NATIONAL APPROPRIATIONS: YAQUI AUTONOMY,THE CENTENNIAL OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION

AND THE BICENTENNIAL OF THE MEXICAN NATION∗

Nicole M. Guidotti-Hernandez

The University of Arizona

Abstract

2010 marks the centennial of the Mexican Revolution and thebicentennial of the independent Mexican nation-state. As an op-portunity to critique the role of national history and nationalismin producing mythologies that serve particular interests, this paperargues that certain historical flashpoints demonstrate how vehiclesfor national commemoration consolidate and suture the modernityembodied by the state on the one hand and the pre-modern objec-tification of the Yaqui on the other to foment state formation. Incontrast, Yaqui enactments of historical memory consistently workagainst the Mexican state in multiple ways. To do so, the essay first,examines the ways in which Yaqui struggles for autonomy, pre andpost revolution (1901-1910 and 1920-1935) were, and continue to be,written out of the history of the Mexican nation. Secondly, the essayexamines the erasure of the violence enacted by the U.S., Mexican-American and Mexican state actors against the Yaqui peoples as partof multiple national projects that glorify mestizaje without a mate-rial attentiveness to histories of state violence (physical, epistemicand discursive). Thirdly, I examine how the state and transnationalcorporations deploy the image of the Danzante del venado (deerdancer) as both an object of nationalism and the site of epistemicviolence. I demonstrate these points by presenting the counterpointevidence of Yaqui struggles for autonomy.

2010 marks the centennial of the Mexican Revolution and the bicenten-nial of the independent Mexican nation-state. As an opportunity to critiquethe role of national history and nationalism in producing mythologies thatserve particular interests, this essay argues that certain historical flash-points consolidate and suture the modernity embodied by the state on theone hand and the pre-modern objectification of the Yaqui on the other. Incontrast, Yaqui enactments of historical memory consistently work againstMexican state appropriations in multiple ways. First, the essay examinesthe ways in which the Yaqui struggles for autonomy, pre and post revolu-tion (1901-1910 and 1920-1935) were, and continue to be, written out of the

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history of the Mexican nation. Secondly, the essay examines the erasure ofthe violence performed by the U.S., Mexican-American and Mexican stateactors against Yaqui peoples as part of multiple national projects that glo-rify mestizaje without a material attentiveness to histories of state violence.Thirdly, it examines how the state and transnational corporations deploythe image of the Danzante del venado (deer dancer) as both an object ofnationalism and the site of epistemic violence. I demonstrate these pointsby presenting the counterpoint evidence of Yaqui struggles for autonomy.

Since the nineteenth century was crucial to Mexican formations of na-tional identity, given the French occupation, wars of reform, and US an-nexation of the now American Southwest (Beezley, viii), I historicize howthe materials from this period were produced in a highly masculinist dis-course. This reinforces the relationship between gendered forms of powerand nationhood. Because gender dynamics elucidate national history andbecause such history further complicates a Chicano and Mexican national-ist depictions of the past that unproblematically claim indigenous originsand lionize indigeneity as a catch-all category for that which is not Span-ish or Anglo-American, I center the celebratory nature of discourses ofrevolution and the bicentennial. They are read as a similar kind of dis-cursive and epistemic violence because the celebration requires a forget-ting: Yaqui participation in the revolution is obviated as are/were massdeportations, lynching and genocide directed at masculine subjects. Whatfollowed the revolution was a series of fights with the state over autonomyand land rights. Taken together, the erasure from national meta-narrativehistory and forgetting of state-sponsored violence is supposedly remediedthrough Sonorense and Mexican national usage of the image of the dan-zante del venado. It is precisely the masculinized and eroticized body ofthe Danzante del venado that is appealing as a site to cement national con-solidation; it serves as a synecdoche of the parts that stand for the whole.As Sydney Hutchinson has argued, “state refashionings of the Deer dancehave transformed it into the representation of the melancholy noble sav-age” and masculine athleticism instead of an ethnic-specific ritual history(212).

While the sweep of 120 years might seem unsatisfying to some histo-rians, the essay connects several historical moments that create an archof signification. That is, if we examine these flashpoints (the glimpsesor flashes of history that capture the fleeting, elusive nature of mem-ory)1 in relation to each other in terms of state-formation, we see howdiscursive violence is at the core of nationalism and that nationalism isdependent upon a particular imagining of Yaqui Indians as objects andnot as subjects of their own making. Ultimately, the lack of critical self-reflexivity contributes to a knowledge production that results in epistemicviolence where the very idea of national histories as they are appropriatedby Chicanos and Mexicans in nationalist rhetoric of mestizaje, nation, andrevolution efface Indigenous subjects and history.

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Flash Point 1: Pre-Revolutionary Yaqui HistoryA pre-revolutionary example of the multidimensional quality of state

violence against the Yaqui highlights their uncanny ability to consistentlybattle, perplex and undermine the Mexican nation-state by enacting theirown vision of nation. At the national historical level, there exists lack ofa serious discussion of torture and lynching that were part of state policyto quell Yaqui rebellion. In an unnamed newspaper article from the U.S.,a Yaqui lynching narrative was leaked from Sonora in 1906, tracking thegruesome details of the state’s campaign:

strange fruit is seen on many of the trees in Sonora’s beautiful andfertile fields, strange and horrible like the “acorns” in the reignof Louis XI in France. A single branch often holds two or threedead Yaqui Indians, rocking in the wind, with their heads fallento one side and their beards on their chests, and always revolvingaround the tree and its horrible fruit is a buzzard, and sometimes adozen of them. The dead Yaqui rocking in the breeze are warningsfrom the Mexican government for the rebellious natives in Sonora,who, nevertheless, forcefully and resolutely increase their desire forindependence, month after month, while their reputed chief, JohnDwyer, the American mining expert, waits, trusting in the politicalevent that will follow the death of elderly President Dıaz. The deadYaqui suspended from the branches in Sonora are not the onlyadmonition to the rebels. Each month, half a dozen of the tribe’sbrave warriors are marched by a military escort from the prisonin Hermosillo to a field beyond the city, and there, as publicly aspossible, they are militarily executed.(AGES, Tomo 2138, 1906)

