Re-Burying KnowledgeThe Role of Hatcheries in Embedding and Shifting Knowledge about

Sea Turtles within Sri Lankan Communities

Naamal De SilvaMay 13, 2003

FES 759

Table of ContentsAbstract 3

Introduction: What is Local Knowledge? 3

Problem Statement: “Ask Them, They Know” 5

Background: The Hatcheries Grow, and Multiply 6

What Do They Know? 8

Hatcheries as Limiting, Shifting, and Maintaining Local Knowledge 12

What is it Worth? 14

Recommendations for the Hatcheries 17

Conclusions 18

Acknowledgements 19

Literature Cited 19

Appendix: Definitions

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Photographs (from left to right): A school group viewing juvenile turtles, a hatchery employee, a hatchery owner holding hatchlings, the son of a fisherman outside his home, foreign tourists observe hatchlings. Photographs from Kosgoda and vicinity. Cover Photograph: Egg bed of a hatchery, where turtle eggs removed from nests on the beach are re-buried. Each sign marks a clutch of eggs, and includes information on the date of burial, the species of sea turtle, and the number of eggs.

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AbstractThe terms local knowledge, indigenous knowledge, and traditional knowledge are used throughout the fields of conservation and development, but remain very difficult to define. I use the case of hatcheries and coastal communities in southern Sri Lanka to explore issues of definition and value regarding local knowledge. The presence of hatcheries in coastal communities seems to limit, shift, and maintain local knowledge regarding sea turtles. The hatcheries have introduced or imposed many foreign or extra-local ideas and concepts regarding sea turtles and sea turtle conservation. They portray this information as superior to local beliefs and practices. Perhaps as a result, local people are beginning to undervalue traditional knowledge. Thus, the hatcheries may limit traditional knowledge, and may shift the composition of local knowledge towards the rapid incorporation of external ideas. At the same time, the presence of the hatcheries may maintain certain practical, economically beneficial forms of traditional knowledge. This case study raises questions of the value of local knowledge. Who benefits from local knowledge in its different forms? What is the importance of preserving economically unimportant forms of traditional knowledge? While this case study lends some preliminary insights into these questions, more in-depth research into this and other cases would be required to better understand the situation.

Introduction: What is Local Knowledge?

The terms local knowledge, indigenous knowledge, and traditional knowledge are

everywhere in the fields of international conservation and development (Agrawal, 1995).

They are used and misused in many different contexts, and mean many things to many

people. Like many other terms used in these fields, the terms are characterized by

“fragility, mutability, hybridity, and political variability” (Brosius et al, 1998). They

represent an amorphous concept used to designate locally produced information, beliefs,

or traditions. Local knowledge is knowledge that neither forms part of, nor has been

swept away by the raging river of global thought.

In attempting to define local knowledge more specifically, it may help to gain

some technical definitions of the terms local and knowledge, as well as the related

concepts of indigenous and traditional. According to the Webster-Mirriam Dictionary

(1996), local knowledge seems to refer to beliefs, ideas, and practices that have

developed in isolation (Appendix 1). At the same time, local knowledge can be

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developed where there is frequent contact with the rest of the nation or the world, through

the media, tourists, development agencies, and other sources. While such knowledge

may change and evolve more than knowledge from isolated sources due to contact with

external forces, it remains distinct from mainstream knowledge through its application by

local people. Also, even knowledge developed and maintained in relative isolation

changes due to changing circumstances and needs Agrawal, 1995).

In the context of this paper, I prefer the term local knowledge to the term

indigenous knowledge. Local knowledge has a broader scope. While the word

“indigenous” has connotations of marginalization or isolation, the word “local,” in its

most basic sense, simply refers to small scale. Also, local knowledge is not limited to the

South, and therefore seems less exotic. The coastal communities I studied are essentially

mainstream and had been open to centuries of outside influence through trade,

colonization by three European nations, tourism, and exposure to television and other

mass media. The respondents in these areas belonged to the majority ethnic group.

Finally, the term local knowledge is capable of supporting the idea that knowledge

construction is a shifting, changeable process, wherein the composition of local

knowledge changes over time.

At the same time, I will also use the term traditional knowledge to refer to the

component of local knowledge that has been developed over time and passed down

through generations. Thus, by traditional knowledge, I will refer to local stories, myths,

beliefs, and observations. Traditional knowledge, as I conceive it, is contained within

local knowledge. Local knowledge encompasses both traditional beliefs and more

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recently introduced or distinctly foreign knowledge, as long as the latter has been

incorporated into the lives and thoughts of people local people.

