First published in Great Britain in 1993 byOsprey, an imprint of Reed Consumer Books Limited,Michelin House, 81 Fulham Road,London SW3 6RB

and Auckland, Melbourne, Singapore and Toronto

©. 1993 Reed International Books Limited

Reprinted 1994 (twice)

All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for thepurpose of private study, research, criticism or review, aspermitted under the Copyright Designs and Patents Act,1988, no part of this publication may be reproduced,stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form orby any means, electronic, electrical, chemical,mechanical, optical, photocopying, recording orotherwise, without the prior permission of the copyrightowner. Enquiries should be addressed to the Publishers.

ISBN 1 85532 270 6

Filmset in Great BritainPrinted through Bookbuilders Ltd, Hong Kong

DedicationFor Jane, with thoughts of Jumièges.

AcknowledgementsI should like to thank the following for many hours ofuseful discussion, argument and for advice: AndrewBodley, Chris Dobson, Ian Eaves, Brian Gilmour,Jeremy Hall, Mark Harrison, Dr. David Nicolle andKaren Watts.

Artist's NoteReaders may care to note that the original paintingsfrom which the colour plates in this book wereprepared are available for private sale. Allreproduction copyright whatsoever is retained by thepublisher. All enquiries should be addressed to:

Scorpio GalleryPO Box 475HailshamE. Sussex BN27 2SL

The publishers regret that they can enter into nocorrespondence upon this matter.

Publisher's NoteReaders may wish to study this title in conjunctionwith the following Osprey publications:

MAA 85 Saxon, Viking and Norman ArmiesMAA 171 Saladin and the SaracensMAA 89 Byzantine Armies 886-1118MAA 75 Armies of the CrusadesMAA 231 French Medieval Armies 1000-1300Elite 9 The NormansElite 3 The VikingsCampaign 13 Hastings 1066

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THE NORMAN KNIGHT

HISTORICALBACKGROUND

During the Viking incursions of the 9th and 10thcenturies, England and north-western Francesuffered particularly. In or about 911, Charles III(the Simple), King of the West Franks, was forced toallow a chieftain called Rollo, operating in the Seinevalley, to settle his men on territory in what is nowupper or eastern Normandy bounded by the riversBresle, Epte, Avre and Dives. The Treaty of St.-Clair-sur-Epte has come down in a semi-legendaryform. In return for the gift of land the king would be anominal overlord, possibly recognising Rollo's con-version to Christianity and receiving military aid.The new state would also act as a buffer againstfurther raiding. Rollo soon expanded his territoriesinto lower or western Normandy. In 924 the Bessinand districts of Sees and Exmes were granted to him,whilst his son and successor, William Longsword,gained the Cotentin and Avranchin in 933.

The newly defined boundaries fitted less those ofthe Carolingian province of Neustria than the oldRoman province of the Second Lyonnaise. Fromthis, Rouen had become the metropolitan head of theprovince and remained as the most important city ofthe new Norman duchy. The new settlers spokeScandinavian and had come to a country in which thenative population was Gallo-Roman with an overcul-ture of Germanic Frankish lords. Rollo at least seems

Knights of the early nthcentury lunge at oneanother with lances, asportrayed in 'The Vision ofHabukuk' from thenorthern French Bible ofSt Vaast. The horses areshown at a standstill asopposed to the gallopingstance usual in the laternth and 12th century. Italso highlights the use ofthe lance as a thrusting

weapon rather thancouched under the arm inthe charge. Note the mailneck-guard on the left-hand figure who otherwiseappears to be unarmoured,suggesting that, unusual atthis date, the mail ispossibly attached to thebrim of the helmet.(Bibliothèque Municipale,Arras, Ms 435)

to have been Norwegian but the settlement of Vikingssoon saw the new creation given the name ofNormandy — land of the Northmen. It was not longbefore the Normans in upper Normandy, their ducalbase at Rouen, began to adapt themselves to Frenchcustom and largely adopted what is now termed theOld French tongue. In lower Normandy Scandi-navian customs tended to linger and for a time thetwo areas lived uneasily with one another. This statewas ended after a revolt of lords, largely in LowerNormandy, was crushed at Val-és-Dunes in 1047 bythe youthful Duke William II and King Henry I ofFrance. Thereafter William set about establishing aducal presence in the west at Caen and tied his lordsmore closely, assisted by the old unifying boundariesof metropolitan Rouen.

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The Norman dukes had always had an uneasyrelationship with the French king. As nominaloverlord they owed him feudal fealty and whilstNormandy was in formation the king was content.After Duke William's victory at Val-é-Dunes thenew stability disturbed the monarch who decided theduchy was becoming too powerful for comfort. Hetherefore allied himself with the Angevins on thesouthern borders of Normandy. Anjou would alwaysbe a rival for the land along the southern marches andhere lay perhaps the most contested border. In 1054and again in 1057 King Henry, allied with CountGeoffrey of Anjou, led forces into Normandy. He wasbeaten off both at Mortemer and Varaville, leavingWilliam in a strong position.

When William's second cousin, Edward of Eng-land, died in 1066 the Duke swore he had been namedas heir during that king's previous exile in Nor-mandy. The Angevin count and the French king hadboth died in 1060; the new king was a minor in thewardship of William's father-in-law; the Bretons tothe west had been given a show of strength. Underthese auspicious circumstances the duke made his bidfor the English crown. Harold, the new king, wasbeaten near Hastings and William at a stroke hadbrought a new and rich kingdom under the sway ofNormandy. As king of England he now increased hispower enormously. Unfortunately the cohesion ofthis situation was never strong. His sons squabbled as

each wished to control all. William Rufus succeededhis father in 1087 but died whilst hunting in the NewForest in 1100. His young brother, Henry, took thethrone and imprisoned his elder brother, Robert ofNormandy. Tragedy robbed Henry of a male heirwhen his own son drowned in the White Ship disasterin the Channel. Consequently civil war broke out onHenry's death in 1135 between his daughter, Ma-thilda, and his nephew, Stephen, who had been madeking by barons hostile to a woman's rule.

The war made the lords aware of how difficult itwas to owe fealty to a duke of Normandy and anEnglish king. On Stephen's death in 1154 Mathilda'sson, Henry, took the crown. Henry, who had inher-ited the county of Anjou from his father, marked thebeginning of the Plantagenet line of kings; Englandwas now part of an Angevin empire that stretchedfrom the borders of Scotland to the Pyrenees. Thecountry, of course, was still essentially an Anglo-Norman realm. However, now lords were forced torenounce dual control of cross-Channel possessions,either settling in England or Normandy. It was theFrench king, Philip II Augustus, who finally wrestedthe duchy from the control of the English crown.Unsuccessful against Henry's bellicose son, Richardthe Lionheart, he nevertheless managed to take itfrom Richard's brother, John.

The energy of the Normans carried them beyondNormandy and England. At the same time asadventurers were conquering England, other Nor-mans were carving out kingdoms in southern Italyand Sicily. Mercenaries had fought in a revolt againstthe Byzantines in Italy as early as 1017 and begansettling in about 1029 but it was not until 1041 thatRobert Guiscard and his followers began to seize landfor themselves. The Pope recognised their pos-sessions around Apulia and Calabria in 1059, hopingto use the Normans as a counter to pressures from theemperor in the German lands to the north. By 1071

Circular shields were useduntil about AD 1000 whenthey were supplementedby the kite-shaped variety.This survivor is from theGokstadship burial inNorway and dates to aboutgoo. Although a funeralpiece it was probably-made in similar fashion towar shields. It is

constructed from buttedplanks, presumably gluedtogether, and is fitted witha typical Scandinavian lowhemispherical boss. Themetal bands at rear aremodern supports.(University Museum ofNational Antiquities, Oslo.Photograph: L.Pedersen)

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The cutting sword usuallyhad a fuller running formuch of the blade's length.These examples are fittedwith a tea-cosy pommelfrom as early as the 1 0thcentury, a brazil-nutpommel, popular from thelate 10th century until

about 1150, while the 12thcentury sword on the righthas a disc pommel and ispossibly Italian. (By kindpermission of JamesPickthorn. Reproduced bypermission of the Trusteesof the Wallace Collection,London)

they had taken Bari, effectively ending Byzantinecontrol. The invasion of Sicily began in 1060 and wasnot completed for 31 years. Initially ruled separately,the states came under one authority in 1127, beingrecognised as a kingdom three years later. In about1134 a successful invasion of Tunisia was under way,taking advantage of internal feuding between theZirid rulers. From 1148 until its collapse by 1160 theNormans ruled an area from Tunis to the Gulf ofSirte. Despite attempts to attack the Greek mainlandand the capture of Thessaloniki, the Siculo-Normankingdom was riven by discord which ended in 1194with the invasion by the German HohenstaufenEmperor, Henry VI.

Normans were also very much in evidence in the1st Crusade. Two of the leaders were Duke Robert ofNormandy and Bohemond of Taranto with hiscontingent of south Italian fighters. Bohemond wenton to set up the principality of Antioch in Syria.Situated on a trade route and the richest Crusaderstate, the port of Lattakieh was the final town of theprincipality to fall to the Muslims in 1287.

CHRONOLOGY911 Treaty of St.-Clair-sur-Epte. Rollo becomes

first duke of Normandy.931 Death of Rollo. Succeeded by his son, William I

Longsword.942 Death of William I. Succeeded by his son,

Richard the Fearless.996 Death of Richard. Succeeded by his son,

Richard II, the Good.1017 (?) First Norman mercenaries arrive in south-

ern Italy.1026 Death of Richard II. Succeeded by his son,

Richard III.1027 Death of Richard III. Succeeded by his bro-

ther, Robert the Magnificent.1028 (?) Birth of William the Conqueror.1035 Death of Robert. Succeeded by his illegitimate

son as Duke William II.1041 Battle of Monte Maggiore. Italo-Norman mer-

cenary rebels defeat Byzantine army.1047 Battle of Val-és-Dunes. Duke William defeats

Norman rebels.

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This typical 'Norman'helmet is actually fromOlmütz in Moravia thoughprobably contemporary indate. Of one-piececonstruction it has a slightmedial ridge and an

integral nasal. The rivetholes round the lower edgewould have secured aninternal lining. (Hofjagd-und Rüstkammer, Vienna)

This segmented helmet isvariously reported asfound in northern Franceand in the River Thames.The nasal is a restoration.Many such helmets shownin the Bayeux Tapestry

suggest that the nasal wasusually attached to a brow-band, the segment jointsbeing at front, sides andback. (MetropolitanMuseum of Art, New York)

1053 Battle of Civitate. Apulian Normans defeatPapal army.

1054 Battle of Mortemer. Normans defeat invadingforces of Henry I of France and Geoffrey ofAnjou.

1057 Battle of Varaville. Normans destroy rearguardof invading forces of King Henry and Geoffreyof Anjou.

1060 Norman conquest of Sicily begins.1066 28 Sept. Duke William invades England.1066 14 Oct. Battle of Hastings. King Harold of

England defeated by Duke William.1066 25 Dec. William is crowned King of England in

Westminster Abbey.1070 Final major revolts in England put down.1710 Capture of Bari in southern Italy by the

Normans.1072 Capture of Palermo in Sicily by the Normans.

1079 William defeated at Gerberoi by his son,Robert.

1081 Battle of Durazzo. Italo-Norman army ofRobert Guiscard and son, Bohemond of Tar-anto, defeats Byzantine army.

1087 9 Sept. Death of King William I. WilliamRufus succeeds as William II. Robert becomesDuke of Normandy.

1091 Norman conquest of Sicily completed.1097 Battle of Dorylaeum. Forces of 1st Crusade,

including Italo-Norman of Bohemond, hardpressed until 2nd column surprises and de-feats Turks.

1098 Bohemond captures Antioch1100 Bohemond becomes Prince of Antioch.

William II killed in New Forest. Youngerbrother Henry becomes King of England.

1106 Battle of Tinchebrai. Henry I defeats and

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• A Polish helmetcomposed of foursegments riveted together,a type common in thewest. This example isgilded. (LiverpoolMuseum, on loan to theRoyal Armouries)

• The helmet of StWenceslas in Prague istraditionally associatedwith that saint and may beof 10th-century date.Although the skull hasbeen raised in one piecethe nasal is attached to anapplied brow-band. Thelatter bears decorationwhich has led some tobelieve the helmet wasoriginally from northernEurope.

imprisons his brother, Duke Robert ofNormandy.

1118 Battle of Alencon. Henry I defeated by Geof-frey of Anjou whilst trying to relieve the castle.

1119 Battle of Bremule. Henry I defeats invadingforce of Louis VI of France.

1124 Battle of Bourgthéroulde. Household knightsof Henry I defeat rebel Waleran of Meulan.

1132 Battle of Nocera. Roger II of Sicily defeated byApulian Norman rebels.

1135 Death of Henry I. Civil war breaks out inEngland over disputed succession betweenHenry's nephew, Stephen, and his daughter,Mathilda.

1138 Battle of the Standard (Northallerton). Armyof Stephen defeats David I of Scotland.

1141 Battle of Lincoln. Robert of Gloucester andrebel forces come to relief of city, defeat andcapture Stephen. Exchange of Stephen forRobert when the latter captured trying to breakout of Winchester later that year.

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1148 Norman province in North Africa established.1154 Death of Stephen. Accession of Henry II, son

of Mathilda and Geoffrey, Count of Anjou.1160 End of Norman province in North Africa.1189 Death of Henry II and accession of his son,

Richard I (Lionheart).1190 3rd Crusade. Capture of Richard.1194 Richard ransomed and returns. Norman king-

dom of Italy and Sicily falls to Emperor HenryVI.

1199 Death of Richard I at siege of Châlus castle inFrance. Accession of brother, John.

1204 Loss of Normandy to Philip II of France.1287 Port of Lattakieh, last possession of princip-

ality of Antioch, falls to Muslims.

APPEARANCEAND

EQUIPMENTMany, if not most, items of the dress and armourworn and the weapons used by the Norman knightcould be seen in much of north-western Europe atthis time and were not specific to him alone. Whengood sword blades might be imported and fresharmour could be had from the battlefield, suchintermixing of pieces is hardly surprising.