Several things are noteworthy about the lynching of disobedientYaqui and their rebellion against the Mexican nation. As the articlespends some time detailing the physical process of lynching, it alsoerases the structural power differentials about race, masculinity andnation that produced such moments of extreme violence because thelynched body is taken as a transparent truth. Further, the conspiracy the-ory that an American miner, John Dwyer was their political jefe, whowanted to use the Yaqui to annex Sonora and create a sovereign na-tion for them. Several reports from the Secretaria de Relaciones Exterioresfurther articulate anxiety about Dwyer, because somehow having Amer-ican funds, support, and mastermind Yaqui rebellion was doubly dan-gerous.2 Mexico had already had two fiascos of ceded territory with theMexican American war 1846-1848 and the Treaty of La Mesilla (touch-stones for Mexican American/Chicano claims to indigenous land-rights).Suggesting that John Dwyer was using the Yaqui to annex Sonora re-minded the Mexican government of its continuous failed colonizationpolicies that lost more than half of its territory to the colonial power to

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the north. Opening a wound of historical trauma with such a suggestiononly reminded the Mexican government that not only were they unable tostop U.S. colonial powers but they were completely incapable of assertingtheir own colonial designs in places like Sonora. Further, suggesting thatthe Jefe militar of the Yaqui was a gringo is another effacement of Yaquisubjectivity, much like the lynchings themselves, a denial of their abil-ity to rationally carry out warfare against a sovereign nation like Mexico.Given Mexico’s failure to successfully carry out its own colonial projectswithin the borders of it’s own nation by stamping out Yaqui attempts atarmed self determination because, as Jose Angel Hernandez (2008) hasdemonstrated, the Porfiriato’s sale of Yaqui lands to Mexican Americancolonists from Colorado in this second phase of state sponsored violenceagainst indigenous peoples in Sonora shows, quite convincingly, how theMexican nation-state depended upon Mexican Americans and US basedventure capitalists to come in and colonize/civilize the Rio Yaqui. Thisshifted the work of the Yaqui campaign from strictly military warfare tolynching and deportation. As the passage references the strange fruit ofthe trees with a melancholic tone of mourning and loss, bearing dismem-bered Yaqui bodies, what this story elides is how Mexican Americans wereactively colonizing Yaqui lands (Hernandez 2008) to aid in the Mexicannation’s project of borderlands modernity through Indian removal. Statepolicies most notably included deportation, torture cases, and lynchingsfrom 1901 until the beginning of the Mexican revolution in 1910.3 DeadYaqui bodies hanging from the trees represent how Mexican fears andanxieties about Indian self-determination manifested in the almost un-speakable brutality of state-sponsored lynching. Essentially, the violenceembodied in lynching, deportation to Yucatan, torture, colonization, pri-vate policing with Mexican private eyes in Arizona, venture capitalism,and national systems of government all worked in concert transnationallyto inflect the way race, nation, citizenship and gender identities justifiedthe state-sponsored violence.

Flashpoint 2: Post-Revolutionary Yaqui HistoryHistorians such as Alfonso Cienfuegos (2006) and Javier Gamez Chavez

(2004) have shown the extensive Yaqui participation in the Magonistamovement during the revolution was fundamentally aligned with the an-archist critique of capitalist exploitation. After numerous Yaqui fought sideby side with Magonistas during the revolutionary struggle in NorthernMexico between 1909 and 1914 to cement their claims to autonomyand hopefully have their families returned from their deportation toYucatan from 1902-1909, negotiations with the Lazaro Cardenas govern-ment demonstrate how enfranchisement was temporary and fragile at bestand completely exclusionary at worst. The alliance with Magonistas was aparallel struggle against Porfirismo and to recuperate and possess Yaquiland while centralizing claims to social and economic equality (Gamez-Chavez, 51-52). Maderistas did not resolve the Yaqui land disputes and

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the Calles presidency reengaged hostility towards the Yaqui when theywere assigned individual land holdings by the administration, triggeringa second set of government-mandated imprisonments, including anotherarmed struggle against the government in 1927-1928 and by maintain-ing a Central office of Yaqui registration that regulated their movements(Molina, 102-103). In other words, post-revolutionary agrarian reform wasdesigned to stimulate development but did not consider Yaqui autonomyas part of these goals. Leading up to the 1937 decree by Cardenas, grantingthe Yaqui land rights to their territory, including water rights, it is evidentthat Yori4 capitalists did not respect Indigenous land rights in NorthernMexico.

In a series of communiques to Lazaro Cardenas, Yaqui territorial Gover-nor Lucero expressed a collective concretized sense of nationhood outsideof that of the Mexican nation. Reminding President Cardenas of history.Lucero stated,

desde el ano de 1533. Fecha en que los Espanoles empenzo la guerracon el Yaqui, y despues en el ano de 1838, principaron una guerratenaz contra esta tribu Yaqui, los Gobiernos de antano muchas veceshan hecho paz con la Tribu Yaqui para traicionarlo, es decir paraacabar con el Yaqui, no es por que vivian tranquilos, no mas porqueunos hombres blancos ambiciosos que estan radicados en el Yaquiesos hombres dan malas noticias al Gobierno, titulan de bandidoal Yaqui, siendo ellos mismos son los promotores de todo, hasta lafecha todavia siguen con la misma idea que tienen contra esta TribuYaqui, segun tenemos conocimiento que en la region del Yaqui to-davia exsiten los Porfiristas del Gobierno pasado, quien tienen ex-propriados gran extensions de terrenos que pertenecen esta Tribu,por lo frecuentemente estamos en pleitos con el Gobierno antanode Sonora. Los terrenos expropriados por los blancos que acon-tinuacion expresamos, el campo denominado los Guarachis estaocupado por un senor de nacionalidad extranjero . . . en el campoque le dicen que tambien esta ocupado por unos blancos, ası comotambien el Pueblo de Bacum y Cocorit, Son., . . . actualmente ocu-pados por los yoris . . . . los terrenos que tienen cultivados en aquellugar [Cajeme y Ciudad Obregon] y que esta ocupados por los blan-cos, son propiedades de la Tribu Yaqui, . . . los Gobernadores de losocho pueblos ası como todo el pueblo en general rogamos Ud. muyrespetuosamente a fın de que los terrenos que nos fueron quitadosen epocas pasadas por los hombres ambiciosos que nos sean de-vueltos de una manera definitive para el progreso de la Tribu Yaqui(Lucero to Cardenas. 17 February 1937).

