OF KHO JAS OF EASTERN-TURKISTAN - Battle of Qurman · the history . .. of thb kho jas of...

THE HISTORY . . .

OF THB

KHO JAS OF EASTERN-TURKISTAN BUMMAKISED PROM THE

TAZKIR A-I-K3 WAJAGAN OF MUHAMMAD SADIQ KASHGHARI,

BY THE LATE

ROBERT BARKLEY SHAW, AUTEOB OB BKIOTOH OF THIO TURK? LANGUAGIP,

THBI GHALOHAH LANGUAGES, et&

EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY

N. E L I A S .

THE . , . HISTORY OF THB

KHOJAS - OF EASTERN-TURKISTAN SUMMARISED FHOM THE

MUHAMMAD SADIQ KASHGHARP,

BY THE LATE

ROBERT BARKLEY SHAW, AUTHOR OF LlKETOH OF THB T U R E ~ LANGUAGE,

THE GHALCRAH LANGUAGEB, di0.

EDITED WITH INTROIS'UCTION AND NOTES BY

N. E L I A S .

[Published as Supplement to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

Vol. LXTI, Part I, 18/97.]

There are several Hebrew t ~ s l a t i o n s of the Zohar; the eariiest, dating £mm the iate thirteenth or early fourteenth century, is that of David ben Yehudah he- Hasid, who incorporated' p* of it in his own qabbal- istic works. Parts of the Zohm have been translated into Latin by G d k u m e Poste1 and K$orr von Rosenroth. Larger transiations &st in English (by Harry Sperling and Maurice Simon, 1931-1934; by Daniel b a n Matt, 1983); in F m c h (by Jean de Pauly, 1906-1911; by CharIes Mopsik and B. Mantani, l98 1); in German (by Em& nmller, 1932 and 1984); and in Italian (by L. Bal- d u d , 1978).

BIBLIOCRWXY

JJllnek, Ad&. Moses bm Schm-Tob th Leon und S& Va?kolt- nis, m m Sohar. Leipzig. 185 1.

Lfebes, Yebudah. "Pcraqim be-milm Srfa ha-Zkt," PhD. diss., Hebrcw University of Juusalcm, 1976.

tiebes, Ychudah. "Ha-mash14 shd ha-Zohar." h Ha-n'ayon ha-meshihi &a-ma+huvah h-Yelurdit, pp. 8 j 2 3 4 . Jausa- lcm, 1982.

Ucbes, Ychudah. "Christian Mlrenes in the Zobar." I m n - d 1 7 ( W i i t ~ : 1983-1984):43-67.

Matt, D d d Chanan. Zohm: The Book ofEdightmmrnt Ram- sey, N.J., 1983.

Schalcm. Gusham. Majw Trends k Jewish Mysticism. 3d d. New York. 196 1. Sec pages 156-243.

Schokm, GcPshom, ed. Zohar, The Book of SplPutor: Reprint. New Yo&, 1963.

S&, Ranpis. Le ZOhm chez ks Kabbahes chrWicns dc h RcnaFrsacx Paris, 1958.

Tishby, Isaiah. Mishnat ha-Zohar. 2 vols. 3d d. Jerusalem, 1971.

Mosm SDEL

ZOROASTRIANISM. With a history of some three thousand years, Zoroastrianism is.om of the most. ancient living religions. It is the mosf important and best; known religion of ancient, or pre-Islamic, Iran. It takes its name from that of its founder, Zarathushtra (Zoroas- ter), who probably lived around the beginning of the first millennium BCE. It was, therefare, the & @ o n of Jran under the rule of the Iranian-speaking Aryan population~, members of the Aryan or Indo-Man group

r -1. - - ---*--3-3 7-3- TY L - 2 1 . . &--&l.--

Thus we can consider Zoroastrianism and Mazdaism synonymous.

The mts of Zoroastrianism can be located in an eastern Iranian, tribal, and basically pastoral society. The

'

religion originated around 1000 BCE and developed further under the first Persian empire, but its clear conser- vatism and strong traditionalism appear to be d u - tations of a cultural attitude that emerged during th- Sasanid period (W to seventh century a). The evo- lution and profound transfonmations of Zoroastrianism arc the consequence of its history. It survived the .B- cedonian conquest and the periods of Seleucid and GrecuBactrian overrule. After the Arab conquest, it was handed down from gmeration to generation, throughout the time of the Mongol empire and the local hcge- rnony of Turkic and Fersian Islamic rulers, all the way to today's small sad poor communiti~s of Lranian Zo- roastrians. It was' also passed down to the influential Parsi cornmunl.des in Jndia (Gujarat, Bombay, the Dec- can) and in modern Pakistan.

As a result of its history, attempts have often been made to distinguish between various phases of Zaraas- trianfsm and to endow each with a slightly different name. Thus it has been suggested that the religion contained in the'Gdthds, the texts attributed to Zarathush- tra himself, be called "Zarathushtrianism," that the contents of the Younger Avcsta be called "Zarathushtri- cism," and that the religion of the Sasanid period be called "Zoroastrianism" (Gershevitch, 1964). These def- initioas should be extended to include the religion of the Zoroastrian communities in kan and hdia today.

Sour&. ZoroasMan scholarship has always had to contend with considerable difliculties because sources of howledge about the religion, in particular those per- taining to i t s earlies: period, arc few and conoicting. The Avesta, a collec5on of tmts gathered in wriring during the fourth or thc sixth century a, has survived only in part, and it presents a heterogeneous picture. fn addition to the GrUhds, attributed to Zarathushtra himself, we find texts with very diverse structures and goals, dating from many d i b t periods and handed down oralIy for many centuries, perhaps even a thou-

sand years or more. The main sections of the Avesta arc the Yasnu (Act of Worship). which contains the Gehds /e----j. +L- V--7-4.- /-a---- A -4-a +L- a:..:-.. m-

THE HISTORY

/ KHOJAS OF EASTERN-TURKISTAN BUMMARISBD FH.OM THE

l MUHAMMAD SADIQ KASHGHARI,

l ROBERT BARKLEY SHAW,

i i CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING, INDIA,

I AND

PUBLIBHED BY THE ASIATIC SOCIETY, 67, PARK STREET,

AUTBOB OJF SKITOE OJF THB m ~ x i LANOUAQII,

TEI OHALOHAH LAHOUAOBB, &Q.

!! EDITED WITH I N T R O ~ C T I O N AND NOTES

l BY l

N. E L I A S .

! [Publirhed ar Supplement to the Jwr~l of the Ariatic Society of Bmgal,

l Vol. LXVI, Part I , 1897.1

i

OALCUTTA :

QJVBBHMBNT OR INDIA OERTBAL PBINTIEQ OFBICB,

8, EASTINQE STREXT.

P R E F A C E .

N 1876, when the late Mr. R. B. Shsw.returned from duty in I K&&&~I* and Yarqand, he brought with him a number of Turki and Persian manuscripts which he had collected during a residence in those towns of nearly a year. Several of these works were historical and some were of great rarity. They comprised, I believe, the JaAGn Ru&i of Ahu-d-din Wtau-l-Mulk, Juwiini, the TG'c@-i-Rad'idi of Mirzii &idar, the Tagkirafu-Z-Bu&a and the I'azkira-i-&%@j~gBa of Muhammad Sadiq, Ii&sh&ari. Of these I have seen none but the last named; but from certain documents left by Mr. Shaw which his nephew, Captain F. E. Younghusband, has been so kind as to lend me, i t is to be inferred that all were intended to be used by their accom- plished possessor, in elucidating either the history or the l aneage of Eastern Turkist~n. A few translated sheets of the T&&-i-Radidi are to be found among these documents, and a portion of the memoirs of Suliiin Satuk BU&S is actually in print-text and translation-as an appendix to Mr. Shaw's Turki Grammar.' It was on the memoirs of KhCtjas, however, that most work had been done, and this was the book that he was occupied with up to the last. There is evidence that his intention was to bring out a revised Turki text, with a translation, end I think it quite likely that both text and translation were finished at the time of his death, a t Mandalay, in June 1879.

All that is now to be found of matter aonnected with this book may be stated as follows :-

(l) Seventy-three small folio sheets (146 pages) of the original manuscript of Mu$arnmd Sdiq . These are consecutive as far as they go and represent, I should estimate, about three quarters, or four-fifths, of the entire work.

(2) One hundred and twenty octavo pages of Mr. Shew's Turki text printed a t the Baptist Mission Press at Calcutta. These are revised and ready for publication, togetheis with four long slips of galley proofs in continuation. This printed text ends at the same point in the narrative as the manuscript.

'See A akefoh oof the Turki hnpags in Journal, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1880.

ii PREFAOE.

(3) Certain sheets of translation in Mr. Sham's handwriting, numbered pages 1 to 10, 79 to 107, and 13 odd pages not numbered.

(4) Five separate notes, in Mr. ShawJs handwriting, on various subjects connected with the histoiy and headed respectively Appendix A B, C, D and E .l

(5) A document of 41 foolscap pages very widely and hurriedly written by Mr. Shaw, without any heading, but mhich is found, on comparison, to be a prCcis or epitome, of the whole book. .

This last is the only complete document and is the one printed below.

But though we have here parts of an original Turki manuscript, of a printed Turki text and translation, and a complete English epitome, there is evidence to show that this original manuscript is not the only one that Mr. Shaw based his work upon. The 73 sheets of the manuscript which have come into my hands contain many altera- tions and additions in Turki, in what I believe to be ~4 Jhaw's handwriting, and many passages-some long, some short-marked for the printer to omit. I n certain marginal jottings, 'moreover, mention is made of vnriations in" the other book," while in the fragments of the translation and in the epitome passages occur which are not contained in the original manuscript. Hence it is to be inferred that Mr. Shaw had, besides this work of Muhammad Sdiq, another which told the same story but in a different way ; that he collated the two for his printed text, and translated and summarised from the latter.

What this " other bookJJ may have been I can find no trace of. I t frequently happens that different copies of the works of Asiatic authors are found to vaiy to some extent-either copyists or editors having altered the original manuscript. But, as far as I am aware, the variations in these cases are not usually considerable. I n this instance, howevei; the texts differ rather widely in places, and on points of some importance. I am inclined to think, therefore, that the "other book " was not merely another copy of Muhammad S8diqJs manuscript, but the work of some quite different hand which recorded the history of t'he same times and events, though in entirely different language. I t would be useless to speculate as to what particular book i t may have

Appendix E is not printed with the other few, as i t consists oulg of anextract from a publirhed book, on a subject sufflcientlg explnined in the Introduction.

YREFAOE. iii

been, but there are, I believe, 80rlle others, besides that of Muhammad Sadiq which relate the story of the K~&&ar Kh6jas, and Mr. Sham may have had one of them in his possession, though it may have been lost with others of his documents after his death. But whatever influence the collation of the two original l~istories may have had in modifying the printed text and the full translation, the epitome derived from them, containing as it does only the main facts, does not seem to hwe been affected to any appreciable degree. This will be seen from the foot-notes which I have added in a few places to indicate sometimes the variations from the manuscript and sometimes the actual statements, in detail, of Muhammad Sadiq.

I t may be mentioned here that while still in hope that a search for the missing leaves of the original manuscript (at the Baptist Mission . Press) might prove successful, 1 caused a translation to be m d e of all that there is of it, through Persian into English. This was accom- plished, with the help of a Turki Muns_hi from BukJBrg, by Khan Bah~dur Maul& Hakhh and MirzB 'Abdu-lhh, of the U u r ~ s ~ n Agency to whom m) ';hanks are due for their labour. Knowing nothing of Turki myself, I hesitate to publish this translation; but it has proved a most useful resource in enabling me to ascertain the differences between Mr. ShawJs text and Muhammad SadiqJs manuscriptJ in amplifying certain passages in the epitome and in compiling the genealogical tables of the Khbjas and U 8 n s . I t has also afforded the means of forming an opinion of the value to be placed on Mubmmad S&diqJs work.

As regards the history itself, it must be confessed that i t is a dis- appointing one. Whatever the literary attainments of the author may have been, he was evidently lacking in historical knowledge. He tells us that he was persuaded to undertake the task of writing a record of the U 6 j a period by the wife of the " &ikimJJJ or Governor, of Ka&- b a r , at that time (1768)) one 'UsmBn Beg.' Of himself the author gives no information, but there are indications, in his narrative, that he must have been connected by descent with one of the a 6 j a families and seeing that his sympathy for the Ighaqi, or black party of the a 6 j a s is very marked throughout, it is probably from a branch of this faction that he sprang. I n all likelihood too he would have been a Mulla, for his mind seems to run on the lines of a religious devotee

-

1 Mr. Shaw notes that this ' U p i n B815 was wn of Mir ZOhidi, a religious chief of KB~_war.

iv PENFACE.

and he attaches more importance to the sayings and doings of the " holy men " among his characters than to events that had a serious influeuce on the fate of his countiy. Visions, prophecies, tombs and shrines pervade the pages to a depressing extent, and much space is devoted to the speeches of saintly personages and anecdotes concerning them, while history, p r o p d y so called, is relegated to a secondary place. All that there is, howevel; has been embodied by Mr. Shaw in the epitome, while most of the rest has been judiciously omitted. Throughout the impression is conveyed that the author had a very slight acquaintance mith anything bearing upon the nations outside the narrow limits of the western cities of Eastern Turkis t~n, which were under U 6 j a rule. H e only mentions briefly and incidentally the affairs of the neighbouring states with whom his countrymen were almost constantly a t was, yet without a glance at their history it is impossible to gain a complete view of the period.

Of the Qalmiiqs, their Kingdom and their rulerg who were usually the suzerains of the U 6 j a s (as mill be explained lower down) of the K i r a i z and the Chinese, the information he doles out is most meagre. It has been necessary therefore to go to other sources in order to con- nect his history with that of these nations, and to elucidate the brief references he makes to them. I n dates the bookis entirely wanting : beyond the mention, on the first page, of the year in which it was written, not one date is to be found in the course of the narrative, and there is nothing to point to the author having read the works of other Asiatic writers. The pervading tone is one of gloomy superstition and fanaticism, the outcome of that class of spiritualism or miracle-work- ing, of which the U 6 j a s of Central Asia were the chief exponents during several centuries.

The principal, and indeed the only, value of the book lies in its being a more or less authentic narrative dealing with a period in the history of Central Asia which has hitherto been scarcely known ; for when divested of magical tales and the irrelevant speeches of " holy men " it becomes possible, as Mr. Shaw has done in his epitome, to construct a story containing some degree of sequence and some historical links. The TZra&i-Ra&di brings down the history of Eastern Tu rk i s t~n and the neighbouring countries to the middle of the 16th century, while from about the middle of the 18th when the Chinese become masters of these regions, we have very full and authentic accounts, derived from their annals and from the writings of the Roman Catholic missionalies in China, who mere, in many cases, eye witnesses of what took place.

PREFAOE. V

But the interval of some h o hundred years has hitherto been almost a blank, and it is this void that Muhammad S%diqJa book helps however imperfectly, to fill up. It cannot, as will be seen further on, be said to extend over the whole of this intervd, for though it is impossible to point to any particular date as its commencement, it may be regarded, generally, as only starting from the early part of the 17th century, while it carries us down to about the opening of the year 1756, a date well within the author's recollection.

Nor can i t be claimed for Mr. Sham's epitome that this is the fist time a summary of Muhammad S&diqJs story has appeared in Europe. I n 1865 Messrs. John and Robert Michell published, in their book of translations from the Russian, called " The Russians in Central Asia ", m account of Eastern Turkistgn by Captain Valikhanoff-a, Russian officer, who, in 1866, had travelled in the country and had devoted a chapter1 to a review of its history. The sources from which he derived his information of the U 6 j a period he has nowhere mentioned, but, for two reasons, i t seems certain t b t the chief authority must have been the hgkira-i-uw@'agZlt. I n the first place he tells us a that, when at Kiishhar, he obtained a copy of the book, and secondly, on reading his summmy, there is abundant internal evidence that this was one, a t least, of the works he used. As a "son of a Kirphiz Sultiin and a native of the steppes ", Captain Vdikhanoff may be supposed to have been a t home in the Turki language, yet, strangely enough, his review of the Kh6ja dorninatio~ contains mans vital mistakes, the proper names are so distorted i s to be barely recog- nized, while a number of statements and a few dates are inserted (not always correctly) for which the author of the Tagkira cannot be held responsible, I n short, it is scarcely a summarised translation, but more properly a general account of the period based mainly on our author's book. A detailed criticism would serve no useful purpose ; i t need only be remarked that on first reading Captain ValikhanoffJs version, in connection with the translation made for me of h u h a m m d SgdiqJs original manuscript, it appeared to be a question whether, in spite of serious inaccuracies, it might not be superfluous to print a second summary-whether, in fact, anything but a complete translation would

l 600 Russians ie Oentral Asia, Chapter VI. "b. End of Chapter 111. 8 Ib. Prefnce.

vi PREPAOE.

now be of any advantage But on further comparing the Russiall officer's account with Mr. Shaw's epitome, it became evident that the latter was a far more valuable and useful document. I n length i t is about the same : thus, though not more detailed, it is far cllarer, more exact and has the merit of bringing out the essential points of the history in their proper sequence and proportions. It contains, moreover, no matter imported from outside, and unacl-nowledged, sources.

That Mr. Shaw was acquainted with Messrs. Michell's book there can be no doubt, and judging from the interest he took in the history of Eastern 'l'urltistiin, hemust certainly have read Captain ValikhanoffJs review of the n 6 j a period ; yet there is nothing among his papers 10

show that he detected in it a summary of the work that he was engaged in translating \and editing.

MESHED ; I N. ELIAS. The 10th'March 1896.

I N T R O D U C T O R Y N O T I C E S .

I.-THE fLHANS AND THE RHOJAS.

IT 80 happens that the only history we have of the Mo&uls of Central Asia, closes at a date almost coeval with the break np of the Moghul kingdom. The last of the Mo&ul line who ruled over the whole of the six cities of Eastern Turkisthn (the kingdom of " Altie..ahr ") as well ab over a portion, at least, of the country north of the Tihn&hn, then known as Moghulist~n, wa8 Abdu-r-Ra&id I(hrin, otherwise Ra&d Sultin, the early y e m of whose reign are recorded in the closing chapters of Part I of the F&%&-i-RaGidi. The kingdom that Abdu-r-Ra&id had inherited in 1533 was being pressed upon from the north-west by the Usbegs, from the north by the Kir&iz, and from the north-east by the Qalmhqs. As far as the history of his reign can be traced in the Tsrikb-i-Ras&di, it would appear that %ban-r-%&id was able to repel his enemies and keep his dominions together, up to about the year 1546 ; but after that date nothing is known of what occurred, until the end of his life-and indeed for a considerable time after. He died in 1565-66, but it is not possible to say definitely that he maintained his country intact till that time. A11 that can be gleaned is that some thirty years after his death, it was almost certainly divided into two, if not split up into several different chiefships. He left thirteen sons to dispute over the inheritance, oneof whom, Mubam- mad W h n or Snlten Mnbammad, can be traced as having reigned at Kii&&ar to within the 17th century, for his death is mentioned in 1609. Another, named &du-l-~arim, is spoken of as being in power @robably at Yhrqand) within the same interval, viz . , in 15?3-though one a~thority, it seems, Jludes to his death in that year. I n 1602 we hear of a third, called Bbdu-r-Wim, as chief in Y ~ q a n d , but the remainder are scarcely more than mentioned by name.

These are the only Whns of this genemtion of the Mog4ul dynaaty for whose lives even odds and ends of dates are forthcoming, and as they me culled from various sonrces, which give no information regarding the country or its affairs, it is only by inference that we can conclude that the dominions of %bdu-r-Ra&id had been split up so soon after his death. Nor do any of these sources except one-and that but vaguely-give any indication of how far the foreign enemies of the Mo&ul a h n s wore concerned in dismembering the kingdom; so that it is impossible to judge

B

2 HISTORY OF THE KS~JAS. OF EASTERN TURKIBTATN.

whether, if the power were really divided at the time in question, the division was brought about by extelnal foes or by internal dissension.