The 10th and 11th centuries

Next to his skin the Norman knight wore a linen shirtwhich was pulled on over the head. Underwearconsisted of a baggy pair of long breeches or braieswhich often reached the ankles and were tied underthe shirt with a waist girdle. They tended to be closefitting from knee to ankle. Woollen or linen knee-length stockings or chausses might be worn overthem, often having an embroidered band at the topwhich may have served as a garter. Very occasionallythe chausses reached above the knee; a few were fittedwith a stirrup instead of a foot. Leg bandages weresometimes worn over the braies or chausses, boundspirally from the foot to below the knee. The criss-cross method of fastening was a style reserved for thenobility. Shoes were of leather and closed with thongswhich passed through slits cut in the shoe.

Over the shirt came the tunic, again put on overthe head. It was knee or calf-length with long sleevesthat sometimes were puckered at the wrist, and washitched up over a waist girdle or belt. Instead of awide neck opening some tunics had a smaller oneprovided with a vertical slit at the neck whichfacilitated putting it on and which might be closed bya pin or a brooch. The tunic might be decorated withembroidered bands at the cuff, neck or hem andoccasionally the upper arm, where the band probablyalso served to hide the join between the sleeve and themain tunic. Simple all-over designs were also used.Some tunics were slit at the sides. A super-tunicmight be worn over the tunic when the knight was notin armour. This was similar to the main tunic butsometimes a little shorter, and might have loosersleeves. On ceremonial occasions those of high rankmight wear long tunics.

A rectangular or semicircular cloak of varyinglength provided extra warmth. It was fastened by tiesor a brooch at the front or on the right shoulder to keepthe arm free but cloaks were not usually worn when inarmour. A purse (a pouch tied at the neck) might becarried under the tunic, suspended from the girdlewhich appeared at intervals from the braies. Gold orsilver rings were worn and were also a sign of wealth,echoed in the quality of brooches or pins worn. Thehair in the 10th century initially may have been longin Scandinavian style, perhaps worn in a heavyfringe. Some may latterly have copied the continentalbowl crop round the tops of the ears. In the n thcentury the back and sides were shaved in a distinc-tive fashion which can be seen on the BayeuxTapestry but which did not last. Faces were usuallyclean shaven. In England during the reign of Rufus(1087-1100) very long hair and beards came intovogue, possibly helped by the longer hairstyle wornby the Anglo-Scandinavians.

The basic body defence of the Norman knightwas the mailcoat. Mail consisted of numerous smalliron rings each interlinked with four others to form aflexible defence. The coat so formed was pulled onover the head. Many of the first Normans would nothave possessed any mail at all. Those who did wouldhave had a coat which reached perhaps to the hip onlyand would be provided with short or elbow-lengthsleeves. During the first half of the 1 1th century therewas a tendency for the coat to lengthen to knee length

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• Tenth- and 11th-centuryprick spurs oftenterminated in a small

point or points. The armsare always straight. Thegilded spur of the knight israrely borne out in finds ofthis period; many spursare of iron, while thoseshowing evidence ofgilding are usually ofcopper-alloy. (By kindpermission of Anthony deReuck)

• prick spur of thesecond half of the nthcentury from Winchestercastle, (WinchesterExcavation Committee)

A Norman horseshoe ofthe 11th or12th century.The wavy edge andcountersunk holes aretypical of the period. (Bykind permission ofAnthony de Reuck)

•12th or 13th-centuryprick spur, showing thecurved spur arm andangled shank. (By courtesyof the Board of Trustees,British Museum)

or even just below the knees. In order to facilitatemovement, and' to allow a rider to sit his horse moreeasily, the skirts were usually slit up to the fork at thefront and rear. When mounted, this allowed the skirtto hang naturally over the thigh at each side. Some ofthe earlier coats may still have been made with sidevents, a fashion better suited to footsoldiers. Short

forms of the mailcoat continued to be worn, rather byinfantry than cavalry, throughout the century but thelonger style had become usual by the time of theNorman Conquest.

Occasionally the neck of the mailcoat was exten-ded to provide a protective hood or coif. This was theorigin of the word associated with such a coat—hauberk—which came from the Old German wordfor a neck-guard — hals berg. Indeed a few hoods mayhave been made separately from the mailcoat but ifthis is so it was a fashion which did not last. Severalshown on the Bayeux Tapestry lack any indication ofrings which suggests they were of leather.

On the front of a number of hauberks seen on theTapestry, worked within 20 years of the Battle ofHastings, several straps may be seen. Some are

9

arranged as squares and some as horizontal lines atthe neck, the latter also seen on mailcoats worn by theEnglish. The exact function of such features areunknown. They are rarely seen outside the BayeuxTapestry, only appearing on a few other contempor-ary illustrations. One theory is that they represent aloose flap of mail hanging down prior to being tied upover the throat and chin. This, the ventail, is certainlymentioned in the Song of Roland of about 1100.Moreover, just such a square is shown in the open andclosed position on a mid 12th-century sculptedcapital at Clermont Ferrand, France. A few figures onthe Bayeux Tapestry do appear to have a flap drawn

up in a similar manner to that on the capital.However, we are left to wonder whether those withonly a single horizontal strap at the throat aresupposed to have such a flap closed or whether theysimply echo the edging straps which appear on manymailcoats on the tapestry. Again, the scene ofhauberks being carried, together with some of theother sources, illustrate no mail hood to which such aflap would be tied, unless it is implied that it ishanging down loose at the rear. An alternative idea isthat the square represents a loose mail flap tied over avertical slit at the neck opening, which can be seen onother illustrations of such coats and was common on

The Bayeux Tapestry wasprobably worked within 20years of the Battle ofHastings. Here Count Guyof Ponthieu appears towear a sleeveless coat ofscale armour whenreceiving Duke William'smessengers. (BayeuxTapestry. With special

permission of the town ofBayeux)

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civilian tunics. A third alternative, and perhaps theleast likely, is that it represents a reinforcement ofmail over the chest or even a plate beneath held byties.

By the time of the Norman Conquest a few seniorknights wore mail hose or chausses. These may havebeen simple strips of mail applied to the front of theleg and laced up the rear. Alternatively they may havebeen full hose, both styles braced up to the waistgirdle of the braies. Since shoes are worn by suchfigures on the Bayeux Tapestry we cannot be surewhether the foot was protected, though it seemsunlikely. Interestingly, a few knights wear mail on theforearms. Though one or two figures may havesleeves extended to the wrist, and while at least oneFrench manuscript shows that such sleeves wereknown by this time, those shown largely appear to beseparate from the elbow-length sleeves of thehauberk. They may have been made like the hose andslid up the arm. If so, it did not last as a fashion. Manyknights on the Bayeux Tapestry have coloured bandsup the forearm; this could be conceived as a conven-tional way of rendering the puckered sleeve oftenseen at this time if it was also seen on civiliancostume, which it is not. It may represent some sortof leather strapping wound round the forearm forextra protection, or even perhaps some paddedundergarment. Such banded sleeves are also shownon illustrations of English warriors.

The helmet of the time was conical and almostinvariably made with a nasal or nose-guard. Somewere almost certainly made like the old-fashionedSpangenhelm, in which vertical iron bands, usuallyfour in number, spring from a brow-band and meet atthe apex, the spaces between the bands being filledwith iron segments riveted in place. Many helmets,however, seem to have been made from segmentsriveted directly to each other, whilst still others werebeaten out of a single piece of metal. Though thenasal could be forged in one with the helmet,illustrations suggest that most were made with anapplied brow-band. Additionally reinforcing bandsmight be added to these latter types. If the helmetwas segmented the bands could cover the joints.Helmets might be painted, usually in the spacesbetween applied bands or else the segmentsthemselves.

It is highly probable that all helmets were lined.As no lining and few helmets survive such ideas canonly be hypotheses based on the presence of rivetsand the examples of later helmets. It may be that aband of leather was riveted inside the brim, to which acoarse cloth lining was stitched, probably stuffed andquilted and possibly cut into segments which couldbe drawn together by a thong at the apex to adjust forheight and comfort. The helmet would have beensupplied with a tie at each side which fastened underthe chin to secure it on the head. Contemporary

Unarmoured riders attackthe castle of Dol. As thispicture follows a scene ofmarching it may representknights galloping straightinto action, one manhaving donned his helmet.However, it may alsorepresent retainers or evenperhaps squires. (BayeuxTapestry. With special

permission of the town ofBayeux)

II

references to lacing helmets is common. It alsohelped prevent them from being knocked over theeyes.

The final item of armour for the knight was hisshield. The first Normans would have carried acircular wooden shield, probably faced and perhapslined with leather. A bar riveted vertically inside theshield allowed it to be carried and to accommodatethe knuckles a hole was cut from the centre of theshield. In order to protect the exposed hand a conicalmetal boss was then riveted over the front. A longerstrap allowed the shield to be hung in the hall or slungon the back; it also prevented loss in battle if dropped.A strop for the hand rather than a bar seems to havebeen used occasionally by c.1100, also being pro-vided with an additional strap for the forearm. A padto lessen the shock of blows may also have beenprovided. Although such additional strapping does

not greatly assist in using such shields, some mayhave been added when carried by mounted men whomight need to use the reins. Many shields areillustrated with an edging but surviving examples arevery rare. Though such borders may simply havebeen painted, it seems likely that leather, iron orbronze strips may have been used to reinforce theedges. A number of illustrations suggest that someshields were additionally strengthened by bandsspringing from the central boss to the outer edge.Some are also shown as rather ovoid in shape butwhether this reflects a true shape is open to question.

In about the year 10000 such shields were sup-plemented by the introduction of a new type, the so-called kite-shaped shield. In this form the lower edgeof the circular shield was drawn down to a point, theresulting shape being similar to the old-fashionedkite. It has been said that this form was ideal for

William confers arms onEarl Harold during hisvisit to Normandy,probably in 1064. The thickbands on the helmetssuggest spangenhelms. The'tail' on William's helmetare like the infulae on abishop's mitre and may bea badge of rank, makinghim easy to spot frombehind. The coifs do notappear to be of mail andare probably of leather.Notice the sword wornbeneath the mail. (BayeuxTapestry. With special

permission of the town ofBayeux)

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horsemen, since the longer shape guarded the rider'sleft side and his vulnerable leg. However, suchshields were initially seen in use equally by bothcavalry and infantry. Moreover, many knights seemto carry their shields almost horizontally, as thoughattempting to protect their horse's left flank. The kiteshield superseded the circular shield as the best typefor cavalrymen, although the latter remained in useby some footsoldiers throughout the Middle Ages.

The carrying device on the new shield was nolonger a metal bar. Instead there was an arrangementof straps, often a square or diamond (for hand andforearm) or else a saltire or single long strap for thehand, supplemented by others for the forearm. Nowredundant, the boss remained as an ornamentalfeature on many shields right through into the 12thand occasionally the 13th century. Many of theseshields were decorated, especially with wavy crossesand beasts such as two-legged dragons. These werenot true heraldic symbols, since the same person issometimes shown with two or three different devices.True heraldry was not to emerge until the 12thcentury.

The foregoing formed the basic equipment of theNorman knight until the 12th century. The mailcoatappears from illustrations to have been the mostpopular form of defence. However, other forms ofprotection may have been used on occasion. Coats ofscale, in which small scales of horn, metal or evenleather are attached to a canvas backing, had beenknown in western Europe since the Roman Empire.At least one seems to be shown on the Bayeux

A supply wagon is draggeddown to the waiting shipsready to sail for England.It is unlikely that spearswere barbed or had lugs inreality. The helmets arehooked over the uprightsof the cart and appear tohave solid neck-guards,though it may be meant toshow the nasals of twohelmets together. Eachhauberk is carried on apole by two men, sincewhen not worn itrepresents deadweight.The coifs would hangdown at the back. Onesword is carried by a wriststrap. (Bayeux Tapestry.With special permission ofthe town of Bayeux)

Tapestry. The less wealthy may have simply worn acoat of hide. Unfortunately, this is a poorly documen-ted area. The 13th century St. Olafs saga mentionscoats of reindeer hide which could turn a blow as wellas mail. One rider in a group of Norman horsemen onthe Bayeux tapestry appears to wear a coat of brownmaterial which is of identical cut to the mail hauberksaround him. Lamellar, consisting of small metalplates laced together, may have been adapted by a fewItalo-Norman knights.

It is possible that some form of padded garmentwas worn under the mail. The drawback with mailwas its very flexibility, which allowed a heavy blow tobreak bones or cause severe bruising without actuallytearing the links. Also, if links were broken they couldbe driven into a wound and cause blood poisoning.The form such garments took in the 10th and nthcenturies is likely to have been similar to that of themailcoat. One or two garments seen on the BayeuxTapestry may represent padded tunics but we cannotbe sure. Even in the 13th century illustrations of mailbeing removed do not reveal the padding below. It isjust possible that the bands shown at the edges of thehauberks in the Bayeux tapestry represent somepadded lining, but this can only be supposition.

The weapon par excellence of the mountedknight was his sword. No other weapon was moreesteemed or more celebrated and the girding on of asword was the mark of knighthood. The type in use inthe 10th century and into the nth century was adouble-edged cutting or slashing sword. It had ablade about 31 inches in length, tapering slightly

13

towards the point. Down the centre ran the fuller, nota blood channel but a method of lightening the bladewithout weakening it. Some men may have preferredan alternative but less common form which waslonger with more parallel sides, the fuller being quitenarrow. Sword hilts were fairly short, since the swordwas meant to be used in one hand. The crossguardwas often straight but might curve towards the bladeslightly. The pommel, which helped to counterbal-ance the blade and also prevented the hand fromsliding off the grip, was usually either shaped like atea-cosy or like a brazil nut. More rarely a simple discpommel might be seen.

