everything intheir path. “Upon returning to the state of Pernamboucat the end of 1925, Lampião occupied the cityof Custodia, but in the most peaceful mannerin the world. Te bandits spent the day passingthrough the streets. Everyone paid for his pur-chases. All around the area sentries kept watch.Lampião extorted a few rich bastards, boughtprovisions, medicine and ammunition. Te tai-lor made clothing for him, finishing it the sameday, as promised, and was paid handsomely forit. Lampião sent a telegram to the state’s gov-ernor, telling of all the colors, but he didn’t pay

for this on the pretext that the telegraph was a‘public’ service. Te police detachment, having

40 “Hurrah, tenant woman, Hurrah, renter woman, You teach me how to make money, I teach you

how to make love.”

disappeared at the first alarm, gave no signs oflife.” At Carnaiha de Flores, he surrounded thecity and delivered a threatening message: if thesum requested was not handed over, he wouldset fire to the village and slaughter everyone. Te sum was considerable, but not excessive,and so the village notables immediately beganto make a collection. But suddenly a very large,

unexpected “flying squad” brigade appeared,and the cangaceiros , warned by their sentries,prudently withdrew. Afterwards, the bandpresented themselves again without warning,took the dialogue that had been interrupteda few months earlier back up and obtainedsatisfaction. One particula rly well-known episode that was widely discussed (due to the rank of the victim) was the attack against the fazenda ofa very rich aristocrat, the baroness of AquaBranca. Tough he didn’t touch the jewelry thelady wore, Lampião plundered everything else,pins, rings, bracelets, necklaces, precious stones

and other objects of gold, among which was agolden chain that he later gave to his partnerMaria Bonita. She wore it until her death, after which it ended up in the pocket of some soldieror officer.

Tus, Lampião unfailingly wa lked his road,

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devouring mile after mile of the sertão.41

In 1926, he met Father Cicero in the holycity of Joazeiro. Along with the title of captain,he received modern armaments and ammuni-tion from the government. He was supposed togo fight the Prestes column (Louis Carlos Pre-stes would later become the secretary general ofthe Brazilian Communist Party) that had beenformed following the failed coup d’etat of the

democratic officers and that had undertaken along march through Brazil. Lampião acceptedthe priest’s blessing, the title of captain, and thearms but took care not to attack the Prestes col-umn, since he didn’t consider it his affair. In June 1927, Lampião set a course for animportant city, Mossoró, which was even richerthan the others, in the state of Rio Grande doNorte. He issued a demand for a high ran-som. As his whole response, the prefect senthim a package containing one rifle shell. Te“captain” was enraged. In one village, the can-

gaceiros threw a merchant onto the pavement,distributing his pieces of cloth to the poor. In

others, they pulverized all that came withinrange. It was a technique of terror.Eventually, the cangaceiros divided into four

groups and attacked the city. But Mossoró

41 Cangaceiros: Ballade ragique.Maria Bonita, partner of Lampião.

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and its police expected them. Lampião under-estimated the enemy and found himself at adisadvantage. Always a realist, he sounded theretreat and the one hundred fifty bandits fellback in perfect order. Te loss was minor. Tecangaceiros made neighboring cities pay dearlyfor the defeat. Lootings multiplied. But theydidn’t linger in Rio Grande do Norta, whichhad a terrain that was hostile to them (extensive

plains without mountains or forest). Te adven-ture had at least brought them a large amountof loot. Terefore, Lampião coined a maxim: ifthere is more than one church in a city, it isbest to leave it in peace. During the return journey to the state of Per-nambouc, his most violent conflict with thepolice occurred; ninety-six cangaceiros againstmore than two hundred fifty macacos . Lampião,sure of his chances, launched himself furiouslyinto a struggle that to all appearances shouldhave been fatal to him. Te men were dividedinto three groups, and the battle ended withthe defeat of the state troops who, despite their

machine gun, left more than twenty dead on theground and carried away about thirty wounded. Te losses on the side of the cangaceiros wereminimal. Sometimes an act identical to a thou-sand others becomes a legend, but a witness hasreported that he saw it with his own eyes.

So one passes from one year into another, fromone state into another, recalling an adventure, aname, an anecdote or even a mere gesture.42

CANGACEIROS magnificent, with their leather hats shaped likehalf moons and decorated with a profusion ofmedals, silver and gold coins, collar buttons, jewels, rings, in a barbaric and prestigious

luxury. Te bandolier of the rifle also overflowed with innumerable buttons and medals. Pis-tols and revolvers had holsters of worked anddecorated leather, like the belts. Even theirsaddlebags were richly embellished. Te unfail-ingly sharp dagger, about twenty-five to thirtyinches long — the accessory of the true can-

gaceiro — was slid into its inlaid sheath. Tey were the incarnation of the mythical warrior,the Avenger . Tey arrived suddenly. Tey emerged fromthe desert, there where they were no longerexpected, to vanish as if by magic into the

endless expanse of the sertão. In the villagesthey passed through, they opened the doorsof the prisons and the strongboxes of the rich. Tey seemed to possess the gif t of ubiquity.