In addition to Yaqui autonomy, Governor Lucero also identifies a differ-ent discourse of race counter to Mexico’s national mythology of mestizaje.Lucero is insistent that “hombres blancos ambicioscos” and Porfiristas are

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synonymous. Here, whiteness not mestizoness becomes the marked dif-ference between culture, land tenure, value, and citizenship. These diplo-matic overtures on the part of the Yaqui nation are couched in the long-historical reach of Mexican imperialism and the struggle for autonomy.Clearly imagining themselves as a nation, Lucero’s letter advocates theremoval of remnants of the Porfirian empire and foreign venture capital-ists vacating their rightful lands after a revolution that was supposed totake land from caciques and return it to the people. As Lucero’s letter at-tests, the Yaqui imagined themselves as political subjects, in dialogue withthe Mexican nation but clearly understanding that how the nation and itssubjects viewed them was strikingly different. As “cualquier individuode los blancos fabrican casas de adobe en los terrenos propiedad de latribu Yaqui a venderlas a otras,” Lucero marks a racialized capitalist sys-tem where Yoris acted as if Indian land autonomy meant nothing and thatYaqui land was seen as privatized terrain. In essence, the Yaqui tried to usethe federal government to reterritorialize their region that had the multiplefailed empires (Spain, Mexico and venture capitalists) that tried to deterri-torialize the Yaqui peoples. This Yaqui reterritorialization must be read asa result of the constant revolt to control the means of production and Yaquibodies, using land as a base to counteract the centuries-long disturbancesthat various empires caused to social, economic and religious life.

Flashpoint 3: Forgetting the past in Contemporary Landscapesof National Commemoration

The image that most crassly codifies national forgetting of violenceagainst Yaqui peoples at Mexico’s northern border is the deployment ofthe image of the Danzante del venado (Yaqui deer dancer or in YaquiMaso). The most sacred of cultural practices, scholars such as Spicer (1980),Holden Kelly (1970), Delgado Shorter (2009) and Evers with Molina (1987)have shown that dancing is not only a ritual of commemoration but thatceremonial life has survived the long-term historical persecution of Yaquipeoples by the Mexican government, forming the backbone of culturalpractice (Spicer, 1943, 28). Further scholars such as Spicer (1940, “Pascua”),Rodriguez, and Fortier (2007) have noted that the Yaqui are often veryreluctant to talk about ceremonial and religious life with anyone, especiallygiven their history with the Mexican government. Given this history ofviolence and lack of state retribution, and Yaqui protection of their sacredrituals, why then, does the image of the Yaqui deer dancer appear asnational patrimony all over Sonora and Greater Mexico?

Existing as a cultural practice before the Spanish and Jesuits arrived, ladanza del venado was originally a hunting ritual and a means of securingthe appropriate relationship with the animal. The ceremony takes placewithin the context where three Pascolas (Pahko’ola) who play the waterdrum, flute, and rasp. The iconic costume, often reproduced by the state,and so central to the ritual, features the stuffed head of a male deer wornon the head of the dancer. Resting on a white kerchief, which covers the

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dancers head and the eyes, red ribbons flow from the antlers. Wearingnecklaces of shell crosses, representing the 4 worlds, the coyole belt madefrom the hoofs of deer or other animals wrap the ankles. The legs alsoare covered with teneboihm, a string of moth cocoons with pebbles orseveral large grains, acting as rattles. With gourd rattles in hand, the dancerimitates the steps of a deer. A site for the production of masculinity, ethnicidentity, and spatial claims to land, the dance relies upon the merging ofCatholic Easter traditions and ancient cultural beliefs to cement collectivehistorical memory.5 The dance also marks the merging of the natural worldand the world of Christian belief (Spicer, 1980, 60). The Pascua Yaquitribe, for example, has used the danza del venado to commemorate thosemassacred at the battle of Mazacoba by the Mexican Army in 1900.6 Asactive production of collective memory of loss, state-sponsored violence,Yaqui survival, and cultural retention, the dance is very specific to theYaqui of Sonora.

There are several important studies whose main task has been to pro-vide such cultural anthropological descriptions of the danza del venado,and mine is not one of them (see Spicer 1980, Delgado-Shorter 2009, andEvers and Molina 1987). Rather, I am most interested in how the ironicgesture of the Mexican state using the danzante del venado image turnsthe Yaqui and Yaqui history into a commodity and vehicle for nationalism.That is, the Yaqui and their history are turned into objects of consumptionby the Sonorense state, transnationally based corporations, and the Mexi-can state commemoration of the bicentennial in Mexico City as a stand infor an authentic history, justifying a norteno place in the Mexican nationas well as a localized form of national pride.

One of the late 20th century deployments of the image of the danzantedel venado occurred between 1999-2001 when the image appeared on thestate of Sonora license plate in green (Image 1 “Green Yaqui Sonora licenseplate” Photo by Benjamin Alonso Rascon)

From 2001 to 2005, there was el tomatazo, the danzante del venado,illuminated in red that many compared to an exploding tomato (“LasPlacas de Sonora”). (Image 2 “El Tomatazo” Photo by Benjamin AlonsoRascon). As one critic argued, “the new plates obeyed the governmentalrequirements for images, but in turn provide an image that clearly iden-tifies our state (“Las Placas de Sonora”). But even within this discussion,no mention is made of the sustained presence of the danzante del venadoas cultural referent or cultural artifact, let alone a reference to living Indi-ans in Sonora. Changed because of their lack of legibility, the explodingtomato was replaced with a much cleaner image, both functional (with abarcode for computer tracking of vehicles) and recognizable as “Sonora,”the figure of the danzante del venado. From 2005- 2009, another revampedlicense plate emerged, this time in orange, with a much more visible imageof the danzante del venado. (image 3, “Red Danzante del Venado” photoby Benjamin Alonso Rascon). In late 2009, the plates with the danzante devenado were slowly being replaced with a basic orange and white plate. In

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Image 1. “Green Yaqui Sonora license plate” used in the early 1990’s.Photo by Benjamin Alonso Rascon 2010

Image 2. “El Tomatazo” used in the late 1990’s. Photo by BenjaminAlonso Rascon 2010

Materializing the Nation, Robert J. Foster argues that the “idea of nation ma-terializes in the form of media images and consumer goods” (3). Sonorais at the margins of the larger Mexican ruling class because of it’s geo-graphical distance from the center of culture and politics in Mexico City.It seems strange that the state has produced the most Mexican presidentsin the history of the nation. But this has produced a sort of complex thathas influenced how Sonora markets and represents itself in relationshipto the rest of Mexico. The major producer of wheat and beef, Sonora is an

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Image 3. “Red Danzante del Venado” used in the early to late 2000’s.Photo by Benjamin Alonso Rascon 2010

economic powerhouse. However, it is dismissed by centralized Mexicansas a cultural center or a place of culture in larger national discourse.

