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TheNationalQuestionintheIndianUnionandPakistanA.M.DyakovThefollowinganalysisofthenationalquestioninIndiaandPakistanispartofawiderstudyundertakenbyA.M.Dyakovonthepoliticaldevelopmentsinthesub-continentintheperiod1939-1949whichwaspublishedbytheInstituteofOrientalismoftheAcademyofSciencesoftheUSSRin1952.Thisessayrepresentsoneofthemajorstudiesofthenationalquestioninthesub-continentwhichwereundertakenintheSovietUnioninthepost-warperiod.TheyarelargelyunknowninthedemocraticmovementinIndiaas,incommonwiththebulkofthecorpusofSovietorientologydealingwithIndia,theyhadnotbeentranslatedfromtheRussian.ThisstudywassenttopressinDecember1951notlongaftertheconcertedcritiquebytheCPSU(b)oftherightopportunisterrorsinSovietorientologywhichwasundertakeninMarchandAprilofthatyear(seeRDVol.VI,No.2,September2000,pp.106-115)andwasprefacedbytheauthorsself-criticism.WithinafewyearstherightopportunisterrorsmadeacomebacksothatthelaterstudiesbyA.M.DyakovonthenationalquestioninIndiarepresentareflectionoftheideologyofthe20thCongressoftheCPSU.FromthestandpointofthedemocraticmovementtheanalysisofthenationalquestioninIndiahassufferedfromadoubledisability.NotonlyhastheSovietscholarshiponthisnotbeenaccessiblebutalsotheimpactofthe20thCongressoftheCPSUwassuchastodashthedevelopingpossibilitiesofaMarxisthistoricalschoolbeingestablishedinthiscountrydevotedtothestudyofIndianhistory.Thenationalquestionstillremainsaburningquestioninthesubcontinentanditistobehopedthatthisanalysiswhichwasmadeanhalf-centuryagowillprovetobeofvaluetothecontemp

orarydemocraticmovement.VijaySinghTheNationalQuestionintheIndianUnionInthenewlyfoundeddominions,thenationalquestionhasbecomeoneofthemostseriousproblems.IntheIndianUnionandPakistanthereactionaryblocoflandlords,princesandthemonopolisticbourgeoisiehascometopower.EvenduringthedirectruleoftheBritish,themonopolisticgroupsoftheIndianbourgeoisiehadmanagedtocarveoutacertainpositionforthemselves.DuetothespecificitiesofthedevelopmentofcapitalisminIndia,thelargecapitalistgroupingsofthecountryarefarfrombeingfullyrepresentativeofcapitalistsofallthenationalitiesofIndia.Duringtheinitialperiodofdevelopmentofcapitalism,themostprominentsectionofthenationalcapitalwastheonethatemergedfromthecompradorsectionoftheBombaybourgeoisieandrepresentedthecapitalist

sfromamongtheIndianGujaratisandtheParsiswhohadbeenpracticallyassimilatedwiththeGujaratis.AlargeportionofthetextileindustrynotonlyinGujaratbutalsointhecityofBombayandalsointheMarathiregionoftheBombayProvinceandtheCentralProvinceaswellasintheKannadaareasoftheBombayProvincewasinthehandsofthementionedgroupofcapitalists.AftertheFirstWorldWarthecapitaloftheMarwarimoneylendersfromRajasthanbegantoflowintotheindustrialsector.FromtheveryearlyperiodthesemoneylenderswereactiveinthewholeofnorthernIndiaincludingBengalandreachedasfarastheDeccanrightintothesouthtotheTamilareas,wheretheirexpansionwasbroughttoahaltbytheratherstrongTamilusurercapital.Almostall,withafewexceptions,monopolisticcapitalistgroupsofTata,Birla,Dalmia,Singhania,BhattandothersbelongedtotheranksofGujaratiorMarwaricapital.OnlyintheProvinceofMadras,theTamilcapitalistsand,inaless

ermeasure,theTelugu,KannadaandtheMalayaliresistedthisinfiltrationofthemonopoliesfromtheNorth.TheseparticularmonopoliesaremostintimatelylinkedtotheIndianprincesandlandlordsandwiththeBritishcapital.ThemonopolisticgroupsofIndiancapitalistsareinterestedintakingcontrolofthewholeoftheIndianmarket,andthefactthattheIndiancapitalistsbelonglargelytothetradingandmerchantcastesoftwonationalgroupsofIndiaevenfurtherstrengthenstheresistanceofthepeoplesofIndiaforamoreorlessbroadautonomy.Certainly,theIndiancapitalists,withtheirowninterestsinmind,werealsoagainstthedivisionofIndiaalongreligiouslinescarriedoutbytheBritish,supportedthemovementforaunited(greater)Indiaandapproved

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thedivisionofthecountryonlyoutoffearofarevolution.TheyacceptedtheMountbattenPlanonlyasaresultoftherefusalbytheBritishgovernmenttograntindependencetoIndiawithoutapriordivisionofthecountry.ThustheNationalCongress,havingfounditselfinpowerandasarepresentativeoftheinterestsofthesegroupsalongwiththelandownersandtheprincesrefusedtocarryoutitsownnationalprogrammeof1920.Theestablishmentoftheso-calledprovincesonthebasisoflanguagewasadvantageousneithertothelargecapitalistsnortotheprincesandlandlords.ThereasonforthiswasthattheIndianmonopolistswereafraidofthecompetitionfromtheweaknationalbourgeoisieoftheMarathis,theTelugu,Bengalis,Oriya,Kannadaandothers.ThebigIndianbourgeoisie,princesandthelandlordsknewthatinsomeofthelinguisticorinotherwordsnationalprovinces,thesocialbaseofitsagentstheleadershipoftheNationalCongressisnarrow,asintheseplacesthemoredemocraticelementsarestrongerandthattheywouldnotcarryoutpoliciesaccordingtotheinterestsofTata,BirlaandCo.Averystrongpeasantandnationalmovementundertheleadershipoftheworkersandabroadnationalautonomyinanumberofsuchprovinces,doubtlessly,wouldcreatemorefavourableconditionsherefortheintensificationofanti-feudalstruggle.Therefore,theIndiangovernmentimmediatelyoncomingtopower,setasidetheelectionmanifestooftheNationalCongresspublishedin1945andannouncedthatthecreationoftheso-calledlinguisticprovinceswillbepostponedforatleast10years.InJuly1948,RajendraPrasad,thechairmanoftheConstituentAssemblyofIndia,underthepressureofthenationalmovementinthelinguisticprovincesofAndhr

a,Karnataka,MaharashtraandKerala,institutedacommissionthatwasentrustedtostudyi.e.inrealityburytheissue.InDecember1948,atthemeetingoftheNationalCongressinJaipur,underpressurefromthedelegatesoftheabovementionedregionsofIndia,asub-committeewasformedforexaminingtheproblemoflinguisticprovinces i.e.ofrestructuringtheadministrativedivisionofIndia.Asexpected,thesub-committee,initsreporttabledinApril1949,decidedthequestionofcreationofnationalprovincesinthenegative.Thejustificationofthedecision,inspiteofitsdiplomaticform,isinterestingasfarasitrevealstherealreasonoftherefusalofthegovernmenttocreatelinguistici.e.nationalprovincesinIndia.Thesub-committeeinitsreportpointedoutthattheearlierpolicyoftheNationalCongresswasinfavourofcreationoflinguisticprovincesbutitwasjustifiedthen,asatthatstagethequestionofimplementation

ofthisprincipleinpracticewasnotontheagenda.1Thesub-committeeitselfrecognizesthattheCongressprogrammewasjustsimpledemagogy.Further,thesub-committeestatesthattheexistingprovincesofIndia,despitetheirartificiality,onthestrengthoftheirlongexistencehaveacquiredacertainstabilitythatmakesthebreak-upoftheirbordersundesirable.2Thisargumentisinterestingasitliterallyrepeatstheworn-outconclusionsoftheincorrigibleBritishimperialistCouplandthatwereoncedirectedagainsttheNationalCongress.3However,thesub-committeedidnotthinkthisargumenttobethecentralone.Thefollowingwereputforwardasthemainargumentsagainstthecreationofnationalprovinces:ThedivisionofIndiainitselfcreatedseparatisttendencies;thecreationofnationalprovincessupposedlywillstrengthenthesetendenciesasinmanynationalregionsdisruptiveforcesareatwork;