Problem Statement: “Ask Them, They Know”

The woman is sitting at the side of the road with a pile of large sacks containing

lime made from crushed, burnt coral. Though the practice of making lime for paint and

other uses from coral is technically illegal, the woman is out in daylight at the side of the

main road in Seenigama1. She is about twenty, and wears a slightly worn blue t-shirt

with a long pleated skirt. The day is already beginning to feel hot, but she seems

comfortable, in the shade of a spreading tree outside her house. When I ask if I can talk

to her about sea turtles, she looks at me a little suspiciously, but agrees. A moment later,

after I explain what I am doing and ask her my first question, she quickly says, “Oh, the

people down the road at the hatchery know a lot more than me. I don’t know anything

about turtles. They raise turtles. They can tell you everything.”

At the time, I thought she was merely shy or modest, especially since she and

various members of her family later told me many details about sea turtle nesting

behavior, about the best way to locate turtle eggs, and various other bits of information

that they had heard or seen.

However, I encountered this response often, from men and women, from young

and old, from fishermen and divers. At times, it would come at the beginning of a

conversation or interview, and at times at the end. While the people interviewed

sometimes genuinely knew little about turtles, the comments often followed or preceded

detailed stories or information about egg collection, nesting behavior, etc. If it was not, 1 Near Kosgoda, in Southwestern Sri Lanka

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“ask the hatchery people,” or the department of wildlife, it was “watch this Discovery

Channel documentary” or listen to this radio program.

After a number of such responses, along with their enthusiasm for television

programs, I started to wonder whether many local people valued this outside knowledge

over their locally generated beliefs and observations. The repeated statement seemed to

be more than mere modesty, formality, custom, or fear. This thought in turn led to the

question of whether such supplanting is nothing more than the natural process of

evolution in knowledge systems. In this case, what exactly is local knowledge, and to

what extent does it need to be preserved? Should preservation be a goal? If so, why?

This paper is an attempt to address such questions using the case of the hatcheries

as an example. In this paper, based on research discussed in more detail elsewhere, I

intend to discuss the role of sea turtle hatcheries in shaping local knowledge within

coastal communities in southern Sri Lanka2. In particular, I want to determine whether

local knowledge is lost or diluted. If so, is this a problem? For whom? More generally,

what is the value of local knowledge? What are the costs of preserving local knowledge?

Background: The Hatcheries Grow, and Multiply

The hatcheries along the Southwest coast vary widely in size and age. The oldest

was established in 1965. Chandrasiri Arbrew established The Victor Hasselblad hatchery

of Kosgoda in 1979, using a $100,000 grant from the Hasselblad Camera Company. This

is one of the largest, with dozens of tanks, several large egg beds, a gift shop, and a

2 I undertook the research discussed in this paper as part of a Master’s Project while at the Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies. Detailed information on research methods and my findings are in De Silva (2003)

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cafeteria. The entire establishment is along the beach, and is at the end of a winding dirt

road, about 500 yards from the main road. The smallest hatcheries, by contrast, are often

a cluster of about 4-6 tanks, one egg bed, and a sign or two on a small piece of land next

to the main road. Many are recent, and all seem to be primarily business ventures, and

secondarily conservation and education projects. The owners of the largest and oldest

hatcheries, for instance, have made fortunes from them.

In spite of such differences in age and size, most hatcheries utilize the same

techniques. They purchase sea turtle eggs from community members, who have gathered

eggs for consumption for centuries. Villagers collect the eggs from nearby beaches

during the night, either as the female is laying them, or soon after. Hatchery personnel,

who are generally from surrounding communities, then re-bury the eggs in enclosed beds

of sand. After the hatchlings surface, they are transferred to tanks for three days, though

some hatchery owners admitted that they keep them from three days to a month

depending on the number of hatchlings they have at a given time. Employees then

release hatchlings during the night to decrease the risk of predation by diurnal animals

such as dogs, seagulls and crows.3

Many articles state that 100% of nests have been robbed in the past 30 years,

using this fact to bolster the importance of hatcheries as a conservation technique (Turtle

Conservation Project, 2001; Fisher, 1995). Though colonial and local texts describe a

long history of egg utilization in Sri Lanka, no statistics are given (Kar and Bhaskar,

1982; Ingle and Smith, 1949). Therefore, it is impossible to tell whether the recent

figures represent a long-term phenomenon. If there has been an increase in egg

3 However, some of these respondents claimed that employees of hatcheries other than their own release hatchlings during the day for a fee, for the benefit of curious tourists.

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consumption over time, as assumed by conservationists, the cause of this increase is not

entirely clear. The assumption is that the increase is due to increasing coastal

populations. However, the oldest hatcheries are about thirty years old. It is possible that

their presence has caused an increase in egg poaching (since they buy eggs from locals to

re-bury). Though it is very difficult to investigate causality, this possibility brings into

question the validity of hatcheries as a conservation technique.