What the sources of information on these points are, it will not occupy many lines to explain, for they are the merest fl.agments. In the first place there is the short passage in the Haft Iqltm of Amin &mad R%&' where a list of the thirteen sons of kbdn-r Ra&id is given, with some scanty indicrttious of what had become of them down to the year when Abmad R@i wrote-viz., 1593. Secondly, there is the remnant of the narrative of the Portuguese missionary, Benedict Gioez," who passed through Eastern TnrkistBu on his way from Lahore to China, vifi Bade&- &bn and WakhLn, and only a portion of whose journal was rescued, after his death at Bnchan, in Western China, in 1607. His sojourn in the country fell in the years 160'3 to 1605, and though he mentions only the name of one QBn-Mdwnmad-whose seat was at KB&&ar, he points incidentally to others possessing some sort of power in other provinces, but does not name them. Thirdly, Dr. Bellew mentions, on the authority of a book called the Tartu-i-Eh6nain Oag&at&i~, 8 that this Mubammad Wiin and kbdu-l-Karim " succeeded to a divided Government in turn ;" while during the reign of the former, and about the year 1572, the Kir&iz invaded the country. It is then added that this invasion led to the dismemberment of the kingdom by representatives of the Moan1 family ; but, as remarked above, it is not clear whether this wis effected by the Ki ra iz , or whether it was due to dissensions between the a 8 n s . Fourthly, Dr. Bellew cites some passages from another book-the Y'ogkira- i-Hidayat of Mir Rhiilu-d-Din, Yhrqandi4 which he was, apparently, able to examine at Kiighaar in 1873-74. But the' extracts he furnishes afford no dates bearing on the 6eneration of QBns immediately succeeding kbdu-r-Ra&id, though it is somewhat more explicit in information concerning the next two generations, as will be seen below. Fifthly, among Mr. Shaw's fragmentary papers, are to be found some notes of certain YarZyg&s 6 or title-deeds (sanads) which he procured at KKBsbaar or Yiirqand, and which afford unmistakable proof of eel-tain =fins being in power at certain periods. These documents consist of grants of land, titles or privileges, and most of them bean the date of issue. Prom them are obtained glimpses of Mu?mmmad JQ&n reigning in 996-H. (or 1587)

l See Quatremhe Noticer et Extroila, XIV, pp. 474, asp. A b m d R i d calls Bbdu-l- Karim the brother of kns_hid, but it is obvious, from the context, thnt "son" ia meant.

D See Yule's Caihay and the way thither, volume I T . a Report of S i r D. Forsylh'a Y iss ion to Yarpand, etc., pnge 174. He notes, how-

ever, that he had not bimself aeeu the book. ' Baport of Miaaion to Yarkand, eto., pages 176 to 178. This book would apptar

to be history or biography of the a 6 j a &qrat Afiq, whose name was Hidiyutu-llL11. ' &h Parly& ou Yadyq, ordre royal, chiffre qui le armnonto. (17avet do

Courtoille.) [ Ed.]

. INTRODUCTOET NOTICES.

a,nd dying in 1018-H. (1609) ; of kbdu-l-Karim in the year ~OOO-H. (1592); of flbdu-r-Rabim at Yfwqand in 1011-H. (1602-3) and KuchBr in 1017-H. (or 1608).1

To these five sources, fragmentary and imperfect as they are, it would have been gratifying to be able to add the history of Q6jas as an authority, but it is not possible. A few of the names of the m n s are mentioned, but not a date is vouchsafed throughout the book ; while for about half a century following on the death of Abdu-r-Radid, no events are recorded that can be set up as landmarks from which to infer them even approximate1 y.

During the whole of this period nothing is heard of the W6jas in any other capacity than that of priests and workers of miracles. They appear to have been content to exorcise over the m a n s or Chiefs, to whose service they nominally attached themselves, the great powers they possessed as " JQdiias," or spiritual guides. This, indeed, is what they had already been doing for more than a century past, among the various rulers in Central Asia who entertained them : for it had long been the custom for every =fin, Chief or Amir of standing, to attach one or more of them to his court, where the "holy man" became, usually, the object of much superstitious reverence. But as the power of the Mo&ul m i n a declined, that of the Q6jas no doubt increased. What must have been wanting, previously, to enable them to obtain control; not only over the minds of the =fins but over the affairs of the country, was that the dynasty should be divided against itself ; and this opportunity was afforded them, to some extent, during the generation that followed flbdu-r- Rashid. Still more was this the case during the two succeeding and final generations of Mo&ul Chiefs, for it was tlien that the ISh6jas began to raise thomselves to temporal power, and brought their country's independence to an end.

Of grandsons of &h-r-%&id, I can only h d mention of two names. One of these, a certain aujh'u-d-Din Ahmad, son of Muhammad =%U,

occurs merely in some deeds seen and noted by Mr. Shaw, in KBsbghar or YBrqand, and there is nothing to show whether he ever ruled over even a province of the country, or, if he did, which one it was. The otha, called gbdu-ll&, a son of kbdu-r-Rabim, appears to have been rt man of some mark and his name often occurs in the History of the a b j a s , a8 well as in Mr. Shaw's list of " Sanads." He had his seat of Giovernmenl, . at Yfwqand, but no mention is to be found of which provinces acknowledged his sway. Nor can the length of the reign of eifher of theso cousins be indicated more nearly than by a few odd dates, during which

1 Soe the Ornralogicr~l Tnblv attnclwd. B 2

4 HISTORY OF THE 9 6 ~ ~ 8 OF EASTERK TURKIBTHN

thcy seem to havo been exercising power. Thus 311- Shaw fonnd documents of &huj&'u-d-Din Abmad dated in 1611 and 1615, and of bbdn- lltih in various years between 1637 and 1643 inclusive.1

kbdu-11th %tin's sons, alone, constitute the next and last generation of the reigning a t i n s . How many there were of his children is not apparent, but four sons and one daughter are to be found named by one or another of the above mentioned authorities, or by our author, and those of them who governed the various provinces, had to keep up an almost con- stant struggle with the mOjas. Their period may be placed, in the nbsence of more accurate information, at between 1650 and about the end of the century. The one who seems to have played the most noticeable part was called Isma'il. He succeeded, for a time, as will be seen in the history, in ridding his country of the most powerful of the ?Qdjas and continued his career till 1678, when the Qdmhqs, intervening in favour of the Bbjas , made the whole of Eastern Turkisthn a tributary of their own, and carried Isma'il a prisoner to Ili, After this date one of his brothers, callod Akba&, is incidentally mentioned as a vassd of the Qal- rntiqs struggling against a d j a famticism in the year 1694, and he com- pletes the tale.

As the author himself tells the history of the a 6 j a s , there is no need to encumber this Introduction with more than a few remarks on them, gathered from Dr. Bellew's notice of the Ta$civa-i-Eidiiyat, and to add a genealogical table which may help to make the narrative of the Epitome clear. There are, as is well known, many Persbn and Turki books in existence,bhich deal with the lines of saints [Auliyti] and @Ojm who have flouiished at one period or another, in various parts of Central Asia; but probably very few indeed.of these concern themselves with Eastern Turkisttin, or with the 3l(hdjes who governed there betwean thc Mo&ul and the Chinese periods. Except those of our author, and of ZQtiln-d- Din, 1 can find no reference to any. Several of the Mnsalmtin general histories contain notices of saints and miracle-workers, more or less cele- brated, who appear to have been mostly WOjas, and some of whom belonged to particular countries, while others seem to have wandered from one place to another. None of these, however, so far as I am aware, ever attained to temporal power in any country, as they did in Eastern Turkisthn, though many must have exercised considerable influence in the dominions of the 3E(hhns or Sultti- to whom they attached ihemeelves. A number of such characters will be found alluded to in the TiiriE_h-i-

l These are the dates contained in the list, ,,f 6' Sanads," bnt there i s elsewhere n note Mr. Shaw's giving 1617 to l642 as the dates traceable for kbdu-11th m i n . d0cs

not mention his authol.ity. Such tile Bilsi la-i-~/~~rucija~cin, the Tagkira-i-Auliyci, etc., etc.

INTRODUCTORY NOTICES. 5

Ra@di as having flourished in various regions of Central Asia, including Eastern Tnrkisthn, during nearly two centuries before their rise to power as described in Muhammad Stidiq's history. Yet, strangely enough, not one of the mmes given by this mthor, in the pedigree at the beginning of the book (see below), can be identified with certainty, with any Wdja mentioned in the T&ri@-i-Ra@da.' It is possible that one cause for this may be that these professing sejnts went by several different names- or wther titles ; and these titles Reem to have been assumed, or givon to them by their followers, at different times and porhaps in different places. However this may be, it can only be regretted that nonc of the htsr ones mentioned in Muhammad Shdiq'u pedigree are to be fonnd in the history of Mirzti Haidar, for he furnishes dates so abundantly, that had it been otherwise, the descent of the IQ6jas we have to do with in the Epitome, might have been Gxed in point of time, and other events would have fallen into their right places.

The extracts published by Dr. Bellew, from atilu-d-Din's Tagkira-i- Hidayat are brief and consist chiefly of anecdotes which have no particular interest. Such indications as it containsregarding the Mo&ul a t i n s and the course of affairs in Eastern Turkisttin during the 17th century, are so confused and so greatly at variance with all that can be ethered from other authorities, t h t I have been unable to make use of them. No useful purpose would be served by discussing the irreconcilable discrepancies here, but a few examples may be mentioned to show their nature. Thus in one place a certain atin-named Akba&-is apoken of as the brother of one of the Bdjas , which is impossible, seeing that hho was a "=tin." In another place m&nam P d & & h , the widow of Wbja Af&& is described as the daughter of Abdu-r-Rashid : yet, es is well known, ilbdn-r-Ras~id died in 1565-66, while =&mm Pbd&ih was not left a widow by Aftiq till 1693, when she was still an active woman taking part in the intrigues and dissensions of the times. Further, the death of a great-grandson of Ra&id, named Muhmmad Amin, is recorded for 1633-34, after years of fighting and intriguing, while his elder brothers are known to have been alive at near the end of the 17th century. Again the invasions of

P P P P -- -

It seems just possible that the &qrat [email protected] of our present author Infly be identical with the vncrat MvBdGm-i-KGra so often spoken of in the T6l.iB.i- Bn&Sdi under various styles, such as Ijnqrat B w i i j n B B v a n d Mabmiid @illibu-d- Din (which wos his real name) and several other combinations of the same words. The last we hem of Me&dCm-i-NGra is his escape from the Punjab to MBwarBu-n-Nabr in the year 164Q, while Mr.Varnbery reoords the death of Ms&dCm-i.&arn as having taken place in that country in 1642. - In the Epitome, below, i t will be seen that his proper name is given as Abmad D t v i j a ; this ie evidently taken from Mr. Shaw's "other bi,ok," forit is not mentioned by Mubarnmad $idiq. (See TEriU-i-Bagid;, page 899, a ~ ~ d Vambery's Bistovy of Bu&ivci, page 299.)

6 HIBTOBY OF THE Q ~ J A B OF EASTERN TURKIBTKF~. - -

the Qalmiiqs and their acqnisition of suzerainty over the Rhbjas-the leading features of the history of the period-are not even mentioned.

Dr. Bellew's extract does not purport to be a translation, but I am assuming it to be a correct summary, and if this is the case, the book must be regarded as unreliable for historical purposes. I t fuimishes, howevels, some pm-titulars respecting the I(hdjas that are not contained in the nana. tive of Muhammad Siidiq. We may gather from it, for instance, that the Q b j n s themselves had split up into two opposing factions quite early in the 17th century, and that they were known, even then, as tho Ak-tadEyq and Kara-la&lyq, or White and Black mountaineers, respectively, while these designations are never used by Muhammad Shdiq. I t appears (if the writer is to be trusted) that in 1622, in the courso of the struggle for ascendancy between these two parties, one Mull& F&?il of Artus&, the leader of the White faction, called for help from some powerful Wbja of a b k a n d , and by means of the forces this ally brought him, succeeded in capturing Kii&&ar. Neither this event, nor the name of Mullfi Fag1 is mentioned by our author, and it can only be conjectured that Fiizil mnst be another name for one of the descendants of I&Bn Kaliin whose line eventually became the White party. Only very shortly after this incident we find Wbja Hidgyatn-l]&, known a8 Hazrat Af&q, mentioned as the loader of the White mountaineers, but it can hardly be to him that the style of Mullii Fiizil is applied, for he is so well known a personage that all his names and titles mnst have been handed down.

Afiiq was, without doubt, the most famous of all the m b j m descendei from Mddfim-i-A6yam, and he attained to a greater degree of power than any other, of either party. He is described by Dr. Bellew's author as having held entire dominion, spiritual and temporal, over the six cities of Eastern Turkist~n, as well as over Turfiin and the eastern districts known, at an earlier date, as Ui&uriatiin ; while he h d large numbers of disciples in foreign countries, from whom he received tithes. " Amongst the people of K&&&ar," writes Dr. Bellew, "he was held as a prophet only second to Mnhamnad, and, in his miraculous powers of healing the tiick and restoring the dead, he was reckoned the equal of H a p t !h& (or ' the Lord Jesus '). His bearing exercised a marvellous effect on the people, and his appearance amongst them produced the most extraordinary manifestations of fascination. Some wept with joy, some sang with delight, others dmced and leaped and whirled mound, and others again foil smaelesa to the ground, whilst all were irresistibly attracted to him by an ecstatic devotion of spiritual love. His mimcles are said to be conntless; yet in his early career scoffers m d unbelievers were not wanting." He is said to have converted nearly a hundred thousand p~ople to IslBm, and appears to havo lived to a great age. The date of hia birth is not to be found, but if his biopfiphor, Rh&-cl-Din, is to be

. , . INTRODUCTORY NOTICEB. 7

relied upon, his active career must hive begun some time previous to the year 1622, while his death is recorded in the year of the Hijra 1105, or 1693-94 A. D.-dates which would point to a life of almost incredible length, considering the country and times in which it was passed. Among the appendices to the present volume will be found an interesting account of a visit paid by Mr. Shaw to Haqat &q's tomb at K&&&ar in 1874, but it is remarkable that no mention is made of the duration of his life.

So scanty and fragmentary are the notices of the I(h6jas of Eastern Turkistiin in known or avaihble works, that it is necessam to fall back on such brief statements as our author, Muhammad Sfidiq, vouchsafes to his readers, in order to trace their identity and origin. He very naturally omits any exphnation of what constitutes a a b j a (or uwqja, as it is more properly written), for it mnst have been a h&sehold word among his associates and countrymen, and in every-day use with them. Still it may not, at f i s t sight, be quite easy to determine whether any difference existed between a Wdja, as understood in some countries, and the members of other families supposed to owe their origin to tho Prophet Muhammad. The learned orientalist, M. Schefer, has defined them as those who claim descent from the malifs Abti-Bakr and Vmar, by other women than the daughters of the Prophet ; and that they were divided into two categories :-the Wdjas Sayyid-at&, who possessed deeds proving their descent, and the W ~ j a s JGbhri, whose deeds were lost and who could only appeal to tradition and repute. They differed from the Sayyids in that the latter claimed to originate from the a a l i f s Vgmiin and Ali, through the daughters of the Prophet; and they had precedence of the a 6 j a s . But this dehition, though no doubt correct for some regions, seems scarcely to apply to the usage in Eastern Turkist&n. Mr. Shaw, in his " Turki Vocabulary " dehes the word uwzja as ' l a title applied to the offspring of a Sayyid by a woman of any other family : also to their descendants." I n other words the a d j a s were Sayyids a : for the offspring of Sayyids, by whatever woman, are always Sayyids; and it may be remarked that Mr. Shaw must have

obtained his description from the mouths of people who were living among the posterity of those very a 6 j a s with whom our history ie concerned. Thus, whether atrictly accurate or not, it would seem that in Eastern Turkistiin (and probably other neighbouring comtries also) tho name of " a b j a " had become synoymous with Sayyid.8

See Howortl~; 11, page 870. a It Inay be rema~.ked here Lhnt the a 6 j a e belonged to the order of Darwi&s

known as " Naq&bandi ". but this does not affect the question of their being Sayyidu. a Conlpare Riohardaon's Persian Dictionaty and Redhouse's Tccrki Dictionary

under Lko words Sayyid and a w c i j a .

10 HISTORY OF THE ~ 2 6 ~ ~ 8 OF EASTERN TURKISTAN. . . . INTRODUCTORY NOTICES. 11

12 HISTORY OF THE K ~ ~ J A S OF EASTERN TGRKISTAN.

The story of the QalmBqs as a race is so variously told by ethno- graphers and historians that it is impossible to follow any one authority exclusively. The sources from which different writers have derived their information have been so scattered, and the points of view from which they have approached the subject so wide apart, that exact agreement could . hardly be otherwise than surprising. One has compiled his account from the traditions of the tribes in Northern Mongolia, another from those located, in the last century, on the banks of the Volga, a third from the annals of the Chinese, while a fourth has culled such fragments as exist from the works of Mnsulman historians. A critical comparison of all original writers by such scholars as Howorth and Bretschneider, howover, enables us now-a-days to get a clear view of who the people were who now go by the mme of QalmBq ' and how they came to occupy the position described by our historian of the W6jas.

In the &at place it may be remarked that the name of Qalm~q (Crt]- muck, Kalimiik, etc.) i s of comparatively recent origin and is not a native one among the nation' so called. Its meaning is uncertain,' but it appears to have originated with Tnrki-speaking tribes who at some time were neighbours of the people they applied it to. Professor Qrigorieff tells us that the word is not to be found in the works of Musulmn authors pre~ious to the 15th century? and it is highly probable that it only came into use about that period. But it has since become universally applied to them by the Turk- and Persian-speaking nations of Central Asia and by Europeans, and has doubtless, in later times, been partially adopted even by the people themselves. On the other hand, the Chinese have never employed the word QalmBq or any valiant of it.

The Qalmiiqs' own name for themselves is Oir6, though more often seen and used in its plural form of Oirata or more fully as Dzlrben Oirht, that is a Four OirLs " ; and it is this word, in various phonetic forms, that the Chinese h v e always made use of in trheir writings. Thus we find W&&, Wa-la-te, 0-15-ta, We&-ld-tB, etc., which European translators from the Chinese have rondered Olot, Olot, Elenth, etc., according to differences of 00.1.3

1 If it i n a real Turki word, it would mean " to remain, to stny behind." See Shaw's Turki uocabulary, p. 146. But Sir H. Howorth gives reasous for consideling it to be synonymous with " unbeliever." (Volume I, pp. 497.498.)

2 See Schuyler's Turkiatdn, I, p. 369. Trannlntors from tbe, Mongol 6eem to r e ~ ~ d Oghlod, or Ogchlrd (Sce Howorth, I,

pp. 676.677.)

IKTRODUCTORY NOTICES. 13

The four tribes, or iiivitious, of the Ohat have been valiously stattd and the subject has given rise to some discussion, which there is no need to enter into here. Briefly put, the QalmBq, or OirB, people may be regarded as merely the western branch of the Mongol race, while this branch has been divided always into four sections (whence the name Dul.ben-O&rat), which were again more or less subdivided.

As in the case of most, if not all, Mongol tribes, the western, or obg, nation originally consisted of two wings, called the "Right-hand or Boron&ar and the " Left-hand " or Zw&ar.l The former of these seems almost completely to have disappeared previous to the conquests of Cingiz a i i n , at the beginning of the 13th century ; though in rea.lity a remnant was left as will appear lower down. Still the sections of the left wing alone have latterly formed tho Four Oiriit. Their names are :-

(l) The Choros (or Cholos-the Cho-10-sae of the Chinese). (2) The Dnrbet (or Tubat6 Tn-rh-po-~). (3) The Turgnt (or Turghud-Tu-rh-hn-t~) . (4) The Khoahot (Ho-Sh6-t~).

Thus, when we read of the Zunghar tribe (the ahongkar of the Chinese), it should mean, properly speaking, the whole of these four tribes, or all that exist of the Left-hand wing of the original Oirit. The vanity of a chief, however, caused at one period a modification of this simple rule- a matter that has been briefly explained by a Chinese author cited by Dr. Bretschneider? We are told that on his accession the chief of the Choros tribe, known as Qaldan B i n (about 1671) took the title of "Zun&ar W h n ", and from this circumstance his tribe and country,

. especially, became known (for a time it would appear) by the name of Zun&ar. In this way the whole of the Zun&ar seem to have been regarded merely as the Choros under another name, while the latter name had (and has since) almost fallen out of ordinary use. On the other hand, however, the Choros having become the predominant tribe, and being known 8s Zzlndar, this last name became subsequently e synonym with OirBt, or Elouth-as indeeci it more coi~ectly should be. It may happen, therefore, that writings are to be met with where the term Zun&ar is made to denote the Choros tribe alone, but if so it is incorrect. Our history of the mbjas is concerned almost entirely with the Choros tribe and its chiefs, so that when throughout the Turki author's text 3 we read of the " Jungar ",

1 The Eight-hand is alwnys tha Western, and the Left-bald the East,en~, W i l ~ g .

a Medimval Besenrclles, 11, page 171.

.S TLis will I~nrdly nppcar iu the Epitome, howevor.

14 HISTORY OF THE Q.6~89 OF EASTERN T U R E I S T ~ N .

it is, in fact, to the Choros section of the Z u n c b r , or Left-hPmd Qalmeqs that he alludes, though in applying the term to the whole of these Qal- m q s or Oiri%ts he is strictly accurate.