The sword was sharp as a razor but both hard andflexible, being capable of a thrust if necessary. It wascarried in a wooden scabbard often covered in leatherand slung from the waist by a belt fastened with abuckle. In the 10th and early 11th century some mayhave been hung from a baldric over the rightshoulder. The tip of the scabbard might have a chapeto prevent scuffing, the mouth a locket. The scabbardmight have occasionally been angled slightly back byjoining it with a suspension strap to the side of thesword belt, in the manner seen on one or two Anglo-Saxon depictions of warriors. Occasionally the swordbelt appears to have been worn under the mail, sincemany figures on the Bayeux Tapestry are shownwearing swords which have no visible means ofsupport. This may be accidental, but several figures

are seen in which the scabbard itself is worn under themail, the lower end protruding from the skirt orthrough a slit, the sword hilt similarly emerging fromanother slit at the hip.

The other main weapon of the knight was hislance. In the 10th and, to a lesser extent, the 1 1nthcentury the lance was essentially a spear, a plain ashshaft fitted with an iron head of leaf or lozenge shapeand with a fairly long socket. The Bayeux Tapestryshows mounted knights using their lances either tostab or to throw. Although the overarm illustrationhas been questioned as simply a stabbing action, atleast one lance is shown in mid-air on the BayeuxTapestry. In the nth century the lance was alsobeing 'couched' under the arm so that the full force ofthe rider and galloping horse was imparted to the tip.The lances of senior commanders might be fittedwith a small pennon with tails which was nailedbehind the head. One semicircular flag shown on theBayeux Tapestry seems to have a raven depicted onit, a throwback to the pagan raven symbols of theVikings.

Maces were far less commonly used than thesword, and appear to have consisted of a wooden haftfitted with an iron or bronze head moulded withpointed projections. One depicted on the BayeuxTapestry suggests a flanged metal head, though thiswould be a very early date for this type. Seniorcommanders such as Duke William might carry a

The warhorses poke theirheads above the gunnelsduring the crossing. Theyare probably wearinghalters as no hits areshown. (Bayeux Tapestry.With special permission ofthe town of Bayeux)

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The motte is erected atHastings. These artificialmounds topped withtimber palisades and awooden tower were quickto build. They were servedby a bailey or courtyard

protected by earthen bankand palisades. The wholecastle would besurrounded by a ditch.Some castles consisted of asimple ringwork without amotte. Such structurescontinued in usethoughout our period.(Bayeux Tapestry. Withspecial permission of thetown of Bayeux)

rough baton or 'baculum', presumably to signifytheir rank. This seems to be a descendant of theRoman centurion's vine rod. Of crude construction,it also stood out in battle from other maces. Axes werenot popular with horsemen at this date, despite theNormans' Scandinavian descent.

The knight rode a warhorse or destrier, so-calledperhaps because it was led on the right hand or itselfled with the right leg. Destriers were speciallyselected and carefully bred. Consequently they wereextremely expensive animals, costing at least eighttimes the price of a riding horse and often muchmore. Such mounts, as the Bayeux Tapestry makesgraphically clear, were stallions whose natural ag-gression would be useful in a battle. Later medievalsources show that similar mounts were trained to lashout and kick and it cannot be ruled out that a similardesire lay behind the use of similar mounts by theNormans. These horses were probably similar in sizeto, or slightly smaller than, a heavy hunter and weremost like the modern Andalusian. Indeed, Williamhimself was sent gifts of horses by the King of Spain.The horse was deep-chested and muscular so that ithad the required staying power yet was nimbleenough to perform the necessary turns in battle.

Stallions required domination and their ridersused curb bits and prick spurs fitted with simplespikes. The saddle had developed by the mid 11th

century into a proper war saddle, provided with araised pommel and cantle and long stirrups so thatthe knight was almost standing in the stirrups androde straight-legged. This combination gave a sureseat in battle, braced his back in the charge with alevelled lance and helped him to keep his seat as hecut with his sword. To further brace his saddle it wasprovided with a breast band and in some cases acrupper band as well. By 1100 a knight might own anadditional warhorse. He also needed a palfrey orriding horse and ideally a sumpter horse or mule forhis baggage. The squire might ride the pack-horse orelse a poorer-quality riding horse called a rouncy. Allthis equipment and horseflesh meant that knighthoodwas a very costly business.

The 12th Century

As well as the tunic seen previously a new, close-fitting long version came into fashion, slit up at thefront and sometimes worn with a girdle which mightcarry the sword. This version might have bell-shapedor pendulous cuffs which could be rolled back foraction (1130s-1 170s). Others had tight, turn-backornamented cuffs. At the end of the century magyarsleeves, which gave a deep armhole, heralded thestyle of tunic of the next century. The braiesshortened to the knees in mid century, becomingdrawers. Long hose became popular, pulled up over

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The 12th century stonekeep at Hedingham, Essex.The earliest examples dateto the late 10th century innorthern France and somewere known in Normandy

before the Conquest. Theybecame commoner in the12th century, sometimes

provided with stonecurtain walls.

the drawers and made with a tongue at the upperfront edge by which it was fastened with a tie to anexposed portion of the braies girdle. Hair remainedlong, parted in the middle and accompanied by beardand moustache. Younger men were often cleanshaven with hair to the nape only. According toOrderic Vitalis, one method of distinguishing knightfrom squires in the time of Henry I was by the shorterhairstyle worn by the latter who were not allowed togrow their locks. Following the battle of Bourgth-éroulde William Lovel escaped disguised as a squireafter cutting his hair.

The mailcoat of the nth century could be seenthroughout the 12th century and indeed into the nextcentury. However, many representations show cer-tain developments. The length remained at or justbelow the knee although some longer versions areseen occasionally. The sleeves now tended to extendto the wrists and towards the end of the century thesehad further developed into mail mittens. A half-way

style can be seen on an illumination of Joshua in theWinchester Bible of 1160-70, where several figureshave the hand covered in mail but the fingers leftexposed. Once the whole hand was covered in mail aleather or cloth palm was necessary to allow for grip;since the sleeve and mitten were made in one, a slit inthe palm enabled the hand to be freed as necessary.Often a lace was threaded through the links at thewrist and tied to prevent the mail sleeve draggingdown onto the hand.

By the end of the century a quilted cap, similar tothe civilian coif in shape, can be seen worn beneaththe mail hood. Very occasionally a separate mail hoodis shown but most were made in one with themailcoat. Now the ventail flap is seen more often.Rectangular versions have been mentioned in con-nection with the capital at Clermont Ferrand, onesuch covering the face up to the eyes. Other ventailstook the form of a pendulous flap which was drawn upacross the throat and chin to be secured to the mailcoif at the temple by a lace. Some appear to haveconsisted of a simple lace used to close a vertical slit inthe mail protecting the throat. Mail chausses becameincreasingly popular, though still occasionally wornwith shoes. Some chausses had a lace threadedthrough the links below the knee to help keep them inplace.

Many 12th-century illustrations show knightswith a long undergarment flowing from below themail skirt. It has been suggested that this is a paddedgambeson but the form seems too loose for such agarment. Moreover, although in mid century Wacementions gambesons as an alternative to mail andthough padded coats appear in the 1181 Assize ofArms and in conjunction with mailcoats in a descrip-tion of the 3rd Crusade, these are references toinfantrymen. The first descriptions of padding wornbelow the mail appear in the early 13th century.Although this does not negate the suggestion thatsuch garments were worn earlier, it cannot as yet beproven. It may well be that these skirts are in fact thelong gowns which have already been referred to asbecoming popular in the 12th century.

By mid century a new garment had appeared: thesurcoat. This was worn over the mailcoat. A fewillustrations show long sleeves and pendulous cuffs(again reminiscent of civilian fashion) but the major-ity were sleeveless and split up the fork at front and

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rear. For this reason it is rather hard to believe theidea put forward in one 14th-century chronicle thatthe surcoat kept the armour clean and dry. It maywell have proved of some use during the crusades tofend off the heat of the sun from the metal links. It isjust as likely, however, that its origins lay in a desireto emulate the long flowing garments worn by theSaracens. Most surcoats were tied at the waist with agirdle or belt which was separate from that securingthe sword. Early surcoats were often white or self-coloured and perhaps had a contrasting lining. Somewere soon used for decorative display, although thiswas not necessarily heraldic. Heraldry was a very newscience with rules of usage. One man ought to haveone coat of arms only, which passed to his eldest sonon his death. Rules also governed the use of colour oncolour. Surcoats were not greatly used for heraldicdisplay until the 14th century.

Scale hauberks continued in use. Wace refers toanother garment, the curie, which, as its nameimplies, was probably of leather. Unfortunately no12th-century representation seems to exist but 13th-century sources suggest it was a waist-length garmentput on over the head and tied or buckled at the sides.It may even have been reinforced with iron. Some are

During the 12th centurysome palisades on themotte were replaced bystone walls to form a shellkeep, though only a fewstone towers were built on

the mounds because of theweight. Several castlesappeared with no motte orkeep, relying on a strongstone curtain wall.

worn by knights over mail but under surcoats, otherswithout other armour by infantrymen.

The conical helmet with nasal remained through-out the 12th century but variations appeared early.Many now had the apex tilted forward whilst somewere drawn down at the rear to form a neck-guard.During the second half of the century hemisphericalforms and, from about 1180, cylindrical types ap-peared, with or without nasals. Also at this time a fewGerman illustrations show a bar appearing on the endof the nasal to protect the mouth. By the end of thecentury this had developed into a full face guard,provided with two slits for the eyes and pierced withventilation holes or slots to assist breathing. Thecylindrical form was a popular type for this newdevelopment. Used in conjunction with a neck-guard, this new helmet foreshadows the great helm ofthe 13th century. That of Richard I has a tall fancrest, presumably of metal, on which a lion passantguardant is painted, echoing those on his shield.

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Other helmets might also be painted, though not allsuch decoration carried heraldic significance.

In addition, a new form of helmet, the kettle hat,made its appearance in mid century. The Scandi-navian chesspieces from the Isle of Lewis in Scotlandsuggest that two forms were in use: one had acylindrical top with a deep angled brim; the other wasvery like the 20th-century tin hat. Primarily afootsoldier's helmet, we know from 13th-centurysources that occasionally knights wore the kettle hatin preference to the stuffy helm, a situation whichmay have been met with in the late 12th century also.

The kite-shaped shield continued throughout the12th century. However, by the 1150s many shieldsbegan to have the top edge cut straight, allowing the

A squadron of knightsrides towards thebattlefield at Hastings.One man does not wearmail but appears in anidentical coat coloured inbrown thread, possibly-meant to represent hide.All except this figure have

squares on their chests;those galloping to theirright do not, suggestingventails which have thenbeen laced up. (BayeuxTapestry. With special

permission of the town ofBayeux)

knight to peer over without the sides curving downaway from him as they did on the 11th-century form.Many shields were curved to the wearer's body. Bythe end of the century the length of some shields hadslightly reduced. Shield bosses continued in a decora-tive function for example the newly discoveredconical boss from the castle at Repton.

The double-edged cutting sword described ear-lier remained the main knightly weapon. Towardsthe end of the century a new type with a slightlytapered blade and shorter fuller emerged and becamethe most popular style of the next century. Alterna-tive pommels also appeared. One was shaped like alozenge and was fashionable after about 1175. Swordswere still often worn beneath the mailcoat. Othersshow the popular method of fastening; the longer endof the belt was slit into two tails which were passedthrough two slits cut in the other end and knottedtogether.

As well as pennons similar to those seen on theBayeux Tapestry, some triangular types were alsoused. Wace distinguishes between the gonfalon of thebaron and the pennon of the knight. A number of

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bronze polygonal mace heads have survived whichmay date to the 12th century. Though light incomparison to later versions, they would be capableof disabling an unarmoured man or cause damagethrough flexible mail.

By the later 12th century the knightly saddle haddeveloped the front and rear boards or arcons so thatthe rear arcon curved round the knight's thighs andthat at the front also curved. A long saddle cloth,sometimes with a dagged lower edge, was sometimeslaid over the saddle, the arcons passing through slitsin the cloth.

CONSTRUCTIONAND REPAIR

Little contemporary mail has survived, although theso-called mailcoat of St Wenceslas at Prague may beof 10th century date and a rolled mailcoat, probablyfrom the battlefield of Lena in 1208, is preserved inStockholm. Later medieval shirts show that mailweighed approximately 30 lbs. Most of the weightwas taken on the shoulders but the drag could bereduced by hitching the mail over a waist or sword belt.

A mailcoat was the end product of a processwhich took many hours of labour. The exact method

of making mail in the medieval period is unknown butscraps of information plus intelligent guesswork havearrived at a not improbable method of construction.The links began as drawn iron wire which was woundround a rod. The links so formed were then separatedby being cut down one side of the rod. This left anumber of open-ended rings. The ends of each ringwere then hammered flat, overlapped and pierced inreadiness to receive a tiny iron rivet. Every ring wasinterlinked with four others, two above and twobelow and then riveted shut. Since only every otherrow of rings needed to be riveted in order to join therows above and below, the other rows could bewelded shut. However, surviving medieval mailusually consists of wholly riveted rings. An 'idle' ringwas only linked with three others and so could beused to decrease the number of rings in a row or thenumber of rows, so allowing a garment to be shaped.Thus a small hole under the armpit prevented thelinks from bunching up. The mail garment wasdesigned with the rivet heads on the outside so thatthey did not rub against the clothing underneath andso wear it and themselves away. It is possible thatcertain tools were in use which overlapped, flattened

The knights are supportedby archers clad in tunicsexcept for one man whomay be an officer. (Bayeux

Tapestry. With specialpermission of the town ofBayeux)

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At the disaster at thehillock, one knight strikesoverarm while anotherthrusts with his lancecouched under the arm.

and boggy ground canaffect even drilledhorsemen. (BayeuxTapestry. With special

permission of the town ofThe scene shows how panic Bayeux)

and pierced each link in one movement but this canonly be hypothesis. It is likely that the mailmakeractually made up the garments, leaving the morerepetitious work of producing the links to hisapprentices.

Scale armour would be made by riveting theupper edge of each scale to a leather or canvas backinggarment and overlapping downwards so the top of thenext scale was thus covered. Padded garments wouldhave consisted of two layers of cloth or canvas stuffedwith wool, hay, hair, old cloth or tow and quilted,usually vertically but perhaps also in a diamondpattern, to keep the stuffing in place.