Thesub-committeerecognizesthatIndiahasnotbeenabletoachieveeconomicindependence,butinordertopreservethislimited(highlightedbymeA.D.)independenceitisnecessarytoconsolidateIndia;Alanguageisnotonlyameansofconnecting,butalsoanobstacledividingonepeoplefromanotherandthisshouldbekeptinmind;ThecreationofnewprovincesofAndhra,Kerala,MaharashtraandKarnatakawillresultintheliquidationofnumberofprincelystatesandthiswouldbeabadprecedenceastheproblemofprincelystatesisbeingaddressedinotherways.Thusaconclusionismadethatthecreationlinguisticprovincesshouldbepostponedforatleast10years.4

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HereinthereasonsforthegovernmentsunwillingnessandthatofleadershipoftheNationalCongresstorestructuretheadministrativedivisionofIndiabecomeabsolutelyclear.Thereactionaryallianceofthelandlords,princesandthemonopolisticgroupsisawareoftheresultsthatsucharestructuringcanleadto.Thesub-committeemakesitadequatelyclearthatinmanyoftheregionsdisruptiveforcesareatworki.e.thereexistsastrongpeoplesmovement.ItrecognizesthatIndiaiseconomicallydependentonBritishimperialismandmusttakeitintoaccount.Fromtheargumentsofthesub-committeeitisclearthattheprinces,landlordsandlargecapitalistsarenotinterestedintheexistenceofsuchprovincesenjoyingwideautonomy.Havingcometopower,theydonotwantanydevelopmentforthepeopleofIndiaandarestrivingtoenslavethem.Theyalsodonotwanttheliquidationoffeudalprincelystates.AshortwhilebeforetheannouncementoftheseconclusionstheunionoftheprincelystatesofTravancoreandCochinwasaccomplished.ForthisoccasionacelebratorymeetingwasheldinthecapitalofTravancore,whichwasattendedbySitaramaiya,chairmanoftheNationalCongress.AdecisionwastakenhereforcreatingaunitedKeralabyincludingtheMalabardistrictoftheprovinceofMadras5intheabove-mentionedunitedprincelystate.Sitaramaiyaneverprotestedagainstsuchaunion.ButthemassesofMalabarandthetwoprincelystatesbroughtoutdemonstrationsagainstsuchaunionanddemandedthecreationofaunitedKeralabyliquidatingtheprincelystates.6TheIndianprincesandthelargelandlordsfullyandcompletelysupportthenationalpolicyofthegovernment.Thecreationoflinguisticprovinces,inevitably,w

illthreatenthecontinuationofprincelystates.Thus,theprincesstronglyopposetheimplementationofthesemeasures.NotbeingsatisfiedwithrejectingtheoldCongressprogramme,theConstituentAssemblyofIndiaacceptedtheAmericanConstitutionasthemodelfortheConstitutionofIndiabyaccordingthePresidentextraordinarypowersandrighttoremovethegovernorsoftheprovinces,therebyreducingtonothingtheautonomyoftheprovincesofIndia.ThefactthatthelargemajorityofbigIndianconcerns,monopolisticcompaniesandbanksbelongprimarilytotheGujaratiandMarwaricapitalandthatthebigcapitalistsofIndiaarebynationalityGujaratisandMarwaris,shouldnotleadustotheconclusionthattheseelementsarecarriersofGujaratiandMarwarinationalism.Onthecontrary,theyarecoldtowardsthenationalinterestsoftheGujaratisandtheMarwaris.Evenin1917,whilespeakingattheGujaratconferen

ceoneducation,wheretherepresentativesoftheGujaraticapitalists,intelligentsiaandthelandlordswerepresent,GandhichidedthemfortheirlackofinteresttowardstheadvancementofthenationalcultureofGujaratandtheGujaratilanguageandcitedtheexampleoftheTeluguaspatriotsoftheirnationalculture.ThisspeechisparticularlyinterestingasGandhihimselfalwayspropagatedHindiasthecommonIndianlanguage.However,evenforhimthenihilismandindifferencetowardsthedestinyoftheirownpeople,whichtheGujaratibourgeoisiedemonstratedevenin1917appearedtobeextremeandcapableofgettinginthewayofsustainingtheirinfluenceamongthemasses.TheMarwaricapitalistsareevenmoreindifferenttowardstheinterestsofthepeopleofRajasthan.BybeingverycloselylinkedtotheprincesandthejagirdarsofRajputana,theyaretotallyindifferenttowardsthewell-beingoftheirpeople.TheMarwaricapitalistshavenotmadeanyattemptsatrevivingtheliteratu

reinthevariousdialectsofRajasthan,evenintheMarwarilanguage.Bigcapital,particularlymonopolycapital,isbynaturecosmopolitan.ThecapitalistsofGujaratandMarwararetypicallycosmopolitanbothintheirdomesticaswellasininternationalpolitics.TheGujaratisandtheMarwarisareamongthoseIndianpeopleswhoaresufferingmorethanothersduetoremnantsoffeudalismandfeudaldivisionoftheterritoryamonghundredsofprincelystates.Suchasituationactsasanextremehindrancefortheirculturalandeconomicdevelopment.IfGujarat,largely,isamongtheeconomicallyadvancedregionsofIndia,thenRajasthanand,inparticular,Marwar,areamongthemostbackward.TheinterestsofthelargeGujaratiandMarwa

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ricapitalistslieintheindustrialterritoriesthataresituatedoutsideofGujaratandMarwar.BombayisthebaseofGujaraticapital.Marwaricapital,inthefullsenseoftheword,iscosmopolitan.BeinginterestedinstrengtheningtheirpositionsintheinternalmarketofIndia,thebigGujaratiandMarwaricapitalists,asthelargecapitalistsofothernations,aresupportersofmaximumcentralism.TheyareinfavouroftheHindilanguage,asithasalreadyinsomemeasurebecomeacommonIndianlanguageinthesphereofindustryandcommerce.TheyarenotonlynotinterestedinthedevelopmentofindividualnationalgroupsofIndia,butonthecontrary,onfullyunderstandableground,workagainsttheirdevelopment,opposethecreationofnationalprovincesinIndia,areagainstthedevelopmentofnationallanguagesand,obviously,areagainstregionalautonomyand,moreso,againsttherightoftheIndianpeoplestoselfdetermination.Thisgroupofcapitalists,inparticular,withgreateasewentalongwiththedivisionofPunjabandBengal,asthedestinyofthePunjabisandtheBengalisandthedevelopmentofthesepeoplesaretotallyforeigntothem.Beingpurerepresentativesofhardcashandbeingafraid,morethananybodyelse,ofarevolutioninIndiathatwouldinevitablycastthemoutofexistence,theyaretheonesmostactivelysupportingcloserelationswithBritainandAmericaaswellaswithinternationalmonopolies.Inthissensetheyhaveagreatdealincommonwiththebureaucraticcapital inChinaalongwiththebandoffourChinesefamilies.TheyclamourforinvitingforeigncapitalintoIndia;forconvertingIndiaintoabaseforfightingagainstCommunism;theydemandsuppressionofalldemocraticmovementsandasrepresentativesofmonopolisticgroupsareinterestedinstrengtheningthepoliticallyregressivesituationandthevestigesoff