But in addition to the fonr sections of Choros, Durbet, T u w t and Khoshot, mention is often found of the tribe of Khoit (the Chinese H,lci- te) and, with some, writers, this has been b e cause of much confusion.1 Mr. V. M. Uspenski, however, has, I think, shown, in an elaborate paper on the Koko-Nor region, that, according to certain Chinese and Mongol authors, the Khoit have never been included among the Four Okht, or the Zun&ar proper, but that they are a. tribe of the Boronghar, or Right-hand Qalmiqs. If so, they are probably the only remnant that now exists of that ancient branch of the nationqg But just as these Khoit would, in their own language, call themselves Oirht, so they are also classed-and rightly so-by their Tnrki-speaking neighbours under the general term " Qalmbq." The Turks, thongh, are not right when they apply this name, as they do in Eastern Tnrkistk, at the present day, to all the Mongolian tribes.

The habitat of the Oirlit fribes has varied a good deal in the course of the last five centuries, though it has been, in the main, about the same as a t present, that is, the region between the southern frontiers of Siberia on the north, and the chain of the Tien S h m on the south ; or, in' other words, the territory pretty generally known now-a-days as " Zunbaria " I n addition to this tract, certain sections of some of the tribes have also occupied parts of the Koko-Nor region, while others again are located on the north slope of the Altajs. During the period covered by the history of the =bias, the Choros (known as Zzlnghav) was the tribe that held supremacy over the others. They inhabited chiefly the Ili valley, but seem to have been distributed, to some extent, over nearly the whole of the region that might be called Qalmbq territory. Still the centre, or home- land, of each tribe can be fairly well made out, and may be roughly stated as follows :-

The Choros in the Ili valley and Nor th -~~s te rn Tien Shan.

The Durbet on the Upper Irtish.

Among the appeudices will be found a note by Mr. Shaw on " Tribe Nomenclatnro" of tire Qalmiqs. It was found ninong his papers and nrolns to have been illtel~ded as nn appendix to his version of the Hidory of the $;hGjas. The prrticulars it contains wore evidently gathwed by him at KS&&nr or Yirqand, and thongh not entirely correct, are illtaresting m8 coining direct from the people thenlselves.

S Mr. U<peuski (in tran~lation at leapt) is not very clear hut I t%ke his " Hwin tvibe" to be the Bormpr wing. [Seu Memoirs of Rrrsaiaa Geog?.aphical Society ( ( E : l r n ~ ~ r ~ ~ ~ l ~ i c Div: ) Xo VI.]

INTRODUCTORY NOTIOEB. 15 I I

The Turgut on the Imil river and about Tarbagatai. 1 ' I The Khoshot in the eastern rangcs of .the Tien Shan.

The Koko-Nor region seems to have been chiefly the home of the Khoit, though the Khoshot were also largely reprmented there, and to a certain extent some of the other tribes.

A11 were, and are still, Buddhists and asdent followers of the Grand Lama of Lhassa. They have also been much bound up with Tibet, and Tibetan affairs, since the middle of the 17th century, and it will be seen f nrther on, how they sometimes made themselves masters of Lhassa.

For the purpose of tracing the story of the a b j a s of Eastern Tnr- kisthn, there is no necessity to go further b ~ c k into the history of the Zun&ars than about the year 1676, when the chief then in power over them-the notorious Qaldan-fist began to extend his influence eastward and to the south of the Tien Shan. The Emperor Kang-Hi, the second of the Manchu dynasty, was then reigning in China, while in Eastern TurkistLn, the last representatives of the Mo&uls were still nominally exercising the fnnctions of KbBns over the disintegrated provinces of that country, though the actual power lay already with the mOjas.

This Qaldan (or Qaldan Bus$Gtu =h) as his title afterwards be~arne ,~ was born in 1645, his father, known as the Erdeni Baatur (or BahBdur) having been a w d k e chief, who had developed considerable power and had been able to treat, on something like eqnal terns, with Russia, China and Tibet.8 Galdan was not his eldest son and did not succeed to the chiefship, but was sent to Lhassa to study for the priesthood, whence, after a. few years, he returned to his own country as a Lama. Here he soon contrived ta make away with his brothers and to set himself up (about 1671) as the tribal chief, with the title of Taishi,' or Kung- Taishi. His turbulent disposition was not long in showing itself, for he

l The Turgut are perhnps hest known to Enplkh readers from DeQuincey's El;ght of a Tartar tribe. They were compelled by tribal enemies gradually to n~igrnte westward in the 17th century, and finally (In 1703) all settled between the loww V o l ~ a and the Ural river. During the reigu of Peter the Great they lived there in peace, but unable to endure the rule of Catberine 11, and learning that their ancient enemien, the Choros, hod been p~act~ically exterminated by the Manchus, they returned to Zori&arin in 1771-2, and became Chinese subjects.

The word Oaldan is itself o n l ~ s title, and means, I believe, King The chief's ~eraonal nrme does not appear to be known.

IJ He is also reported to have made a successful raid on the cities of Ennterl~ Tnrkis. t i n in the year 1634, or about the time when tempornl power there, first fell to the Kh6jas. (Hoeortk, I, p. 617.)

4 The TCji OF o w Tnrki autha.

16 HISTORY OF T H E - K C ~ J A S OF EASTERN T U R K I S T ~ N .

began, very shortly (about 1673), to quarrel with his relations, and his fist campaigns-not always suc~essful-were against sections of his own, or closely oonnected, Qalmliq tribes. Thus in 1677, he conquered the Koko-Nor country, with the result that large numbers of the Qalmk and Tibetan tribesmen inhabiting the region fled eastward into China and placed themselves under the protection of the Manchu Emperor, who took up their cause, and thereby bowed the fist seeds of the long series of wars that he had afterwards to wage against the Zun&ars.'

It was just at this time, also, that an opportunity ~ 1 . ~ 8 affordcd to Galdan of extending his influence over the cities of Easttrn TurkistBn, where, as we have seen above, the lQ16jas were already divided into two rival factions, according to their family extraction, though a descendant of the former Mo&ul a l i n s was still the nominal King of at least the western part of the country. This Isma'il =&n, whose capital at Yhrqand was an adherent of the Black Mountain IZh6jas, while the leader of the opposing faction was Qwlija Hidliyatu-lla, more usually known by his title of " Hazrat Afiiq." The White party being worsted in the struggle, Bfliq fled to Kashmir and thence, it is said (though perhaps doubtfully, as we shall see ), made his way to the Grand Lama, a t Lhassa, to whom ha appealed for aid against his enemies. Tho Lama, we are told, gave him a letter to Galdan, requesting the latter to render Afbq the assistance he required for re-establishing his authority in Klid &ar and YErqand. Galdan seized the occasion, subdued the western cities of Eastern in 1678, set up Afliq as a feudatory, and exacted a yearly sum from him as tribute. At the same time he took Isma'il G l i n prisoner and, crurying him off to Ili, settled him in the town of Knlja.B He also conquerea the eastern districts of Tndhn and HBmi immediately afterwards, and proceeded to lend his assist~nce to certain tribes of Western Mongolia who were then disputing with some of their neighbours. This was in 1679, and the complications into which his intervention in Mongolia led him, together with cer t~in family ftuds, kept him actively employed for many years, during which time the Qalmiiqs seem scarcely to have interfered with Eastern Turkistlin or the Bbjas .

1 Ijee Howorth, I , p,, 623. Q It will be setnn in the Epitome, that these good offices of Qaldaa's were repaid

shortly nfterwards, by the treacherous B 6 j n nllpiug bimself, wit;\> a younger brother of Ismi'il, nunled Mu4hmm11d-Amin 11nd marching an expedition into Ili. The data of this expedition is nowhere given, but it seems to huve been shortly before the d e ~ ~ t l ~ of Afzq which occurred ill 1106 H . (1633-4 A. D.), and was therefore probably at a time when Gsldnn WR8 engaged in war with the Mongols or the Chiuese. The expedition was succeseful however, nnd s large number of &almQe were camicd buck s s prisonnrs to Ki$&sr.

, Eventually, about 1688, Galden's operakions against the Khalka Ifon- g018 caused the Emperor Kang-Hi to fear that the Qalmhq chief was becoming too strong, and was advancing too near to the limits of Chinese tedtory. I t was known, moreover, that he bad intrigued with the Russians on the Siberian frontier, and had promised that, if provided by them with a force of Cossrtcks and some guns, he would ravage all the borders of China, outside the Great Wal1.l The Emperor r a s unwilling to go to war with an enemy who was practically master of the desert, and whose mobility his Manchu and Chinese soldiers could not hope to equal. He was, however, forced to take arms in defence of the frontiers of his country as well as of the Mongol Bannermen who inhabited the border region, and who remained true to the throne. He collected a numerous army and despatched it to the north of the Gobi, where it was beaten by the Qalmliqs and their allies, who then advanced to within 80 leagues of Peking. Here a second huge force had been got together, but the battle that ensued can only be described as a drawn one. Matters were patched up by a truce, and Geldan was free to turn his attention to further hostilities and intrigues with various sections of the Mongols and QJmQs, at a distance from the empire. Kang-Hi, however, saw that his enemy was by no means disposed of, and employed himself in organising, on a great scale, three new armies. Each of these was reported to number some 36,000 men and they were attended by an incredible host of retainers and camp-followers. One army he headed himself, while the two others were under the command of his most experienced Manchu generds. Early in 1696 this force began to move northward and westward across the Gobi and, after many slow mancenvres and tiresome delays, at length brought Galden to battle at a spot called Chao-mode? and defeated him.

This was the end of &Idan's power. Though not entirely crushed, he had, afterwards, to confine himself to the more westerly regions, but even there he was pnrsned by a force nnder the Manchu commander, Feyankn; while his family and tribal enemies took advantage of his fall to embarrass him in various ways. His nephew, Tse-Wang-Rabtan, the eldest son of Senghe or Tsenka (the elder brother who had been murdered soon after the Erdini Baatur's death) had long previously quarrelled with Galdan, and, thongh he had never joined the Manchus against his kins- men, had lost no opportunity of trying to oust him from the chiefship. Geldan's own son, moreover, had fallen into the h n d s of the Emperor a few months after the battle of Chao-modo, and was never likely to be released

1 Hoaorth, I, p. 628.

a Probably at a ellort distmce to the eouth-east of the moderlr Urgt~.

a

18 HISTORY OF THE LE~JAS OF EASTERN TURKISTAN.

fmm Peking. Against these conditions he struggled till June 1697, when he died suddenly and his followers dispemed-the bulk of them going over to Tee-Wang-Xsbtan, though some surrendered themselves to Feyanku.

The Emperor at first thought that his troubles with the Qalmiiqs mel,e a t an end, and withdrew the armg under Feyanku, vhich was then probably in the western p& of Kanw, and beyond the &at mall. Tse-Wang-Babtan became the successor to his uncle, almost without opposition, and the Emperor offered generous terms of peace, though he required the new cbief to give up the mother and daughter of Galdan, together with the dead chief's ashes. This demand was at first resisted and led to a long correspondence and exchanges of envoys ; but eventually Kang-Hi had his way and behaved with magnanimity to the poisoner8J For a time all want smoothly with Chinq but Tse-Wmg-Rabtan proved to be nearly as reatless and ambitious a spirit as his uncle. He wae thirty-two years of age on his accession, and from his earliest days had been engrrged in the inter-tilasl waa, in the c a m p a i p with the Mongola and latterly in oper. ations of his own against Galdan. I t s e w s probable, indeed, that d u ~ m g the lnat few years of Galdan's life he had been supplanted by his nephew in Western Zun&rh (the Ili region), and oven to some degree in tbe emtern districts of Eastern Tnrkistiin, for Sir H. Howorth points out th&

in 1696 he had his own garrison of five hundred men at T u d n . Imme- diately on his wccession to the chiefship, moreover, he had to undertake a war with his western neighbours, the Kiq&Kaziiks,-a war which he had, in fact, inherited from his uncle, and which he brought to a successful conclusion by subduing a l a ~ g e section of the middle hordo of that people. He also humbled tho Kera Kir&iz (the Purut of the Chinese), a tribe that lived in the regions abont Lake Isi&-kul, and who supplied the QalmBqs with a contingent of 3,000 fighting men. A little hter again- in 1704-he was equally successful in suppressing the Tnrgut Chief Sand- ship? to whom hs vas related by mmriage, and vho had attaoked him without any apparent cause. The Tnrgut, howevor, suffered for his bold- ness by the loss of the whole of his followers, for these west over to the Zun&ms and proved Q considerable increase of strength to them. Even the Russians, the Z n n h a r Chief was able to beat back from the northern pprt of his dominions, and Peter the Great was fain to submit to moro

Howortb, I, pp. 638 and 642.

' Sandship wae the third son of Ayuka, the chief of the Tnrgut, then settled in the steppes between the rivers Volga and Urnl. He had broken wit11 his father and hnd returned. with n larpe part of his t,rihe, to endeavour to ~ s s t his nntive country from lee-Wmg-Kabtan. (See Boworth, I, p. 6fi7.)

IXTRODUCTORY NOTICES. 19

than one defeat, having eventually to relinquish his design of rnarohing a force southward, into Eastern TurkistOn.

But these wars, while they augmented Tse-Wang-Rabtan's power and enlarged his influence, had no fm-reaching effects, and failed to embroil him with the Manchu C o d . The one which was to follow, however, roused the Emperor once more, and brought on a series of campaigns with China which out-lasted the life of the chief, and terminated only with the loss of the Zunghar kingdom, together with its dependencies in Eastern Tnrkistiin. The events which led to the invasion of Tibet and the details of that expedition, need not be gone into here, as they have no bearing on the history of the W6jas. It need only be mentioned, briefly, fhat the Tipa, or minister of the Grand Lama of Lhassa, who had been a protkgk of Galdsn's and a Z u n h a r partisan, had been attacked and driven out of Tibet by one Latsan Wiin, the Chief of the Khoshots of the Koko-Nor, while this personage is described es a friend, m d little more than a tool, of the Manchue. Tee-Wang-Rabtan determined to support the Znn&ar influence, and sent an m y into Tibet under his brother Cbiring Denduk,' who captured Lhrtssa, put Latsan Qiin to death and raveged the countq? This was in 1709 or 1710, and it would seem that the Tibetans appealed to the Emperor for succour ; for, some three yems later, a combined ariny of Chinese and Mongols was sent quietly westwmd and appeared in the neighbourhood of Turfiin. Phe Qalmiiq, though taken somewht by surprise, prepared an ambuscade, cut the invaders in pieces and marched upon Hiimi, which town they captdred and destroyed. A war with china was thus begun, and Kang-Hi found himself compelled to continue it. In

1717 he sent forth an avenging force to the same quarter, but it met with ~t similar fate to the f i s t one, and only at a ahort distance further west. I n 1719 he sought to retrieve thebe disasters by means of a third army, and this time made Northern Znh&aria and the vicinity of the Zaisan h k e the objective of his attack. This region was the home-land of QalmHq tribes and was inhabited almost exclusively by them, while on the previous occasions, by inveding Tnrfitn and Kara&ahr, the Emperor was striking only at dependencies inhabited by an alien people. Though better fortune w&s met with on this fiorthern expedition, the result was far from a con- clusive victory : indeed from this year forward until the date of ~ a n g - H i ' s death (l722), campaign against the Znn*rs, more or less desultory, was carried on almost without intsrmission.8

Probably the Ta Clriring (or Great Chiring) of the Chinese writers ; for there were mnnv of the name of Chiriug-or perhape more ~roperlg Tsirilrg. Donduk, it maS be mentioned, might perhaps be better writlen T e n d ~ k .

Howorth, l, p. 643. 3 See Amiot, in Mdntoirrn concernaal Zed Chiaois, 1, p. 888.

0 2

20 HIBTORY OF THE ~ _ H ~ J A S OF EASTERN TURKIBTIN.

These campaigns, though a heavy bnrden on theManchus, both in men and money, seem scarcely to have affected the power or influence of the Zunda r Chief, for, during the timo they lasted, we find him not only hold. ing his own against the Russians, but also retaining his suzerainty over the m b j a rulers of Eastern Turkistiin and intervening effectively in their affairs. Since the death of Galdell these factious priests appear, as will seen in the course of our author's narrative, to have seldom been in want of a cause for quarrel among themselves ; yet, as far as their exfernal relations were concerned, we only hear of two occasions when they came into conflict with Tse-Wang-Fhbtrtn. The 6rst of these is not mentioned in any account based on Chinese chronicles, as far as I am awme, nor doeR our Tnrki author refer to it, but Sir H. Howorth cites a German authority 1

on Russian history, who states that on Tse-Wang-Rabtan's accession, the Wbjas attempted to withhold their tribute, with the result that he led an expedition against YLrqand, and carried off the =fin together with other chiefs to the valley of the 'IlLS The second occasion was about the year 1713 when the Qalmiiqs we1.e seized with a desire to revenge themselves on the Wbjas for the perfidy of Hapat Aftiq in attacking his benefactor, Galdan, some twenty and odd years previously. The invasion of K&&- &ar and Yhqand which followed was bmnght to a favourable conclusion : the reigning Wbja, D6nyfi1, and seveml other members of the Black B b j a family were led captive to Ili, while all Qalm&q prisoners found in their bends were released and restored to their homes. Some seven yews later, however, or about 1720, an opportnnity wrts taken to re-instate DltnyLl as Governor over four of the cities of Turkis&n, for which favour a tribute was levied from him of the same amount as that originally k e d by Galdan to be paid by Af&q, VC., one tanga a a head of the population.

The Emperor Ynng Ching, who sncceedod to the Chinese throne in 1722, being of a more pacifio disposition than Kang-Hi, bemn his reign by reversing his father's policy in the matter of the QalmLq wars. He saw no advantage in attempting to subdue the QalmBqs or in protecting the Mongols from them. The tribes of the steppes were to be allowed to settle their own differences, and as long as the Empire was not disturbed, Y m g Ching believed that he would have peace. For a time this was the case, and during the five following y e w , which comprised the remainder of Tse-Wang-Rabtan's life, the western war was practically in abeyance. His death occui~ed in 1727, as we know from Chinese sources, while ourTurki author tells us that it was caused by poison administered by his wife-

' V& Dr. Miiller who (it seems possible) mng be following Uskowaki, the Bumian Envoy at Tne-Wmg-Rabtan'a head quartera (p. 646).

Whether the "other chiefn 'I were a c j a s or not, in not mentioned, A banpa is a amall dvor coin, worth, usually, about one-sixth part of R rupee.

L

probably the daughter of the T n r ~ t Chief, Ayuka.' T~e-Wang-&bts,n was no doubt the most powerful chief of the Zun&az dy-ty, and he is said to have been able to put from 40,000 to 60,000 men in the field.9

Tse-Wang-Rebtan's successor was a son named W d a n ()hiring, the child of a Durbet wife. On assuming the chiefship, his first act was to put his stepmother to death fogether with all her children. He seems then to have taken up the bered i tq war of his people e i n s t the Mongols under Chinese protection, and to have attained some success; but in 1734, the strife was terminated by the intervention of the h n d Lma.8 At the accession of Kien Lnng to the Chinese throne in 1735,' Galdan Chxng sent envoys to Peking to offer tribute and mmke submission, and for the rost of his life (i.e., till 1745) lived in peace with the Empire. " C h e d with my benevolence," writes Kien Lnng, " Chldan was faithful to his promises. But Achiin, his son, the perfidious Bchbn, did not follow in his footsteps. He advanced with giant strides on a cmeer of crime . .. . and was regarded by the chiefs of the different hordes as a monster of whom it was necessary to purge the earth." V T h estimate of the character of Qaldrn Chiring's successor is borne out by the view of our Turki author, as will be seen below ; but there is little to record of him, for his relations soon beg& to conspire against him, and &ally capturing him, they pnt out his eyes and threw him into pn'son.

The sovereignty over the Zun&ws now fell to the chief of the conspira- tors against Bchgn, vie., to his half-brother, the son of a concubine of Qaldan Chiring's. He was a Lama and his name is usually given as Dardda, though the Emperor Kien Lmg, in his memoir, invmriably c J l s him " the LW Torgni." Whatever Torgui (or perhaps Torgi) may have signified,' it seem likely tbat it was the name by which this chief wee usnrtlly known, for it is also the one-in the form of " Lama Thji "-by whioh he is spoken of in Mfiammad Qldiq's text. I n consequence of his illegiti- mate birth, Dwdaa's accession was only partially acquiesced in by his people, or by the prince0 of his father's house, and it was not long before a

Howorth, 1, p. 649. Ib., p. 648.