Helmets were made in several ways. In order tomake a segmented helmet each segment, usually fourin number, had to be shaped, overlapped and rivetedtogether. Those made from one piece were drawn upfrom a flat piece of iron hammered out over a shapediron stake secured in a hole in the anvil. The steel wasannealed, that is heated and cooled, to make itworkable. Once formed, applied bands, neck-guardsor face-guards were riveted on. In the case ofspangenhelm the iron framework was forged and fittedtogether before the segments were fixed inside withrivets. Internal linings would be secured with rivetsalong the brim.

Many shields were made from several planks of

wood glued side by side. It may be that some-circular rather than kite-shaped — were of laminatedform, that is of perhaps two layers, each of which wasplaced with the grain running at right-angles to itsneighbours for added strength. Some kite-shapedshields may have been formed from a single piece ofwood. The earliest surviving shield is not Normanbut belonged to the von Brienze family. It may date tothe late 12th or early 13th century, although itsrounded top was cut flat at some time between 1230and 1250. It is 15 mm thick and may originally havebeen 100 cm long, being covered in parchment onboth sides. Most shields were probably made fromlime wood or possibly poplar. The dished appearanceof some circular shields and the curved surface ofmany long shields was probably achieved throughsteam heating. Leather, when used, would be tackedat the edges on the rim or at the rear. Enarmes andguige were riveted through the wood, the headsvisible on the outer face. Bosses were similarly rivetedthrough to the rear.

The sword had undergone a change of manufac-ture. Until about 900, sword blades were producedby pattern-welding. Since a good blade was handeddown and since the knife known as the seax, togetherwith spear heads, continued to be pattern-weldeduntil after the Norman Conquest, a description of thetechnique is called for. Rods of iron and carburisediron (a soft, impure form of steel) were beaten andtwisted together to form a sandwich which was thentwisted with similar sandwiches to form the blade,hammered out and flattened and shaped. The twist-

20

ing of the metals meant that when the blade wasfinished and polished, a wavy line was seen runningdown its length, the pattern.

By about 900, however, improvements in theforging of steel meant that new types of sword couldnow be made. In order to harden the steel it was firstquenched to temper the metal. The very hardness,however, gave this steel a brittleness which the olderiron and carburised iron had not possessed. It wastherefore necessary to employ the steel in such a waythat the sword did not shatter easily. In order toachieve this the smiths used the steel in variouscombinations with the more malleable iron to pro-duce harder but flexible blades. Some swords hadtough steel edges welded on to improve their sharp-ness. It is impossible to know which methods werefavoured the most, since different smiths favoureddifferent combinations. Some felt that honey was abetter medium for quenching because it created lessbubbles. Similarly, the reaction of quenching coulddiffer from sword to sword within the same smithy.Moreover, many surviving swords have not beenanalysed at all.

Sword blades might be decorated. Grooves werecut into the blade and the decoration was hammeredinto the heated surface. On the other side anotherdesign might spell a name such as 'ULFBERHT' inRoman letters. Other names were also used, especi-

ally at this time: 'INGELRII'. These were probablyoriginally the names of swordsmiths, but by the timeof the Conquest they had come to denote the factory.Many seem to have been based in the Rhineland,from whence swords were sent to their customers.

The most common smith's name when set intothe narrow fullers of the longer swords and theirderivatives was: 'GICELIN ME FECIT'. On thereverse, especially of the latter, might be founda religious inscription, usually 'INNOMINIDOM-INI or a garbled version of it. Other metals werealso used for decoration: latten (which was a type ofbrass), silver, pewter or tin. Well-written religiousphrases in latten or white metal were especially seen,some misspelt or obscure, usually on the long swordsor their derivatives. Crosses might flank an inscrip-tion. Rarer decoration came in the form of symbolicpictographs and mystical designs.

The metal crossguard was slotted on to the tangand secured by the grip. This was formed from twopieces of wood or horn channelled out to take the

Bishop Odo, who probablydid not participate in theactual fighting, rallies thepuers' or boys who are not

yet knights. The worditself may be a reworking;if accurate, it shows that atthis date young men

training for knighthoodwere allowed to wear fullarmour and to fight. Odomay be wearing some sortof quilted garment.(Bayeux Tapestry. Withspecial permission of thetown of Bayeux)

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metal tang, then glued over it and probably coveredin leather and perhaps bound with thongs. Thepommel was slotted over the end of the tang whichwas then hammered over to secure it.

The repair of a knight's equipment in the fielddepended on what was damaged and whether a smithor armourer was on hand. In the invasion of Englandthere would be a number of armourers travelling withthe host. For small-scale skirmishing it is doubtfulwhether a skilled technician would be available untilthe knight returned to his home base or reachedanother castle.

Mail might tear but still render the garment

William raises his helmetto scotch rumours of hisdeath at the crisis of thebattle. He seems to wearseparate mail sleeves onthe forearms. The angle ofthe helmet suggests it isactually held by its chin

straps. On Eustace ofBoulogne the square on thechest is visible, as if theventail has been loosenedto aid identification.(Bayeux Tapestry. Withspecial permission of thetown of Bayeux)

usable until such time as it could be repaired. It isdoubtful if a village smithy would have the type oftools required for the tiny holes and rivets needed toclose up links. He could probably beat out a dentedhelmet, however, until a more skilled repair could beeffected by an armourer. Rents in cloth were prob-ably stitched up by squires or, when an army was onthe march, by some of the women that accompaniedit. Shields, although tough, were not designed forlong usage. Viking sagas note the effects of sharpweapons against shields during formal duels, whenthe wood was hacked to pieces leaving only the metalbosses intact. Damaged shields would be discardedrather than repaired, only the boss and perhaps anymetal fittings or straps being salvaged. Swords wereprized items and only an armourer could deal withdamage, though again a blacksmith could straightenout a bent weapon temporarily if no swordsmith wasto hand.

Whilst speaking of repair it is perhaps worth

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noting the kind of services available to the knighthimself should he be wounded. Good care wasprobably given by monks, who used numerous herbsin their healing. However, a knight was likely toreceive the attention of surgeons if in an army or ofgreat rank, or of lesser men if himself of humblerrank. Knights in southern Italy might be luckyenough to be tended by men trained at the greatschool of Salerno. Head wounds were less common inknights because they usually wore helmets but weremore likely to suffer dislocated shoulders from fallingoff their horses. Such wounds were frequently treatedby placing a ball covered in wool under the arm andforcing the joint back. Throat wounds, often from alance, were usually considered untreatable. Woundswere often left partially open for a day or two untilpus formed, before stitching up. The more enlight-ened used egg white and other remedies as opposed to

boiling oil or hot cautery irons found elsewhere.Amputation might be done with an axe but suturingof blood vessels was known. Barbed arrows wereremoved either by covering the barb with a tube orquill, or by pushing them through to the other sideand breaking off the head before withdrawing theshaft.

TRAININGThe actual training of the Norman knight is littledocumented. Indeed, references to squires tend tosuggest that while some boys of good birth were so-called, a much higher proportion were in fact non-noble attendants who would never attain knighthoodand who were paid — often erratically — for the jobthey performed. From 11th- and 12th-century ac-

St Benedict frees aprisoner, a manuscript ofC.1070 from Monte Cassinoin Italy. This is one of therare chances to see asaddle from the front andshows a rounded bowsimilar in shape to asouthern French picturewhich shows a cantle. (Ms.Lat. 1202, Vatican Lib.,Rome)

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An Italian ivory chessman,probably of the 11thcentury. He may bewearing a short lamellarcoat and has a kite-shapedshield whose latticepattern suggestsreinforcing iron strips. Thehead may be protected bya leather coif or even astylised helmet. Afootsoldier figure from thesame group has a helmetwith nasal which appearsto be extended down overthe ears and neck,although this may beintended to depict helmetand coif. (Cabinet desMedailles, BibliothèqucNationale, Paris)

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counts and from the more detailed rule of the KnightsTemplar of the 13th century a picture of these dutiesmay be formed.

The squire was often heavily laden, carrying hisown and his master's pack and weapons. According tothe Rule, he rode either the pack-horse or a rouncyand led his master's saddled war-horse. In the battle

line he took the riding-horse to the rear after givingthe knight his shield and lance. If a spare war-horsewas owned, a second squire followed his master at asafe distance, ready to assist if the first horse waskilled or blown.

When on campaign the squire set up the knight'stent before riding out to forage for firewood and

A second chessman may beintended to be wearing asleeved long mailcoatrather than lamella. SomeItalo-Norman horsemenmay have adopted thearmour they encounteredin Italy. (Cabinet desMedailles, Bibliothèque,Nationale, Paris)

25

Eleventh- and 12th-centurybuckles. Clockwise: Giltcopper-alloy buckle,10th-11th century;enamelled bezel, 11thcentury; gilt copper-alloybuckle, 11th-12th century;buckle recessed forenamel, 12th — 13th century;

gilt copper-alloy buckle,12th-13th century; ironbuckle, perhaps fromhorse's girth strap,1200 — 1250. (By kind

permission of Anthony deReuck)

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water, especially for the horses. Squires often seem tohave set out in groups, sometimes with an armedescort. They were also prominent in sieges and whena place was sacked. Young men of good birth weremore likely to be the ones who helped a knight dressand put on his armour, or who carved at the table.They also may have worn armour and fought, assuggested by a reference on the Bayeux Tapestry.

It is obvious that a professional cavalryman mustwork hard to acquaint himself not only with theniceties of riding with minimal hand control but alsowith the use of the lance and sword from horseback.According to Abbot Suger in the early 12th century, aboy (or 'puer') destined for knighthood was placed inthe household of another lord when about 12 or 13years old. Thus William Marshal was placed in thehousehold of his uncle, William of Tancarville, in1155. Such a move might be easier for some than forothers since some lords, such as Henry I, wereactively on the lookout for new young blood to jointheir ranks and had the money to support theirtraining. Lords who could not place their sons in thehousehold of the king of a great magnate did the bestthey could.

Boys were taught to ride at an early age. TheCarolingian comment: 'You can make a horseman ofa lad at puberty, after that, never ', was echoed by theremark: 'He who has stayed at school till the age oftwelve, and never ridden a horse, is fit only to be apriest.' The boisterous stallions were not easy tocontrol, which explains somewhat the use of a harshbit and prick spurs. Boys therefore had to learn tomaster these wilful animals as well as to ride withtheir legs, allowing their hands to concentrate onusing the shield in the left hand and the weapon in theright. The left hand is sometimes shown holding therein as well but close combat would mean eitherlaying the rein on the horse's neck or else keeping theshield fairly still.

It took much practice to be a good fighter.References occasionally occur, such as that of theknight accidentally killed while practising the javelinwith his squire. Thirteenth- and 14th-century illus-trations show how warriors trained at the pell, a tallwooden post driven into the ground at which theycould practise their sword cuts. Later medieval texts,following Roman manuals, describe training weaponsas being of double weight to develop the muscles.

Once the lance began to be couched under the arm itbecame necessary to learn how to stay in the saddleunder the shock of impact and how to grip the lancefirmly so that it did not slide back under the armpitwhen contact was made. The lance of the Normanknight had no ring behind the hand to ram against thearmpit and prevent friction burns.

There is no reason to think that trainee knightsdid not practise in the same way as is shown in 14th-century manuscripts. This involved early training byuse of a wheeled wooden horse pulled by com-panions. The pupil aimed at a shield nailed to a postand, once struck, the wooden horse continued to bepulled to teach the youth to grip firmly with his legsand to hold on to the lance, so preventing either lossof the weapon or an ignominious unseating. Thesame target could be challenged when riding awarhorse. As well as inanimate opponents, appren-tice knights could fight each other or another knight,to learn not only the basic cuts but also feints and theoffensive use of the shield.

The 'puer' was dubbed a knight when abouttwenty-one years old, a translation initially made by astout buffet about the ears, the only blow the youngman would have to receive without retaliating. Theceremony was performed by another knight, usuallythe lord of the household but sometimes the kinghimself. The new knight's sword was belted roundhim and his spurs buckled to his feet. He then showedoff his prowess, sometimes in a celebratorytournament.

As a new member of an elite equestrian societythe young man was now known as a youth ('juvenis')and remained so until he settled down, married andhad children, after which he was referred to in writtentexts as a man ('vir'). Since some knights, such asWilliam Marshal, did not marry until they were intomiddle age, their years as a youth could last for sometime. They maintained their training by riding atdummy targets and practising skill at arms with otherknights or boys.

It was youths, as knights errant, who rode out toseek fame, money, wives, or positions. They tookservice with lords, sometimes in far-flung lands,either as mercenaries or as household knights andflocked to theatres of war. Those younger sons withlittle prospect of a part of the patrimony were on thelookout for a rich heiress who could provide them

27

with land. They took part in tournaments which wereemerging in the 11th century and which wereestablished during the next century. Here was anexcellent training ground. The tournament of the dayconsisted of a battle between two teams of knightswearing full armour and using unblunted weapons.The field might stretch over a large area of thecountryside and contestants had every incentive tofight hard since defeated knights forfeited their horseand armour. Thus good fighters such as WilliamMarshal stood to make a fortune and toured eventslooking for gain and glory.

As men of action, Norman knights were perfectlyattuned to the hunt. It supplied additional food forthe table but also provided the chance to improvehorsemanship by galloping after game over roughcountry. Certainly it could be dangerous; Richard,son of William the Conqueror, is said to have beengored to death by a stag in the New Forest, which hisfather had created. Accidents were common and notall caused by the enraged quarry. The same forestwitnessed the death of another of the Conqueror's

sons, William Rufus, killed by an arrow which somehave tried to suggest was the result of an assassinationplot by his brother, Henry. Against wild boar orrarely the brown bear, the hunt provided the chanceto demonstrate courage in tackling such animals withsword or spear. Moreover, the hunting field was theone place where the knight might show his skill withthe bow or crossbow.