eudalismaswell.TheiralienationfromthemajorityoftheIndianpeoples,includingtheirownpeoplesmakesthem,liketheprinces,themosttrustedalliesandagentsofBritishandAmericanimperialismintheprocessofenslavementofIndia.EnunciatingtheinterestsofthisparticulargroupofIndiancapitalists,theleadershipoftheNationalCongressistoyingwiththechauvinisticideaoftheleadingroleofIndiainAsia,propagatingtheideathatIndiashouldtakeup,inAsia,theplacethathasbeenleftvacantasaconsequenceofthedownfallofJapaneseimperialism,butatthesametimeitisbendingoverbackwardforthecreationofaninternationalfederationundertheumbrellaofUSAandBritainwhilerejectingthestruggleforthesovereigntyofnations,inparticular,thesovereigntyofIndia.ThegovernmentoftheIndianUnion,beingthegovernmentofIndianmonopolists,

landlordsandprinceshasnotonlyrejectedthecreationoftheso-calledlinguisticprovincesbuthasalsoinitiatedapolicyofdiscriminationoflanguages,andconsequently,ofthenationalitiesofIndia.InthenewspapersoftheUnifiedProvinceofBihar,inthepublicationsoftheHinduMahasabhaalloverIndiatheHindilanguageisbeingpublicizedasacompulsorystatelanguage.Alreadyin1948,inthelegislativeassemblyinconnectionwiththediscussionontheconstitution,draftlegislationwasintroducedproclaimingHindiandEnglishasthestatelanguagesofIndiaandonlyinexceptionalcasesallowingtherepresentativesoftheprovincestospeakintheirmothertongue.ThisdraftgeneratedangereveninthepublicationsoftheCongressofthoseprovinceswhereHindiisneitherthespokennortheliterarylanguage.ThejournalCalcuttaReview7severelycriticizedthisdraftlegislationanddemandedthatthelanguagesofalltheprovincesofIndiabeproclaimedequal.ThisishowtheBengalinationalistbourgeoisi

ereactedtothisdraft.BeingscaredandthenhavingagreedtoapartitionofBengaltheBengalibourgeoisnationalistsrecoveredandbegandemandingtheinclusionintoWestBengalofregionsofBihar,wheretheBengalisareinamajorityaswellalsotheethnicgroupsofSanthalsandMundawhoaresupposedlyclosertotheBengalisthantotheBiharisortheOriya.TheBengalinationalistsalsodemandthetransferofdistrictsfromAssaminwhichtheBengalispredominate(Kachar,Lushai,ManipurandTripura)andthecreationofaseparatestateofPurvanchalPradeshconstitutingthesedistricts.In1942therewereseriousprotestsintheprincelystatesofKhorsavan,SaraikelaandMayurbhanjagainsttheinclusionoftheseprincelystatesintheprovince

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ofOrissa.TheseprotestswereledbytheAdivasisanghami.e.thetheUnionofAborigines,whodemandedtheinclusionoftheseprincelystatesintheChhotaNagpurdistrictofBihar.8TheBengalinationalistsdemandedtheinclusionoftheseprincelystatesasalsothedistrictsofSinghbhum,Birbhum,SanthalParganaandPurniainWestBengal.ParticularlystrongprotestswereprovokedbythenationalpolicyoftheIndiangovernmentinthesouthofIndia.TheIndiangovernmentdidnotimmediatelydecidetoopenlydeclareitsfinalrefusaltofulfiltheextremelypopular,evenamongthebourgeoiselementsofanumberofnationalitiesofIndia,demandforthecreationoftheso-calledlinguisticprovincesand,inordertomakethisrefusaleasyforitself,distributedin1948aquestionnairemeantsupposedlyforpreparationoftheadministrativereforms.Thisquestionnairewassostructuredsoastoguaranteeaclearnegativeresponseonthequestionofcreationoflinguisticprovinces.Thus,intheCongressdominated(linguistic)provincesofAndhra,Kerala,KarnatakaandMaharashtrathequestionnairewasdistributed,inwhichdifferenteconomicorganizationsandindustrialists,mainlytheGujaratisandtheMarwariswereaskedthequestion:cantheseprovincesincaseofseparationbalancetheirbudgetswithoutrunningintodeficit?Onthecontrary,amongthepopulationintheCongressdominatedprovincesofTamilnadandGujaratthequestionnairedistributedaskedthequestion:willthetherebeapositiveimpactonthepeopleoftheseprovincesifAndhra,Kerala,KarnatakaandMaharashtraareseparatedfromtheseprovinces.ItwaspresumedalsothatthecapitalistsofGujaratandTamilnadwouldrespondinthenegativeregardingtheimpactofsuchameasure.

Characterizingthesemanoeuvres,thenewspaperPeoplesAgewrote:ThebigbourgeoiseviewsthecreationofnewlinguisticprovincesofAndhra,KarnatakaandMaharashtraetc.asincreasingthenumberofcompetitorsi.e.bourgeoisieoftherespectivedistrictspushingforthedevelopmentofindustryandmarketsofthesenationalregionsandthatiswhythebigbourgeoisieissabotagingtheimplementationofthegivendemand.TheleadersoftheCongressandthebourgeoisieareevenmoreafraidofthepeoplesofthesedistricts.Theyareafraidthatwiththecreationofseparateprovincestheradicalandthedemocraticelementswouldconsiderablystrengthentheirinfluenceandthelocalleadershipwillnotbealwaysabletocounterthem.9FurtherinthesamearticlethenewspaperPeoplesAgepointsoutthatthebourgeoisleadershipofthenationalorganisationswanttolimitthemovementwithinthedemandsoftheCongressprogrammeanddoesnotwanttopressforward.Albeit,de

spitethevacillationsandopportunismofthisleadership,themovementfortheformationoftheso-calledlinguisticprovincesshouldbesupported.Theequalityofnationalgroups ,thenewspapersaid, isoneofthefoundingprinciplesofagenuinelydemocraticIndiaandanymovementonacoursetowardsitneedstobegivensupport;shouldbesupportedbecausesothatitgetsonacorrectpathinthisdirection.ThatiswhywesupportthepeoplesdemandproclaimedinAndhra,KarnatakaandMaharashtraandinotherlinguisticformationsfortheformationofseparateprovinces.10TheIndiancommunistscondemnthegovernmentpolicyofsabotagingthedemandsoftheoverwhelmingmajorityofthepeoplesofIndiaasapolicyofdisruptionofitsintegrity:Thosewhoopposethedemandforselfdeterminationandequality,thosewhorejecttheexistenceofnationalitiesinIndiaaretheworstsortofdestroyersandenemiesoftheintegrityofIndia.Theymakeitimpossibleforthe

peoplesofIndiatolivetogetheranddosoonthebasisofequality.Obviously,therighttoselfdeterminationandtherealunityofIndiacanbeprovidedonlyunderpeoplespower.11ThefutureofthecitiesofBombayandMadrasalsoprovokedseriousdiscussions.Asiswellknown,BombayissituatedintheterritoryofMaharashtraandtheMarathisformthebulkofthepopulation.Themajorityofworkers,clerksandintellectualsofBombayareMarathisbuttheGujaratispredominateamongtheindustrialists,tradersandbankers.ThereisalsoaconsiderablenumberofGujaraticraftsmen,pettytraders,intellectualsandworkers.TheCongressorganizationofMaharashtrademandedthatBombaybeincludedinthe