8 Ib., p. 649. 4 The reianr of the three Yanoliu E~nperors of China with whom we are concerned "

here, were :- Kang Hi . . . . . . . from 1661 to i7aa Yung Clling (son) . . . . . . from 1722 to 1785 Kien Lung (son) . , . . . . . from 1786 to 1796

Thoae of Ksng Hi md Kien Lung RIV regarded, by the Chinese, aa theemoat glwioua of modern timea, renultiug, as they did, in a great extrnaioi~ of tlre BtDplra

22 HISTORY OF TBB K,HBJAB OF EBBTERN TUREIBTXIP.

party had arisen, whose object it was to depose h b ~ in favour of the e n d - son of Chiring Donduk-the brother and chief general of Tse-Wane Rabtan-whoee name has been mentioned in connection with the invasion of Tibet.

This Prime, called Ta-wa-tze by the Chinese, asd.Dhb&ji by our author, was considered the legitimate heir, and his claim was actively suppded by one Amursanst who was not a Znn&ar, but belonged to the tribe of Khoit, though he inhabited the same district a@ Ta-m-tze, Y ~ z . , Twbsgatai, After sundry adventures, these two, aided by some Birghiz tribesmen, fell npon Dard&a, defeated his followers asd killed him: when Ta-wa-tae maa established as Chief of the Z ~ n & a r . ~ This, however, was not the result that Amursana had intended, and the allies, becoming rivals, soon c w g to blows with each other, the upshot being that Amursana was worsted and

I

fled to China to seek aid for his cause from the Emperor. 0s &Ting at Peking in 1754, Kien Lung received him with honour, fonnd an excuse for condemning Ta-wa-tze and accorded the fugitive the help he had Gome to seek, in the shape of a mixed force under a Mandarin named Panti, who was Governor of the provisces of Canton cbnd Kwangsi.8 Within the year f allowing, this m y had restched the Ili Valley, Ta-wo-tae was attacked, and put to flight efter scarcely any resistasce. He crossed the Tien Shan and took refuge in the &aja town of Ush Turfiin, but was made prisoner by the Hhkim Beg of the place, one $h6ja Si Beg (the Hokis of the Chinese writers), and delivered over to the Manchu gengral who despatched him to Peking.

The Emperor treated him with consideration, and appeam to have entertained the idea of making use of him againat Amnrsana, whom he evidently mistrusted, but both the prisoner and his son, who had been sent with him into exile, died before events had developed themselves, and wifh them ended the legitimate line of Zun&ar chiefs.

On Ta-wa-tze's removal, his rival Amursrtna was set up as Q h n of the Zun&ars, but was kept in leading strings by the Chinese generals and oloaely gnmded by the army which he had been the means of bringing into the country. This consisted now of only a detachment of 500 men, under Panti and one xgo-ynng-ngan, the bulk of the force having been

1 See Howolbb, I, p. 661, also ohapter XIV of hlubammnd Sidiq's text, where, however, tbey are botb (erroneously) styled nephews of Galdan Chiring.

S A Chinese antbor of tbe last century says Amursana surprised, and killed Lama Dard+a in his tent, then went and offered tbe crown to Ta-wa-tze, knowing himself t o be of too low extraction to w a r it. (See Quelny, Chins ocoidentale in Le murkon, 1887, p. 108.)

8 According to Quelny's author this forme consisted o t Manclius, Chi~~eee, 8010~s (n tribe of Ma~~cliuria) and Chakars (a Mongol people), l b . , p. 104.


withdrawn to China. Thus, as puppet chief, it is not sulplising that h. should have had little power or influence over the Zun&ars ; indeed m n y of the tribal headmen, we are told, declined to recognise him, but continued to profess allefince to the exiled Ta-wa-tze.1 Yet, notwithstanding his enforced subjection to the Chinese, he attempted, as om text shows, to recover possession of the towns of Eastern Tnrkisthn from the a 6 j a s , who had, in the meantime, revolted and set up a divided government of their own. This he was, in a manner, able to accomplish by utilising the services of two brothers-Burhhnn-d-Din and a & n - Q a j a B-descendents of the White Mountain Qdja Abmad, who had lived long in Il i as an exile. I n other words, Amursana succeeded in setting one section of the a 6 j a s against the other. The &at named of these brothers was sent forward with B mixed force of Chinese and Qalmhqs, while the other was, at &at, retained as a hostage in Ilf. Treachery and dissension arosein the a 6 j a camp, so that the most important of the cities were captmd without difficulty, and the leading Wdjas and Begs were either put to death or made good their escape, and h s a m , as a Chinese vassal, became the over-lord of the count i~ .

I t is at this point ( h u t the end of the year 1755 or the beginning of 1756) that our author's history comcs to an end, but we may briefly follow the fortunes of the Qalmiiqs and the IPlajas for some four years more when they finally disappear.

Amursana's success was short lived, for elated by the advantage he had p ined in Tnrkisthn, and unable to endure the restraints put upon him by the Chinese, he determined to sbake them off. With the help of those of the Qalmiiqs who supported him, and some other allies, he turned npon &e force appointed to control him, destroyed it and executed the com- manders. He then marched eastward, gaining some successes over other small gal~isons of Chinese troops on the northern Tien Shan line of settle- ments, till he reached Barkul (the " Palikun " of the Chinese) where, apparently, he was shortly afterwards beaten by troops pushed forward by the Peking Governmont. The Emperor, against the advice of most of his ministers, was now determined to bre&k down the last remnant of Qalm~q power, a d despatched some of his best generals and troops to the Zun&w country. Bmursana retreated westward and took refnge with the Kiraiz- Kaz&b in the steppes to the north of Far&ana. The Manchus, in small bodies, pursued him, but after a year of frnitlerrs marching and negotiating, attended by some reverses, Amnrsam eluded them. He escaped into West- Siberia, where he found a refuge with the Russians at 'Ibbolsk.

I Roworth, I, pp. 664-666. The Bouroton and Hukitchn of Oueluy's Ohinme wthors.

24 HISTORY OF TEE LH~JAS OF EASTERN'TCRKIST~~P.

Here, in 1757, almost immediately after his arrival, he died of smallpox, and, on the Emperor demanding the corpse of " the rebel," it a.8 cm<ed to the frontier and delivered over to his envoys.1

Throughout 1757 Kien Lung had been pressing fomard Isrge bodies of troops to the Ili region. The power of the Zun&ars, as well as that of other Qelmlq tribes, had been broken, but th. was not satiafaotion enongh for the Emperor in the humour that then controlled him. me blood of ' my slaughtered soldiers," he said, " crim for vengeance," and his vengeance took the form of a massacre of all Q~ImBqs-men, women and says a Chinese author %-that failed to make good their escape. me land was practically depopulated, and the Zungl?ar tribe almost blotted from existence. Their country now became Chinese teiritory, and was, &o*ly &erwards, to be re-peopled by aliens from Manchnria or the extreme east of Mongolia, and by Musalmans from Eastern 'Ibkistin.

In the meantime QLn a 6 j a having escaped from Ili, and joined his brother Burhinu-d-Din, these two had become the rulers of nearly the whole of Eastern Turkistin, and were regarded, now, by the Chinese, as their direct dependents. There was, however, no Chinese Governor, but the Commander of the army in IE, c h o Hnei by name, appems to have acted as the Emperor's representative and, following his master's ordem, interfered as little as possible with the affairs of the vassal State.

For nearly a year this state of things seems to have continued, but in 1758 the two Ehejas, thinking themselves secure a t a distance from t h ~ Manchu garrisons of Ili, revolted and endeavoured to set up an independent Musalman Government. They declared themselves h t at Kucbi, but, after a long siege, had to fall back on K&&&ar and Yirqand. They were followed, however, by Chao Huei and his Lieutenant Fout6, and many months were spent in intrigues and in a d68Ultory kind of fighting, until at length the Musnlman inhabitants would seem to have become weary of the continued disorder and the weakness of K b j a mle.8 At both places, in the summer of 1759, they opened their gates to the invaders, and Eastern Turkistiin, from that time forward, became like the zun&ar country, a Chinese possession. The two m ~ j a s , who had taken their last stand in Yirqmd, escaped, together with a number of either

1 Mr. Schogler writee :-'I At that time the Chinese Emperor was no strong nnd the Russians were so weak in Asia-t,heir attention at the same moment being taken up in Europe by the Turkish wars-that in order to buy peace, they conveyed the dead body of Amursana to Kiakhta and gave it up to the Chiue8e."-(Turkist~n, 11, p. 168.) ' Oueluy, p. 107. a Oueluy, pp. 108-114.


relations and followers, to the PamG.8,' while severd others of the JQojrt family-descendants of A.fiiq-fell into the hands of Chao Hnei rtnd were sont to Peking.

The intention of Burhinu-d-Din and his brother was to find an asylum in BadU&&n, or perhaps B & U , but they were closely pmsued by a party under Foutd, whose despatch to the Emperor, giving an account of his proceedings, is cited, in translation, by A m i ~ t . ~ It is no doubt su5- ciently exaggerated, and is certainly vague in its geographical details ; but it has a curious intererd. It may be summarised thus :-" I came up with the rebels near Alichur and beat them. On the 1st Beptember 1759, they had arrived at Poulo Kol [Bulun Kul] whore I obtained some information from a Pourouth [a regarding their whereabouts. He told me they had already crossed the mountain (pass) but had still another very high pass to cross before reaching Bad&gbLn. ' This monn- fain,' said he, 'is between two lakes. The one on this side is called Bulun Kul, and h t on the other side, Isil-Kol [Ye&il Kul] . . . . . . . From the top of this mountain you will be able to see Bad&&in and perhaps, also, the army of your enemy, for he cannot be very far off.' On this information I set out, and &out the middle of the day, after having passed round the shore of the lake, I received information that the enemy was at the top of the pass, where it would not be easy to attack him. I n the evening we met with the rebels who fired upon us : we burst upon them, and, though night set in, we continued the fight, until at last the =6jas, fearing that they might fall into our hands, fled in the direction of Bada&&&n with all who were able to follow them. I did not count the dead, but was msured that the Great a 6 j a [Burhgnu-d-Din18 was of the number. As soon as I saw that the rebels no longer defended themselves, I put an end to the carnage. Their soldiers had, almost ell, either beon killed iighting or had followed their Chiefs, while we captwed d l that remained. The number of prisoners is over 12,000, and we found on the field of battle cannons, muskets, sabres, arrows, etc., to the nnmbor of 10,000, as well as over 10,000 oxen, asses and other animals, not count- ing the horses which were few, seeing that the fugitives had mounted the rcst in order to hasten their flight."

Queluy's authors (p. 114) aperk of a retreat to matan, whence, atler a flnal defeat, they are said to have fled westward, but this is not in accordauce with other accounts. and would, moreover, he improbable.

a See pp. 893.394. BurhBnn-d-Din wna, I believe, not the G 6 j a known to the Musulmans as " Grent

3@6jn," or Kh6ja kalin. " Oreat," bore, probably menus thc elder " of the two who wero being pursucd.

26 BIBTOBY OF THE K S ~ J A ~ OF EASTERN TURI~ITAN.

From this version of the affair have been derived aU modern accon?lts of the final fall of the Wbjas. Seeing, however, that it is based on the despatch of a Chinese general to his Government, it is scarcely likely to bo worthy of credit, except in its main outline. The incident is well known, by tradition, even at the present b y in the Pamir region, and is in the mouth of almost every Kilg&, &i&ni end Bad&&i to be met with ; but they tell the story without any mention of the sanguinmy engagement near Yc&il-Knl, and divide the Chinese figures by about ten. I n reality it would appem, the Wbjas had a following of some hundreds of Musulmiins and Qalmiiqs of whom many were women, children and slaves. The Chinese party sent in pursuit followed them as far as the lake, but finding that the fugitives had crossed the pass into &i&n&n, they cut some characters on a rock ' and returned to Kii&&ar. Thero was no battle, the a b j a s and their party passed unmolested into B n d a s i ~ ~ , end had reached Argu, below Faizhbiid, whon they were attacked by Snltiin &h&h, then Mir of the country, and takon prisoners. S u l t ~ n &&h plundered the whole party, beheaded the two B b j a s and kept the Qal- miiqs as slaves.

On considering the part played by the Qalmiiqs in these regions of Central Asia, during the last century, we see how it came about that the remnant of the Mo&uh gave place to the B b j a s in Eastern Tuikisffin, and the latter to the Manchu Emperors of China. Had the I(h6jas been independent of the Qalmiiqs, it may perhaps be a question whetha China would have been drawn 00 far westward aa to interfere in the territory misgoverned by these fact>ious saints. I t is possible that one pmky might have gained so decisive a predominance over the other that a fsjrly strong and permanent would have been the outcome. But even had this been the case the KMjas would not have been long left to themselves.

I n 1714 the Russian Governor of Siberia, Prince Gaga,rin, became possessed of information that Eastern Turkistiin, and especially the district of Yiirqand Was a country whom rivers abounded in gold. In all probability it was I(h6tan that he had heard of, for the rivers there contain ;Sold in fair quantities, while in those of Yltrqand it is scarcely known ; but this matters little. He reported his discovery to Peter the Great and

3 This wes the stone seen by Captain F. E. Younghusband in 1890. I t hns mince been crrried off by the Russians. The imaginnry fighting on the Pamir, it may be meutiooed, is handed down to posterity in two spirited prints in M. Peuthier's China (Volume J, 1843) representing not one, but two separate engagements of the n~ost approved theatrical pattern. Knights in nrmour mounted on prancing Arabs charge each other, with lance and battle axe, among the forest trees of the Pamir ; while lines of camcle, with 0eld pieces pivoted above their humpe, tench thc readar whet tho nrtillcry of the day wes like.

INTBODUUTORY NOTICEB. 27

proposed as the readiest method of mining the gold, the annexation of the c o n n t ~ . It belonged, he pointed out, to the Zun&ar Chief, thou Tse-Wang-Rabtan, and his plan was to advance sonthward from the Irfish, by means of a route which he would protect by a line of fort0. He sent specimens of the gold-dust which had been brought to him, and so greatly interested the Tsar in the schome, that the latter despatched a force of some 3,000 men, including artillery, artisans and others, under an officer named Ivan-Buchholz, to commence operations by building a fort near Lake Yamish, and thonce to push sonthward. I n 1715 the establishr ment of this post was begun, but its position being beyond Russian limifs, as then recognised, Tse-Wang-Rabtan treated the proceedings of Buchholz as an invasion of his tei~itory. He andhis brother Chiring Donduk, therefore, lost no time in collecting their men and laying siege to the half-finished fortress. For several months the communications with Russin, ware cub off, and the garrison was so nearly starved that sickness broke out and Bnchholz determined to retire. The fort accordingly was destroyed, and the troops, reduced by losses and disease to 700 men, retreated northwards to the coduence of the Om with the Irtish, (the site of the present town of Omsk) whence the commander was recalled to Rnaaia.

A fresh force was pushed forward in 1716, and another, in the following year, under an officer named Stupin, while Gagarin was urged by Peter not to abandon his efforts to reach Yhqand. Stupin advanced up to Irtish for 228 versts above Lako Yamish, and there began, in 1718, the erection of a fort which has since become known as Semipalatinsk. At the same time an officer was sent to treat with Tse-Wang-Rabtan, who was then cemped in the Ili valley, but the result was unsatisfactory fo the Russians, for nothing was elicited but threats of what the Chief would do if the new post were not at once dismantled. The Tsar, becoming impa- tient, appointed, early in the next year, a General Likhareff to superintend the proceedings, and sent with him a number of other officers. T h i ~ party mrived at Semipalatinsk in 1720 and, with a force of 4 4 men, mado their way up the Irtish, in boats, to Lake Zaisan. The Qalm&q Chief was as good as his word. On the 1st August he attacked the Russians with numerous bodies of tribesmen and after an indecisive battle, which continued for three days, a padey was errsnged, when it was agreed that the Russians should abandon their scheme and retire down the Irtish. They retreated, accordingly, to within 18T versts of Semipalatinsk and there put up a new fort which has sinoe developed into the town of Ust-Kameno- gorsk.'

3 See Howorth, I, pp. 646-648.

28 HISTORY OF THE K_H~JAS OF EASTERN TURKISTIIN.

After these events the Russian vision of an Eldorado in Yfirqaud appears to have been dispelled, for no further attempf was made to reach Eastern Tnrkistitn. Indeed the limits they were compelled to confine themselves to in 1720, have not been greatly overstepped even to the present day ; so that the historical rble of the &dm&qs, during their short period of power, was not alone to draw the Chineso forward into Zungharia, but to keep the Russians back within the boundaries of Siberia.

INTRODUOTORY NOTICES. 29

EPITOME OF THE

MEMOIRS OF THE ~ O J A S .

Ma)&diim-i-&am, a very holy man, spread religion from Mecca to China. His great grand-father, Sayyid KamUu-%Din Majnfin (a descend- h

ant in the seventeenth generation from the Prophet) lived at Medina and emigrated to Uz (or Uzkand) in Far&itna. At that time SultLn IIliq Mad, one of seven kings, was ruler of Utrir, KLsin, FarhLna, Uzkand

,, , and U&. I n consequence of a dream the Sult'an married his daughter to 1 Sayyid KamLlu-d-Din. He returned with his wife to Medina, where after

his death, a son named Sayyid Burhsnu-d-Din Kilic was born to him, who returning, ~ucceeded his maternal grand-father, Ilik MLzi, on the throne of Uz. After a short time he gave up his government and became a devotee, retiring for the purpose to Ebbjand. With whomsoever he was angry that person was sure to die. A certain other holy man once came to ask him the reason for this. On approaching the Sayyid, he fell into a trance and saw, hanging from the roof, a naked sword. Flies were constantly striking against itg edge and being cut in two. When he returned to his senses, the Sayyid said to him : " Friend, whoso fault is it : the sword's orthe flies'? "

Mr. 6bnw notes he1.e that Ilik Mrizi wns n grandson 01. descondnnt of 8111th 6 i t u k Ru&.l. Dr. Bellew in his remwks on the Togkiru-i-Budrii Q ~ i n infers him to be identical with S i t u k Ru&rE, bu t thin is probably incorrect. Dr. I:retscl~neider, on the authority of tllo KLnilu-t-taw&ri& of Ibnu-I-Asir, makes one Ilik, or Ilak, tho successor of SBtuk, but does not mention the relationship; nnd i t is uncertain whether he refers to the snme person as Ilik Mizi. 1bnu.l-Asir spoaka of him as subduing the SBmini djnaoty i n Trausoxinna in l008 A. I)., while &tuk I{n&ri is recorded, in the Talkira, to have died only in 429 H.-or 1037 -8 A. D. Thus i t is quite vncertnin to whom the text refers. The dynasty of the Hu&i B i n s w11s one of original Turks, or Iligurs, who 11nd their cnpitals a t T ilLai&un and Ki&&nr, and flourislied chiefly in the loth, 11th and 12th cerit~nies. They are known sometimes as the " Kara ghPns ", but more u~ l la l ly as the " h k @ins" -n cirou~nstnnce which would point to tlm word Iiak being someth i~~g more thsn the . name of a single individual, and to the probability of i ts hnvingbeen some general name or title. Mr. S t a n l e ~ I.ane-Poole Nays, " the histoiy of these B i n s is very mesgrel) recorded!' And i t is certain that what little information nu h v e , is obscure n11d contradictorp. I t may be ridded, with reference to what follows in the text, tllat no euch name ss Eurhinu-d-Din is to be found iu nn1 of the lists of Ilak Q&II~ (See Shawpa Turki Grammar p. 334; Bellew in Ykqand lieport pp. 126-6; 13r+cljneider1s Medirttval Resonrcheu, I, pp. 262-8; n:~d Lane-Poole's Mubo~nnl~dan D y ~ m t i e s p. 134).

94 HISTORY OF THE kH8JAS OF EASTERN T ~ ~ R K I S T ~ N .

Is$Q Wali remained twelve years in Ybqand, KSi&Gari a d t a n and Aksu, teaching and making disciples, and then went to Samarqand, leaving a disciple named U8htur a a l i f a in his place. The B E n and people of KYiish&&r became cool in their devotion and transfei~ed it to a shrine at Turfhn. Urifitur went with them thither and sitting a straddle on the grave [stone], kicked it with his heels. A dragon came out to eat him ; but the saint who was in Samarqand, becoming miraculously aware of this, offered, in spirit, his son, who was a t Aksu in order to save his vicegerent Uebtur. This son, &&bLz by .name, died at the same instant and U&tur Was delivered.

hbdu-ll& WBn, king of B u ~ ~ E ~ E , sent his younger brother Rustam SultBn 8 with an army of 50,000 men to attack Muhammad (Sultin) W e n of KYii&&ar, who was saved by the prayers of Is&q Wali. The King of Bu&hrL died of anger. After these events the m B n of KEsh&ar became much devoted to this saint, who shortly afterwards died and Was buried at Isfudik (in a b k a n d ) and not at Dahbid, near Samar- qand,B where MaQdfim-i-&am was buried; for his father had said that whoever, hereafter, should be bnried in the s p c e between his own and his son's grave, should be a partaker of Pamdise.