It seems that one strategy to represent Sonora as a place of culturebeyond vaqueros, pickup trucks, ranchos, and wheat would be to hearkenback to a culture that is as “authentic” and local as it gets, that of “loindio,” the Yaqui and the figure of the danzante del venado. The use ofthis image does several things at once. When a state institutionalizes animage by making it part of its identity, this is no small gesture. Perhapswell meaning at first, there are several things that are problematic in withthe use the danzante by the state. First, the frozen image of the danzante isstatic. It is a codified image of the state: Sonora is the danzante del venadoand the danzante del venado is Sonorense. Second, the image doesn’t showa face or an individual, rather it is the silhouette danzante del venado thatwe see on all the license plates that distinguish Sonora from Sinaloa’sred tomato, Jalisco’s green agave, or Chihuahua’s running Tarahumaras.While Sinaloa equals agriculture and Jalisco equals tequila, they representwhat they produce, we too could argue that the placa Sonorense, as doesthe Chihuaense features a product as well. That is, it produces the mostdesirable representation of the region by featuring their largest Indigenouspopulations as state patrimony.

Because the image is a generic image of the danzante, it becomes objec-tified for consumption and removes the Yaqui from the history of nation.The Yaqui are used by the nation to consolidate its identity but exist out-side of the national order except as imaginary figures of the past. In otherwords, it is the folkloric, danzante del venado of the past who is pas-sive and pacified, superstitious, and iconic. This is “the” Yaqui Indian thatthe state desires to reproduce itself. But negation of actual histories of

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violence is also dependent upon iterative visibility. The tens of thousandsof reproduced license plates inevitably mark a lingering presence of theYaqui, but a Yaqui that has to be recoded. Thus, again, ironically this is thebind of erasure. The production of a masculine nation state with the mas-culinized but passive warrior, danzante del venado, achieves all of this.As numerous scholars argue, images of Indians in the nineteenth centuryshow the desire for the primitive, picturesque “Indian” in the singular onthe one hand (Hoelscher, 2008 and Bernardin, Graulich, MacFarlane andTonkovich 2003). On the other hand, Laurie Lawlor (5) argues that imagesproduced by Edward Curtis, for example, worked with photographic sub-jects in the “we” as a collaborative project, to picture subjects of their ownmaking. But other readings of Curtis critique the staged, and posed natureof the images to the extent that the photographs represent ethnic typesand assumptions of early Anthropology (Lawlor, 5-6). These critiques ofCurtis suggest that the gaze of multiple white hegemonies produce theIndians in the images and the Sonora license plate is no different.

The license plate “assumes a natural form in the images” because itfixes the image of the Deer dancer and by extension Yaqui peoples havenaturally coexisted and thrived in Sonora (Foster, 10). Such a projectioncould be farther from the truth. As the abovementioned historical ev-idence demonstrates, the relationship between Yaqui peoples and theMexican state has been violent and tenuous. The naturalizing effects ofthe license plate ultimately displace actual history of violence with a pic-turesque dehistoricized image that bleeds Yaqui cultural practice of itsspecificity and sacredness. Further, the naturalization makes the Yaquiimage and thus the Yaqui tribe “named, recognizable and comprehensi-ble” as national discourse (Candlin and Guns, 2). This packaged, static,frozen image of the Yaqui tribe is the one most favorable because it isdevoid of historical context in the distribution and consumption of theimage. Instead of showing that the danzante del venado represents sto-rytelling in Yaqui communities, which demonstrate “their feelings aboutthe cruelty and treachery of Mexicans, or the superiority of the Yaqui,”the license plate negates that there is any story behind the image at all(Warner-Giddings, 13). How ironic then, that a dance used as a way ofhonoring Yaqui warriors massacred by the Mexican state, for example,is the same ceremonial image that appears as state patrimony. It is theironic state gesture of appropriating the sacred subject of history thatproduces severe incongruity and historical dissonance, an opposite effectof the state’s intended masculinized honoring of the athletic danzante delvenado and the re-production of colonial violence.7

This is an image that “entails the colonization of the object by the subjectand the social,” according to Candlin and Guns (4). As the danzante delvenado reproduces a simulacrum of state history, it moves farther andfather away from its intended meaning as a scared ceremony of Indigenouscultural and religious expression and becomes a colonized object. That is,“lo indio” is something produced by the state in its acceptable forms and

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that lacks voice, subjectivity, and ultimately remains in the past. As theobject is Indian and the subjects are those represented by the state (legiblecitizen-subjects with rights and claims to the nation), we see how thefetisization of the object is the very thing that produces the subjectivityfor those with access to state power. The generic Indian-object is madeinto a “thing,” not a window through which interpretation is meaningful,but rather, as Bill Brown argues, “the story of a changed relation to thehuman subject and this is the story of how the thing really names lessan object than a particular subject-object relation” (140). While the licenseplate signifies Sonora, the thing/plate obfuscates the ways in which theMexican state has consistently made Indians, and in particular the Yaquiinto objects of death, genocide, and in this case regional patrimony.

But there have been continuous contestations of the static representa-tions of the Yaqui presented by the state. For example, the Yaqui havenarrated the peace reached at Pithaya January 9, 1909, as a moment offear, not identification, with the state. Meeting with General Yzabal andthe brothers Luis and Lorenzo Torres at the Pithaya, the Yaqui were sur-rounded by 60,000 soldiers and there were only 90 of them present. As thepeace meeting escalated into a battle, two Yaqui warriors died attempt-ing to put bayonets in the chests of Mexican generals. But the part ofthe Yaqui narrative that is most interesting is as follows “Yzabal died offright in some state of Europe after soiling his pants during the peace atPithaya. This is very positive in our history” (Qtd. in Warner-Giddings,90). So while the state commemorates the static image of a dead object inthe Danzante del venado on the license plate, this story recounted in 1909resurrects a counter-narrative where the Yaqui kill the state by shamingits actors into fear. That oral history suggests that Yzabal died of his owntraumatic and violent relationship trying to exterminate the Yaqui whilehe was the governor of Sonora, represents a keen sense of humor and re-siliency for Yaqui peoples as a means of creating historical memory. Thisnarrative also suggests that the Yaqui do not imagine themselves as objectsto be mourned but active participants in state formation with their owndisruptive take on national history.