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provinceofMaharashtra.TheleadershipoftheCongressmadeitintoaspecialprovinceCityofBombay,neitherapartofMaharashtranorofGujarat.Whenthequestionofthecreationoflinguisticprovincessurfaced,theleadershipoftheCongressunitofBombay,thestrongestandmostinfluentialinthecountry,putforwardthedemandthatBombayshouldbeproclaimedafreecitywithoutbeingincludedinanyotherprovince.OnthisgroundsaseriousquarreleruptedbetweentheCongressCommitteeofBombaywheretheGujaratiandtheParsicapitalistsdominateandtheMaharashtraCongressorganization.TheCommuniststookthesideoftheMarathisinthisdebateastheworkersofBombayarepredominantlyMarathis.Intheabove-mentionededitionofthenewspaper,PeoplesAge,regardingthisquestion,wrote:WealsosupportthedemandfortheinclusionofthecityofBombayinMaharashtra,asBombayisapartofMaharashtra.MakingBombayintoanautonomousprovinceisbeingproposedinordertoplacatetheGujaratiandothercapitalists.ItwouldbejustasjustifiedtomakeCalcuttaanautonomousprovinceforthesakeofafewMarwaricapitalists.TheCongressispittingtheMarathipopulationofBombayagainstthenon-Marathisintheinterestsofthebourgeoisie. 12ThequestionofMadraswasalsoprojectedbytheGovernmentofIndiaasanobstacleincreatingtheso-calledlinguisticprovincesinsouthIndia.MadrasislocatedontheborderofareasinhabitedbytheTamilsandtheTelugu,andbothoftheminhabitthecity.OnthisbasisthegovernmentannouncedthatthecreationofautonomousprovincesTamilnadandAndhrawillnecessarilyresultinmakingMadrasintoanautonomousprovinceorafreecity.13ThenationalmovementinSouthIndiaspeciallyintensifiedinconnectionwithth

edestinyofHyderabad.TheCongressorganizationofthisprincelystate,evenpriortothedivisionofIndia,comprisedofthreenationalorganizationstheAndhraConference,theMaharashtraConferenceandtheConferenceofKarnataka.AtatimewhentheleadershipoftheCongresswasstrugglingwithreformsintheprincelystate,theconstituentnationalorganizationsweremovingtowardstheautonomyoftherespectiveregions,andinthefinalanalysis,towardsinclusionoftheseregionintotheprovinceswhichwereinhabitedbythesamenationalitywhichwasnotpossiblewithouttheliquidationoftheprincelystateofHyderabad.AccordingtothereportsoftheAmericanjournalistAndrewRott,PadmajaNaidu,oneoftheleadingpersonalitiesfromtheCongressinthestatesaidthatiftheCongresspartyintheprincelystatesupportsthedivisionofthestateintonationalregions,thentheNizamcannotstayinpower;buttheCongresssupposedlywaitedforasignalfromNehru.14Apartfromthis,thelargestandthemostinf

luentialsectionofthebourgeoisieoftheprincelystate,connectedtothestateenterprisesandpurchasesbytheNizamalsodidnotwantthedivisionofthestate.ItiswellknownthatNehrunevergavethesignalforthedivisionastheCongressgovernmentrejectedthecreationoflinguisticprovinces.Butthisdoesnotmeanthatthemovementfortheircreationcametoahalt.Intheendof1948thismovementbecamesowidespreadthatitbecameathreattotheunityoftheCongress.TheAndhraMahasabha,ofwhichtheAndhraConferenceofHyderabadisaconstituentpart,expandedtremendouslyintheCongress-dominatedprovinceofAndhra.TheAndhraMahasabhawasunderthestronginfluenceofthecommunistsanditsupportedtherebellioninTelengana.Thisorganizationwascreatedin1911andinthebeginningitwasjustaculturalandeducationalsocietyinwhichthelandlordsplayedtheleadingrole.OnlyaftertheFirstWorldWarandspeciallyjustbeforetheSecondWorldWar,whenthemovementforselfdeterminationof

thenationalitiesofIndiatookonanintenseandmasscharacter,didtheMahasabhabegintotransformintoamoredemocraticorganization.ThepettybourgeoiselementsbegantoplaytheleadingroleinitandaftertheSecondWorldWarittransformedintoapredominantlypeasantorganizationandtheinfluenceofthecommunistsgrew.TheNationalCongressofAndhraPradeshbecameanarrowbourgeoispartyandtoagreatextentlostitsinfluenceamongthemasses.In1945,i.e.duringtheperiodofelectionstotheLegislativeAssemblyofMaharashtratheorganizationunderthenameofMaharashtraConferencewasestablished.Itsleaderwasalittle-knownMarathiadvocate.HoweverwhentheIndiangovernmentbegantoputbrakesonthecreationoflinguisticprovinces,theMaharasht

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raConferencethathadasitsmainaimthestrugglefortheunificationofalltheMarathidistrictsofIndiaintoaunifiedprovincestrengtheneditspositionamongtheMarathis.Intheendof1948,aftertheoccupationofHyderabadbytheIndianarmedforces,thisorganizationputforwardthedemandofinclusionofapartofHyderabadintoaunifiedprovinceofMaharashtra.Fromthe16to17ofOctober1948asessionoftheMaharashtraConferencewasheldinBombayatwhichthedemandwasputforwardfortheinclusionofallMarathilandsinMaharashtra,bothbelongingtotheIndianUnionaswellasthoseformingapartofprincelystates.TheCongressmembersalsoparticipatedinthisConferenceandtriedtolimititsinfluenceandmaketheentryofdemocraticforcesintotheorganizationmoredifficult.Forthispurposetheyproposedtheentrypaymenttobe5rupeesandayearlypaymentof1rupee.TheConferencerejectedthisdemandandasacompromisesetuptheentryfeeas1rupee.15TheMaharashtraConferencewasevenamoreheterogeneousorganizationthantheAndhraMahasabha.ItincludedalargenumberofnotonlypettybourgeoisieandpettybourgeoisintellectualsbutalsoMarathibourgeoisiei.e.avarietyofpettycapitalistsofPoonaandothertownsofMaharashtra.OnanumberofissuesthisorganizationsupportedtheNationalCongress,however,onthequestionofcreationoflinguisticprovincesitstoodinuncompromisingoppositiontothepolicyoftheCongressleadershipandtheIndiangovernment.InKeralathelocalorganizationsoftheCongressalignedthemselveswiththeprincesofTravancoreandCochin.TheysupportedtheaspirationsoftheprincestoretaintheirpowerthroughunificationoftheTravancoreandCochinandtheestablishmentoftheprincelystateofUnionofKerala.