Is$'aq Wali left two sons: (1) Quibu-d-Din, whose descendants are in charge of the shrine of IshYiiq Wali ; and (2) WwBja QYiidi, who was appointed his father's viceregent at YYiirqand.

Now MaQdtim-i-&am had another son called I&Ln-i-KalBn who left a son named a w i i j a Yiisuf, whose son was Wwiija Bfiiq. These came over to K%&&ar and were received with veneration by the people.

death is plaosd e t A. H. 1.000 which fell in 1691.2. Rut from an extract from the Huft Iqlim, translated by Quatremhre, i t appears that Mubsrnmad W i i n or Mubarnmod Sol$Ln, was (Ilovernor of Kit&&nr under his brother, Abdu-l-Karim, an D i n of the country. Thus Muhammad Sultiin must have suoceoded to the Khnnate about 1592, and i t is he who is spoken of by Benediot Ooes as the King in 1604. When, in the text ~bove , Mobamlnad is spoken of as the br0ther.i~-law of Knrim, the author muet have made a mistake. They were both sons of Abdu-r-Ra&id. (See Quatremhre in Notioer et Eafroits XIV, pp. 487-8 and Goes in Yule's Cathay, p. 666.)

8 The ' Abdu-11Bh =On mentioned here is tbe seoond of tbat name in the line of the a a i b i n Uzbegs otherwise known as tbe " Abdu-l-Wair." Though he only, actually reigned from l683 to the date of his death in 1697-8, he was in power long before the former date. Detailed eecouute of bis life exirt, but in none of them, socessible to me here, ie such a person mentioned as e brother named Rustam. ludeed he seems to hnve had no brother I nor is there any record of an Uzbeg invasion of Kls_h&ar during bid reign. I t may be noted, however, that the words l' younger brother" do not occur in Mubnmmad QLdiq's original manuscript; they must have come from Mr. Shaw'r "other book;"

Q It eppeam that both these villages must be nenr Snmnrqnnd. Dahbid is said to be just beyond the suburbe of the city ; and Mubt~mwsd Sitl iq speaks of them

EPITOME OF THE MEMOIRS OF THE KJIDJ.\a. 35

By this time Muhammad =fin (the king) had died,lo and &dd-118h was reigning. He had three sons : (1) Yulbars, Governor of

F;~&&ar; (2) Nfir-ud-Din, Governor of Aksu; and (3) Ismdil UBn, who stayed with his father 11.

Yulbars WrtB disobedient to his father, but-he revered the holy men Yiisnf and &q, as did also the people of KB&&ar. U a B j a &Bdi died at YLrqand leaving two sons : (1) Abdu-llLh ; and (2) ZTbaidn-ll&h. Yiisd mwiija came to Yiirqand to pray over &Sbsdi's grave, when the king and many of the people turned their devotions to him abandoning the sons of &Hdi. The adherents of the latter became angry and reproached the king, who mid he would give cm answer the next day. During the night he dreamed that he saw a large male camel [bu&rd] which was seized by a small camel [ kiwa 1 tb t came out from the Altun MazBr 19 whem the grave of &8di was. In the morning Yiiauf departed without taking leave of the king. He fell ill at one day's march from Yhrqand and died at Topluk. Hap-at AfLq came and fetchod his body and buried it at YB&I~U '8.

At YBrqand the sons of &Ldi advanced in religious influence. The king (Abdu-ll&) went away on pilgrimage to Mecca, leaving his son Ismdil to rule in his stead, who expelled WwYiija BfBq from KB&&ar and placed his own son BBak SnltBn, as Governor there.14 This rkgime flourished exceedingly ; never had there been such prosperity even in the days of the I(b&ns. For twelve years the people knew not whether thero WGrO soldiers in the land or not.

a w i i j a Abdu-ll& (son of ShYiidi) died, and 'Ubaidu-ll& becme the sole religious chief; but he died before reaching the age of forty, and left two sons-(l) I(hw6ja Qudib, and (2) WwBja DBnyBl. A11 obeyed them in religious matters.

Afiiq, on being expelled from KBshGar, went towards Kashmir. He arrived at an idol temple of the Prophet MBni a t Ju. He performed

as hcing eeparatcd by a oaonl, so thnt Infudik nhould be close I y . I do not ~ I I O W

why Mr. Shaw hns innerted the words " in Q 6 k n n d " in p4renthesis. He ~pe l l s Iejduk, instead of I fud iL , aaR i t stnnds in the text.

Io Mr. Shaw notes Lere the year of Muhammad P;hLnBs death as 1018 A. H. or 16D9 .A.D.

" Further on in his book, Mubnmlnad QBdiq mentions other brothers of Isma'il, whose m n e s I hnve inserted in the genealoe;ienl table as sons of kbdu-116h, though it is possible that the word **brother1' may not be used in a striotly literal sense.

The so called Golden oemstsry. I t still exists a t Ykqaud, and in much reverenced.

. . B. B. 8. The present shrine of EJaqrat A f q . (See appendix U.)

R. H. S. The original text ndds th!~t Ism&il himself r'a~cendcd tho throne a t Ylrqond?'

D 2

miracles and asked for help to take the countiy of Yrirqand. When the difficulties of the road were objected to, he asked for an introduction to the Qalmiqs who were of the same faith. Accordingly, a letter xas written to the Tura (chief) of the Qalmriqsof Ila, saying :-" Oh, &hibnr IQrin! Afriq is a great personage whom Ismdil has expelled from Kfi&&ar. You should send an army to restore him." He went and received aid. 16

When the news of his approach at the head of a Qdmtiq nrmy was heard, Bribak Sul@n led a force against him, but xas killed in an encounter. The victorious Qalmriqs then took Kri&&ar and marched towards

ls As this i r one of the most interesting episodcs recounted in the book, i t may be worth while t o transcribe literally the author's complete vereion of it. He writes:-" Ismfil = in expelled a w i j a Afaq from K i i w a r . The IJeqrat weut on from city to city until he had passed Kashmir. There is a place named Chu in the

country of Chin. There the infidels bnd a Brahmnn priest ( @ ; B ) who performed mirncles, and, by his teaching, hnd established hi. own religion. IJaqrat Afeq a r r i v d

there and, by degrees, displayed virtnous hnbits and miracles, which surprised the i110dels. The in0dels turned their faces to worship. Wagrat Afiq, who was determined to protect his faith, also betook 1,imself to devotion, and, by manifesting miracles nnd revelations, overcame the infidels, who rcknowledged hi8 power and asked who he was nnd where he had come from. The p a r r a t replied : ' I belong to

the sect of M~ieulmHne, and a m their I(hwija. l had disciples in Yirqnnd nnd I<i+&ar ; now n mall hne come and seized those towiis and turned me out. I beg

you to give me people to iecover my country and restore i t to me.' The Rrnhmnn

pviest replied :-'It is very difficult to send people from here to tha t place.' I'ut

lle gave him the followiug letter t o the Tnra of the Q d m i q s a t 1ln:-'Oh, e i b ~ ~ r s i n . a w i j a Hfiq is n very grent pejeonage whom country (Yurt) is Ylrqnnd nnd Kiskhar . I n tha t country he is the 9 r i j a of the Mnsu!mina. IsmEiil K>Bn has aeized his country and expelled him. Yen sl10111d send an nrmy, recover hin country and restore i t to him' . , . . J$sqrnt Afiq took this letter to Ila nnt R I I W the Tura of the Qalmkqs there. Qibur D i n treated him with great consideration. He

acted on the instruetio~rs coutniued iu t h e letter, rollected n large army and set out for K i&&ar."

In the 01~t place, i t would be interesting to identify the Chu or J u of the text. Captaiu Vnlikhanoff does not mention the name in any form, but say8 tha t A f i q " retired to Kashmir, whence he proceeded into Tibet, where he so ingratiated himself ~ i t h the Dalei Lama, tlmt the latter deeplatched him with a letter to Galdon of Zunbaria , requesting the latter to re-establish the authority of A f i q a t Ki+&nr find Yirqand. Qaldalr aeieiug tbie opportunity conquered Little l?u@irti (i. s., Eastern Turl t is tW in 1678 . . . . . . . ." What the writer's authority is for a s s u n h p Chu to be Tibet, I do not know, nor is there anything to show the source of the date 1678. Still both possible nnd even likely ; Howorth, Belles and others have relied upon the Russian author. I f the statement, t h ~ t Afiq ]lad p~saed Kashmir when be nrrived fit Chu, is be tnken literally, it would ha necessary to look for the lntter place eomewbere about Llle confines of Northel n India. But i t is poasible that Ladak may have been rePrded, . l0080lY, as part of Kashmir, and tlluu the fugitive g j a mny have passed through into 17ibet, 1~hic11 ~ , o u l d I)c R morc or lesv dircct route. ' J l~c ic is not, I I O \ + W ~ ~ , and nevcr

--- -- -. - yhqand. The Yrirqand General, Iwaz Beg, T \ . ~ B billed, and by Ismdil a r i n ' s advice, the people of Yhrqand treated with the enemy, conditioning for the exercise of their faith under theb two Mal&dfim-z&dtEB. TEs was agreed to. Afrik was put on the throne and his son Yal.~~ri \vas givell the government of KrisB&ar. The Qalmhqs cmried aKay Ismatil alld fill his family to Ila. &riq agreed to an a%nual tribute of 100,000 tangas payable to the Qalmriqs.1° Thue the evil custom, which continues to this day was established by W w ~ j a Afriq.

But the reign of &q, as King, did not last long, ss he found it inconsistent with his religious duties. He put a younger brother of Isma'il's named Mubammad Amin,'? on the throne and married th& sister =rinam PridsJiih. War was made on the Qalmriqs and several of their Chiefs weye taken. The disciples of Afriq then became very turbulent, the RErin, Muhammad Amin, had to fly from Yiirqand, but was killed by his own servants and I(hwrija Afriq again seated himself on the throne.

has been, ally name like Chu or JU for Tibet, or for any particular province or town in that country, R E fnr ILE I am awnre; thollgh Chin is very frequently wed as a name for Tibet proper, iu 'I'c~rkistin as well as in the hill ~~egions north of the Palljab. Probably, therefore, as he is sriid to bnve gone t o Chin, Afiq did retiro to Tibet, and it is just possible tbwt J u may stnnd for J v w o , which Mr. W. W. Rockhill lelh n* is the name of the chief temple a t Lhassa. If this is t h e oase, tho " B r n b m a ~ ~ *ni& l' would seem to bave been the Orand, or Dalni Lnma, and his influence over the Qr1111iq chiefs tvould have beeu, nt thnt time, very great. It hns been mentioned, indeed, (ill thelntroductio~l abovn) that Qnldan had been a Lamaist pupil I I ~ Ihassa.

As regards the autheut ici t .~ of tbo dnte furnished by Captain Vnlikhnnoff, I call offer no-suggestioii except thnt 1678 fnlh within that period of Galdan's life, when such an eveut as the invwion of Eastern Turkistin m i ~ h t be looked for. Isma'il bad sue- ceeded Bbdu-11Lh i n the m a n a t e , but all we know is that the letlor was reigniug up t,, 1643 (nnd possibly for some years beyond tha t dnle), we Itnow also tha t more that1 twelve yenrs of IsmAl'e reign had passcd before he expelled Afiq ; while Afriq's inisaio~~ to Lhassa (if Lhnsm i t wns), his journey t l ~ e ~ ~ c e to Onldnn's seat a t Ili, and the Qalln&q invnsiorl must have occupied souw years. Thus the year 1678 mny hnve been reached.

'She third puzzle in this pasmge is the name of @bur Gill. Captain VnlikhanofP assumes i t to represent Oaldan, and most likely he is right, for not only does the prob- nble date beer him oat, but, aa explaiued in the I~~t roduc t ion the real name of the ohief known as '' Cialdan " bns never come down t o us. Oaldan aeeme to mean "King," but in addressing him, the Dda i Lnma of Lhrtssn would probably uae somo person111 or familiar title.

(See V11likhnno5, Ruasians i n Central Aria, p. 169. Howotth, I., p. 523. Bel. lew, Y i r q a n d Report, pp. 176 and 178. Rocl~l~ill, J . R . A . S., 1891, pp. 259 rind 263.)

Is Mubnmmnd ehdiq's text has "4,000 tanges II mouth." Vnlikl~n~off 111aLes i t 400,000 tangan n month I (Loc. oil. p. 170.)

The text has :-"They brought Isrnn'il's Solluger brother, Mubnlncond Amill, from T u r f i n and placed him on the t h r ~ n e . ' ~ One date can be fixed during lUu11am- mad A1ni11'n reign by n reference t o thc T ~ ~ k ; ~ a - i - & f u q i r n mlcini of T i h f Yml$i, as

3 8 HISTOBT OF TBE FI,~JAS OF E.48l'E~h. TG~EISTL~.

To get rid of the rivalry of the other faction-the adherents of he hlabdfim-zhdas-Afiiq sent for their disciples, and having a6cerhined that the spiritual Chiefs held land, v&., a t Fai~abhd near ggg.&=, Tokuzkent near Yiirqand, Ak-Sariii near B u t a n , and Ak-yiir near Aksu-he caused a part of the rent of these lands to be applied to the service of the Altun MazP a t Ykqand (the shrine of a w i t j a Chiidi) and gave the rest of it to the disciples to send to their masters, in exile in Kashmir, with an invitation to them to retrup. They did return, but their hearts mere heavy. When they reached the Tiznif river, a u ' a i b said to his brother :-" Every step I take, my feet turn back. Let not our line be cut short ; do thou return and I will go on." Dhnyiil returned towards Kashmir, but a pahy of fanatical devotees of Hapa t &iiq came out, without orders, slew &hu1aib and, putting his body into a bag, threw it into the river Tiznkf.

The news of this deed did not reach Hapa t Bfhq for some time, when one of the disciples of the Mabdfim-z&das came and reproached the

. saint with it. dfhq struck his hand on his knee with anger and said :- " Oh ye butchers of disciples of mine. Ye have done this deed amgainat my soul rts well as against your own. This reproach will lie against us till the day of judgment." H e then went himself and recovered the body, brought it back and buried it in the shrine of Altum. But &?rat Dhnyiil retired, in safety, to Dahbid near Bammqand, where the tomb of M a b - dfim-i-A'gam was. After a dream in which his ancestor foretold the future greatness of his line and consoled him saying :-" Every grief lies between two joys," he went to Qbjand. Here he married, and a son, Ya'qilb, was born to him. His religious instiuctor gave him the title of " a w h j a Jahiin," saying : " ECU will bocome a Jahiingir [ conqueror 3 and raise again to dignity the line of the &viija."lQ

ti-anslnted by Profossor Senkowski. Among other nmbnssadorn who arrived a t the court of Subbin Quly, D i n of Bu&iri , i n the year 1102 H. or 1693, was one "sent by Mulpmmad Amio, D i n of Xi&&nr. His miusion was to ropresent to the W i n that the infidel Ki~&iz, hnving taken possension of the country, Mubnmmad Amin had plnred himself under the protection of Subbiu Quly, had said the &hulba and struck tho coin in his name and implored his assistnt~ce." The result of the miseion is not reoorded. ( S u p p l h e n t B 1' Histoire des Turks, etc., 1824, p. 67.)

'8 Tops kent means "nine villages," Mr. Shnw names them as follows :- Pialma, Quma, Znngoya, Chodar, Sanju, Boria, Dawn, Korhtak and Ui-Tughrak. They nll lie to the south nnd south-east of YLrkand.

19 Here Mr. Slmw notes :-g1 Another eooount eays thnt AfLq inveigled the youug n'akqdfim-ZBdae Ilmvay from Kashmir nnd slew one of them-Ai-gwi ja (i.e., Bu'aib) -at Snnjli and lnurdrred many Ilnndreds of their adherents. Afternnrda ho himself n m t nnd incrensed the pile of fnel in hell, while his wife, clurnnnied the "Butcher Q u ~ e n " (JallLd B i n a m ) , ea~ried on his l ~ ] ~ ~ d ~ policy. The devotees (Diwcina) becawe

EPITOVE OF THE MEMOIRS OF TEE K_RBJAB. 39. -

To Bfiiq were born two sons: Mahdi &wBja and Hasan a T g j 8 , He rc~ented of having taken the countly by the help of the infidel 1 Qahiiqs, but said that he could now hold u p his head again on account of the of this Mahdi L h ~ h i a . ~ ~ Afhq prese~t ly died and v a s I

buried in the shrine called by his name.01 His widow DBnarn Piidslhh i remained at Ykrqand with her son, who was then five years old ; while Ya$yB governed at Kii&figl?ar.

I The Queen shortly afterwards went to pray a t the shrine of her late husband. Yahyii's councillors represented to him that a woman was l

nnable to hold the reins of goveinment ; the K i r & i on one side, and the Qalmiiqs on the other, were formidable enemies : he should unite Yiiraand

l to his own government and become =inLn. H e objected that he wonid be accused of injuring his father's widow, out of ambition ; but one of the councillors said :-"Modesty is out of place in affairs of state ; by means of modesty the country may be ruined." The wife of a coullcillor reported thia matter to the Queen, on which a quarrel took place.

The Queen returned to YPqand and made her son Mahdi King there. After six months, this son's adherants murdered YahyB a i i n . H e left three sons, two of whom were killed ; while the third, a w h j a Ahmad, was hidden away in a cave in tho mountains. The Governor of Kh&&m was Zaid Beg, and he also was killed ; but some time afterwards a w h j e Abmad was put on the throne. Much bloodshed ensued from which the Queen earned the name of " Jalliid Qhnarn "-the executioner, or butcher, Queen. She herself was also murdered six months after the death of YabyE.

After this A k b a d a ~ n , the brother of Muhammad Amin, came to Ybqand and slew a thousand fanatics (diwha). He put his son, SultLn A-di man, on the throne of K%&&mg2 and married the widow of

in their wildness, and finally AlibaG a % n cnme nnd took Yirqand and restored order. He seized a thousnnd Diwcinas and, a t the Kaba-(?hatku gt~te, (the Aksu gate) cut their thronte and made a mill go with their blood."

30 hIahdi was son of Afiq by his w i f e Q ~ i n a m PM&ih, the younger sister of JamAl. But Hasan, according to Mubammnd &diq was g~tlndson of Afiq-not non. He was son of Mahdi, as marked in the geiwalogiral table.

31 This was in 1106 H. or 1693 A. D. Mubarnmad $idiqJs atatement on thia point is quite different. He writes:-

"the people of l<i&&sr brought a w i j a Llpnad from the oave in the hills and made him their D i n . " This Abmnd, as we have seen, was son of l'ahyi and was a a O j a . The name of Rullcin AernndZ doee not oocur in Mubammad sbdiq's text. Tf he wore a son of AltbaG, he would have been of the line of Mo&ol B i n s and not n m d j a ; and there is no mention in the text of any son of Akbes_h. My impl.ession is that the Epitome is in error on thie point, and that m w c i j a Ahmad rhould be the roading, without mention of any relationship to Akbns,h.

40 HIBTORY OF TEE K@JAB OF EABTBRN TURKISTAN. . L

Yahyi. Akba& B B n then retired with the remainder of B f ~ k ' s family to India,QB having &at sent for D ~ n y e l ?$h?ija from a b j a n d , stating that his ancestors had always been disciples of DBnyBl's ancestors. D&ny&l set out and was well received by the Kirgbiz. The KB&&ar people, however, held out for their own religious leaders ; so the Kh.&iz took him on to Y&~*qand, where he was accepted as spiritual Chid.

At KBsb&ar, mw8ja Ahmad was the nominal =in, but the red rulers were some Kir&5 Chiefs who carried on a seiies of raids against the inhabitants of Yiirqand. Not having any King of their own, the Ybqend people brought in a KazBk a B n , called HZieBim Sultf~n, to reign over and defend them. I n one of their raids, the K i ~ a i z approached the town. Hiidim, though taken unawares, sallied forth, slew one of the leaders and dispersed the rest. Next day the Kirghiz began to treat for the surrender of their chief, thinking he was still alive, but a prisoner; and they promised to give up three hundred Yhqand prisoners in exchange for him. The Yhqandis, in order to secure this advantage, dressed up the dead man and set him on a horse, tied to a plank. The Kir&iz saw him from a distance and said to one another :-LL He hangs down his head : he is ashamed at having fallen into the hands of the Sart0.B' The deceit was successful, for the Yiirqandi prisoners had been given up, and the dead body of their chief was all that the Kirghiz got. After this lesson they ceased their attacks on Yitrqand.

I n consequence of the intrigaes of the devottes of DEnyBl Hi%&im, the KazBk Chief retired from the government of Yhqand and returned,'to his own country, on which DHnyBl became rnler of Ykqand for several years.