TACTICSThe Norman knight was the shock element in thearmies of the day. Initially cavalry battles are poorlydocumented but probably consisted of groups ofhorsemen, each under its lord's gonfanon, gallopingagainst the enemy. Such groups or 'conrois', com-prising perhaps 25 or 50 men, may have used theirlances in various ways; certainly the Bayeux Tapestryshows little co-ordination of movements and couch-ing the lance is not a priority. It was probably not

The Norman kings ofEngland changed the styleof seal used by their Anglo-Saxon predecessors inorder to show themselvesas warrior knights ridingtheir warhorses. This is thegreat seal of Henry I(1100-1135). Equipmentshows little change to thatof 1066 except for longsleeves to the mailcoat.(Public Records Office,London)

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The south door of thecathedral at Bari insouthern Italy possessesearly 12th-centurycarvings which portraymailed knights wearingarmour similar in style tothat seen used by theNormans elsewhere. Theleft-handfigure appears tobe about to throw his lanceor strike overarm. (By kindpermission of Dr DavidNicolle)

until the late 11th century that couching the lancebecame usual, so that Anna Comnena speaks of theknight of the 1st Crusade being able to punch a holein the walls of Babylon. This method enabled conroisto charge in a solid line, knee to knee and so close thatit was said of one group of feudal knights in the 3rdCrusade that an apple thrown into their midst wouldnot have touched the ground.

The initial charge with the couched lance wasbegun at a trot, only breaking into a gallop at the lastmoment so as not to tire the horses or lose formation.Similarly the lance was held upright at the start andonly levelled on nearing the enemy. The idea was todrive the iron into an opponent or else to unseat himor overthrow both horse and rider. For this the manor his shield must be hit squarely and the lancegripped firmly and kept clamped under the arm. Latemedieval tournament books advise not looking at theoncoming lance point as this will make you flinch orclose your eyes; instead you should concentrate onthe oncoming target. The charge was followed up bydrawing the secondary weapons and raining blows.The tournament books suggest that in the melee inthe lists the knight should strike and press on to thenext, not turning round as this wastes time andbecomes tiring—advice likely to apply equally toearlier centuries.

The initial charge was important for, if it could be

held, the attack might peter out. To this end theByzantines, uncomfortable when facing Normancavalry, would sometimes try to break them up bythrowing down caltrops to maim the horses or else by-using light wagons as an obstacle. Against solidinfantry the mounted knight was more at a disadvan-tage. Here the use of volleys of javelins, delivered bygroups of horsemen who then wheeled away, arepossibly suggested by the Bayeux Tapestry. Suchtactics were probably copied from the Bretons andagainst a phalanx of infantry may have proved moreuseful than a charge with couched lances. Any weakspots so caused could then be exploited by groups ofknights bursting in with drawn swords. In either casethe knight was soon reduced to a long contest of hardknocks with secondary weapons where his staminaand strength would be tested to the limit.

Although he could fight on foot, Anna Comnenanoted that the long shield and spurs seemed to be adisadvantage for the dismounted knight. However,against both foot and horse he could employ the trickof the feigned flight to lure them out. This manoeuvrehas been the subject of much controversy. The usualargument has been that it would panic the rest of thearmy, or that the enemy would guess what was afoot.It is simply the chronicler's way of covering up a realretreat, say the critics. It was especially suited to theconrois, since one or more such units could be

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A bare-headed figure onthe west front of Bancathedral may be wearinga coat of scale. (By kindpermission of Dr DavidNicolle)

employed. Many fought with the companions theyknew and trained with, thus a feeling of camaraderieand fellow-thinking could be utilised to reducepossible confusion. Moreover, feigned flights hadbeen a part of cavalry tactics for centuries. Certainlythe Bretons had been using them since the 9thcentury and it is possible that the Normans wereinfluenced by the latter. Norman knights are re-corded as using feigned flights to great effect atArques in 1053 and Cassel in 1071. They also usedthis tactic in Sicily, at Messina, in 1060.

Enemy arrows were a problem since the warhorsewas unarmoured and his rider's limbs and face werepartly exposed. Here it was necessary to avoid a head-on confrontation and to try to take the enemy in theflank. When faced with eastern horse archers theheavier horses and the solid charge of the mailedknights could do little against enemies who refused tostand and, mounted on swift horses, harassed thewesterners with arrows, particularly on the flanks. Itmeant that such enemies had to be forced into aposition from which the charge could be launched, orambushed to allow the knights to close quickly.Bohemond formed a reserve of mounted knights in anattempt to counter flank attacks on his chargingknights. He also made good use of his infantry to forma screen behind which the cavalry could wait for anopportune moment to deliver their charge. Thearmoured spearmen could in their turn cover thearchers and crossbowmen who could keep their

enemies at a distance. In this way each arm of thearmy complemented the others and provided aneffective counter-measure.

It might be thought that Normans who brokethrough and pursued a defeated enemy would bedifficult to rally. The fact that they could be halted,even when individuals used their lances in differentways rather than in a concerted charge, testifies to thediscipline and order seen on the field.

TYPICALENGAGEMENTS

The effectiveness of the Norman cavalry charge, withor without the couched lance, is demonstrated in anumber of battles. Val-és-Dunes in 1047 was astruggle between Duke William of Normandy and aforce of Norman rebels. There is little reference tothe presence of infantry and it appears to have largelyinvolved clashes of bodies of horsemen in which thestronger or more skilful, under William and KingHenry, won the day. Even against mixed forces thepower of a Norman assault could be decisive. In 1081at Durazzo an Italo-Norman charge broke theByzantine line which included horse archers. AtMonte Maggiore in 1041, about 2,000 Normans inrevolt against their Byzantine masters faced a larger

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army drawn up in two lines. The Norman horse andfoot attacked in spearhead formation — presumably akind of wedge—and drove the first line in on thesecond, causing confusion and ultimate defeat. In1053 the battle of Civitate again saw Norman knights,this time from Apulia, quickly routing a larger Papalforce of Italo-Lombard cavalry and infantry in thefirst charge. However, the Norman knights underHumphrey de Hauteville and their reserve underRobert Guiscard were held up by a group of about700 Swabian mercenaries until Richard's horsemenreturned from the pursuit and forced them intosquares which were gradually dissipated.

Hard pounding was used far more at Hastings in1066. According to William of Poitiers, the lines ofthe Normans and their allies consisted of archers infront, infantry behind and knights in rear. Thisstrongly suggests an initial softening up with missiles,followed with an assault by the foot. The cavalry wereto be used to break open the gaps so formed and topursue the routed enemy. Such tactics made sense.For one thing, the Normans probably had fewerhorsemen than they would have liked and wereconfronted by a solid dismounted phalanx. Secondly,warhorses were expensive and were more likely to bekilled by footsoldiers than by other mounted knights.Moreover, as we shall see, this combination ofelements in Norman armies was usual. In reality, the

Norman foot at Hastings was unable to effectbreaches and the cavalry were committed in adesperate attempt to break the English line, mademore secure by being positioned on a ridge whichdenied flank attack. Victory was only achievedtowards evening when a combination of mixedcavalry and infantry assaults and arrow showersfinally saw- King Harold killed. The English positionhad shrunk so much that the ends of the ridge wereseized by cavalry who then rolled up the line.

The ferocity of English resistance was not lost onthe Normans. It must have reinforced their belief,shared by other feudal commanders in Europe, thatdismounted knights were often tactically desirable.Indeed, Norman forces often appear to have dis-mounted a part of their cavalry while keeping othersas a mounted reserve. Moreover, archers were usuallyplaced in front so that the resulting army consisted ofsimilar elements to those at Hastings, although theshortage of cavalry here meant that the infantryconsisted of footsoldiers, knights only joining themwhen their horses had been killed.

The tactic of dismounting some of his knights toform a solid defence supported by horsemen won theday for Henry I on several occasions. In 1106 he wasbesieging Tinchebrai when his brother arrived with arelief force. Instead of backing off, Henry chose tofight. He placed his infantry in the front line and

The two knights on theright in this frieze from thesouth door at Bari appearto wear coats of lamella,slightly obscured by theirkite-shaped shields. (Bykind permission of DrDavid Nicolle)

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dismounted knights in the second, with a contingentof 700 cavalry with each. Robert apparently alsodismounted some of his forces. He then launched acavalry charge against Henry's right wing, Henry ofHuntingdon noted that they had been well trained inthe wars of Jerusalem, probably a reference to thesolid charge with couched lances. It broke throughHenry's first line but was held by the second, a similarcharge on the left wing making little progress.However, Henry then sent a hidden reserve ofperhaps 1,000 cavalry under Helias of Maine againstthe entangled Normans on his right and won the day.At Bremule in 1119 Henry dismounted all but about100 of his 500 knights when he encountered theinvading forces of Louis VI of France. It was a small-scale affair since Louis himself had only about 400knights. The French came on in two or threedivisions and the first, though apparently lackingdiscipline, actually broke the Norman cavalry screen.However, on confronting the dismounted knights it

was surrounded and cut to pieces, as was the nextdivision. Louis, himself wounded in the head, fled.

At the Battle of the Standard near Northallertonin 1138 knights fought on foot to stiffen the Englishlevies against the opposing Scots. Again archerscompletely disrupted the undisciplined Galwegiancharge and, though the Norman cavalry of David ofScotland had some success, they were withstoodprobably by the Norman mounted contingent fight-ing for Stephen. At Lincoln in 1141 both KingStephen and the rebel forces placed wings of horse-men on either side of a centre of infantry anddismounted knights.

The danger in attacking archers is well illustratedby the Battle of Bourgthéroulde in 1124. This battleis important, not so much for the historicaloutcome—no king was present—as for the concisetactical description given by Orderic Vitalis. HenryI's household knights confronted the rebel Waleranof Meulan who was returning from an attempt torelieve Vatteville. After discussion the royal troopsdecided to dismount one section and support it withthe other which remained mounted. A screen ofarchers was placed in front to shoot down the enemyhorses. Mounted archers, who almost certainly onlyused their horses for movement, were sent againstWaleran's right wing. His knights had their mountsshot from under them and Waleran was captured.Henry was on the receiving end when attempting torelieve Alençon in 1118, however. Angevin archers ina second force advanced and took their toll of theroyal troops; a charge by Count Fulk from the siegelines then broke Henry's forces.

One way to entice infantry to break their line wasthe feigned flight. At Hastings the fleeing cavalryeasily outstripped their infantry pursuers and wereable to recover and turn on them. The manoeuvrescould have been pre-arranged during a lull whengroups of cavalry were gathered on the valley floor.

Flank attacks have already been noted in thesudden onslaught of cavalry used by Henry I atTinchebrai. At Nocera in 1132 the rebel, Rainulf ofAvelino, secured victory over Roger II of Sicily bywheeling his force of 2,500 Apulian Norman horse-men against the flank of the Sicilian forces who hadpushed back the rebel left wing. Several referencesoccur of knights ambushing enemies. In 1119 theNorman garrison of Tillières, by keeping the paths

Goliath is shown as a arrangement of the strapswarrior with an enormous for the hand grip, and theshield in the Bible of St longguige strap round theEtienne, a northern French neck. (Bib. Munic, Dijon,manuscript of 1109-11. Ms 168,f.5r)Notice the saltire

H The armourer's workshop

patrolled, surprised French raiders who were on theirway to besiege it. A large-scale ambush was that ofDuke William's attack on the French/Angevin rear,trapped by the tide while crossing the ford atVaraville in 1057.

MOTIVATIONThe sons of the Norman nobility, like those in otherparts of western Europe, had limited opportunities.The eldest, especially in England, would usuallyinherit the patrimony but for the rest the main outletwas either the church or a military career. The eldestwas expected to become a knight, other younger sonswho chose war as a profession also found knighthoodexpedient. Some became vassals of great lords,receiving land or living as household knights. Somewould marry a rich heiress and so obtain land; somewould become rich through tournaments. Othersbecame soldiers of fortune, seeking wealth abroadand eventually carving out kingdoms in Italy, Sicilyand the Holy Land. Still others hired themselves outas mercenaries. Thus Norman knights sold theirservices to the Byzantine Emperor soon after arrivingin Italy. All were endeavouring to promote their

career in a harsh world which, to men of their birth,offered only the church as an alternative.

We know from Orderic that not all such men wereuncultured, for the knights of Maule used to enjoyholding academic conversations with the monks inthe cloisters of the priory there. Others, such as theEarl of Chester, had a noisy household crowded withmen and dogs. He was a man who uncaringly roderoughshod over the crops of his peasant tenants whenout hunting yet was careful to keep a poet at his court.In the 1 1th century knights were brought up on epictales of heroes, stories short on love interest and long-on blood and fighting. In the 12th century courtlylove themes crept slowly in from southern France andromances, often with Arthurian themes, began toarise. Moreover there was a certain esprit de corpsamong knights, even if often for the fact that acaptured knight meant ransom money. Loyalty toyour lord was, however, an important concept, as washonour. Peasants fared badly during unrest andfootsoldiers were cut down with impunity after adefeat. A few men were exceptionally cruel andtreacherous; Robert of Bellême had a liking fortorturing prisoners rather than ransoming them. Yetmen were not unaware of the evil they did. TheConqueror on his deathbed was, so it was reported,weighed down by guilt at the blood he had shed.Some knights, after a life of violence, took the cross

A mailcoat, split at thesides in the old fashion, isworn by this warrior in adepiction of the Massacreof the Innocents. His swordis carried under the mailbut on the right side ratherthan the left, possibly amistake of the artist. (Bypermission of the BritishLibrary, Ms Cotton Nero C4f.14)

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and went on a pilgrimage or crusade. Others enteredmonasteries so they would die in monkish robes, fornearly all believed ultimately in God's power.

It is obvious from the many speeches made bycommanders before battle that their soldiers neededencouragement and that they were often nervous ofthe outcome and feared death. This was used toadvantage in the Crusades by the reassurance thatthose who died would go straight to heaven. Men alsofeared defeat, which prevented many battles fromdeveloping in the first place. Older and wiser mindsoften tried to persuade younger commanders againstmaking a stand, because of the dangers inherent inlosing a pitched battle, often with good reason. It wassafer to destroy villages and crops, to show up anenemy's failure as a protective lord, and to threatenwar, than to actually engage in it. Some men avoidedbecoming knights by paying scutage instead. Origin-ally this was a money payment raised on those tooyoung, sick or old to become knights and probablyused in England during the reign of Rufus. However,already in Henry I's time the sheer cost of becoming aknight caused some to pay scutage. Finance out-weighed ideas of chivalry.