ThemoredemocraticsectionsplitawayfromtheCongressandestablishedanewpartyunderthenameofSocialistPartyofKerala.ThispartysupportedthedemandofthecommunistsfortheliquidationoftheprincelystateandcreationofaunifiedanddemocraticKerala,whichwouldincludeboththeMalayaliprincelystates,aswellastheMalayaliregionsoftheMadrasprovince.16InthenorthoftheIndiathenationalmovementdidnothavesuchastrongpresenceasinthesouth.Thisisexplainedtoalargeextentbythefactthat,apartfromtheBengalisandtheGujaratis,therearenosuchfully-formednationsasinsouthIndia.InGujarattheinfluenceofthebigbourgeoisieisverystronganditisinterestednotsomuchabouttheculturaldevelopmentorthedestinyofitsnationasgainingcontrolovertheIndianmarket.ThatiswhyitdoesnotsupportthedemandofmakingGujaratintoaseparateprovinceandofunificationofallGujaratiterritorieswithinitsborders.Butthemovementforthecreatio

nofaunifiedGujarat,nonetheless,exists.17ThepartitioningofBengalbetweenIndiaandPakistanwasabigblowtothenationalmovementinBengal.ThemistrustbetweentheMuslimsandtheHindussownbytheBritishwasstilltoogreatforanyorganizationtodemandtheunificationofBengaleitherwithintheIndianUnionorPakistan.ButtheyearningforunificationexistsasmuchinthePakistanpartofBengalasintheIndian.Thus,inAugust1949,evenRoy,theex-ChiefMinisterofWestBengal,whomtheBengalinewspaperscalltheprotgoftheMarwaris,declaredthattherearesubstantialdifferencesbetweentheBengalipeopleandtheGovernmentofIndiaandthattheBengalipeopleaspireforunification.EarlierSuhrawardy,theex-chiefministerofBengalbeforeitspartition,supportedtheunificationofBengalwithinthebordersofPakistan.ThedeclarationsofthesepoliticiansareinterestinginthesensethattheyreflecttheaspirationsoftheBengalipeopletoachievetheunific

ationofBengal.TheimmensescaleofthenationalmovementoftheTelugupeopleforcedthegovernmentofIndiatodeclareitsagreementtothecreationoftheprovinceofAndhracomprisingof11districtsfromtheMadrasprovinceinNovember1949.Butin1950thisdecisionwasnotimplemented.InthenewConstitutionthereisnomentionofthisprovince.IntheConstitutionoftheIndianUnionapprovedinJanuary1950,itisstatedthattheHindilanguageistheofficiallanguageofIndiaandforthenext15yearsEnglishwouldalsohavethesamestatus.Moreso,Article343oftheConstitutionempowerstheIndiangovernmenttopromoteHindilanguageanddevelopitsot

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hatitbecomesthemeansofexpressionofalltheelementsofthecomplexcultureofIndia.Putsimply,theConstitutionofIndiaisforcingHindiuponallthepeoplesofIndiaandmakesitcompellingforthecentralgovernmenttotakemeasurestoerodetheroleofotherlanguagesfromthesphereofStateandpubliclife.ThisarticleoftheConstitutiondrewobjectionsevenfromamongtheministers.Thus,Gadgil,aMarathiandministerforenergyspokeagainstasalsoS.P.MukerjeeaBengaliandthethenministerofsupply.InthedraftprogrammeoftheCommunistPartyofIndiathefollowingassessmentofthenationalpolicyofthegovernmentofIndiaisgiven:thepartitionofthecountryandthereligiousstrifewereusedinordertodrownthedemandsofthevariousnationalitiesofIndiaregardingtheirfreedevelopmentandthetransformationofthepreviouslyheterogeneousBritishprovincesandtheprincelystatesintoautonomousinlinguisticsenseprovincesofUnifiedIndia.Underthepretextoftheunifyingthecountry,thelanguageofoneprovince,specificallyHindi,wasdeclaredasthecompulsorystatelanguageforallthenationalitiesofStatetothedetrimentoftheirownmothertongue.Vastregionsandmillionsofpeopleofonenationalityareforcedtoliveundertheruleofbureaucratsandgovernmentsthataredominatedbyothernationalities.Vastregionsinhabitedbytribalswiththeirowneconomyandcultureshavebeensurrenderedtolandlordsandfinancialsharksofoneortheothernon-tribalgroup.Inthiswaytheaspirationofthemassesforunityofthecountryisbeingusedinrealityforsowingdiscordanddisunityamongthepeople.18OntheissueofthenationalquestionthereareseriouscontradictionsbetweenthemonopolisticIndianbourgeoisie,landlordsandprinces,ontheonehand,and

themassofthepopulationoftheIndianUnionincludingthebourgeoisieofanumberofnationalities,particularlytheTelugu,Bengalis,Kannada,MalayaliandMarathi,ontheother.Atatimewhenthebigbourgeoisie,princesandthelandlordsareaspiringtotransformtheIndianUnionintoabureaucraticstateandretainfeudalprincelystates,theworkers,peasantsandthenationalbourgeoisiechoosethecreationoflinguistici.e.nationalprovinces,ingettingwideautonomyandliquidationoftheprincelystates.AtatimewhenthecentralgovernmentandtheleadershipoftheNationalCongressisinterestedinretainingtheprincelystates,iscreatingunionsofprincelystatesandinretainingthepowersoftheprincesasthestrongholdofreactionaryforcesinthecountry,thebourgeoisieofanumberofnationalitiesissupportingthedemandoftheworkersandthepeasantsfortheliquidationoftheprincelystatesandthecreationofunifiednationalprovincesembracingalltheterritoryofagivennationality.Ata

timewhenthecentralgovernmentandtheleadershipoftheNationalCongressaspiretopreservethemedieval-bureaucraticadministrativedivisionestablishedbytheBritishcolonizers,theworkingmassesandthebourgeoisieofanumberofnationalitiesaspiretowardsitseliminationandreplacementbyadivisionalongnationallines.Inthismanner,thebourgeoisieofanumberofnationalitiesofIndia,particularlytheTelugu,Malayali,Kannada,Marathi,andtheBengali,intheirstruggleagainstthereactionarynationalpolicyofthecentralgovernmentandtheleadershipoftheNationalCongressis,thoughnotaverypersistent,butstillanallyoftheworkingmassesanditshouldnotbethrownoutofreckoninginspiteofitsweaknessandindecisiveness.ButthisbourgeoisieisnotthemainmotiveforceofthenationalmovementsinIndia.Themaincoreofthesemovementsisthepeasantrythatismuchmorethanthebourgeoisieinterestedinthecompleteliqui

dationofthefeudalvestiges.Preciselythescaleofthepeasantanti-feudalmovementexplainstheimportancethatthenationalquestionhasgainedafterthepartitionofIndia.ThenationalmovementsofthepeoplesofIndiaevenbeforeitspartitionwereanti-feudalandanti-imperialistinnature.Butbefore1945bourgeoisreformistsandevenliberallandlordsheadedthesemovements.Themovementwasdirectedbythemonareformistpath,theymovednottowardstheliquidationoftheprincelystatesandfeudallandownershipbutonlytowardsreformsintheseprincelystatesandtowardscreationofprovincesonthebasisoflanguage.Theactionsofthepeasants,whichinanumberofareasweredirectedbytheworkers,changedthenatureoft