Whereas the QalmBqs of Ila had been attacked by Ha& AfBq and Mubarnmad Amin, the king of Yhqand, they had preserved a desire for revenge, but were prevented from taking it by troubles of their own. Now, at last, they found an opportunity, in the confusion reigning among the MnsnlmBns, and with a large army they marched to KB&&ar and thence, without stopping, to YBrqand. QwEja Dibyhl finding himself too weak to resist, accepted the rule of the infidels; and they,

98 Here npain there is a discrepancy. The nnthor'a tezt makes W w i j a Mahdi, and not Akbns_h W i n , retire to India. Both in this case nnd that of the note ahnve Mr. Shaw seems to bave followed a' the other book!' Akba& wns obviously a t YBrqand throughout these eventq and Mubammnd @diq mnkes Mahdi take leave of him before setting out for India.

The Savts are the cultivntors and townumen of the lowlnnds, as dist,inguished from the Nomads of the hill regions; the word has no ethnographic menning.

s"ulp~mmnd QBdiq adds tha t g h r i j a Abmnd remained at l r i n Kaburfia, on the frontier of lln, for deven years. 'lhe I r i n Kaburfia district is in the range of hills forming the northflrn shed of tbe valley of the river KBsh - n tributary of the lli. The dnte of theso events crin be traced, tbrough Chinese accounts of the Qnlmiqs, to about the yenr 1713, if our author's indication of '' seven Sears " is to be accepted. Bee the next note below.

' Perhaps n better spelling would be Kuirng Tui&i. I t was the title of the highest rnnk nmong the Qalmlqs and stood for ' I SultBn" or King. Sir B. Howorth, quoting Pallas, s a p the meaning of the words is '' Swan.like Prince " (1, p. 617-11). The Kuirng Tai&i in the present instance was the famous Tse Wang Rnbtnn, nnd the date about 1720, for the nuthor tells us, lower down, that the restoration of Dinyi1 to the government of Eastern Turkistln took place seven years previous toTse wang *

Habtnn's d e ~ t h , an event which is known, from Chinese sources, to have happe~~ed in 1727 (see also p. PO of the introduction, above).

EpIlOME OF 'CHE MEJIOIRB OF THE KJIZJJAS. 41 j l ' l

taking him with them, now attacked K k b d ~ which, after a shod resist- 1

ance, surrendered. D ~ n y ~ l advised the Qalmhqs not to offend the religions ( i feelings of the country by slaying any of the Qbjas. They approved of this counsel and merely imprisoned Abmad ?LbwBja (son of Y+B). Ruler of Kii&&ar, and put on a well-wisher of their own in his place ; but they afterwards carried both Ahmad and Ebwfi.j,je, Dbyfi.1 to Ila. Here the Chiefs treated DHnyB1 with great respect, but sent ~ h m a d to one of their frontier stations, called IrBn Kaburgha

1 When Mubarnmad Amin had ~lnndered Ih, he had captured thirty

'I I l l

thousand people of the country, and from among them had bestowed a Chief's daughter on DLnyBl, who had conFeded her to Iskm and manied her. On the QnlmBqs taking Yitrqand and KBsi&ar, they had released their compatriots, and DLnyhl's wife, then enceinte, was given to a Qalmfiq

1 ,

'l1 11 I I

Chief, who, however, had no intercourse with her, until her child by DHnyitl I' was born. The child was a son, whom his mother swaddled in fine clothes 1 !l1

l I and devoted herself to. He was brought up, till the age of seven, in all tho learning of the Qalmltqs, without its being known, publicly, that he ) i I wns tho child of a MnsulmHn.

The mother, at last, found an opportunity to inform QwBja DZnyfil of the fact, by means of a letter sent through a MusulmBn merchant. He appealed to the chief of the QalmBqs, who sent a man of his own and a disciple of the a b j a s to enquire into the matter. The woman stood to

l I I i i ? I ill

lil her declaration, but her new husband denied it and would not show the child, telling him that the MnsnlmBns would eat him. Finally a11 the parties were bronght to the court of the chief of the Qalmhqs. Tho husband fell at the feet of the Kongt6ji (the chief) who was a relative of his, appealing to him not to deprive him of his only child, for the sake of the MuwlmBns.

42 HIBTORY OF THE KJ?&TAS OF EASTERN T G R K I S T ~ N .

The Eongtdji appointed a day when the Musulmins attended, dressed in their turbans, etc., and the plincipal Qdmiqs in their own costume, The suppositious father had warned his child against the "turbaned race," telling him not to go near them, lest they should eat him, and instruct- ing him to come and sit on his (the Qalmiq's) lap. When the two parties were drawn UP and the child set in thek midst, the Eo,zgtfiji said :-" Oh child ! Which of these two dost thou recognise as thy father 3" The boy turned his face towards his Qalmiq father, but when he got close to him, he uttered a sudden cry and ran and fell unconscious into the arms of his real father D ~ n y i l . The whole assembly was affected at tho sight, and the Kongtiiji, weeping, said :-" Oh Kbwija I The child is yours of right. I give you also the rule over four cities." Thus saying, he dismissed him to his government. DBnyBl gave thanks to God, and leaving his elder son m w i j a J a h h (Ya'qab) at the court of the Kongtiiji, set out for YBrqand. H e clothed his newly found child as a Mumlmin and gave a feast with much rejoicing, bestowing on the child the name of Yfisuf a w i j a ,

.On arriving at YLqand, DEnyB1 waR accepted, with joy, as ruler of that city and province and also of Kii&&ar, Aksu and ?&butan, as had been ordered by the Kongtiiji of the Qalmiqs. The yearly sum of 100,000 tangas %?agreed upon by Hazrnt Afiq, as tribute to the Qal- m ~ s , ' continued to be paid by D6nyL1, and thus seven years elapsed.

The Kongtiiiji had a daughter whom he was about to marry to the son of the Chief of the Turgnt tribe of Qalmiqs. A11 the Governors of tho seven cities (of Eastern TurkistEn) with m w i j a Diinyil a t their heed, were bidden to the wedding, and went. He demanded from them, as a wedding contribution, Indian valuables, such as pearls, jewels, etc. ; but they had none suitable. The Kongtiiiji becamo angry and threatened them with death. They all fell at the feet of Wwiija DEnyil and implored his assistance ; they also held a solemn night of prayer, in the course of which news was brought that the Kongtiiji was dead, and that his son Galdan Jirin $8 had become the chief. On enquiring, they found that one of the old Eongtaji'6 wives, for the sake of raising her own son to the throne, had poisoned her husband. The people sought to take Galdan Jirin's WO, but he heard of the plot, and taking counsel with other chiefs, slew his stepmother and her son, God turned his infidel heart, so that heallowed all the captive Musulmins to return to their homes. Diinyil was also sent home and was confirmed in the government of the four cities. H e had to - P-

aq Mubumwad Siliiq speaks of this sum as one tungu per head of the popule- the.

as T ~ L i s Boldan Chiring. He ancceeded in 1727.

EPITOME OF THE MEMOIRS OY THE .KJ~~JAB. 48 p-

content himself with the income from his ancestral lands and to give all the other revenues of the country to the Qalmiqs.

At last DiinyBl fell ill, and when about to die, made his tl-ill. After entrusting to his eldest son, B w i j a Jahin, the affairs of the faith, he told him that ho himself rras dying without having been able to attain the wish of his heart, which vras independence of the infidels, but that perhaps God might grant the accomplishment of the desire to him. Then he expired and m-as buried in the Altun Maziir.

DBny&l left several wives and five sons, uC., 1, B w k j a JaEin (named Ydqab) ; 2, lQw&ja yasuf ; 3, I(htl-&a Ayyiib ; 4, lQw&ja Nigimu-d-Din (called &imbsfi I(hwija) ; and 5, m w & j a Abdu-llkh. By order of the Chief of the &alm&qs, Ygrqand was allotted to Jahkn ; Kisk&ar to Yiisuf ; Aksu to W&rnb& 80 and B u t a n to Abdu-llh. They all regarded LLwiija Jahiin in the light of their father.

Now the line of Wwlija JahZin was as follows- Kamilu-d-Din (a descendant of ImBm Husain in the 15th generation). =

Burhinu-d-Din Kilio.

Jalilu-d-Din.

M&d~m-i-&am.

Ishiq Wali.

Bwi i j a Chidi. W w i j a 'Ubaidu-116. W w i j a DBnyil. a w i j a JahBn (Ydqfib).

His apostolic succession (or the descent in the spiritual grace of saint- ship) was manifested by many miracles.

H e was one day complaining of the mutual rivalries and enmities of the holy men of his timee, and enquired whether the same was the case in former days, when the following story was told him:-

" I n the time of Abdu-llh, there were two holy men, between whom no cloud had ever arisen. The a i i n , to try them, took them out hunting with him. Taking an opportunity when he Was alone with one of thom, he asked him :--l How is it that your horse is so lively and that of your friend is so slow?' The saint replied :-' Because my friend is such a great saint, that his horse, out of reverence and respect, moves gently and sedately ; whoreas my horse, knowing what a sinner he bears on his back, .

'0 Mr. Slraw notes :- *' On the title deeds of a Mazir, he is found to be rrigning in 1148 A . D. " (1736-36'A. D.)

'O In Muhalnnlad FiJiq's MS., Ayyrib is eeid to lmvc been appointed to Aksu.

44 HISTORY OF TEE ~ ~ 0 s - 4 s O B E \ S T R ~ ~ S - T O R K I S T ~ ~ N ,

dances about and tries to shake him off'.' Presently the B B n asked the

same question, privately, of the other, who replied : 'My h.orse is oppressed by the load of sins which he carries inmy person, whel,eaa my friend's sanctity is 80, great that his horse, desiriug to fly to the heevens with him, continues to spring up from the earth in his endeavour to do so.' "

Yiisnf's youngest brother was Abdu-1k.h who had four sons :-

l, Qamsu-d-Din ; 2, YabyB ; 3, Ahmad ; 4 'Abi2. Abdu-118h lived a t Aksu and when his brother, I&mdsb, died Pel%e,

he gave over his own government of a u t a u to his son SJhamsu-d-Din. He himself also died at Akm; after which &hamw-d-Din and Yoby& obtained m u t a n .

Y i i d went to Ila.al He found the QJmhqs in tronble among themselves and concluded that the longed for opportunity to strike for independence was come. He took counsel with m u & Kipak Beg, the Qov. ornor of Kii&&ar, who was also at Ila and sent him back to K&&&ar to fortify the city and prepare for war, telling the Qalmiiqs that this was done as a precaution ag~inst irruptions, But he sent a letter to Umar MirzB, the Chief of the Kirghiz-KipchBks, living in the Ila district, and planned an insurrection in concert with them. Ho could not obtain leave from his Qalmiiq masters to return to Kii&&ar; so he resorted to artifice. He sent off a servant with orders to go a few days' march and then come back in haste bearing a prepared letter, which reported that the Kir&h had attacked Kii&&ar, and that Yiisuf's presence was required. The Qalmiiqs at first docided to send an army, but being themselves in difficulties, they were finally compelled to give up this idea, and to depute Yiisuf. He pretended unreadiness and offered to send his sons instead, saying that if they failed, he would go himself. In this way he hoped to release his sons.ae His proposal was agreed to, but, according to a pre- arranged plan, the sons sent back word that the task was beyond them,

a1 In Muba~nmad Sidiq'a text it is anid that Yiisuf used frequently to pay visit8 to Ila, bin chief object beingy " to obtain an insight into the nffnirs of the infitIels. He was waiting for a distul bnnce to take place nlnong them that hu might seize ttle opportunity to use the remorseleas aword of lalbn . . . . . 011 one occasion he found that the Tura (Chief) of the Qalmiqs had been changed, and that dissension and diaturbence prevailed among them. " Baldan Chi~ing's death occurred in 1746, nnti gave rise to several years of disturbances among the Qalmiiqs, as has beell melltioned in the Introduction. l'heoccaeim of Yiisuf's visit, here alluded to in the Epitome, was apparently at the time ahen Ta-wa-tze had just become Chief, ( v i e , 1764) or shortly previoua to it, perhaps about 1763.

8"he lest of hn!wmmad Q& liq mentions olJg 0110 ron i n connertio~~ with this incident, and names him- Q w i j a Bhdu-llih.

Z P I T O ~ ~ OF I 'YE MEMOIRB OF THE R > ~ J A I . . . 45

aud that their father's presence was necegsasy. This device succeeded, and Yiisuf fd50 started for Kfi&&ar. He had made one march on this (south! side of the Muzart Pass, when h6 was met by the ~ ~ v e l ~ o ~ ~ f Uch, named a w ~ j a Si Beg, who congratulated him, saying that now he was come, IslBm wonld gain ground. Yiisuf put off this interpreta- tion of his proceedings, but advised the Governor not to go on to Ila. This confirmed the latter in his suspicions of Yasuf's intentions, and he continued on his wny to Ila. Yiisuf fearing treachery from this circumstance hastoned on to Aksu ani-K&&&ar.

The Governor of Uch, on his side, pushed on to Ila, and warned the QalmBq Chief, DBbiji, that Yiisuf's object was rebellion. They sent three hundred men in pursuit of Yiisuf, but they were too late. Finding this to be the case, they despatched a messenger to him, saying,-" The Turas of the Qalmeqs summon you to their assistance. Amnrsana i~ advancing against them with a lmge army." Yiisuf, on the arrival of this messenger, professed illness as an excuse for not complying. =udB Y&r Was I&lrl&a S4 of Ki&&ar and held by the Qalmhqs ; while another adherent of theirs fortified himself at A~tush, and sent to urge m u d 8 Yiir to revolt against Yiisuf. He forged a letter from the Qalmiiqs in which they were mnde to say that a, large expedition was advancing rrgainst them from China ; it also contained an order to the I&kB&ct and his adherents to seize and kill Yiisuf, saying that if their own dominion continued, this would be considered good servico ; and if the Chinese pmvailed, they wonld certainly reward it. The other Begs, however, wonld not join the I&kB&a in this conspiracy, and the messengers took the letter at night to Yiisuf, who armed all his people and remained on his guard. The I&kB&a perceived that the conspiracy was discovorcd a,nd shut himself up in his house. Yiisnf then appointed ten Kipc l~~ks and commanded them thus:-" When I s y , twice over, Tamaku sal (fill up the tobacco), seize and imprison B u d s YBr " The latter, however, kept away for some dpys, but had a t last to attend the Chief's Court. Yiisnf began reproaching him and then gave the signal. A certain Kipcbhk seized B u d & Y P with one hand, and, lifting him np like an apple, forced him, crying out for mercy, down the stops. Yiisuf re-assured

the other Begs, telling them that they and even WudB YBr's children, had nothing to fear. He then ordered a certain man to enquire how mudB Y k was imprisoned. This man, whether he was a partner in the conspiracy and feared detection, or whether he did not hear the order

aa Alen written U& 1'1 e place illtended is Ush I'urfPll.

Lit t.rallj Lord of the g d e . A kind of 11111yor or town.Ma&trnte.

8' Yr. Shaw notes here :- " Another accormt s a p he ahowed m u d B Y i r his owu letter, and asked him what puninhment he was worthy of, who thus conspirod against his own KJdja. The ol.irninal replied : ' death,' upon wl~ich YusuP gave ordcrs for his execution." 3

46 HISTORY OF THE K ~ ~ J A S OF EASTERN TURKISTAN.

distinctly, conveyed to the Kipchiiks an order to slay a n d 8 Y k immediately, which they did.36

A force was sent against the rebels at Artiish, who, after filing a few shots, fled to Aksu, by Tay of Kalta Yailiik and Kalpin. At Aksu they consulted with Bbdu-l-Wahhiib, the Governor, and wrote to inform the Qalmiq Chiefs of the events that had occurred, saying that unless troops were despatched at once, they must r a s h their hands of Kii&&ar, Ybqand and B u t a n . The children of the slain I&ki&a also appealed for ven. geance. The Qalmiiqs consulted about sending an army, but refrained on account of Amursana being known to have gone to the Court of Wiikin (the Emperor of China) and because an attack from that side might be expected. They determined, however, on despatching an Embassy.

Some time before this, the Kipchik-Kirghiz, who were passing the summer on the Ila pastures, being instructed by Yiisnf, came down to Knchiir and thence went on to m u t a n . The Qalmiiq envoy, therefore, was sent under the pretext of bringing back this tribe. Now the Qalmiiq Government was in a state of disorder-ruler succeeding ruler, as each obtained the power. The envoy, Mudarji, was nominally deputed to Yiisuf, but he had letters to the Chiefs of Kii&&ar and other places, appealing, to them to sieze Yiisuf and send him to Ile. He set out with three hundred horsemen in armour, and took the road v id Aksn and Ush Tnrfiin. Yiisnf sent e man to find out their intentions and received a report that they were adverse. He made warlike preparations, so that when the Qalmiiqs, arrived they found everything ready for war, and armoured men every- where on guard. The attendants were detained at the doors and only five chief men were allowed to penetrate into the presence of Yiisuf. He treated them well and dismissed them to their quarters, telling his people that, although they were Kifirs, still they must be considered in the light of guests.

When they reached their quarters, they sent for a n & KipEk, Governor of KiisJ&ar, and showed him their letters with the red (royal) seal. He repelled their attempts to corrupt his loyalty. He also dissuaded them from their mission, warning them that they would fail. The Governors of Be& Karam and Faiziibad were, however, won over; they told the Qalmiqs that without them their country wouldfall a prey to the Kir&iz. They said it was easy to seize the W6ja of Yfwqand, who was a simple Musnlmin, but Yiisuf was a sagacious ohief whom it was not easy to

EPITONE OF THE MEMOIRB OF THE KJ~JAB. 47

beguile. Accordingly, they planned to bring him over to their own quarters on the plea of an interview, there to shy him and show his body to the people. This plot became known to Yiisuf, who, when invited according to previous arrangement, went accompanied by a sufficient guard. Seeing this, the schemers gave up their intention against his life, as impl.acticable. Finding all their plots unavailing, they took leave and went to Yirqand.

Yiisnf, however, sent to warn =W+ Jahiin of Yiirqand against them, and to bid him remain day a%d night on his guard. The envoys saw that all the Wbja brothem were on the alert, so they contented themselves with inviting Jahin to go to Ila and visit their chief. He excused himself. After a time, with the assistance of mizi Beg, Governor of YStrqand, they succeeded in inveigling him to their drelling, nnder the pretence that the chief envoy was dangerously ill and desirous of speaking to him. When he came in, they seized him and closed their doors. Some of his officers, who were outside, gave the alarm, and the palace was made safe and guarded. Some of the E 6 j a s fled towards B u t a n , while a messenger was despatched to Ki&&ar to inform Yfisnf. The Qalmiiqs and their adherents went in pursuit of Rhwija SBdiq as far as the river Za&&iin,B6 but he escaped and got to =u!:an. He seized Ehiizi Beg's a7 house and family at Qntan, sending off only one of the servants to tell C h ~ z i Beg that he was coming, that the Beg should prepare for war, but that if he hurt a hair of =wiija Jahin's head, he (Siidiq) would destroy all his family to the seventieth generation. He then raised a force of some 6,000 or 7,000 men from among the Kipchiks who had established themselves at &tan, and from the inhabitants of the country.

Yasnf, on being made aware of what had happened, shut up the messengers and made it publicly known that an army of K i r h i z was corn- ing to attack the town. By this means he induced the people to raise considerable force, and, at the same time, sent to warn @Bzi Beg, under a threat of retaliation, not to injure Khwija Jahin. The messengers bearing this letter presented themselves before Ehizi Beg and the Q a l m ~ ~ s . A report spread that Yiisuf was coming with a force of 10,000 men, and was assembling the Kir&iz tribes nnder his standard.

Letters of reproach also came from other Mnsulmins to ah iz i Beg. He began to repent of his conduct and made an attempt to restore himself ,

to favour, in case of accidents, by causing his own men to dress as Qal- miiqs, and feign an attempt on the life of B w i j a Jahiin, their prisoner, when he himself' came in and pretended to save him at the peril of his own

80 The Yirqand river. 87 @&zi Beg was the flovernor of the town of YBrkand and hnd treacheroullr

helped t,he QalmLqs to seize the Qojlr. Muhnmmnd [jidiq says of him God hlld made @iz i Hcg a ~coundrel from the day of his birth."

48 HISTOI~T OF THE E_H~JAB OF EASTERN TURKISTIN.

life. His sons, the ecbme night, sent in two words to their father, so that he might defend his own room until succour should reach him, if assault were made on the house.

Yiisuf despatched 500 men to Bircuk to intercope the Qalmaqs, should they attempt to make off to Ila with their prisoner. The Kh.aiz also assembled at the call of Yiisuf.