BOHEMONDTall, broad-shouldered, muscular, slim-hipped butslightly stooping, white-skinned with a clean-shavenface where the white mingled with red, blue-greyeyes and blond hair cut to the ears; this portrait ofBohemond of Taranto comes down to us from theByzantine princess, Anna Comnena, who saw himwhen a young girl. Despite a certain charm, sherecalls how forbidding and savage he seemed, howuntrustworthy he was and how quickly he changedhis mood to suit the moment.

Bohemond was the son of Robert Guiscard, thetough Norman adventurer who had arrived in Italy in

St Edmund routs theDanes, a manuscript of1125-1150. Here the lancesare shown couched in theprevalent 12th-centuryfashion, though one rideruses his to stab a fallenwarrior. The rider at lowerleft has horizontal ties

across his saddle bowswhich may be to secure anoverblanket. Notice alsothe figure at lower rightwho wears a coif and tunicas well as a longunderskirt. (PierpontMorgan Library M. 736f7v.)

1041 and carved himself a large slice of southernItaly. Bohemond was born to Aubrée and christenedMark but because of his size in his mother's wombreceived the nickname of Bohemond after a giant ofthat name.

The boy soon took after his father and joined himon his aggressive sojourns. In 1080 Guiscard, under apapal banner and probably with an eye on theimperial throne, set sail from Otranto withBohemond. Having captured Corfu they advancedon Durazzo. Although Guiscard had to return toItaly to help the Pope and quell a revolt, Bohemondwas left to press the attack. So adroit was he that healmost reached Constantinople itself before beingrebuffed at Larissa in 1083, when the Byzantinesthemselves are said to have used a feigned flight. TheNormans were now: steadily pushed back and theBalkans lost.

When Guiscard died in 1085 his son, Roger'Borsa', was designated his successor. Angry at being

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disinherited by his lacklustre half-brother,Bohemond immediately seized Oria, Otranto andTaranto and in 1090 took Bari as well. He was onlystopped by the formidable Roger, 'Great Count' andconqueror of Sicily, who now pushed north toconsolidate and increase his possessions in southernItaly.

In 1096, contingents of knights who formed partof the 1st Crusade rode into the shifting politicalstruggles of southern Italy. While Borsa and Rogerwere uninterested, Bohemond took the Crusader'soath and set off. Although he possibly had somegenuine desire to free the Holy Places, he may alsohave seen an opportunity to revive his expansionistdesigns, either in the Empire or in the east. Havingpassed through an uneasy Constantinople with hisfollowers, he took a prominent part in the battle ofDorylaeum against the Turks; by the time theyreached Antioch late in 1097, Bohemond was anacknowledged leader.

Antioch would be a suitable prize, andBohemond went all out to acquire it for himself. Hedefeated relief forces by keeping his own men inreserve until the Muslims thought victory was theirs.A second relief force from Aleppo was also broken

An ivory altar back showssouthern Italian warriorswearing what appears tobe scale armour, withhelmets similar in style tothat seen on the mounted

chessman. Is this a form ofearly attached neck-guard(a ventail) or simply a deephelmet over a coif?(Salerno, CathedralMuseum)

when the crusading cavalry lay in wait. Although thefirst mounted charge by the Crusaders failed to breakthe large force, it was then lured on to ground with alake on the left and river on the right where theChristians were protected against flank attack. A finalfull charge then broke it. Bohemond led the assaultwhich took the city on 3 June 1098, assisted bytreachery within. He also led the whole army out todefeat Kerbogha who had arrived to take back thecity, in the most complete victory of the 1st Crusade.In this he emerged from the city with the footsoldiersin a screen to protect the horsemen until the criticalmoment. The mounted charge which followedcrashed into the enemy ranks and secured theultimate victory. In the face of this his request to takepossession of Antioch was unopposed except byRaymond of Toulouse, whose own men finally forcedhim to leave Bohemond in Antioch. Careful tolegitimise his position after the fashion of Normanconquerors in Italy, Bohemond was invested as

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Prince of Antioch in 1100 by Daimbert, Archbishopof Pisa and papal legate, thus cutting himself from theByzantine Emperor and from any interference fromJerusalem.

In 1100 Bohemond was captured by the Turksand only released three years later. Returning to thewest he was treated as a super-hero and began stirringenmity against the Emperor Alexis, accusing him oftreachery in having turned back from Antioch whenthe Crusaders needed him. In 1106 Bohemond,newly married to the daughter of the king of France,preached a crusade in Chartres cathedral againstAlexis. The following year, with papal backing, thisrestless warrior moved once again against theByzantine Empire. Knowing Antioch was safe underhis warlike nephew, Tancred, he set about besiegingDyrrhachium, the fortress guarding the gateway tothe Balkans. When assault proved useless, Bohemondsat down to starve it into submission. Unfortunately,Byzantine ships thwarted his plans, blockading thecoast and cutting him off from Italy. Soon theByzantine army, with Turkish mercenaries, hemmedhim in and waited. Trapped, his own men droppingwith disease and famine, the Prince had no option butto surrender to Alexis in September, 1108. Forced toagree a treaty with the Emperor, he returned hu-miliated to Apulia and died three years later.

LOGISTICSAn apprentice to arms would be supplied by his lordwith the items necessary for his training. He mightpossess a sword or even some armour as a gift fromhis father. Alternatively arms, armour and horsemight be received from the lord who knighted him oreven the lord who took him into his service, an echo ofthe old Germanic idea of the lord as gift-giver. Lessromantically, such possessions might come frombattlefield looting, the ransoming of captured knightsor as spoils from the tournament. Any weapons orarmour received in this way might be given to one's

own followers, since their appearance reflected thegenerosity and wealth of their master. Alternativelysuch booty could be sold and the money used forother purposes.

Mail, helmet and sword were tough and mighttake a fair amount of punishment before they neededreplacement rather than repair. Mail in particularwas long-lasting since any damage could be mendedwith new rings. This was just as well considering thecost of such equipment. Shields and lances, on theother hand, might need regular replacement depend-ing on the frequency of action. For knights living in alord's household the cost was borne by the lord; forthose on estates the bill was laid at their own door.Warhorses cost a fortune, one reason a knight was setabove other men, and the loss of such an animalthrough wounds or disease was a real setback to anyknight with little financial backing.

Landed knights supplied their own food from theproduce of their estates, whereas household knightsand mercenaries were fed by the lord. On castle rota,landed knights would be fed at the lord's expense. Oncampaign the whole force expected the king, duke orlord to make provision for supplying their needs. In

A mail shirt from Verdal,North Tronderlag,Norway, may be of 14th-century date but gives anidea of the style of coatused earlier. The shirt isworn with the rivet heads

of the mail facingoutwards so as not to causewear to either the heads orthe undergarment.(University Museum ofNational Antiquities, Oslo)

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some cases this meant carrying supplies on packanimals or in carts; on the 3rd Crusade Richard I tookso much that many of the footsoldiers were forced tocarry some of the baggage. How ever, this was neverthe whole answer. It was vital that a sizeable force wasensured provisions to keep it in the field. This mightbe done by fortifying castles to allow a supply line tobe kept open through hostile territory, often a slowprocess. Alternatively a force would simply ravagethe surrounding areas, which brought in suppliesunless stubborn or careless; when one half of aFrench/Angevin invasion force scattered to plunderround Morlemer in 1054 it was set upon by theNormans and destroyed. That is why foraging forfood was accompanied often by incendiaries whoburned villages and destroyed what they could nottake, including peasants and their crops. Squireswere often grouped into foraging parties, sometimesaccompanied by a knightly escort. This was a far lessrisky way of waging war than by direct confrontationwhich might end in disaster. Of course, two couldplay at that game; keeping an armed force in thevicinity of a hostile invader often rendered him

.4 sculpted capital showingthe Psychomachia, fromNôtre-Dame-du-Port,Clermont-Ferrand.Although French ratherthan Norman and of mid12th-century date, the

square form of ventail canbe seen hanging down overthe chest and laced up onthe left-hand figure. Suchventails would notnecessarily have coveredso much of the face.

impotent, since he dare not throw out foragingparties. Thus thwarted, supplies would dry up and hewould be forced to withdraw.

MUSEUMSIt should be noted that those wishing to study actualNorman arms and equipment are rather poorlyserved. Even museums which provide fairly extens-ive displays of items of the period cannot but give aflavour since so many pieces of arms and armour mustbe studied in the context of comparable pieces ratherthan as actual 'Norman' items of the 10th to early13th century. Examples of armour are extremely rare;only four helmets survive of 'Norman' type and only-one of these, in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in

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An illustration fromGeoffrey of Monmouth'sHistory of the Kings ofBritain transcribed at theabbey of Bec in Normandyin about 1150. This knightmay represent Robert, Earlof Gloucester, bastard son

of Henry I and a primemover in the civil war ofStephen's reign. Notice thelong skirt issuing frombeneath the mail andcharacteristic of the 12thcentury. (LeidenUniversity Library)

New York, appears to be from northern France orEngland. Even then there is no proof that it datesfrom the period under discussion.

The other surviving helmets are from easternEurope. That supposedly of the 10th-century St.Wenceslas is held by Prague Cathedral along with amailcoat which has never been fully studied butwhich may be from the 10th or 1 1th century.

The Hofjagd-und Rüstkammer in Vienna holdsthe conical helmet forged in one piece. While a majormuseum of arms and armour, items of this period arerare and not from a Norman context.

The Royal Armouries at the Tower of Londondisplays the segmented conical helmet on loan fromLiverpool Museum. Swords, maces, spears and spursof the time can also be seen. A 14th-century mailcoatgives an idea of the appearance of this form ofarmour. The Education centre has replicas of aconical helmet, kite-shaped shield and sword whichare used as teaching aids.

The British Museum has a large collection ofswords, spears, axes, knives, shield bosses and spursdating from the migration period up to the nthcentury, many of which are held in store.

The British Library is useful for studying manu-script representations of warriors, although many

will, of necessity, be included in folios kept in store.The Centre Guillaume le Conquerant in the Rue

de Nesmond, Bayeux, houses the Bayeux Tapestryand provides an introductory display, exhibition andfilm show as well as the actual embroidery itself.

The Musée des Antiquités at Rouen possessessome artefacts from Viking settlements inNormandy.

The north door and west front of the church ofSan Nicola, Bari, the ceiling of the Cappella Palatinain Palermo and the cloisters of Monreale Cathedraljust outside Palermo, are all sources of pictorialrepresentations of Norman knights and their mixedfollowings.

Manuscript pictures and sculptures are alsoscattered throughout museums, churches and ca-thedrals of Europe.

THE PLATESA: Early knight, c. 1000It is not known for certain at what date the Vikingsettlers of Normandy adapted themselves to becomehorsemen in emulation of their Frankish neighbours.Since armoured horsemen had been seen in Carolin-gian armies a century before, the invaders may haveassimilated themselves quite quickly. This man'sequipment is essentially old fashioned. He wears aspangenhelm, an early style of helmet still used in the1 1th century and may even have survived into the13th century. The initial shape was created byconstructing an iron framework consisting of (usuallyfour) vertical strips springing from a browband. Thespaces between were then filled with plates, mostprobably of iron though horn may rarely have beenused. A cap secured the apex. Additional lining rivetsare provided along the browband. In some cases thenasal may have been formed by extending the frontvertical strip downwards. The exact construction atthis date remains uncertain as no examples havesurvived. However, they may be seen occasionally inartistic representations. His mailcoat is split at thesides, a fashion far more suited to use on foot butwhich appeared infrequently throughout the nthcentury and into the 12th. His shield is of traditionalcircular form and not of the kite-shaped variety onlynow beginning to appear. Since few shield bosses

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survive from the 10th century or later, and thefragments of wood attached to their rivets are lacking,it is difficult to reconstruct circular shields. Lam-inated forms, comprising two layers of wood with thegrain of each running at right-angles to increasestrength, may have been used. Alternatively, shields,built up from planks probably butted and glued, mayhave been used. The surface was probably oftencovered by leather. We know that Anglo-Saxonshields were specified in the 10th century as beingcovered in bull hide rather than that of sheep. Someshields may not have been covered, especially if madefrom one piece of wood. Certainly leather, if gluedover the surface, would strengthen the planking.

The borders seen on most shields are alsounexplained. The most logical solution is that theyrepresent applied borders rather than painted de-

signs, since so many show dots or circles as though torepresent nail or rivet heads, unless this is simplyartistic tradition. Unfortunately, even on earliercircular shields, these strips are extremely rare.Another possibility in some cases is that the holes arcfor stitching the leather to the shield face. Whetherrims were made of iron, bronze, leather or all threecan again only be surmised. The curved bands areoften depicted in Carolingian, Ottonian, Anglo-Saxon, Viking and even Pictish art over the centuries;they may represent pieces of leather stitched tog-ether, or reinforcing bands of iron.

His sword has been handed down. It is pattern-welded and fitted with a contemporary 'tea-cosy'pommel. The scabbard, of wood covered in leather,has a supporting strap joined to the rear of the belt tohang the weapon at a convenient angle and prevent

The fallen warrior, in thisscene of David andGoliath, wears chausseswhich show how they werelaced under the shoe.Notice the rendition of thechausses, a feature of thisperiod which has led someto argue that differenttypes of armour are beingworn. (By permission ofthe British Library, Add.Ms. 14789 f.10)

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the knight from tripping over it. He may carryjavelins as well as a more conventional spear with asturdy blade. His iron prick spurs are of the cylin-drical type used by knights in north-western Europe.The Vikings at this date may have sported hair with aheavy fringe but cut clear of the neck. This knightcopies neighbouring warriors in having his hair cutround in a bowl crop, a style which may have beenuseful when a mail coif was attached to the mailcoat.