Flashpoint 4: From Placas to CementThere are several other ways in which the image of the danzante del

venado is being used to fortify capitalism and that is through severalproducts that bear the Yoeme image. One of the more blatant appropria-tions is in the CEMEX advertisement (Image 4 “Como La Danza del Ve-nado” photo by Nicole Guidotti-Hernandez 2009). In November of 2009,around the same time that the New York Museum of Natural history repa-triated the remains of Yaqui warriors taken from the Mazacoba battlesitein 1900 to the tribe,8 CEMEX had billboards throughout Sonora that read“Como ‘la Danza del Venado’: Somos Parte de tu Historia.”9 Aside frombeing a blatant insult to Yaqui social and religious practices, these bill-boards publicly conflate the static image of the “dead Indian object” in

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order to sell and celebrate the herencia of Mexican monopoly capitalismthat functions like an empire.

Founded in 1906 in Monterrey Nuevo Leon, CEMEX provided cementto such famous builders as Frank Lloyd Wright in creating the Guggenheimfor example. After acquiring numerous companies throughout Mexico,they began to amass acquisitions abroad in such nations including Spain,Venezuela, the Dominican Republic, Columbia, the Philippines, the U.S.,Nicaragua, Puerto Rico, Australia, and England. To quote their website,“Over the past century, we have grown from a local player to one of thetop global companies in our industry. We have the people, the culture,and the opportunities to continue on our path of disciplined growth”(“CEMEX: This is Our Story). CEMEX names itself in terms of resources(people, culture, and opportunity). It is through the culture of transnationalbusiness relations and the image of the Danzante del venado that, muchlike during the Spanish Conquest, according to Serge Grutzinski, thatempire shaped the rhythm of styles, politics, reactions and oppositionsthrough a set of images (3). With a different form of conquest, the CEMEXadvertisement presents a transnational business imaginary that relies oncircuits of empire to magically do the work of cultural patrimony. In thiscase, the conquest is quite never complete because the Danzante is not ofthe Colonial Aztec past or mestizo he is the Indigenous present. So how

Image 4. “Como La Danza del Venado” CEMEX Bilboard in CentralHermosillo, Sonora Mexico. Photo by Nicole Guidotti-Hernandez 2009

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does this all connect to the Yaqui image in the CEMEX advertisement inSonora? Quite simply, this is a perfect example of empire and economicimperialism in the contemporary period.

Suturing, in the Lacanian sense, represents “a conjunction of the imag-inary and the symbolic” (Lacan,118). This conjoining is most evinced inthe disjuncture between tradition (el danzante de venado) and modernity(cement). Cement symbolically represents modernity yet the danzante rep-resents the primitive, a clear-cut dichotomy. As if continuing the Porfirianera project of modernizing Mexico in the nineteenth century, but this timewith concrete, the image literally cements or fixes a rupture between capi-talism and history. The CEMEX image invents tradition, that is making theprimitive signal the modern so that the state, and by extension, monopolycapitalism can reproduce themselves. It further addresses an anonymousSonorense—the use of the personal pronoun tu here commits to the pro-totypical imaginary Sonorense (Yori) to a history that includes indigenouspeople yet absolves him/her of responsibility for violence against thesevery same Indians. It further evokes a Sonorense subjectivity that is bothintimate and distant.10 The phrase requires that the reading public negoti-ate the historical suturing with each billboard encounter. The artifact pro-duced by CEMEX harkens back to Mexican muralism and anthropology ofthe 1930’s, the kind of “exploitative standardization of the Indian as livingrelic in [] representational nationalism” practiced by the likes of DavidAlfaro Siqueros, for example (Segre, 192). So while CEMEX was foundedin Nuevo Leon in 1906, the company depends on the iconic link betweenthe Danzante del venado and its actual cementera Yaqui in Sonora, whichopened in 2006 in Hermosillo “to [create] some shared, autonomous andinherited life-world in terms of the reanimation of ‘tradition’” figuredas authenticity (Mufti,100). But the thing that links the Yaqui tribe withCEMEX is not a continuous tradition, but the synthetic suturing of moder-nity and the primitive, where capitalism equals nationalism. This pursuit oflegitimacy in the state of Sonora by CEMEX corporation is predicated onthe most “authentic” object that can be found: Yaqui Indians. Monopolycapitalism and modernity both legitimate themselves by working againstcultural inauthenticity with the image of the danzante del venado.

Further, the image and text anticipate a kind of knowing on the partof the viewer: One must know the Yaqui to know they are from Sonoraand one must know Sonora to know the Yaqui live there. It reflects whatErica Seagre has called “commemorative . . . preexisting anthropologicalliteracy,” a kind of familiarity with the object of study and the object ofnation (191). The reader’s literacy is assumed as having knowledge ofthe anthropological subject, that the reader can make the link betweenIndigenous tradition and capitalist tradition embodied in CEMEX. Thebillboard also assumes a shared space in Sonora, one where Indiansand Mexicans cohabitate and make nation through the consumption ofproducts like cement. However, this split between Indigenous traditionand Mexican Identity (whiteness and citizenship) are pronounced in the

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suturing of modernity and the primitive. The danzante del venado isclearly not mestizo, he is Indian and gendered male, carrying a differenthistory of racialized and thus disenfranchised masculinity with him. Ineffect, as the CEMEX advertisement claims a shared space and sharedcultural tradition in Sonora, it also disavows it because of the fact thatthe danzante del venado can never be mestizo. Historian Anne Doremusargues that the Mexican state government stepped up its attempts to inte-grate Indians in the nation during the 1940’s and 1950’s, which includedMexico’s sponsoring of the first Congreso Indigenista Interamericana in1940. She further argues that it was hoped that this national project ofmestizaje or racial mixing would improve the economic circumstances ofMexicans and Indians alike (375). As a part of the Cardenas post revolu-tionary project of modernity through agriculture, they continued to preachpride in Mexico’s indigenous past but signal mestizaje as Mexico’s politi-cal and economic future (Doremus, 377). But what we see in the CEMEXimage is not mestizaje but clearly, indigeneity, and an image completelyat odds with racial projects of mestizaje in the Mexican nation. This iswhy the danzante del venado must exist as a folkloric object of capitalistconsumption indicating history and patrimony precisely because it is nota mestizo citizen-subject but a primitive object upon which the idea ofnation is staked and produced.