Chiizi Beg, becoming alalmed at these theatened attacks, released the imprisoned a ~ i j a Jahfin and, obtaining his pardon, prevailed on him to send off members of his family to stop the armies of B u t a n and The latter force returned, but a w i j a sildiq, who was met on the way from a n t a n , refbed to believe the messengers and pressed on to Yiirqand where he found J&in released and sitting on the throne. He rewtlrded his soldiers and allowed them to go h c k to Bu t an . Yiisuf, however, formed the idea of attacking Ila and solicited help from Andijin and the Kir&iz.

A wife of Yiisuf had remained at Aksu. gbdu-l-Wahh~b Beg, a Chiof of Aksu, who had not submitted to Yiisuf, showed enmity to this wifa, but she was released and sent to Kii&ghar by an I&ki&a.

Yiisuf, falling ill, took leave of his family and started for Yiirqand, by way of Yapur&i. The people of Yirqand came out to .meet him with a horse litter [ t a u t - i - r u w ~ l z ] , but he refused to sit in it, and entered the city on horseback. Here he remained for three months, holding intercourse with all the principal people.

At this time Diibiji (Ta-wa-tee) was ruler of the Qalmaqs at Ila, but their country was much disturbed. Amursana was a claimant of the chiofship, but being unable to obtain it by his own strength, he went to the Emperor of China ( a a q ~ ~ ) , begged for an army and agreed to pay tlibute, As~istance was granted him. DfibUi fled with a small following, and finally, finding no other refuge, betook himself to Ush (Turfin), while Amnrsana ruled at Ila. The Governor of Ush, who was not subject to the =6ja of Kish&ar, invited him into the town, but seized him as soon as he ente~~ed, and sent him to Ila, whence he was conveyed n prisoner to Chioa.aB There, however, he was treated with honour and hi^

as Tlris passage, which is one of the moat interesting in the book, from n historical point of view, is given by Mubnmmad Sidiq in greater detail, nnd IIIHY be trnnscribed here. Ha writes :- " The onuse of the disturba~ice in I l a was t l ~ i s :-@ildan Jiriu [G)nldan Chiring] was dead and bin son Achan succeeded him when only twelve

of age. Being so young, he 3vas not heeded by the infidels. H e occlrpied hjUnself only in tunusemeots with dogs, ill h ~ ~ w k i n g and cock-flgbting. B e cnrried off Qalmiq wolneu a d oftoo oornuittod [utherl sins. Tlre a f f~~i r s of hid couutry fell iuto disorder.

<

EPIYQME OF TEE UXYOIRS OF TEE F ~ I [ ~ J A B , 49 l

l

descendants dweil in, China to this day 80. 1 Amuraana, having h l y established his authority by the help of the

Ohinese at Ila, planned t h ~ conquest of the three cities of Ki&&ar, Yhrqand and a n t a n . But the Qalm~qs were in a depressed state, and the Ohinese army, having cOme from afar, was weary, so that the despatch of a sufficient force was thought di£Ecult. gbdu-l-W&hiib, the Governor of Aksn and a partisan of the Qalmiiqs, advised the following plan. There happened to be two members of the a b j a family at Ila. Let one of

" Achan had a sister, called @ul i~u BiB, who co~~spired with a Qalmiq named Tamgu Jar&il, to imprison Achan and for Tnmgu Jarg_hBl to be made Tura. Achau was mnde aware of the plot, whereupon be seized his sister and her accomplice, pnt out their eyes, and threw them into prison. Galdan Chirin had a concubine by whom he had a son named Lima l'iji. Having heard the news of @slim BiPs capture, Lima Tij icame with a large force. On hearing of this, Achan, out of fear, took to flight, but Lima T i j i puraued him, seized him, and established himself ae Tura. H e then put out Achan's eyes and drove him into the streets where he died.

" A ehort time nfter this, Amursana and Dibiji, who were nephews of Galdan Chirin and belonged to the Tura's family, heard of Achan's death and claimed their right t o succeed as Tura. They collected an army and moved forwnrd. Lima T i j i was ullaware of their schemes, and when he heard tha t they were coming, rhut himself up and was unable to move out from fright, Amursana's soldiers entered his teut (Akoi) and killed him. They took many captives and plundered the oountry, while Diibiji established himself as Tura, but Amursana claimed the Turaehip for himself and disputed i t with Diihiiji. H e failed, however, in his objeot and went with 600 Qrrl~niqs towarde B a t i (Ohina) and thence arrived a t Bijin (Pekin). He asked the gbiin (of g a t & ) for nn army. The B i n entertained him with kiudness and gnve him a thousand troops under the command of a Jang J u n g [Chiang Chiin]. This forou nccompnnied him on his [return] march. Dih i j i was not free from tbe few of Amuraana. For this reneon the Qalmiqs were unable to send troops to prevent Kiri&&ar being plundered . . . ."

Further on in the book the author continues on the enme ~ubjech thus :- When D i b i j i had become established a s Tura, Amursana went before the =@in Emperor of China and asked for a large army. H e made a promise to take and deliver over YPrqand and Kl&&ar. From of old the infidels of China had a qunrrel with the Qalmbqs, but no fnvourahle opportunity had presented itself (for action). When DBbfiji heard of Amursann's npproaoh witb an immense army his limbs trembled, because there wss much confuaion and dissension in tbe country. Not being strong enough to oppose the Chinese he wascompelled to take flight and went forth with 800 brave horsemen of his own kiudred, but Bnding no means of escape in any (other) direction he t ~ w e l l e d on till be came to the pass of Uoh . . . ." Thence he went on t o the town of Uch, (i.e. Ueh Turfin) where, for a time, he made himself secure, but the author continues :- " Now, since DHbHji had fled from lln, the throne of sovereign:y had remained vacant, so Amursana came and occupied it. D w i j a Si Beg (Governor of Uch) took Dibi j i prisoner and gnve him up to Amursana. The latter was $ r q t l s pleased and sent Dib i j i under escort of an army, to the G i q i n of Chinn." - ' Dibqi, or Ta-wa-tatl, llad ouly one son, named Lob-Tsang, who died a t Pekin

E

50 HISTORY OF THE K$JAB OF EASTERN TURKISTAN.

them, he said, be deputed together -&h an envoy, to KL&&ar, and let it be Poolaimed that he has been appointed ruler of the province by the Emperor of China.

Now a w g j a (son of Wwhja Afiiq) had left a son named Wwiija &mad, who had two sons: 1, Bmhiinu-d-Din, and 2, K&n B b j a . Burhiin Tvas sent with an embmsy, accompanied by a force of Chinese, Qslmiiqs and hillmen. He was received with joy by the people of Aksn, and took possession of Ush. But the inhabitants of Ush advised an arrangement by which Yiisuf shonld be l e e in possession of KL@&ar, as it was -reported that all the Kir&iz, a s well as the people, pf W u t a n asd YPqand, wore assembled for the defence of Kii&&ar.

When Yii~uf heard the news from Ila, he was lying ill at f hqand. He took counsel with his advQers, and it was recommended that he should not wait to bg ettacked in Kii&&ar, but should carry the war into the enemy's country, Bsh and Aksu. But Yg9uf did not approve of thus in- qiting an attack on himself, in case his army should be defeateg, and the Kirghiz allies were not to be trusted. B~wever, the'ge~eral opinion was too strong for him, and a force was despatched from Yh-hnd, without Yusnf's knowledge or consent, under command of his brother Wwiija Yabyii. The K i r a i z joined the army a t Yangi Big&, and the Governor of that place, who w+s ?nspected of complicity tvith the Qalmqs, wae m,+de priyoner, and taken on to K&&&= ; wheice the f ~ r c e proceeded, by way of &ush to Ush. a w i i j a Yfisnf died typ days after his ?,my had lefb Yhrqand,

Wwiija J&h, who succeeded Yiisuf, did not approve of this expedition and wanted to recap it. Bnt his Chiefs represented that, having started, it was best that it should go on, lest the enemy should perceive dissensions among them. By his order W ~ i i j a Abdu-lla, son of yiisnf, vas mage q l e r of KB&&ar. He co!&&ed a contingent of froops from his provinco and sent it after yabyii, whom it o&tQok at Besh Karam. The nnited forces hhm marched by Akshai and Kakshal, to Ush. The invading Wwiija Burhiin was amwing himself whon news of the approach of this expedition reached him. He Was taken by surprise, but ordered his, troops 60 be +led together.

Yabyii sent yn embassy to Ush. On being inigduced to the presence of Dwiija Burhiin, they were scandalised at his dress and manners, which resembled those of the Qnlmiiqs and Chinese. Wibh him wewe the Gov- ernors of Aksu, Ush, Knchiir, Sairiim, Dolan and a Kir&iz Chief. There were also 400 Chinese troops under T m G D&n, and 1,000 Qalmtiqe

immediately after his father, and while still a child. This would have been some twelve or thirtees years prgvious to the date of Mubarnmad @idi$s book, and consequently, i t might be thought, within his recollection, *

EPITOME OF THE MEYOIRB OF THE FlIiJJAfl 51

nnder DBn Jin-JingjO After reading the letter from the Chiefs of the K&&&ar m y , exhorting him to join the side of IslBm, he began to mock the feeble intelligence of the Isbhqi W6jas. He then recounted the deeds and power of his supporters, Amnrsana and the a ~ q i i n , who had appoinfed him Ruler of the conntiy, and he recommended the W ~ j a s to sue for pardon. His words and threats won over the emisss ries, who reflected that Yiisuf was now dead. TWO of them stayed at lJsh and the other two returned to their own army, after maEng a ~1.0.

mise to take the ~ i d e of the invaders. On reaching the camp of Y+yii, they spoke in exaggerated terms of

the strength of the enemy. Yaby6 professed his readiness to die in dofence of the faith, and said :-" We looked upon a w % j a Burhiin m our brother, and were anxious to deliver him from the hands of the infidels, but now that he has joined them to attack us, we will resist him to the dertth."

The troops prepared for war, but without much hope of success. They had before experienced the power of the Qalmiiqs, and now the power of the Chinese was added to it." 'When the fighting began, one portion after another of the Musnlmib ermy went over to the enemy. The remainder, finding their case hopeless, fled.

On their retnrn to Yiirqand, WwBja J&ihn was advised to seize the remainder of the Mnngi tribe of Kirdiz , who had been the fir- to go over to the enemy, An attempt wae made to take them prisoners, but half of them escaped and fen to plundering the country. Those who had been captured, moreover, succeeded by fair speeches in obtaining their release and joined their brethren in pillaging Ykqand territory.

The invaders then consulted and decided to go at once to Kii&ghar, as the Kir&iz were friendly and the defending army broken up. On arriving at the city some of their wpporters worked upon the KipchStk-Kirhiz guard at one of the gates, so that they agreed to let the rival W6jas fight out +he matter between themselves, withon6 nssisting either side. These were a body of Kipchsks who had fled in the days of Wwiija Dfiny~l from Ilta to Wnten. A eel-tah Abdnl Majid, a supporter of the invading Chiefe, stood on the bank of the Tnmiin river and cried out with a loud voice :-" Oh, my Princes ! There is no use now in delay. The master of this land has oome, now go ye forth !",

These am intended for Chinese names end titles. 5mmtai I can m ~ k e nothing of. DC& should rep$ Tarjpn, the ordinary title of ang,high offioial. Dan would probably be thesurname Tan or Taag; while the office Jir-Jiag is doubtless mmnt for ohiaag&i&q, or " genqral ".

4' It is e t this point that the MS. of Muhammad &dig and Mr. Shaw's printed text come to an end.

E 2

82 HISTORY OF THE Ks6JAS OF EASTERN TURKISTAN.

After oclin counsels, %iIja abdu-ll5h retired with his followers to Ygrqand, and B B n EMja, entered KB&&ar. He immediately prepared to follom up his success by advancing against YBrqand. He was accompanied by a numberless force of K%b&ai,, Aksu and Ush men and of K i r a z under Knbat Bi, to whom the government of K&&&ar had been promised as a reward for success.

BwBja JahBn, at YYhqand, pitched his tents outside the city and called an assembly of chief men of the place, to whom, after a feast, he made a speech recounting the time he had spent among them as their ruler, and entreating their pardon for any offence that he might have given by or deed. " Now," he added, " we hear that a descendant of Ha@ &hq has taken K6&&ar with the help of the Chinese, and it is probable that he will also seek to become master of Yhqand. As it is not fitting that I and my family should submit to the rule of the infidels, we will carry out our long-formed desire of visiting the holy cities." The chief men of YBrqand tried to dissuade him, saying that if he insisted on going, let him take them with him. Let him not throw them aside in this manner. They would not consent to accept the rule of the descendants of Afhq, but would fight them if they would not remain content with Kh&&m.

EbwBja JahBn was persuaded to stay, and entrusted the defence of the town to &h&d Beg, who had formerly betmyedhim. A force of 3,000 men went out from Yhqand, with orders not to attack their brother Musul- mina of Kh&gJar, unless the latter should strike the first blow. But when the cavalry of the two armies began to skirmish the Kh&&ruis . came on with, cries of " kait, kait " (turn back, turn back). Wwiija Jahhn was pleased when he heard the news of this, saying :-'l As they do not make ' All& ' thoir war-cry, we may fight them with a clear conscience. I t had long been on my mind that it would not be lawful to attack troops who met us with cries of ' All'ah,' " and he gave orders for tho advance.

The Y~rqandis fought so vigorously that the KB&&rui force m- treated a t6676 49 distance, and made their " s a l h s " in the direction of Yhqand. A second time the Yhqand troops came out to the attack, and again proved victorious. They were in possession of two European rifles (Frang Miltak) which could strike a mark at the distance of a tb@ : they had been the property of a w B j a Yiisuf. Qwhja BurhBnu-d-Din, the Afiqi, was standing on the Bai-Dubba (or Tippa), a mound about half a mile from the Masaara Darwbza (gate) on the east side of the .city. A shot from the European gun, fired from the gate, struck his standard-

m The tci$ is a measure of distance, equal to about four miles. It is the Persian rong or forso&

4

EPITOME OF THE ?dEMOIRs OF THE K-EOJAB. 53

bearer, who fell with the yak's tail standard (Tugh). After further fighting the KBs&&ar force retired again, and the Yhqand officers returned triumphant.

Now when the KL&&IW troops f h t set out, a deputation of YBrqandis had represented to BwBja Jahhn as follows :-" ?%hhja Burhhnu-d- Din, with the help of the Chinese and QalmLqs, has taken the whole country except Yhqand and a n t a n ; but Yhqand is, of all, the chief city of Mu&alisthn,n,4a and its inhabitants, as long as they have one mind, are capable of encountering thotie of the whole of the other cities put together. But we am doubtful of two men-ah8zi Beg and Nifiz Beg-who would not scruple to barter their faith for the things of this world. They should be imprisoned till these troubles are over, and should have no share in our arrangements. Afterwards they might be restored to their present dig- nities," But &bwi%ja Jahhn could, with diflicnlty, beinduced to agree even to such precautions as preventing them going out into the field, or sitting in the court (Urda) to give thoir orders.

To return : the invaders Gnding force of no avail, clent four envoye, two Chinese and two QalmBqs-and they were allowed to come into the presence of a w i i j a Jehltn, who sat on a high throne surrounded by his chiefs. They presented a letter which ran in the name, first of the a i i q ~ n , and secondly of Amursana, and in which the Yhrqandi leaders were reproached with their folly in withholding ,the tribute paid by their forefathers for many generations. Their error was a~cribed to DhbBji, the expelled Tnra of Ila. A11 the countries formerly in possession of tho QalmBqs had now fallen to the Chinese crown, of right. The had sent this embassy to invite them to obedience. If they happened to be victorione over it, he threatened that troops upon troops would come from China and shy down to tho very four-footed beasts ; and he conoluded by exhorting them to Lay down their arms, promising good terms and t l u ~ w - ing the responsibility of rejecting this offer on a w h j a J a h h . 6 4

The a w h j a , tore up the letter and burned it. He then replied, saying :-" a w i i j f i BurhSn is eating dirt. If he knows himself to be a

4s It ie curious to see this name npplied to Eastern 'hrkistin. At an enrlier date the to the north of the Tien Shan alone were known as Y u d a l i s t d n , because they

were those inhabited by the Mu&ale, or Mongols. Ewly in the 16th century, when a Mu&l =in conquered Eastern l'urkistin and made IiH&&r hia cnpitd, the l~alne of Yu&l i s tdn seems to have exteuded ovev the whole of bis dominions ; while our nuthor, two centuries later, applies it to Eastern Turkistiin only. Probably it was not a commonly used nume even in his time: now-a-days it is never heard for Easteru Turkietb.

This expedition to Yirqand is not mentioned in the menloirof I<ienlung on the conquest of tbe '' Eleuths " (ns translated by Amiot), but the Ictter, although it i~ not expressly said to have colno from the Emperor, hns the real Kienlul~g tone mbout it.

54 H~Pl"KU2 OF THE QaJAs OF EASTERN T U ~ I S T A B .

man, let him learn that others are lions. Our minds have no other desire than to wage a religious war." With this answer the envdys returned.

Afterwards, however, a council was held in Ykqand, when an envoy was despatched to Bnrhiinu-%Din, on the part of I(hw&ja JahBn, charged with an attempt to win him over to the side of IslBm and offer- ing, for the sake of religious peace, to give up the city to him and to go on pilgrimage. Otherwise even if the city walls were of paper, the weapons of defence needles, and the defenders women, still he would not be able to take it. I n reply Burhinu-d-Din said that a theological dis- quisition of this kind would not accomplish the work of soldiering : that ' the a & q & n and Amursana, who had sent him, wonld not accept such a sermon in lieu of obedience. " I am backed up, " he continued, "by these two great mountains and shall not fail to take Yerqand-if not today, then to-morrow. Where will it go to escape us?" With these words he dismissed the envoy.

With this envoy had come a follower of Ehlzi Beg, who entered into negotiations with the enemy, on behalf of his master, to betray the city, on condition of obtaining its government. He also opened communications with Nigz Beg. The latter possessed a garden close to the wall of the town, from which he began mining under the wall and throwing'the earth into an empty ice-house. It was winter, so no one visited the garden. He had progressed 8 fathoms, making in such a direction as to come out on the face of a bank below the wall on the outside. But among his servants there was one loyal man, and he a t last informed I(hwStja JahLn, who sent and found the mine as the man had said. Niez was put into confinement, but his property was not seized, nor was his family injured.

There was another man named Ashur Kozi, a Qalmiiq by birth, bnt much trusted by Wwi%ja JahBn. He entered into oommunication with the invaders on behalf of himself and NiLz, advising them to push forward, on a certain night, some 3,000 men ; while he wonld arrange to set fifty men a t work, with picks, to make a breach in the city wall. A11 was in readiness, but a son of Ashur Kozi reproached his father for his treacherg, saying that it was better to die righteously than to enjoy the empire of the world. Passing from words to blows, the father wounded him with his sword, and he fled and informed I(hw&ja JahLn, who at first refused to believe him. But, at his suggestion, the messenger of his father was seized and he confessed. Then Aahur was arrested, his house was searched, and the letter ,beazing the seal of EJwhja Burhtin was found.

Next day Ashnr was brought out before the people and his crime declared. He made a publio confession and acknowledged that deat:

was the penalty he had incurred. I(hwi3ja Abdu-ll&k intelXeded for him, saying that if he were killed, no son would, in future, reveal his father's conspiracies. Wwiija Jahen then proclaimed to the people that the son had begged for the father's life from him, and he (the a T h j a ) now begged it from the people. The assembly, however, replied that somebody's life was taken, the city would not be sde, so the messenger Was executed.

The enemy were ireatly dejected, be~iiuse these t*o bcheineb had failed ; and they were defeated daily in &e opea field.

Now m i z i Beg's station in the defence was from the hh,n*ka gate to the M a s b r a gate. It was reported to the Ww6ja that &hgziis spies were constantly coming and going, and a petition was hitnded in that he might be imprisoned. The Wwi%ja replied :-"It is of no use. Our destruction is decreed : it is only delayed, not averted." Ehiizi Beg then planned to procure a defeitt of the Yhqand ariny. The a w i i j a consented to an attack being made and the whole male population of Yhgdnd, from twelve years o$ age to seventy, was sent out. 'Some people siid that they numbered.as many as 40,060 as they sallied forth.

Burhgnu-d-Din's army retired before this mass. The ~ i r & z , Kubat Bi, the acoursed one, stood looking on. But Ehiizi Beg wis marshalling the Ykqand troops, when a small force rode at him; He hed with his standard, and the Ykqand men being taken with fright a t this defection, fled, and pressed on one another up to the gabe. Khw5ja Abdu-11& tried to get out of the city to stop the rout, but could not make his way through the crowd of fugitives. Ropes were then thrown over the wall and as many as possible were hken into the town ; the rest were ell slain by the enemy.