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henationalmovements.Totheextentthatthereformistelementswereeasedoutofleadershipthesemovementsacquiredawell-definedanti-feudalcharacterandbecameoneofthesignificantfactorsinthepost-warsurgeofthenationalliberationmovement.ThereforethenationalmovementsareacrucialreservefortheproletariatofIndiainitsstruggleforpeoplesdemocracy.ThegovernmentoftheIndianUnion,theCongressandtheprinceswanttoturnthenationalmovementsbackontothereactionarypath,usethemintheinterestsofindividualprincelydynasties.In1948,withthisaiminmindoneoftheofficialsoftheprincelystateofMysoreputforwardthesloganofaunitedKarnatakaundertheruleofthemaharajaofMysore.Inthespringof1949,theprincesofTravancoreandCochinunitedtheirstatesundertheruleofthemaharajaofTravancore.However,thesemeasuresdrawprotestsofthedemocraticforcesparticipatinginthemovement.After1949thereweremassdemonstrationsinKeralaagainstintensificationofthepoweroftheprinces.Thedemonstrationheldon1Juneputforwardthefollowingdemand:DeathtotheprincelyregimesfromKashmirtoCapeComorin!,Confiscationwithoutcompensationofthepropertyoftheprinces,theirministersandcronies!,CriminalcasesagainsttheofficialssuppressingthedemocraticmovementandCreationofnationalprovincesandcreationofaunifieddemocraticKeralaindemocraticIndia.19TheNationalQuestioninPakistanThenationalquestioninPakistanhasnolesserimportancethanintheIndianunion.AlreadyduringthecreationofPakistanasharpcontradictionemergedbetweentheMuslimLeagueandtheotherpoliticalorganizationsoftheAfghansonthe

questionofinclusionoftheAfghanterritoriesofIndia.Asitwasmentionedabove,theRedShirtsanditsalliedorganizationswereagainsttheinclusionoftheirterritoriesinPakistananddemandedthecreationofanindependentPathanstatePushtunistanorPathanistanoutoftheAfghanterritoriesofIndia.ConsequentlytheAfghanorganizationsboycottedthereferendumheldin1947onthequestionofinclusionoftheterritoriesoftheNorthWestborderprovinceinPakistan,astheBritishgovernmentrefusedtoincludeinthelistofquestionsalsothequestionofcreationofPathanistan.ThedemandforanindependentAfghanstatewaspopularintheborderstripinhabitedbythetribesofVazirs,theAfridiandothers.InspiteofallthemanoeuveringoftheBritishgovernmentandtheMuslimLeagueandsubsequentlythegovernmentofPakistan,themovementforthecreationofPathanistandidnotstopevenaftertheformationofnewdominions.ThismovementgotovertsupportfromthegovernmentofAfghanistan,which

protestedparticularlystronglyagainsttheinclusionofthebordertribesinPakistan.TherearenodoubtsthatthemovementofthePathanswaspartlyusedbytheBritishandAmericanimperialistsforforcingthePakistangovernmenttogiveitspermissionfortheAnglo-Americanarmytocontrolthestripinhabitedbybordertribes.ButthismovementinthemainwasapeoplesmovementdirectedagainstboththeBritishplanofpartitioningIndiaaswellasagainstPakistanasastoogeoftheBritish.TheAnti-BritishmovementintheNorth-WesternFrontierProvinceandintheAfghanprincelystatesunderIndianjurisdictionandparticularlyinthestripoftheso-calledindependenttribesneverstoppedsincethetimeoftheirinclusionintheBritishIndianEmpire.IndependencefromBritishdominationwasalwaystheend,thoughmaybeonenotalwaysclearlyrecognized,aimofthestruggleoftheAfghansofIndia.In1919,duringtheAfghanwarforindependenceagainsttheB

ritish,sympathyforAfghanistanswelledamongtheAfghansofIndia,butaftertheformationin1929ofareactionaryregimeinAfghanistanthatwaslookingforaccordwiththeBritishimperialists,theAfghansofIndiabegantolookforotheralliesintheirstruggleagainstcolonialoppression.Specifically,theanti-BritishcourseofthenationalmovementoftheAfghansofIndia,andnotsympathyforIndianbourgeoisnationalismor,moreso,forGandhism,explainstherelationsbetweentheAfghannationalmovementandtheNationalCongress.OnlythetoplayeramongtheleadershipoftheRedShirts,mainlythelandlordsAbdulGhafoorKhan,KhanSahibandothersweregenuineCongressistsandfollowersofGandhi.ThemajorpartofRedShirtswhofollowedthemhadverylittleinc

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ommonwiththeNationalCongressandevenlesswithGandhism.ThesewereAfghanpeasantsaspiringforfreedomfromtheBritishandallyingwiththeNationalCongressonlybecausethelatterdeclaredfullindependenceofIndiaasitsfinalgoal.TheMuslimLeague,alwayscloselylinkedtotheBritishgovernment,forthisveryreasonwasneverpopularamongsuchfanaticalMuslimsastheIndianAfghans-Pathans.AndwhenthequestionofinclusionoftheAfghanterritoriesofIndiaintoPakistansurfaced,themajorityoftheAfghanscameoutagainstit.ApartywithAbdulGhaffarKhanasitsleaderwassetupinPakistan,whichdeclareditgoalastransformationofPakistanintoafederationofsocialistrepublics.Thisprogrammewasclearlypuredemagogy.AbdulGhaffarKhanneverhadanythingincommonwithsocialism.However,hecontinuedthestruggleagainstthegovernmentofPakistanandsoonheandhisfollowerstheAfghannationalistswerethrowninjail.EvenafterthisthemovementforPathanistancarriedon,butasaresultoftherepressionthecentreofthemovementshiftedtothestripoflandofthebordertribesspeciallyVaziristan.Thewell-knownFakirIpiactivelyworkedforthecreationofPathanistan.In1951thePathanproblemremainedoneoftheseriousproblemsinPakistan.In1948inPakistantheSindhproblemsurfaced.ThecityofKarachiwasmadethetemporarycapitalofPakistan,andlaterthedecisionwastakentomakeitthepermanentcapital.LahorethelargestcityofPakistanandthehistoricalcentreofPunjabsufferedgreatlyduringtheriotsinAugust-September1947andwasaveryvolatileplace.DeclarationofKarachiasthecapitalcityofPakistananditsseparationfromtheprovinceofSindhintoanautonomousadministrativeunit

drewtheangerofthepopulationofSindhastheSindhisconsideredKarachiastheirnationalcapital.TheSindhiswerealwaysverysensitivetoallsortsofprojectstoincludeSindhinPunjabbecausetheyconsideredthatsuchamovewillbedetrimentaltotheirnationalaspirationandwillputtheminapositionofdependencyonthePunjabis.InPakistantheSindhisarenotveryinfluentialandamongtheirleadershipeithertheMuslimmigrantsfromtheIndianUnionorthePunjabisdominate.TheworkingmassesofSindharenotwellorganized,theclassofworkersisminiscule,andthepeasantryisbackwardandoppressedbythefeudallandlordswhodonotwantanyconflictwiththegovernmentofPakistan.ThemerchantbourgeoisieofSindh,mainlyHindus,isafraidofraisingitsvoicethoughearlierithadstronglyopposedtheintegrationofSindhintoPunjab.TheBengalproblemhasgreatimportanceforPakistan.TheBengalisconstitutemo

rethanhalfthepopulationofPakistan.TheyarethemostadvancedofthenationalitiesofPakistan.TheBengalisofEastPakistanhavenolinks,neithereconomicnorcultural,withWestPakistan.ThatiswhythegovernmentofPakistanwantedtobindBengaltoPakistanbyintroducinginPakistan,includingBengal,Urduasthesinglestatelanguageandbyescalatingpan-Islamicpropaganda.Acommonreligionandacommonlanguage,accordingtothegovernmentofPakistan,shouldhavebeenabletouniteEastBengalwithWestPakistan.Butthereactionaryendeavouratassimilationthroughforcinganalienlanguageonthepopulationfailed.AlreadyinJinnahslifetime,inthebeginningof1948,thedecisionoftheConstituentAssemblyofPakistantodeclareUrduasthemandatorystatelanguageofallofPakistanresultedinseriousdisturbancesinDhakaamongstthegovernmentemployeesandspeciallythestudents.TheydemandedthatBengalibethestatelanguageinEastPakistan,thattheteachinginuniversitiesandofficialwork

instateandprovincialdepartmentsbeconductedinBengalietc.20DemonstrationsandprotestmeetingswereheldandtherewereevenclasheswiththepoliceagainstthepolicyofforcingUrduasthemandatorystatelanguageontheBengalis.ThesedisturbancesforcedJinnahtogotoEastBengalandtalktothestudentstoconvincethemtoacceptUrduasthelanguageofallofPakistan.Indoingso,JinnahdeclaredthatthiswouldnotbetothedetrimentoftheBengalilanguagethatwouldbeconsideredastheofficiallanguageoftheprovince.TheBengalproblemwasnotlimitedonlytotheissueoflanguage.InMarch1949,therepresentativesofEastBengalintheConstituentAssemblyofPakistanduringthediscussionsonthebudgetstronglyopposedthepolicyofthecentralgove