We can also take the CEMEX advertisement as a sign of neo-colonialaggression. While on the one hand demonstrating a surprising site ofconvergence, the image shows how economically driven representationsof culture reaffirm CEMEX as modernity and non-Indigenous. For whatcould be more modern than the concrete used to construct skyscrapers,irrigation canals (which Yaqui struggle to maintain control of in the Rio),highways, bridges, prison industrial complexes, and homes. On the otherhand, it is highly unlikely that CEMEX consulted the Yaqui peoples aboutnaming their Hermosillo plant Cementera Yaqui or if they sought per-mission to show the deer dancer as part of the advertisement. It is mysense that neither the state of Sonora, in making the license plate orCEMEX, in creating these billboards sought permission from the Yaquito use a sacred symbol. The aggressive nature of merging capitalist fu-ture with an image of indigenous traditional past displaces Yaqui subjectsfrom circuits of consumption (i.e. they don’t buy cement and thus are notconsumers) and instead locates them as socially and economically dis-placed vehicle for marketing. This representation beautifully illustratesstructural and social inequality. As CEMEX celebrates itself as “unacompanıa global de soluciones para la industria de la construccion enconstante crecimiento que ofrece productos de alta calidad y servicios con-fiables a clientes y comunidades en mas de 50 paıses del mundo” (“CEMEXAnuncia Ampliacion de planta Yaqui”), it also has a poor environmentalrecord for a company of its size.11 In June of 2010, the Colombian Secretaryof the Environment announced that it would sanction three companies,including CEMEX, for air quality violations in the Rio Tunjelo region near

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Bogota (Galvis). In effect, the image enacts its own kind of discursive vio-lence and imperial designs at multiple levels: the shoddy and abusive en-vironmental record is masked over, the lack of consent on the part of Yaquipeoples for the use of their image is naturalized, the disjuncture betweenprimitive and modern and Indigenous and mestizo equals whiteness iserased.12

The redemptive nature of modernity literally paves over, with cement,the extremely violent past, and most arguably the structurally violentpresent. While it would seem that the CEMEX Corporation is redistribut-ing wealth in the public domain and particularly into Indigenous commu-nities precisely because of the image that sutures the connection betweenthe two, the exact opposite is true. The corporation estimated a 10% returnto local communities through employment in the region, it remains unclearhow much of this has actually been returned to Sonora’s Indigenous com-munities or the Rio Yaqui region (“CEMEX anuncia ampliacion de plantaYaqui”). We get a distracting representation of collaboration between com-merce and Indigenous peoples that operates as self-reflexive outwardly inthe sense that the invasive technology of capitalism is exposed in the dis-tinct contrast between cement and Indians. Even though we are talkingabout a privately held company, the name CEMEX (Mexican cement) hasa “national resonance [that] is epistemological, an effect of the expansionof practices and discourses of possessive individualism through capitalistmarkets” (Foster, 6). What this knowledge formation propagates, then,is a distinctive split between colonial knowledge and the image of thecolonized subject frozen in the past to propagate a capitalist future.

This double gaze at once values the colonized object as reflective oftradition and ancient Mexican cultures and doubly devalues it by turn-ing it into an object. What the CEMEX danzante del venado fails to recallis, according to Delgado-Shorter, how Yaqui oral traditions, dances, andprocessions provide a way of understanding Indigenous historic eventsand the manifestation of historical consciousness (25). Instead of readingthe dancer as a carrier of Yaqui not Mexican history, CEMEX misappro-priates the narrative function of the danzante del venado. For example,a ceremony at Pascua Yaqui on June, 8 2010 as part of a tribal healthconference also commemorated the massacre at Mazacoba over 100 yearsearlier, further demonstrating that Yaqui ceremonies are self-made, anti-colonial texts grounded in collective history and not commercial ventures.That ceremony, much like the danza del venado, is religious and thusneeds to be understood in this context. The other thing the danza delvenado reminds of is the ways in which religion has consistently been ar-ticulated as the reasons why the Yaqui were able to survive 300 plus yearsof war with the Spanish and Mexicans, in addition to the their deporta-tion to Yucatan Peninsula in the early 1900’s. The CEMEX ad, in effect,narrates Yaqui culture as Mexican tradition and not as a larger part of aculturally and ethnically specific web of lifeways. Thus the danzante delvenado is understood as “some underlying ‘spiritual’ essence, but [not] as a

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dynamic process, inscribing histories in specific places and valuing actionsand texts within relations of power” (Delgado-Shorter, 21). The danzantedel venado is produced as local Sonorense exoticism, national capitalistpatrimony, and not a claim to ancestral lands, Indigenous sovereignty, oranti-colonial practice. Nor does the billboard register the individual andcollective trauma of the colonial relations between the Yaqui and Mexicansin the state of Sonora.

Flash Point 5: Mexico 2010, Otros LatitudesThe Bicentennial of the Mexican nation and the Centennial of the Rev-

olution have sparked a tremendous amount of interest in the regionalcultures of states outside of Distrito Federal. CONACULTA (Consejo Na-cional para la cultura y las artes), the federal agency of art and cultureand Palacio Bellas Artes have put together a tremendous set of ConcursosConmemorativos to reflect the diverse regional and ethnic histories thatmake up the Mexican nation. For the norteno segment of programmingthe “Otros Latitudes” contemporary dance program (July 5-30, 2010) isof most interest because, in addition to featuring dance companies fromSonora and Durango, the advertising utilizes the image of the danzantedel venado to make a particular set of claims about nation, authenticity,race and culture. (image 5 “Otros Latitudes” photo by Nicole Guidotti-Hernandez 2010).

Of the five dance companies featured, two embark on representationthat is “Sonorense.” Companıa Asando Danza from Hermosillo takes oneof the most important cultural practices of Sonora and turns it into move-ment: la carne asada. With a combination of musica nortena, “el vaquerocoqueto, la mujer sumisa, el macho golpeador, su borrachera y el baile conel erotismo en todo su esplendor” the company interprets quotidian lifein Sonora (“Danza Julio/Temporada”). Carne Asada is such an importantpart of the Sonorense imaginary that people repeat, with pride and ironythe adage uttered by Jose Vasconcelos, the father of mestizaje (eugenics) asstate policy, “Donde termina el guiso y empieza la carne asada, comienzala barbarie.” (La Cultura de Carne Asada”). It is the barbarie of CarneAsada that made the Sonorense economy thrive in the twentieth century.In some ways, the dance ode to Carne Asada is a fitting representation ofthe production, consumption, the eros of nation, and cultural reverbera-tions of the cattle industry in Sonora. One cannot be imagined without theother.