42 Cangaceiros: Ballad ragique.

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Omnipresent, they escaped police forces as ifby magic, their bodies impervious to bullets,death and misfortune. “He takes from the rich to give to the poor”— so it was said of the cangaceiro. In fact, the can-

gaceiros lived abundantly: always ready for battle,but dissipating the fruits of their robbery in feasts,richly decorated clothes, and thousands of acts ofgenerosity that they dispensed around themselves.

Teir attitude towards wealth was the exact oppo-site of the great local property owners. Te richesthat the latter had accumulated, the cangaceiros distributed anew. Te big landowners conceivedof wealth only as private goods, which excludedothers, impoverishing them. Te cangaceiros , byconsuming what they had taken, made every-one participants in the luxury. In the ancient feudal system, power camefrom conquest. Now it is increasingly based onmoney. Te cangaceiros represented the power thatdespises money. Expending their dough in pur-chases paid for without haggling, in banquetsand in gifts was a question of honor for them.

If the state guaranteed the power of the “col-onels” and the right to property — actually theright to exploit other people’s labor — the can-

gaceiros seemed to revive the tradition of thebandeirantes , whose great and tireless warriorcaravans followed one another in the conquest

of the northeast. “Far from the coast, wheremetropolitan decadence was found, the bandei-rantes , profiting from extreme territories suchas Pernambuco in Amazonia, seemed to belongto a different race due to their reckless courageand resistance to adversity.”43

Whi le the “prestige” of the fazendeiro wasbased exclusively on exploitation, the cangaceiro rekindled the spirit of conquest. He had gained

the money that he dispensed so generously byrisking his life, robbing the rich and powerful, who were loathed but feared by a ll.

I , to reinforce its control over the entire north-east and to completely pacify that huge regionfar from central power. A vast apparatus wasput into action to liquidate banditry: the reor-ganization of the police, the institution ofcheckpoints, the use of radio and telephone,the introduction of more efficient instruments,the development of roads and means of trans-portation. Repression intensified.

Not by chance, during the last years, Lampiãoremained hidden most of the time. Te rankshad diminished. Ammunition had becomeincreasingly dear and almost impossible to find.

43 Euclydes da Cunhu, Les erres de Canudos.

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oward the end, only fifty-five men remained,and when any action was carr ied out, it almostalways occurred in small groups. Specifically, a betrayal caused Lampião’s end. On July 28, 1938, he was poisoned in Angico,in the state of Sergipe, w ith some men and hispartner Maria Bonita. His “compadre ” Coriscotook a terrible revenge. He massacred the entirefamily of the tra itor, who was enrolled directly

in the military police. Corisco’s history was that of all his comrades:revenge and flight. He had been drafted into thearmy and then deserted. Also a victim of injus-tice and abuse, he was further humiliated to thepoint of being trampled by a police deputy. Heentered the cangaço. He quickly became the bestcangaceiro after Lampião. He managed to findthe police who had humiliated him again, tookthe deputy by the feet, ran him through, andinflicted a number of cuts on him with the dag-ger, making him bleed slowly like a pig. After Lampião’s death, Corisco continued toscour the countryside with his men for nearly

two years. In March of 1940, in a small villageof the caatinga of Bahia, surrounded with hispartner Dada by the macacos (who also had amachine gun), he refused to surrender. He diedalmost an hour later. Tat was the end.

CANGACEIRO of the possibility of shaking off the yoke ofoppression, which is neither invincible noreternal. Judgment can always fall, unexpected,upon the rich and powerful. Te cangaceiro only caused the pieces to be put back in play,also showing that the struggle is pitiless andthat freedom must be conquered . Te cangaceiro

was energy directed toward a new form of life.All things considered, the cangaceiro was therevolution. Tis epic poem has been sung at fairs andfeasts where poems are improvised. Tis onetells of the Arrival of Lampião in Hell:

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Corsico and his partner Dada.



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human society. Tis is an excel lent reason! Teyreally struggled against progress, progress in the world of capitalist thought. Tus they initiated in practice a debate ofideas between their social project and the socialproject of capital — between the idea they haveof a human social practice and money as socia lpractice.

medieval era were at the center of an histori-cal mutation from feudal to mercantile society. Tis mutation was already completed almosteverywhere in the world when the Brazilianmovements appeared. It was as if they foundthemselves at the historical edge of the muta-tion, a situation that explains their purelymessianic character. Tey were expecting a cos-mic upheaval, the hour of god’s vengeance wassupposed to arrive at any moment. For the mostradical medieval millenarians, the hour had come to accomplish that upheaval; with god’s help,they participated actively in the earthly realiza-

tion of the Millennium, whereas the Brazilianmessianic movements could only prepare for it. Te millenarian insurrect ions of medievalEurope had to confront an old and new prin-ciple. Tey were immediately critical in theface of the Church and Money. Te fact is that

CLOCKWISE FROM TOP LEFT:Maria Bonita; Pancada and Maria Jovina;Lampião and a cangaceira ; Lampião and a cangaceiro .

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