B: ArmourMail consisted of many individually linked iron rings.Every ring passed through four others, and garmentscould be shaped by varying the number. Wherearmpits were formed which would bunch the mailinto a knot, a ring might not be joined to all fourpartners, this being known today as an 'idle' ring.'Idle' rings were also used to shape other areas.

Scale armour, of iron, bronze, horn, bone orleather plates, was formed by riveting the upper endof each scale through a canvas backing, presumablywith a washer on the rear to prevent the rivet workingout. Overlapping each scale downwards guarded therivets of those below. Most illustrations suggest the

rows were staggered like fish scales, though somesuggest vertical lines.

Lamellar, probably only used in Italy and theeast, was made by lacing small iron plates together inrows, the whole coat being held by interlacing. Thesecoats were probably tied by laces at the side.

The enigmatical 'square' on the chest of somewarriors on the Bayeux Tapestry has caused muchdebate but no firm conclusion has been reached.Perhaps the most popular theory is that it representsthe lowered ventail or flap to guard the throat andchin, which is lifted and tied at the sides of the coifwhen the knight goes into action. This also enables aneck opening to be made large enough to pull theshirt on and off easily. In support of this theory it maybe pointed out that several figures on the Tapestryappear to have the sides pulled up. Moreover, in thescene before action at Hastings, a whole string ofhorsemen show squares on the chest, whilst thosegoing into action only sport a single bar, presumablythe lower edge when lifted. It should also be notedthat several Englishmen also have this bar but since itappears near the neck, it may be some sort of edgingin the same fashion as those shown at the sleeves andhem. Hauberks carried to the ships are depicted withsquares although they show no coifs but here it maybe argued that they are hanging down at the back.

Less easy to explain is an Anglo-Saxon depictionof a square on a ringed coat worn by a tiny initialfigure, where he appears to have no coif. Thisproblem is also encountered in a few other depictions,mostly on contemporary Spanish figures. Details of adefinite ventail flap have to wait until the 12th-century carved figures at Clermont Ferrand in centralFrance. Another suggestion is that the flap guards aslit at the neck to enable the hauberk to be put on.Last, and probably least persuasive, it may be areinforcing piece of mail over the chest, or even showthe supporting straps of a plate of iron beneath thehauberk. There is also the possibility that two or evenall three of these versions may have been in use.

The so-called 'TemplePyx' of c. 1140-50 probablyformed part of a reliquary.Made from gilt copper-alloy, the three figurescarry typical long shieldswith simple decoration.The lattice of the central

shield is dotted, suggestingriveted reinforcing strips.Two of the helmets alsohave diagonal bands.(Glasgow Museums andArt Galleries, BurrellCollection)

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An initial from theWinchester Bible of c. 1170shows knights in flowingsurcoats with simpledecoration. Theirmailcoats have the sleevesextended to cover theirhands while leaving thelingers exposed.(Reproduction bypermission of the Deanand Chapter of WinchesterCathedral)

Another style of ventail is the long tongue of mailwhich is drawn up across the face before combat andlaced to a thong at the side of the head. This wascertainly in use by the early 12th century. Ventails,which are mentioned in the Song of Roland of c. 1100,may have been lined for added comfort. Some maysimply have consisted of a loose vertical slit whichwas drawn tight by a thong when action wasexpected. One form of leg protection consisted of astrip of mail, laced behind the leg and braced to thewaist girdle.

The Norman shaven head as seen in the BayeuxTapestry is probably an extreme form of the earlierwarrior's bowl crop. It is partly borne out by theremark of Wace, who says that in 1066 Englishmenspying on the Norman camp reported that Williamhad brought an army of priests. The style disap-peared in the reign of the Conqueror's son, WilliamRufus, when long hair and beards were in vogue.

C: Norman knight, c. 1066The mail hauberk is split front and rear to facilitatemovement, particularly when mounted, when theside of the skirt would hang round the thigh. His mailis provided with a coif and ventail. The segmentedhelmet was perhaps the most common form in use in1066, to judge from the Bayeux Tapestry. It wasconstructed from four shaped iron segments rivetedtogether. The browband with nasal was then applied.Contemporary illustrations suggest that this was themost frequently seen method of securing the nasal.The rivet holes could also be used to fix a lining band.This helmet sports a rough and ready repair, the workof a local smith rather than a professional armourer.The shield is now kite-shaped, defending the left sidebut capable of protecting much of the horse whenheld out horizontally. This is the attitude usually seenon the Tapestry and may have been common whenused by mounted men against footsoldiers. When

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used against enemy horsemen with couched lances itwould be prudent to hold it more vertically to givemaximum protection to the left front of the body.

The sword is carried under the mail, a slit at thehip providing access to the scabbard mouth. Theearlier occasional use of baldrics seems to havedisappeared by the mid nth century, and the weaponwas usually buckled on by a waist belt. His tinnedspurs now have a pyramidal spike to goad his horse.

D: HelmetsA hypothetical view of the inside of a Normanhelmet. It must be stressed that very few helmets ofthe period survive, only one may by northern French,and no linings survive at all. This reconstruction isbased on the rivet arrangements of actual helmetscombined with the type of linings surviving in latermedieval helmets. The leather lining band is securedaround the inside of the helmet rim by rivets andcrude square washers. To this band the lining itself isstitched. This consists of two layers of canvas stuffedwith wool, tow, hay, hair or grass and seamed to keepthe stuffing in place. The top edge is also seamed totake a running thong which may be adjusted to ensurethe helmet is a firm fit and is aligned with the eyes.This is especially important in later helmets wherethe face is guarded by a mask with eye slits. In orderto make sure the helmet remains on the head, abifurcated leather chin strap is riveted in place, thetwo-point fastening making the helmet less likely towobble. This was probably tied rather than buckledunder the chin. On this particular helmet, made fromone piece of metal, the slight medial ridge runningfrom front to rear can be seen, beaten out from theinside.

A spangenhelm is here shown provided with anapplied neck-guard as suggested by the BayeuxTapestry. The exact width of these guards is notknown.

A helmet of the early 12th century has beenfashioned from one piece and the surface fluted bybeating from the outside. The rear edge has beendrawn down to provide a neck-guard, giving thehelmet a sou'wester shape. Helmets forged from onepiece of iron became increasingly common in the 12thcentury.

The slight forward peak seen on the previoushelmet and typical of the 12th century is seen again on

this later 12th-century helmet complete with face-guard, based on a depiction of the murder of Becketpainted on a church wall in Spoleto, Italy. The fullface mask may have developed from 'T'-bars addedto the nasal to protect the mouth. Hemispherical andcylindrical helmets were also occasionally adapted inthis way.

The dawning of the 13th century saw the fullface-guard joined to the neck-guard to produce theforerunner of the completely enclosing helm whichwas developed by the 1230s. Cylindrical helmets hadbecome popular towards the end of the 12th centuryand seem to have been the most common type to beextended into this new design.

E: ShieldsThe kite-shaped shield was made of wood. None hassurvived, so any reconstruction is based on earliercircular shields and later surviving examples. Adrawing of a now vanished 12th-century shield fromNorway suggests that it was made from planks(presumably) glued side by side. However, surviving13th-century shields, including one which may haveoriginally been made in the late 12th century, areconstructed from a single piece of wood. The leathercovering is again hypothetical. It is also just possiblethat in the 1 1th century some kite shields were even oflaminated construction. Though those seen on theTapestry appear flat (since dinner is eaten off them)others may have been slightly curved to the wearer (asAnna Comnena noted of those carried by ItalianNormans).

The borders of kite shields may have beenpainted but numerous depictions with dots or circlessuggest that, like circular shields, they had some formof edging. On 13th-century shields depictions of suchedges again become rare, often remaining only as aheraldic border.

Shield straps (brases or enarmes) appear to have avariety of shapes. Many on the Bayeux Tapestry areshown as a simple strap across the top edge, but somestrap for the forearm was presumably necessary also.Other depictions are more complex, several showinga pair of crossed straps for the hand, a commonmethod represented elsewhere and continued intothe 12th century and beyond. The rectangle of straps,occasionally in the form of a diamond, is moreconfined to the Bayeux Tapestry. It may be assumed

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that a stuffed pad was nailed on to protect at least thefist and possibly the forearm, as seen on surviving13th-century shields. The guige strap was probablyprovided with a buckle to adjust the length, thoughthese are rarely seen in art. Some brases may alsohave been adjustable.

The iron, bronze or brass boss was a throwback tothe circular shield but as it was no longer in a central

position the shield was held by straps, relegating theboss to a decorative role. As a fashion it lasted into the13th century. The rivet heads would be seen on theinside of the shield unless covered by the pad. Someshields might have been entirely covered on theinside by parchment or even leather. The rivet headsof the straps would be seen on the outer face. Theboss might be used to form a decorative design with

'David and Goliath' and'The Death of Absolom'

from the Winchester Bibledepicts mailed men whosehands are completely-covered to form mufflers.The horse at lower left hasa cloth laid over thesaddle, provided with slitsto pass over the argons.(Pierpont Morgan Library,M.619v.)

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these, or they might be incorporated into a zoomor-phic shape.

Twelfth-century shields often had a flattened topbut frequently retained rounded corners. Many werecurved to the wearer. The strap arrangements dif-fered little from the previous century and are oftensimplified in art. Straps, probably of metal, aresometimes seen on shield faces, radiating from theboss in a decorative design which also strengthenedthe shield. Such designs also passed into heraldicusage.

F: WeaponsThe sword was the most prized of weapons. Pattern-welded forms were made from bundles of twistedrods of iron and mild steel (carburised iron), forgedtogether, beaten and twisted until the blade wasformed. It retained the wavy design along its surface,hence the name. Pattern-welded swords were madein a variety of combinations of iron and mild steel.Swords made from iron and steel were also forged in avariety of ways, some of which are illustrated here.Many swordsmiths probably took their secrets to thegrave.

The hilt of a sword was formed by first sliding thecross-guard down until it rested against the shouldersof the blade. The grip was formed from two halves ofcarved wood which were presumably glued togetheraround the tang. The pommel — here of tea-cosyform — was slotted over the end and the tip of the tanghammered over to hold the components in place. Thegrip could be left as plain wood, but it would usuallybe bound additionally. This might have taken theform of a soft leather sheath stitched at the side andshrunk on to the grip, or else a strip bound up it.Some swords would probably be further embellishedby an interlaced cord which not only gave anattractive appearance but helped to form a rough gripfor a sweating hand. The earliest surviving grips areof 13th-century date but 12th-century illustrationssuggest similar forms were used earlier. A lobatedpommel, a late survivor of an earlier style, is alsoshown.

Most swords had straight or slightly curvedcross-guards which helped prevent a weapon fromsliding up the blade to the hand. Some knights mayhave hooked their forefinger over the guard to assistin controlling their weapon. Many hilts are quitesmall, suggesting that the sword was sometimes heldwith the pommel actually within the lower part of thepalm. This is a simple wheel pommel.

Scabbards were made from two slats of wood

A sketch made of the nowlost 12th-century effigy ofWilliam Clito (died 1127),Count of Flanders and sonof Duke Robert ofNormandy. His face is

protected by a steel maskformed by expanding thenasal and which appears tobe pierced with vertical

slots for ventilation. Thedecorative crosses on thehelmet may be a mark ofrank, a sort of modifiedcoronet. A ventail is drawndiagonally across the faceand secured at the lefttemple. The shield bandsarc both decorative and actas reinforcement.

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covered with leather and lined with wool, fur orparchment. Tenth- and 11th-century chapes mightbe of openwork design but by the 12th century asimple 'U' shape seems more usual. The scarcity ofsurvivors suggests that many swords were simplybound at the tip with an extra layer of leather or hadno chape at all. Lockets, too, might be of openworkdesign or even of bone but few have come down to usfrom the nth or 12th century, possibly because themeans of fastening the sword was altering. Themethod of attaching the sword belt to the scabbard inthe 10th and nth century is not known for certain. Insome cases additional suspension straps may havebeen used. The Bayeux Tapestry almost seems tosuggest a stud fastening similar to early Germanicvarieties. Other illustrations, especially in the 12thcentury, frequently depict a cross of straps whichstrongly suggests the type of fixing used in the 13thcentury. In this, the shorter end of the belt was split,one piece being threaded through slits cut in the

scabbard leather while two others passed down andwere laced together. By threading through slits cut inthe other part of the belt, the two halves wereprevented from sliding apart while keeping the swordat a convenient angle. Sometimes only one strippassed down between the upper and lower belthalves.

The lance, probably of ash wood, was fitted withan iron head provided with a socket in which the shaftwas secured by a nail. The flags have been drawnfrom the Bayeux Tapestry, including what is prob-ably the papal banner blessed for the invasion ofEngland. The semicircular flag seems likely to be arepresentation of the raven banner used by the paganDanes. Knights of rank were marked by a smallpennon nailed below their lance head.

G: HorsesThe saddles shown on the Bayeux Tapestry and anumber of other representations do not give a great

The second great seal ofRichard I, struck in 1194 onhis release from captivity.Despite popular opinion,the King is not shownwearing a surcoat. A longundergarment issues frombeneath his mail. Theshield now carries thethree lions of England forthe first time. His helm isquite advanced, almostfully covering the head andprovided with a fan crest,presumably of metal, onwhich are echoed the lionsof the shield. (PublicRecords Office, London)

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amount of detail. The pommel and cantle on mostappear to curl outwards at the upper end and thesaddles are usually reconstructed with a scrolled topedge. The very few depictions of contemporarysaddles to show the face of the saddle arçons comefrom southern France and Italy. While the Frenchexample also shows a curved profile, the cantle shownend on has a rounded edge, echoed in the front viewfrom the Italian illustration. Were these examplesalso used in the north or are they more typical of thesouth? We have reconstructed both versions. Thesaddles are basic: a tree of two pieces set either side ofthe horse's spine, the arçons carved to shape and witha central cut-out at the lower edge. Some form ofpadding would be nailed over the gap between thetrees and a leather seat attached.