The other dance company, Tradicion Mestiza, from La Universidadde Sonora, included the participation of Mayo and Yaqui communitymembers as part of the program. Their program “Danza del Venado conAutenticos Danzantes de Sonora,” relies on the problematic discourse ofauthenticity and functions with the charge of preserving Mexican populardance and music.13 The company stages dance and music from both Yaquiand Mayo communities, which is unusual given that most dance com-panies provide a popularized form of the danza del venado.14 Featuring

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Image 5. “Otros Latitudes” poster commemorating the Bicentenarioin Mexico City. Photo by Nicole Guidotti-Hernandez. Taken at

Chilpancingo Metro stop. 2010

four sets with Yaqui musical and dance practices at their core (“Danza depascola y venado”, ”Danza de matachines,” “Flor de capomo,” and “LaYaquecita”), the performance is authenticated by the presence of tribalmembers. Instead of an appropriation of the dances for profit, it seemsthat some sort of consent has occurred in these productions. Authenticityand cultural essentialism should not be the basis of staging; rather, I am

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suggesting that informed consent for the usage of images and practices ofIndigenous people need to be respected. Still, this is not the most curiousfeature of the program. It is the advertisement itself that is odd. Why is itthat the headdress of the danzante del venado, which could be Yaqui orMayo given that both tribes have a segment in one of the dance shows,is the representative image that adorns the publicity? I’d like to suggestthat this is another example by which CONACULTA, Bellas Artes andtherefore the centralized Mexican state iconographically inscribe Sonoraas universally authentic through the presence of the surviving Indigenousgroups. The slippage between the two distinct tribal groups Yaqui or Mayoand the ambiguity of the image signifies norteno culture and say nothingof the processes by which two once despised indigenous groups have be-come the stand in for national consolidation. Most concretely, the stateuses the figure of the danzante del venado to construct Mexicanidad andyet, if history has taught us anything, Indigenous groups like the Yaqui,Mayo, and Seris of Sonora are some of the most impoverished and disen-franchised locales in the nation. At the same time; however, we need to bemindful of the fact that Yaqui communities on both sides of the US/Mexicoborder depend on the ritual of the danza del venado to record and producetheir history as subjects of their own making, not subjects circumscribedexclusively by the state.

ConclusionWhile one might read the license plates and CEMEX advertisements

as a kind of mourning of a lost object,15 the plate and advertisementsrepresent a severe ironic disjuncture between actual living conditions andthe Yaqui relationship to the state and patrimony. As Freud wrote in1938, mourning “has a very distinct psychic task to perform, namely todetach the memories and expectations from the dead” (Freud, 1950, 96).If the license plate operates as public mourning, then two things can beassumed: the state considers the representation of the Yaqui on the plate adead object, and, secondly, the state does not want to complete the psychictask of mourning, for mourning would require separation. The image isa literal disjunction: it kills the object, making the Yaqui a dead part ofnational history and further the disjunction is enacted by the reproductionof state ideology which is dependent on killing Indians both literally andfiguratively.

As of June of 2010, the Mexican state’s practices of death in relationshipto the Yaqui stopped that process of “mourning of the dead object” so tospeak when the traditional ocho pueblos in Sonora began a lawsuit, alongwith the help of University of Arizona law professor James Hopkins andthe Pascua Yaqui tribe in Tucson Arizona, reminding the state that Yaquiclaims to subjectivity and self-determination are not dead but very muchalive. Filing the claim with the Inter-American court of Human Rights,the main issue to be addressed is that the community land and waterdecree issued by President Lazaro Cardenas in 1937 has not been respected.

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According the Instituto Sonora/Arizona, in the Yaqui Territory allotted byCardenas, the estimated population amounts to 40,290 inhabitants, amongYaqui Indians and other settlers; 31% of the inhabitants speak some Indianlanguage and Spanish. There is a social and economic lag which is reflectedby the level of education up to 5th grade (elementary school); 40% of thepopulation not having any social security benefits; and an average incomeof less than 6000 pesos a month (“Water Rights, Usage, and Managementin the Yaqui Territory”). Statistically, the benign neglect on behalf of theSonorense government and the Mexican federal government is its ownkind of enactment of death of a social, political and economic sort, placingthe Rio Yaqui region and its inhabitants among some of Mexico’s poorestinhabitants. The numerous violations of Indigenous land rights includethe use of pesticides without the permission or acknowledgement of theinhabitants. Similar to the case filed by the Awas Tingni of Nicarauga in2001 and settled in 2008 to secure legal rights to its traditional lands andresources, the Yaqui suit will depend on the precedent of this case.

This lawsuit demonstrates how Yaqui claims against the state and itslegitimate citizens have fallen upon deaf ears. In sum total, the variousflashpoints of this essay show how the national fantasies of mestizaje andnational commemoration are highly problematic in light of the 2010 Cen-tennial of the revolution and the bicentennial of the nation. The flashpointsshow a different narrative of the Mexican revolution and Mexican nation-hood. Instead of a nationalism that celebrates mestizo independence as anational rhetoric, the Yaqui case shows how dissatisfying the revolutionand its promises of equality were. In the larger history of resistance andrevolution, we need to take into account the questions of race, gender, andthe nation’s violent history towards indigenous peoples as lynching re-ports and Yaqui communiques to Cardenas indicate. While most MexicanIndian groups like the O’odham were granted land through communallyowned ejidios, the Yaqui accord with the Cardenas administration shouldhave guaranteed them exclusive land rights in 1937. The Yaqui nation’scontinuous struggle for autonomy serves as a perfect example of how for-getting at the national level is necessary to foment celebrations, be theyrevolutionary, nationalist, or social. At the same time, the evidence suggestthat the Mexican state and its individuated citizen-subjects literally triedto make it too painful for Yaqui Indians to self-govern through acceptedpractices like lynching and land displacement. If we look at the broadersweep of commemoration of the revolution and independence that in-cludes narratives about the Villas, the Zapatas, the Carranzas, Morelosesand the Hidalgos, we see that revolutionary and independence historiestake an individuated approach as a means for explaining the collective,a collective that does not readily include Indians who participated in therevolution or that shaped Mexican national policy for which mestizaje wassuch an important post-revolutionary imperative.