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rnmentofPakistanwhichdeclaredthatitviewsEastBengalonlyasplacefromwhereitcanextractresourcesbutisnotinterestedinitsdevelopment.TheBengalinationaldevelopmentthatwasartificiallyweakenedbyincitementofHindu-Muslimpogromsoveraperiodof40years,isagainbeginningtogainmomentumbothintheWestaswellasintheEastPakistaniBengal.TheintensificationofthenationalandpeasantsmovementinBengalcanexplaintheprovocationofHindu-MuslimpogromsinbothpartsinFebruary1950.TherulinggroupsoftheIndianUnionandPakistan,followingtheexamplesetbytheirBritishmentor,aretryingtodrownthepeoplesmovementoftheBengalisinblood.TherulinggroupingofPakistanistryingtocounterthedemandsforautonomyofthenationalprovincesaswellastheliberationmovementofthePathansandtheBengaliswiththepropagandaofpan-IslamismandtheShariat,theunityofallMuslimsandforcingofUrduasthestatelanguageofallofPakistan.However,ifthepan-IslamicpropagandastillmakessomeimpactamongthenationalitiesofPakistan,thentheattempttomakeUrduasthestatelanguageofallofPakistanonlystrengthensthenationalmovement.TheabsenceofculturalandeconomiclinksbetweenEastBengalandWestPakistanmakesPakistananextremelyunstablestate.ThissituationisextensivelyexploitedbyBritishimperialism.However,theprogressionofthenational-liberationmovementinSouth-EastAsia,particularlyinPakistansneighbourBurma,maybecomeasignalfortheintensificationofthenational-liberationpeoplesmovementinBengal.Therefore,bothintheIndianUnionandPakistanafterthepartitionofIndiathenationalquestionhasbecomeoneofthemostcrucialquestionsofpoliticalli

fe.________________________________________AnexaminationofthenationalmovementthatisgainingmomentumandincreasinginscalebothintheIndianUnionaswellasinPakistanallowsustoreachthefollowingconclusions:Thenationalmovementisgrowingunevenly.IntheterritoriesoftheMarathis,MalayaliandparticularlyinAndhrawidesectionsoftheworkingpeopleareparticipatinginthemovementandithastakenonverystrongproportions.ThismovementisabitweakerinBengal,Karnataka,andinTamilnad;itisevenweakerinGujarat.Therefore,themovementismostactiveinregionswheretheremnantsoffeudalrelationsinthecountrysidearegreaterbutwherecapitalismisontheriseatthesametime.TheexperienceofIndiaalsodemonstratesthatfullyandalmostfullyformednat

ionswithadevelopednationalmovementhavingwell-definednationaldemandsdonotalwayshavetheirownstrongnationalbourgeoisie.Preciselythenationalmovementassumesthemostactiveformsamongpeoples,liketheTeluguandtheMarathi,whosenationalbourgeoisieisweakandhasnotbeenabletolinkupeconomicallyorpoliticallywiththeBritishimperialists.Consequently,thecompetitionbetweenthebourgeoisiesofvariousnationsinthenationalmovementintheperiodofthegeneralcrisisofcapitalismplaysasecondaryroleandthenationalmovementisanexpressionofthestruggleofthemassesofworkers,thepeasantryandthepettybourgeoislayersofthetownsagainsttheoppressionofforeignimperialists,feudallandlordsandthedominantmonopolisticbourgeoisieinIndia.In1925,J.V.StalininresponsetoSemichsarticleonthenationalquestioninYugoslaviawrote:Theessenceofthenationalquestiontodayliesinthestrugglethatthemasses

ofthepeopleofthecoloniesanddependentnationalitiesarewagingagainstfinancialexploitation,againstthepoliticalenslavementandculturaleffacementofthosecoloniesandnationalitiesbytheimperialistbourgeoisieoftherulingnationality.Whatsignificancecanthecompetitivestrugglebetweenthebourgeoisiesofdifferentnationalitieshavewhenthenationalquestionispresentedinthatway?Certainlynotdecisivesignificance,and,incertaincases,notevenimportantsignificance.Itisquiteevidentthatthemainpointhereisnotthatthebourgeoisieofonenationalityisbeating,ormaybeat,thebourgeoisieofanothernationalityinthecompetitivestruggle,butthattheimperialistgroupoftherulingnationalityisexploitingandoppressingthebulkofthemasses,ab

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oveallthepeasantmasses,ofthecoloniesanddependentnationalitiesandthat,byoppressingandexploitingthem,itisdrawingthemintothestruggleagainstimperialism,convertingthemintoalliesoftheproletarianrevolution.21ThestruggleofthepeasantmassesagainstthefeudalvestigesdominantintheIndiancountrysideagainstfeudallandownership,theruleoftheprincesandusurerenslavementformsthemaincontentofthenationalmovementsoftheIndianUnionandPakistan.Thenationalbourgeoisiealsoparticipatedinthenationalmovementfairlyactivelybutonlyinregionswherethismovementassumedextremelyacuteformitwasnotthemotiveforce.ItisinthislightthattheroleofsuchnationalorganizationsasAndhraMahasabha,MaharashtraConferenceandothersmustbeassessed.Theseorganisationsareanimportantallyoftheproletariatinademocraticrevolution.Theymainlyconsistofpeasants,thedemocraticlayerofintellectualsandtheurbanpoor,but,inthem,therearealsorepresentativesofthetoplayeroftenantsandthenationalbourgeoisie.Inthislight,theseorganisationsmustnotbeequatedwithpeasantsunions,workersunionsetc.,thataremorehomogenousregardingtheirclasscontentthantheabove-mentionedorganisations.TheseorganisationswhilefightingagainstthenationalpolicyofthecentralgovernmentoftheIndianUnionandPakistanplayacertainprogressiveroleandeven,asinTelengana,participatedactivelyinthepeasantuprising.Butunderincreasingrepressionofthereactionaryforcestheycanalwaysbesplinteredandthebourgeois-kulaksectionoftheleadershipcanbetraythemovement.ThereactionarynationalpolicyofthegovernmentsofIndiaandPakistanisaresultofthefactthattheyaregovernmentsoflandlords,princesandlargecapit