The stirrups are long. The leathers pass underthe saddle flap, probably looping through a slot cut inthe tree and buckling under the saddle flap. Lesslikely, a metal loop might be nailed to the treethrough which the leathers are looped. The girths arenailed to the saddle and buckle on both sides to allowfor adjustment. Breast straps and any crupper strapswould probably be attached either through a ringnailed to the tree or, if it did not project far enough, tothe saddle bow itself. Such straps might occasionallybe decorated with metal plaques or pendants, especi-ally in the 12th century. A saddle blanket is worn

below the saddle to stop chafing. An overblanket mayhave been placed over the saddle for comfort and mayprovide another interpretation of the shape of saddleson the Bayeux Tapestry, though other sourcesdefinitely do not show these. At least two manuscriptsof the early 12th century appear to show cordspassing over the sides of the saddle bows anddisappearing under the rider. These may be forsecuring such an overblanket.

The bridle is of simple form and provided with acurb bit, most of these having their arms apparentlyjoined by a transverse bar. The curb chain ispositioned under the jaw. Illustrations rarely showany buckles on the cheek pieces, even on later andmore detailed representations. The reins, some ofwhich appear to have ended in metal decorative tabs,were knotted together and most probably had arunning ring for adjustment, a feature very occasion-ally seen in representations. Throughout the periodthe brow-band is replaced occasionally by slits cut inthe leather through which the ears pass.

Twelfth-century saddles at first appear similar tothe foregoing but as the century progresses the cantledevelops a slightly more upright form and becomesmore curved to the rider, while the front of the saddlebow often curved away from him. This form is lesslike a pommel but more like the wider form seen inthe southern European illustrations. Some arçonsmay have been painted. Crupper straps appear in artmore frequently. Sometimes, as here, large decora-tive overblankets (often with dagged lower edges) areworn, the arçons passing through slits cut in thefabric.

Twelfth-century bridles often have no nose-bandbut some have a neck strap which sometimes joins toan extension of the brow-band.

A sumpter horse is shown with a saddle fittedwith panniers. A leading rope is passed through thering of the headstall. Others would be entirely ofsimple rope construction.

David and Goliath, fromthe Great CanterburyPsalter of about 1180-90.The edging of the mailcoatis seen on a number ofillustrations but has neverbeen satisfactorilyexplained. It may be asimple leather binding tostop the rings rubbing the

undergarment, or even theedge of an attached lining.It seems unlikely to be aloose padded aketon sincehere the dog-leg edgefollows the mail exactlywhile the undergarment isclearly shown as separate.(Bibliothèque Nationale,Ms. Lat. 8846, f.2v)

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Iron sword chapes of thelater 12th or 13th century.These are plain, functionalitems lacking theembellishments oropenwork piercing of1 0th-or even some 1 1th-centuryexamples. (By kindpermission of Anthony deReuck)

H: The armourer's workshopWorkshops are likely to have been of de-tached stone construction because of the dangers offire. Some may even have been used to smelt the iron.This forge has a stone-built hearth with a canopy ofearthenware tiles to draw the smoke away. A pair ofhand-pumped bellows supplies the draught throughmetal tuyeres over which a traditional semicircularand stone is placed. In front, set into a tree trunk, is arectangular iron anvil. This is the shape usuallyassociated with armourers, although occasionally themore familiar pointed variety is shown in artisticrepresentations. Charcoal helps to keep the fire hot.Windows would be kept to a minimum or omittedentirely. A torch gives light and this controllablesource means the armourer can see when the metal inthe fire has reached the right temperature by the colourit becomes or the sparks that adhere to its surface.

The other tree trunk has holes to take ironformers or stakes shaped like mushrooms. Here aconical helmet has been heated and is being beatenout. The slight depression in the top surface of thetrunk is for shaping shallow pieces of metal, such ashelmet segments, from the inside. The tub of water isfor quenching hot metal after shaping. Tools includetongs for holding hot metal, various sizes of ham-mers, some for planishing or shaping cold metal, awooden mallet for less violent beating, files and awls.Suggested tools for making mail are also shown.

I: The huntHunting was a tough sport and knights were killed inaccidents. Sometimes the quarry was directed pastthe greyhounds who then gave chase. In this scenefrom the early 12th century a boar has been broughtto bay by greyhounds and is grappled by heavieralaunts, powerful dogs which were often hard tohandle. The knight, distinguished from the squiresby his long hair, has elected to attack from horseback,which needs skill in controlling his mount and asteady aim. The boar spear has lugs to stop anenraged boar from running too far on to it. Shouldthe boar break free another huntsman may demon-strate his courage by trying to stab it while on foot.The use of the bow and crossbow in the hunting fieldwas probably the only time a knight or squire wouldcarry one.

The hunting party essentially wear civilian attiresimilar to that worn under their armour. Despite thisthe knight still carries his sword and rides a stallion.

J: GerberoiShortly after Christmas, 1078, King William Imarched on the castle of Gerberoi, near Beauvais andthe eastern borders of Normandy, to besiege hisrebellious son, Robert. Three weeks later Robertsallied out and attacked the besiegers. During thefighting William, now corpulent and about 50 years

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This portrayal of themurder of Thomas Becketdates to the late 12th orearly 13th century andillustrates a form ofhelmet which seems to beprovided with a solid chin-guard, a feature rarely

seen elsewhere. The bearon the shield alludes toReginald FitzUrse, oneof the murderers. (By-permission of the BritishLibrary, Ms. Harley 5102f.32)

old, had his horse killed beneath him, possibly byRobert himself. Wounded in the arm, the King wassaved ironically by an Englishman in his army namedToki, who sprang down and gave William his ownhorse. Toki was then himself killed by a crossbowbolt. The King's other son, William Rufus, fightingon his father's side, was also wounded and Robertretired with his troops.

Such a downfall was the greatest humiliation inthe King's career, said the 12th-century chronicler,William of Malmesbury. Being unhorsed was badenough. That in itself could cause severe panic, ashad the rumour of William's death at Hastings. Here,however, he had also lost the fight, especially un-settling when his troops were fighting other Nor-

mans. In many such contests in Normandy and theneighbouring areas after the Conquest, Normans inthe royal army faced those led by a rebellious son orbrother. In such cases both sides might use similartactics and the outcome, unlike many conflicts inItaly, was less clear.

K: The couched lanceNormans in Italy charge Byzantines, who hated thesolid lines of horsemen with levelled lances. Thissolid tactic was now becoming the usual method for acohesive charge, as the nth century ended and the12th began. Though many knights wore the samearmour as seen in the west, some were influenced bymore eastern styles encountered in Byzantine Italyand Sicily with its overlays of Muslim culture. Somewear scale armour, seen also in the west, while othersare dressed in coats of lamella probably tied at the leftside so that the shield protected the laces. Theaudacious Normans with their fighting ability andlust for land used their prowess to profitable ends.Led by hard-bitten men such as Robert Guiscard andBohemond, they succeeded in breaking enemy forcesin a number of engagements in Italy and Sicily andsubsequently took their fighting methods to theCrusades, modifying them to suit the tactics encoun-tered there.

L: Knight, c. 1190This knight is dressed in the latest equipment.Although some knights still looked similar to those atHastings, changes had occurred. The lower edge ofthe mail skirt has shortened to rest above the knee andthe sleeves are elongated into mail mufflers with acloth palm. A lace threaded through the links helps tokeep the mail in place. Mail hose enclose the leg andare braced up to the waist girdle on the braies in asimilar way to the cloth hose worn beneath and intowhich the braies are tucked. A lace below the kneehelps to stop the mail from sagging at this point. Asurcoat is now worn over the mail and belted at thewaist. The helmet is cylindrical and flat-topped and isfitted with a rigid face-guard pierced for ventilation.The spurs are still of the prick variety but the armsnow have a curve to accommodate the ankle bone.The shield is a little smaller and flat-topped, theheraldic arms on the front showing this to be RobertFitzWalter, one of the barons who forced King John

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to agree to Magna Carta. The arms are not repeatedon the surcoat, this being uncommon. The sword is ofthe latest type, with a slight taper and shorter fuller.It is fitted with a circular disc pommel, the common-est form of the next century. The two halves of thesword belt, like the majority in the 12th and 13thcentury, are joined by knotting bifurcated endsthrough two slits. The strap arrangement on thescabbard holds it at a convenient angle.

Further reading

Bennett, Matthew, La Regie du Temple as a MilitaryManual or How to Deliver a Cavalry Charge, Studiesin Medieval History Presented to R. Allen Brown,1989 pp.7-19.Bennett, Matthew, The Status of the Squire, theNorthern Evidence, The ideals and Practice ofMedieval Knighthood, 1986.Bennett, Matthew, Wace and Warfare, Anglo-Norman Studies XI, 1989, pp.37-57.Bradbury, Jim, Battles in England and Normandy,Anglo-Norman Studies VI, 1984, pp. 1-12.

A shield of the von Brienzefamily. This example wasprobably made in the late12th century, beingmodified between 1230 and1250 by having the top archcutoff. The wood, 15 mmthick, is covered on bothsides with parchment andthe lion is painted silver on

a blue field. The rearstraps have been cutaway,leaving fragments held byrectangular washers; thereare traces of the pad forthe fist. Originally theshield may have beenabout 100 cm long. (SwissNational Museum, Zurich,LM3405. 178)

Brown, R.A., The Normans and the Norman Conquest,London, 1969. Good standard text.Brown, R.A., The Status of the Norman Knight, Warand Government in the Middle Ages, ed. Holt andGillingham, 1984, pp.18—32.Chibnall, Marjorie, Feudal Society in Orderic Vitalis,Proceedings of the Battle Abbey Conference 1978,1979,pp.35-48.Davis, R.H.C., The Warhorses of the Normans,Anglo-Norman Studies X, 1988, pp.67-82.Douglas, D., William the Conqueror, London, 1964.A classic reference work.Douglas, D., The Norman Achievement, London,1969. Includes Italy and Sicily.

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Gillingham, John, Richard I and the Science of War inthe Middle Ages, War and Government in the MiddleAges, ed. Holt and Gillingham, 1984, pp.78-91.Gravett, Christopher, Hastings, 1066, London. 1992.Includes arms, armour and costume.Heath, Ian, Armies of the Dark Ages, WargamesResearch Group, 1977.Heath, Ian, Armies of Feudal Europe, WargamesResearch Group, 1978.Hill, Rosalind, Crusading Warfare: A Camp-

follower's View 1097—1120, Proceedings of the BattleAbbey Conference 1978, 1979, pp.75-83.Nicolle, David, The Normans, London, 1987. AnOsprey volume with colour reconstructions.Norman, Vesey, The Medieval Soldier, London,

1971. Detailed coverage of arms, armour and tacticsof the period.Paterson, Linda M., Military Surgery: Knights,Sergeants, and Raimon of Avignon's Version of theChirurgia of Roger of Salerno (1180-1209), TheIdeals and Practice of Medieval Knighthood II,1988, pp. 117-146.Stenton, F., The Bayeux Tapestry, London, secondedn. 1965. Includes a good basic description of armsand armour written by the late Sir James Mann,Master of the Armouries at the Royal Armouries.Also a section on costume.Wilson, D., The Bayeux Tapestry, London, 1985.Excellent colour reproduction plus text, includingcoverage of arms and armour.

The silver seal die ofRobert FitzWalter,probably dating to theearly 13th century. Theenclosing helm is rathersimilar to that of RichardI. The knight wears asurcoat and his horse along caparison or trapperwhich bears his arms. Thetestier or head coveringmay be of pourpoint toguard the animal's head.(Reproduced by courtesyof the Trustees of theBritish Museum)

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GLOSSARYAketon A padded garment, quilted to keep thestuffing in place, worn under or instead of armour.First mentioned in the 12th century.Arçon The saddle bow and cantle.Bailey Courtyard of a castle.Baldric Belt slung across the right shoulder, occa-sionally used to suspend the sword in the 10th andearly 1 1th century.Boss Metal hand-guard on circular shield; decora-tive on kite-shaped shields.Braies Linen drawers.Brases Straps for holding a shield.Cantle The rear projection of a saddle.Caparison Cloth covering for a horse, introducedin the later 12th century.Chape Guard fitted to end of scabbard.Chausses Leggings of cloth or mail.Coif Headwear of cloth, usually quilted for militaryuse; a mail hood.Conroi Squadron of horsemen, usually 25 or 50 innumber.Curb Bit with long levers to which the rein isattached.Destrier The warhorse.Donjon The great tower of a castle, usually of stone.Enarmes See 'Brases'.Fuller Groove running down a sword blade tolighten it.Gambeson See 'Aketon'.Gonfalon, Gonfanon Penon carried by a baron.Guige Strap supporting shield round the neck, orfor hanging it up when not in use.Hauberk Originally a neck-guard. Usually used torefer to the body armour.Helm Helmet enclosing the whole head.Hilt The cross-guard, grip and pommel of a sword.Housing See 'Caparison'.Infulae Pair of cloth strips worn on the rear of thehelmet by men of rank.Keep See 'Donjon'.Kettle Hat Open helmet so-called from its likenessto an upturned cauldron.Lamellar Armour composed of small metal stripslaced together. Uncommon in north-western Europe.

A 12th- or 13th-centurymace head made fromcopper-alloy. Althoughlight in comparison tolater maces, such a weaponcould inflict damage to

unarmoured opponents oreven through flexible mail.(Reproduced by courtesyof the Trustees of theBritish Museum)

Locket Metal, ivory or bone guard for the mouth ofthe scabbard.Mail Armour composed of many interlinked ironrings.Motte Artificial earthen mound carrying a tower,usually of timber.Muffler Mail mitten formed by extending thesleeve.Nasal Nose-guard.Palfrey A good riding horse.Pattern-welded Method of making a sword bladeby twisted rods of iron and carburised iron. Lesscommon after c.900 but continued for making spear-heads and knives.Pommel The weighted end of a hilt, to counter-balance the blade; the knob on a saddle bow.Pourpoint See 'Aketon'.Prick Spur One with a pointed terminal.Ring-work Castle consisting of a bailey only.Rouncy An ordinary riding horse.Scale Armour composed of overlapping metal,bone, horn or leather scales.

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