These case studies show how armed struggle in the late nine-teenth and early twentieth centuries, official government to government

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correspondence from a Yaqui nation that imagined itself as autonomous,and recent ceremonies at both Pascua and the Ocho Pueblos commemo-rating the repatriation of the remains of warriors and the state massacresmark Yaqui subjectivity. While 2010 marks the centennial of the MexicanRevolution and the bicentennial of the independent Mexican nation-state,Sonora-based images, for example, show a broad array of commodifiedcontemporary images of the Yaqui which provide further examples of hownational history and nationalism produce mythologies that serve particu-lar interests. On the one hand, the Yaqui are written out of the history of theMexican nation and it’s revolution but as the danzante del venado is usedin Sonora and even by CONACULTA and Bellas Artes to mobilize regionaland national identity. The resistance/assimilation/revolution/nationalhistory paradigm’s limitations are put into sharp relief when we viewhow Yaqui peoples were punished by nations (imagined and real) re-consolidating themselves through the acts of their citizens and discursiveformations, at once excluding Indians from that formation except when itwas and is convenient to fomenting an “authentic,” vision of the folkloricpast that is really a displaced present. By deconstructing nationalist mas-ter narratives (be they Mexican, Sonorense, or Chicana/o), I raise theseissues and evidence as a way to provoke consideration for Yaqui versionsof memory of the Mexican nation and that relationship to colonialism anddiscursive violence as part of the project of social memory and commem-oration of nations and revolution.

Endnotes∗ I would like to thank Alberto Gonzalez, Benjamin Alonso Rascon andMaribel Alvarez for their technical support of this essay.1 David Kazanijin The Colonizing Trick: National Culture and Imperial Citizen-ship in Early America. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003. 27.Following Walter Benjamin, Kazanjin argues that the flashpoint is a meansof seizing hold of memory as it flashes up. He argues that “writing his-tory does not mean passively recognizing a smooth and even sequence ofevents; rather, it means catching glimpses of those flashes, as if they wereindividual frames of a film moving too slow to be sutured into a movingimage.”2 For more on the Mexican government’s preoccupation with the JohnDwyer conspiracy theory, see SRE LE 2250, pages 1-21.3 I provide a much more detailed account of the politics of lynching in mybook Unspeakable Violence. Duke University Press 2011.4 Yori is a Yaqui word for white person and often was derogatorily used bythe Yaqui to refer to what they called white Mexicans and other foreignerswho occupied their land and made war against them in the nineteenthcentury.5 Spicer actually argues that the Yaqui refer to their religious practices asCatholic, where the Deer dancer is seen part of this Christian tradition,

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including the idea that Jesus’s suffering took place in Yaqui country. TheYaquis: A Cultural History. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1980. 59.6 Pascua Yaqui Public Health Conference Evening Program. June 8, 2010.The conference, which included speakers who talked about the historicaltrauma of Yaqui deportations and massacres in the early 20th century asfactors that determine contemporary health issues of the tribe. As part ofthe Tuesday evening program, which included a dinner and a ceremonyto honor fallen warriors from the battle, the tribe also showed a tapedceremony, including the deer dance, from when Yaqui warriors whoseremains were robbed from the Mazacoba battlesite in 1900 by US anthro-pologists and later given to the Museum of Natural History in New YorkCity. After years of fighting for the repatriation of the remains, the Museumagreed to return the remains in 2009. On October 29, 2009, along with 15delegates from the tribe, the remains were taken on a pilgrimage throughvarious Yaqui pueblos including Pascua, Guadalupe and traditional Ochopueblos in Sonora. The conference on June 8th suggest, according to Vice-Chairman Robert Valencia, that tribal government is actively trying to getits members to actively make connections between contemporary issuessuch as mental illness, domestic violence and poverty as directly relatedto historical trauma and violence.7 Barbara Babcock has argued that images of Pueblo women with potteryon their heads in the US southwest signal how “the reproduction of PuebloCulture in the bodies of women and clay vessels [shifts] from historicalreality to aesthetic object to mythic vessel of desire” (1994, 53). The desirefor the gendered Indigenous body, across multiple colonial contexts, isnot new. In fact, the docile Pueblo woman’s body, much like the frozendanzante del venado, is feminized yet athletic, regional yet national, acounterpoint to the masculinized nation state that continues to inflict mul-tiple forms of violence against Yaqui populations.8 For more information on this event, see the INAH websitehttp://dti.inah.gob.mx/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3816&Itemid=512.9 This billboard was part of a campaign to promote the opening o theCememterıa Yaqui in 2009 in Sonora, which positioned the company asa local player worthy of the same respect of a local friend of Sonora, animagined regional distinctiveness. Other billboards featured The Cierrode la Campana.10 Guillermo Nunez-Noriega has argued that this distinctive anonymousSonorense emerged as a social construction with the advent of the MexicanRevolution in the north. See "La Invencion de Sonora: region, regionalismoy formacion del estado en Mexico postcolonial del siglo XIX." Revista de ElColegio de Sonora, no.9, 1995, especially pages 154-155.11 In 2007, the EPA sued CEMEX for air pollution violations at its Victorvilleplant on the outskirts of Santa Clarita in California. See Judy Rorke. “ EPASues CEMEX Over Air Quality Victorville Plant Controls Cited.” DailyNews: Los Angeles. March 1, 2007.

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12 I equate mestizo with whiteness because of the discursive tract by Gov-ernor Lucero from 1937 where he calls Mexicans in the Rio Yaqui “hombresblancos.”13 Sydney Hitchinson argues that “the ideology of mestizaje and the prolif-eration of national folk dance companies were both critical in the nation-building process of the post-colonial period” (“The Ballet Folklorico deMexico and the Construction of the Mexican Nation Through Dance.”In Dancing Across Borders. Najera Ramırez, Olga and Cantu, Norma Eds.Urbana: Unviersity of Illinois Press, 2009. 21014 The most commonly known danza del venado comes from Balet Folk-lorico de Amalia Hernandez, for example. As part of national theatre,this dance company features dances from 10 regions as part of its pro-gram including a pop culture version of the Yaqui deer dance. Seehttp://balletamalia.com/ for more information.15 Freud describes Mourning as “the reaction to the loss of a loved” andI would also add hated “person, or to the loss of some abstraction whichhas taken the place of one, such as one’s country, liberty, an ideal and soin.” “Mourning and Melcholia”. SE, 14: 243.

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———. “Potam: A Yaqui Village in Sonora” American Anthropologist. v. 56,no. 4, pt. 2, Aug. 1954.

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