Aftek a few days of desprtir, the a 6 j a s and the chief people of Y6r- qand sallied forth with the intention of taking refuge in the mountains. Some on horses, some on camels, some riding two together on one horse, they set out and reached the 5arafaBn (the Ykqand river) ; but it was frozen so insufficiently as to be impassable on the ice, moreover night had set in. They turned aside to a place, abovei called Ka1.a-Pun-ta& and there began to cross. Then the Kir&z in the enemy's army discovered their movements and went after them.

Ehhzi Beg finding the peoplo had left hho town, bdat tho drum of rejoicing and sent oat to Qwii ja BurhLn who pushed forward 600 men to stop the fligw. This pasty, together with the Kir&iz, overtook the fugitives. Some of the latter eero tfembling with cold and wet, soine wore burdened with children in their arms; but none wore capable of showing fight, although thorc woro abbut a th~usand of them. Ono of

56 HISTORY OF THE JAB OF EASTERN T U R ~ I B T ~ N .

n w b j a J a h ~ n ' s wives gave birth to a child during the night and could not follow.

Wwhja Abdu-llith managed to collect a few men to check the pursuit, but it continued nevertheless till the afternoon of the next day. At the upper crossing of the river, the K i r d i z seized the passage and opened fire with their muskets. Bbdn-11B alone showed courage, but what was one against so many P The fugitives crowded into the river, so as to dam up the water, but again it broke through them sweeping many away with it. Bbdu-llhh saw the dead body of Yasnf Bwi%ja's son being borne past, bnt he could not even cast a second glance at it in the colifnsion. After a long struggle they reached the other bank and stopped to recover themselves. Looking round they counted up their losses : one had lost his wife, another his father, and a third his child ; cries of grief went up to heaven.

The now offered them quaxter if they would surrender. With the exoeption of Abdn-llhh, all the princes agreed to do so, provided the chiefs of the K i r h i z would bind themselves to good faith by an oath. But abdu-lltih's pride would not consent to a surrender on any terms. a w h j a Jahiin exhorted him to submit and not to fly from death, for life was only a prison to the f a i t h l , though a paradise to unbelievers. Abdu-llith replied :-" Oh my king, suffer me m d a few others to make a fight for liberty. If we all fall into thc hands of these infidels, none of our line will escape. I say not this as desiring to avoid death. I n our present circumstances death is our best refuge. But firstly our lineage will be destroyed by our being taken, and secondly I would rather die in fight than after falling into the hands of these men."

While they were discussing thus, the K i r a i z crossed the river and coming up, with respect, to the old Wwhja, suggested that if he did not believe their word, he should send his son Yabyh with them to the camp of ~urhhnu-d- in, to obtain assurances from him in person. So Yehyb was sent off with them.

The Musulmiks were wet, hungry and cold, and night was coming on. Some of them killed their horses, and lighting fires, cooked the flesh and ate it. Abdn-llhh then begged the KJwEja's permission to try and escape with his two children, lest the line of the a w h j a a should be cut short, and God threw dust into the eyes of the Kirphiz so that be got away safely, with one child bofore him and the other behind him, on the same horse.

I n the morning the K i r h i z approached and said :-l' Oh a w i i j a , let us como away into the presence of I(hw&j,jn Burhhn and see what city he will appoint to you as your Government." But the princes said to themselves :-" I t is a question of what death they are going to inflict, not

EPITOME OF THE MEMOIRS OF THE K C ~ J A S . 57

wbat city they axe going to give." Aftemaxds the Ki rh iz asked :- " What need have you now for your fire arms and accoutrements P" and so took them from them.

With many indignities and sufferings, they were brought in by the Rirg;hiz, who, cruelly and for sport, slew many of the children and carried their bodies on their spears. In this way, they passed one night at the village of Ak-fam and another at Urda-Ustang, where there were but four

l bare walls to sleep between. At this place they were sepmated from one I

I, acother to be led into the city, and they never saw one another more. -

What happened after this, there is no strength to relate nor to listen to.

l;

APPENDIX A.

HIERARCHY O F T H E MUSULMAN RELIGIOUS ORDERS OR GUILDS.

The technical terms in the text require a little explanation. Among the Musul- mBtis of Eastern Tnrkistlln, who follow ohiefly the rule of the Naq&bandi order, the head of the hierrnoby is the m u r d i d o rp i r , generally a desoendant of the Pro- phet. The npiritnal suwession "nisbot-i-maand" is handed down usually i n the family of the Founder or Yissionary Apostle, but sometimes is vested in one or ho re of his chief disoiples, e~~eo ia l ly at what m a j be oalled 8'out-~tations." H e has e, congregation or body of disciples (murid), oousisting of the lay ohief and population descended from t h o ~ e who were originally converted or recruited by his anoestor's preaohing. These are considered hsraditarily subject (ill religious matters) to the mur&idla descendants or representatives. H e has also a special band of more olosely united disciples or apostles called " ,&alifa," i.e., vioegereute (vicnrs) who may be coubidered the clergy of this ohuroh, although their speciality merely extends to preaohing nnd expounding and not to any priestly ministrations, f i r Isl&m recoguises no priefithood. These form a sort of court wound the spiritual superior and his family ; and from them are chosen his representatives and successors when his own progenj fail.

The w a g s or ohuroh lands, given by devout laymen, are vested in this hierarchy. When suoh a ohuroh or order is forzed, whether out of the general bodg of Mnsulnl6ns or by the oonver~ion of tribes of a different religion, the initiatory process is called "indbat," i.e., oonversion or religious submission, or "irddat," i.e., devotion. The commission, or ordination, by which the B a l V a s are i d u c t e d into this office, is called *' ruBgat " (permission) or " ir&d "

(direotiou). Hence l lmurshid" a spiritual director. These churches or orders or guilds do not, I believe. differ doctrinally from one another among the orthodox Nusulm&ns. They even belong to the same one out of the four so-called sects of the Sunnis. But they profess a pr t icular method of exoiting dovotion among their members. This is oalled their "tarip " (road or path). Some of them, especially the Noq&ban& (to which the UBjau of K&&&aria belonged), have partioular signs by whioh they can recogni8e their brethren in the faith smong ~ t r a n g e hlusulmllns. There may be inally such ohusohes or oongregatiolis belonging to the same order or g ~ i l d , b u t tracing their spiritual descent through a different line. The members are sometimes soattered in different oountriee. I n 8u0h eases t he superior will often send p. will travel himself into the plaoes in -

habited by them, t o confirm them in the faith and to raise contributions. Thus

@afar @eh Naq&bmdi, belonging to 8 family originally of T ~ h l i a n d , but now established in Kashmir, several times his flooks in TurkisGh, and often wrote to the chief members. I n return these ~ e o p l e and othel. Turkis t~nis whell they visit Kashmir &re entertained bg his wns (he is uow dead) in quarters,

60 EISTORY OF THE s 6 ~ ~ S OF EASTERN TURKISTAN.

spwially ddaoted to this purpou a t the rigrat or shrine of which he is guardian. 60 A&& S n of Bombay (a %id seotar~) has many adhe~enta ill the v.lleJ8 of the Hivdu Kuah. Of course in sum9 case8 such an organian?ion i n uud for poli- tical purposes.

APPENDIX. 62

APPENDIX B.

A VISIT TO T H E SHRINE OF J$A?RAT AFAQ. The following account of a visit paid by myself and an English oompanion t o

the shrine of Haprat ARq, in December 1874, may be interestinn ns illustratiug the text.

After orossing the TumRn Iliver by 8 wooden bridge, just below the eouth- eastern angle of the wall of Kit&&ar city, we rode for nearlj a oouple of miles obiefly through a large cemetery-a perfect oity of tbe dead-where numerous beg- ging dervishes, single, and even in families, had established their dwellings in the niches and under the domes of tbe tomb#, and onme out a t the approaoh of our o~valcade to auk for alms with loud invocations nnd deep reverences. Presently the r o d becamz a walled l am, overhung by the branohes of t d l trees growing in a large park-like domain, whioh extended OII either uide and in front. This lnne ended a t a gateway where we all dismounted, and left our horaee under the charge of a number of boys and young men, who were hanging about there for the purpose of holding the hornes of visitors and pilgrims. The hereditary guardian of the shrine, a Qikji, acoompanied by his retinue, met us a t the gate and oonduoted un into the iutel.ior. We passed nnmeroun collegiate buildings, the quarters of students who come to study theology here, and other buildings indioating the existence of quite a little religious colony. In summer i t must he charming under the ehade of the venerable treen, an air of religious and sohola~tio repose pervadil~g the whole. After a short walk we renohed the shrine, a sqrlare huilding with a barred gateway enclosing a small oourtyard in which were more than eeventy tombs of the members of the Afiqide branch of the S 6 j a family. Among them is a tomb mnrked only with the initials K. @I. (XZJ &&in). This is the nom ds plume under which is known the writer of certain poems and semi-poetical biographies of gaprat Afiiq and bis ancestors, whiol~ are in m r possession.. ,

The shrine is marked by four tall masts deoornted with yak tails (tug&) and flags inscribed with Arabio texts, and by numerous huge horns of the Ovis Poli (or rather Ovis Karilini) found in the neighbouring mountains. Tbeee are r a n g 4 along the top of the walls surro'unding the shrine, and the finest are formed into two heaps, in front of a little pavilion where pious worshippers sit and meditate on the virtues of the saint. Theae fluttering yuk tails and heaped-up horns are strange features for a Musulm&n holy place, although commonly found assooiated with grave-yards in Turkistiin. They remird one of the cairns nnd built-np pillars or monuments, similarly adorned, which are found in all notable @pots throughout the mountninous region between India and Eastern Turlristiln.' and which are variously called Ddvis (the haunts, thnt is, of female deities) in tbe Hindu region, ShBto (i.e. demou-dwellings) in the Buddhist region (where they are not considered

Aud even In Jlongolia. Bee Perjovalskl, Mongolln, volume 1, pones 56, 289. Volume 11. pn#e 267. They ere thew called " obo."-B. B. 8.

68 HISTORY OF THE % ~ J A S OF EASTERN T U R K I S T ~ N .

to be oonneoted with orthodox re1igion)l and Pir or Mardl., ~espect ivel~, i n the B&&miri and Tnrki Musulmltn regions, where they ere explained to be the tombs of holy men. As, however, they occupy preoisely corresponding positions i n all these regions (positions where i t is genernlly eminently improbable that they oould be graves, or whioh indioate some other associations, e.g., summits of passew, peaks of rock barely aocessible, turns of a valley where one first comes in sight of a tall precipitous oliff or of a remarkable three-pointed mountain) i t is, 1 think, more probable that they all owe their existence to some common origin (e.g., a primitive looal demon worship) then tha t in the Musulmltn region alone they should be due to some oause whioh could not have operated in the other regions. Stray traces of E load demon worship underlie the existing religions all along the Himalaya and far 6s intp Burma, where 'l nat " worshipis interwoven with the orthodox Buddhism.

Now if the above hypothesis be, trne, we have an*explenation of these ourionsly u_q-&~llplln katures,, vis., the fluttering tails a i d rags and h e a p of horn^. Thgy. m e . 4 ~ rn1l.y on the local pre-Musulm~n mode of showing reverence for tradi- fionally hallowed spots,. whioh bas been extended to, more modern holy rites such @ql graves. i and, on the otb.er hand, the designation of graven has been oarried bwk $0, explain the re?eren.oe exhibited for the older sites, whioh Islam refuse8 to honour as, the e b d e ~f lcoal d,emon~ or. deiiies.

Thus the S b . h of Bnrrat A f ~ q would be but a magnified and glorified adapta- - - tion of the rough oairns and pillars so often found in 'Tibet end in the Indian mountains ; a survival of the oustoms of a primitive looal demon-yorship, in faot.,

We ?ere led, round qnteide this ehrine, i q a oirouit, keeping i t on, oqr left pide (j. +S m?v,i.y a@in?t t h e ooww, of the enn) w,hioh, seems t o be the u s u d Fay sf showing respot to. it., Afterwards we were oonduoted over a newly ereattea mosqu9 with ?fug?,, p ~ l o s i n g * SqUart? flaggqd coprt-prd, suffioiently large to contairr sevela! hundred, wqrshippers. Tbe Bltjl pointed o,ut, witb pride, that the, b,u$$ing +!U!$ b v e t of ninetqe.n,lew domes, end ?as a u built, of bnrnt bricks. It hqd been c?!?fru@+,d githl! l @ four months, for the, festiqa!, or w,hioh,ol,osgr) the Ramaran or month of fasting, m d hen,q,9. an? cdled a,n '14-gZh, or '' plaqq for oelebreting, the 'Id."

APPENDIF 63 . .

for us, and we were treated t o a repast, beginning as usual with fruit and bread, and ending with' pilno ' and soup. Our host W 0 8 not able to join us in the menl, as it was fast t ime; but he preseuted himself aprtin afterwards, and aeated himself with hnlnility on the furthest edge of the oarpet, nearer then which nothing could induce him to approach. I discovered that he also was related to the ~ a i n t l ~ family, to some member of whioh, the oharge of the Shrine and of the College and of the landed estates attached to t,he Shrine, is nlwsys confided. He complained t h t the p l a e had bem saoked repeatedly by the Chinese and Kigh ia within the lest, decade, and even its library of old books. destrop?.

OppoBite C nhelve we were sitting w u an old mosque with O W V ~ ~ wooden ~ a b g ,a, p illarg and open, v nqu$. in hont and a t 0% &a When how '?E lfte*

pray, avived, the 911r hod, ?g Q,? t?. % t 0 & J t h @ m ~ ' @ ~ ~ ~ w h w u

going to call to pny.ol. When e&keP r b IvM t h l , he unarered : 'r Beoanla I f i ~ the English gentlemen, m,al bp, off+d.ed by t h e SQU.~&"~ !h a*"" of

the c o n t r q , he. parmitt!d the prayera to begin,, bu t he, "l( ~ o t be induoad to go jqin in them himrlf ln,til I e p p d hiw that I shquld beplfif!sed i f he did.

H e then merit up the depr of tb.0 ~ , Q R , Q ~ ? *th m y M u s J m ~ o attendants, but between every ~ ~ r o s t p t i ? = h? ~ u l d l y k round to whether a s ~ s r e a b ~ w j n g no IIigDS of di?pleatyre,, and WO* make aipn.ls,\o hi? peg3 k?%: ~?p?i.!t3, W! D$

of Easters Turkistan,

APPENDIX C.

COLLEQES AND SCHOOLS IN EASTERN TGRKISTAN. Colleges and schools are very numerous in Eastern Turkiutitn, though they are

devoted to religious education, and only terroh rending and writing as ilicidenta] to that purpose.

Every foundet of a college must provide a building and an endowment in land, after wbich he executes a title-deed whioh is countersigned by the authorities, and makes it over to the Principal or B a u d nominated by himself.

The following is the usual establishlnent : lst , the B&und or Principal ; 2nd Mudarvis or Master; Srd, a Nutawalli , i.e., Ste'ward or ?nansger, 4th, a n~imber of JGr4l~Kag&, literally " sweepers " who ere hereditary servants or slaves attached to the foundation and who perform the menial service of it.

The Nutawolli collects the revenue8 of the endowment lands annually, and hands them to the B & u 4 who divides them iuto ten shares, which are distributed scme- what in the following manner, viz., to the BJ&ad and Nudarria four shares; to the Yutawalzi one share ; for reprirs, etc., one share ; to the sustenance of the J~rtZL-Kazh, and sometimes of the etudents, four shares. Total ten ?hares.

I n the city of Yitrqand there are over sixty-two collegiate buildings, of whioh twenty-nine 81-0 kept up in good order, while the others are abandoned. I have n list of the twentynine with particulars of eaoh. The earliest of them was founded in A. H. Q03 (A. D. 1497). The Ak-madrara, mentioned in the text, is put down in my list es situated in the Altum Mar&, end as having been founded in 117'1 (A. D. 1661-2) by ghitn B 0 j a ; also as being endowed with 6fty Pirtmana of land i n the townships of Poskg&m, Kar&alik and Ybqand. I t is stated that no puhlio education is carried on in it now, but thet its Qapi (PAkhund) takes ~r iva te ~upils. Neither the date nor the name of the founder agree with the text, so it is probable that witmat& D6ja 's bequest m d have been used merely to enlarge an existing college snd.to increase its endowment (whioh is ~erhaps indiusted in the text by the expresnon " widelled the endowment lands ").

The total endowment of these twenty-niue c(,lleges amounts, according to my list, to 3,670 fitmans of laud (eaoh Pntmnn being as much as it takes about 1,000 lbs. of grain to sow), nnd 198 houses or shops, whose rents form part of the revenues. Judging by some whose income is known, the tobl revenues of the Y&rqand colleges must be ahout 400 yambual of silver, or about S6,800 per annum. These particulars are gathered from the college title-deeds. There only appear to be a little over four hundred students educated at these colleges, e good number of them carrying on no eduoation, but merely aEording snug retreats for the learned, such as they are.

APPENDIX. 65

As for prima~y educatiop there are maktab . & % a n or schools in every ward or 8ub-division of the cities and attached to most of the mosques. Here the children, both male and female, may be heard repeating their leesons in the usual sing-song style, while they rock their bodies to and fro. In the bitter winter weather they have a curious way of providing for the warmth of these little bodies. Along one or more sides of the school-room runs a long eort of earthen trough, or mmger, with broad lip. This trough is filled with straw and the children squat in thie, putting their lmoks before them on the rim. They learn to read a d to repeat their digions The gids do not often go further than tbia Some of tbe h o ~ s leam to rn<te and read as far as four books in Persian or Turki, and those that have a liking for knowledge continue their eduoation at the colleges. l o n e of the elder girb learn the Qur9&n at home.

The Chhose Puan Pao or shoe of syoee sliver.-N. E.

66 HISTORY OF T H I K_H~JAS OF EASTERN T U R K I S T ~ .

APPENDIX D*

TRIBE NOMENCLATURE OF ITHE QALMAQS.

Tho following note on the modern tribe nomenolature of the Qelmkqs, as given by themselves, may be interesting as throwing some light on this difficult question.

There are two grand divisions oalled by the Tnrks, respectively, the SapY& yellow) Qalm&qs, and the Kapa (or bleak) Qalmaqs. The latter seem to be the Eastern Mongols of European writers ; the former the Western Mongols or Qdm&qs.

The following tribes of 8wy@ Qalmeqs are i n and about the Ila region, north of the Tien Shan mountains, but they state that they originally oeme from Bg-ttc- dbxe 1 (or Mongolia) :-

l. Chungur (whioh seems to be the tribe known to western nations as FJunhr or Zunghar).

2. Twghut who live in the south of Ila and have only reoently (cipc. 1870-72) been driven out of the Yulduz peetures by the inoursions of the Tunganis or Dungans. The Turghut tribe is said to include (i) the Xhoaot, (ii) . the Barluq, who inhabit Tarbagatai, (iii) the Khoiti, mho migrated to Russia and baok again in the last oentury.

4. Chaltcs (P Choros). Then there are two.other tribes of more Eastern origin :-

l. S o h whioh includes the sub-tribes Diighup and Un-gap (P right and left hand). They are said to have immigrated from h'aghalan-Ula.

2. The Shiba or Wibar w h ~ also are said to have oome from the East (from the mountains of Liu-dung or Liuchung,' they say) more reoently than

.the rest and who now oconpy the north of 11s.

The Solan end the &&bap are said to have .been loortted here by the Chinese in the 16th year of the Emperor Ja-Ching? for the purpose of overawing the other Qal- mitqs. They are reported to have enjoyed certain privileges, They oall themselvee Manohns and'ths Tnrks ad1 them Manohu QalmZp.

The tribes about the Koko-Nor and Sining are also called Qalm&qs by their Turki neighbours. A11 the abovenamed Qdm&qs are Buddhists and revere the Dalai Lama of Lhassa.

APPENDIX. 67

The tribes denominated K a r a (black) Qalmbps by the Turks live further East. They include the Kalkae. They are said to oall thelnselves Ald or Angtcl.

This aocount was given to me by a Shibar Qalm&q. Another account makes the fourfold division of the 8 a r y d Qelmitqs as follows :-

l. Chalos. t

2. Durbet. 3. Khoshot. 4. Turghut.

Thle Le, I belleve. a Chlnese oompound, cb., Br=north, t u n land, dArs, (or tha-tas) Is tbe nnme cornmonly applled to the Mongols. (ass Howorth. I , pages 701-8, where tha-tat 1s put forth as a pm& able origln of Tartar.)-B. B. S.

KIo Klng or Chla Chlng-The flfteenth year of whose relgn would be 1810.-N. E.

OF KHO JAS OF EASTERN-TURKISTAN - Battle of Qurman · the history . .. of thb kho jas of...

Documents

Transcript of OF KHO JAS OF EASTERN-TURKISTAN - Battle of Qurman · the history . .. of thb kho jas of...