aliststhatareputontheleashbyBritishimperialism.ComradeStalinwrotein1917aboutthereasonsofnationaloppressioninRussia:Thisistobeexplainedchieflybythefactthat,owingtoitsveryposition,thelandedaristocracyis(cannotbutbe!)themostdeterminedandimplacablefoeofallliberty,nationallibertyincluded;thatlibertyingeneral,andnationallibertyinparticular,undermines(cannotbutundermine!)theveryfoundationsofthepoliticalruleofthelandedaristocracy.Thusthewaytoputanendtonationaloppressionandtocreatetheactualconditionsnecessaryfornationallibertyistodrivethefeudalaristocracyfromthepoliticalstage,towrestthepowerfromitshands.22Thelandlords,princesandthemonopolisticbourgeoisieofIndiaandtheBritishandAmericanimperialistsarethecarriersofnationaloppression.Thisensurestheimportantroleofthenationalmovementsinthestruggleforgenuinelyinde

pendentanddemocraticIndiaandPakistan.ThenationalandthepeasantsmovementsinIndiaandPakistanconfirmsthefactthattherevolutionarypotentialofthenationalmovementinthesecountrieshasnotbeentotallyeliminatedandthatitcanbecomeastrongallyoftheproletariatinthestruggleforpeoplesdemocracy.SpeakingaboutthetasksoftherevolutioninChina,J.V.Stalin,basinghimselfonthetacticalprinciplesofLeninism,wrote:IhaveinmindsuchtacticalprinciplesofLeninismas:a)theprinciplethatthenationallypeculiarandnationallyspecificfeaturesineachseparatecountrymustunfailinglybetakenintoaccountbytheCominternwhendrawingupguidingdirectivesfortheworking-classmovementofthecountryconcerned;b)theprinciplethattheCommunistPartyofeachcountrymustunfailinglyavail

itselfofeventhesmallestopportunityofgainingamassallyfortheproletariat,evenifatemporary,vacillating,unstableandunreliableally;c)theprinciplethatunfailingregardmustbepaidtothetruththatpropagandaandagitationalonearenotenoughforthepoliticaleducationofthevastmasses,thatwhatisrequiredforthatisthepoliticalexperienceofthemassesthemselves.23Thesetasks,putupbycomradeStalinarefullyapplicableforIndiaandPakistan.Endnotes:1HindustanTimes,6April1949.

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2Ibid.3Coupland.TheFutureofIndia,London,1945,p.404HindustanTimes,6April1949.5Ibid.,2April1949.6Crossroads,15April1949.7CalcuttaReview,September,19488ModernReview,January1948.9PeoplesAge,5September194810People sAge,5September194811Ibid.12PeoplesAge,5September,194813HindustanTimes,6April1949.14ModernReview,August1947.15PeoplesAge,31October1948.16Ibid,17October1948.17ModernReview,June1948.18Pravda,12May1951.19Crossroads,15September1949.20PeoplesAge,28March1948.21J.V.Stalin,Works,vol.7,p.224-225.22J.V.Stalin,Works,vol.3,p.18.23J.V.Stalin,Works,vol.9,p.337-338.From:A.M.D"yakov,Indiyavobremyaiposlevtoroimirovoivoiny1939-1949,Izdatel"stvoAkademiiNaukSSSR,Moscow,1952,pp.208-222.

TranslatedfromtheRussianbyTahirAsghar________________________________________AppendixFrom:TheMemorandumoftheCommunistPartyofIndiatotheBritishCabinetMission4.ConstituentAssembly:ItistherightoftheIndianpeopletoframetheirownconstitution,anditisintheIndianpeoplealonethatfullsovereigntyisvested.TheConstitution-makingbodyenvisagedbytheBritishGovernmentisundemocratic,asitwillbeformedbyelectionofdelegatesbythemembersoftheProvincialAssemblies,onthebasisofindirectelection.TheexistingProvisionalAssembliesbasedonanarrowfranchisekeepthevastmajorityofthepeopleoutofpowe

r.TheProvisionalGovernment,shall,therefore,convenetheConstituentAssemblyonthebasisofadultfranchiseandoftherecognitionoftherightofself-determinationforprovinces,reconstitutedasnewnationalunits(asexplainedbelow).Self-DeterminationTheacutedifferencesbetweentheCongressandtheLeagueontheissueofConstituentAssemblycanonlybesettledbythejustapplicationoftheprincipleofself-determination.WesuggestthattheProvisionalGovernmentshouldbechargedwiththetaskofsettingupaBoundariesCommissiontoredrawtheboundariesonthebasisofnaturalancienthomelandsofeverypeople,sothatdemarcatedprovincesbecome,asfaraspossible,linguisticallyandculturallyhomogeneousnationalunits,e.g.,Si

nd,Pathanland,WesternPunjab.*Thepeopleofeachsuchunitshouldhavetheunfetteredrightofself-determination,i.e.,therighttodecidefreelywhethertheywilljointheIndianUnionorformaseparatesovereignstateoranotherIndianUnion.TheCommunistPartystandsforafree,voluntary,democraticIndianUnion,inacommonbrotherhoodtodefendthefreedomandsolvetheproblemsofpovertywhichrequiretheco-operationofall.Itisonlyonthebasisoftheapplicationoftheprincipleofself-determination,asindicatedabove,thattheIndianunitycanbepreserved.*Thefollowingarethenationalunitsthatwillcomeintoexistenceafterdemar

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cationoftheboundaries,assuggestedabove,andafterthedissolutionoftheIndianstates,ascontemplatedunderSection6:Tamilnad,Andhradesha,Kerala,Karnatak,Maharashtra,Gujerat,Rajasthan,Sind,Baluchistan,Pathanland,Kashmir,WesternPunjab,CentralPunjab,Hindustan,Bihar,Assam,Bengal,Orissa.IndianStatesTheIndianpeoplearedeterminedtoputanendtothePrincessautocracywhichholdsswayoverone-thirdofIndia.IndianfreedomandIndiandemocracywillhavenomeaninginfact,theywillbeconstantlyendangeredifone-thirdofIndiaisallowedtoremainundertheyokeofthesemedievalautocrats.ThePrincesoftheBritishGovernment;theyhavebeeninthepast,andareeventoday,maintainedbyBritishbayonetsasausefulproptoBritishrule.Indiaregardstheso-calledtreatiesandobligationsoftheBritishGovernmentasmerelyaconspiracyagainstIndiandemocracy.Thereshouldbe,therefore,noquestionofinvitingthePrincestosharepowerintheInterimGovernmentorofallowingthemanyshareindeterminingthedecisionsoftheConstituentAssembly.ThepeoplesoftheIndianStatesshould,therefore,havethesamerightsandfranchiseastherestoftheIndianpeople.ThepeopleofeachshouldhavethefullrighttodecidethroughafreelyelectedConstituentAssemblywhethertheyshouldjointheIndianUnionasaseparateprovinceorjoinanyparticularreconstitutedprovince,inhabitedbypeopleofthesamenationalityConclusionTheCommunistPartyisoftheopinionthatonlyiftheBritishGovernmentproceedsalongthelineslaiddowninthisMemorandum,willitbeabletoachieveastable,democraticsettlementbetweentheIndianpeopleandtheBritishpeopleon

thebasisofequalitythussolvingoneoftheknottiestproblemsofworldsecurityandpeaceamongpeoples.Anyattempt,however,toexploitthedifferencesamongtheIndianpeople,toimposeanarbitrarypartition,andtoretainthePrincesinordertoperpetuateBritishdomination,willberesistedbytheIndianpeoplewithallthestrengthattheircommand.15thApril,1946Bombay.From:(Edited)G.Adhikari,MarxistMiscellany,VolumeEight,PeoplesPublishingHouse,Bombay,1946,pp.120-24.ClickheretoreturntotheSeptember2003index.