Whether or not there has been an increase in egg poaching, the presence of the

hatcheries legitimizes and maintains a practice that is technically illegal. As is, the police

are not too concerned with egg poachers. Even where they do monitor the beaches to an

extent, it is difficult to differentiate between individuals who collect eggs for

consumption from those who intend to sell eggs to hatcheries. There is some sort of

permitting system, but it is not well developed.

In addition to their direct conservation efforts, all of the hatcheries carry out

awareness raising and education programs. Some have only basic tours of the hatchery,

with only a very minimal explanation of threats to turtles. These generally attract tourists

or individual students. The larger hatcheries encourage visits from school groups, often

have more extensive materials about turtles, and focus more on threats and turtle biology.

What Do They Know?

Traditional Knowledge about Sea Turtles

Historically, community members gained their knowledge about sea turtles from

various sources. Much of it was derived from word of mouth: from stories they had

heard from older family members, stories that had been passed down long enough that

the reasons for a particular behavior ascribed to turtles was no longer questioned. Other

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knowledge, especially knowledge regarding turtle nesting behavior, was based on direct

observation. Since many of the people I interviewed either currently ate sea turtle eggs or

had done so in the past, many had observed female turtles nesting. Younger respondents

had often been to the hatcheries, and based their knowledge on the information they

received during their visit.

Local people often began by stating that they knew nothing about sea turtle. The

women I interviewed were particularly reluctant to share what they knew about sea

turtles. They would direct me to the nearest hatchery, or to the largest hatchery in the

country, the Hasselblad Hatchery in Kosgoda. Respondents in Hikkaduwa pointed me to

the local Wildlife Department Office. Many respondents also mentioned television or

radio programs. Among the programs they mentioned were several Discovery Channel

documentaries, as well as locally filmed documentaries and news reports on ITN, Sirasa,

and other television and radio stations.

Most community members had extremely detailed knowledge of the nesting

practices of sea turtles. They would describe how and when the females came to shore,

how they found an appropriate site, and how they dug the nest hole. Some would

mention that the females first dug a large hole in which to rest, and then a smaller, deeper

hole in which they lay the eggs. They would also describe how the females covered and

attempted to conceal the hole, as well as the best way to discover hidden eggs. This last

set of facts was one of the most commonly cited, and included waiting for the turtles at

night, and collecting eggs as they were laid, or soon after. Another common technique

was probing sand in a disturbed area with a stick.

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Many respondents mentioned a relationship between sea turtle nesting patterns

and the lunar cycle. The majority of respondents said that more turtles lay on full moon,

or Poya, days than on any other. Some people explained this phenomenon by stating that

the female turtles prefer nights with as much moonlight as possible; others said the day

was auspicious for nesting.4 A minority of respondents claimed the opposite: that turtles

prefer to nest during “the dark of the moon,” when there was a new moon. Respondents

of all ages mentioned a connection between nesting and the phase of the moon.5

Many respondents also stated that fewer turtles of all species nest during the

Varakang season (the Southwest monsoon season, which brings heavy winds and rain to

the Southwest coast between April and September). The beach along the Southwest coast

is heavily eroded during this season, leaving little room to build nests out of the reach of

the waves. Several hatchery personnel mentioned that turtle eggs take longer to hatch

during the rainy season, due to cooler temperatures.

One of the most unusual anecdotes I heard during my research was repeated by

several respondents in different areas. They stated that adult turtles wait offshore to eat

hatchlings as they swim to deeper water.

Finally, one of the most commonly cited beliefs along the Southern coast is

claimed to derive from Buddhism. Fishermen and others claim that it is taboo to eat the

flesh of a turtle. According to them, turtles are harmless, and sometimes aid people in

danger of drowning. As a result, harming them would produce negative karma. Perhaps

4 Full moon days are considered auspicious or sacred to Buddhists in Sri Lanka, who believe that the Buddha was born, attained enlightenment, and died during a full moon; almost all respondents in the Southwest were Buddhist, but one Christians in Negombo also mentioned this phenomenon.

5 Is a connection possible between nesting and the tidal cycle, which is controlled the moon and sun, such that the expanse of beach available as nest sites rather than the actual amount of light is key? In such a case, the new and full moon are equivalent.

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due to this belief, people in these areas of the South (which are mostly Buddhist and

Sinhalese, do not eat or kill adult or juvenile turtles. In other, mainly Tamil or Muslim

areas of the country, there is no such restriction, and sea turtle meat was common until a

recent increase in monitoring and raids by police.

Knowledge System Promoted by the Hatcheries

The hatchery owners and employees implied that they possessed the only “true”

knowledge regarding turtles. A lot of their knowledge was derived from texts published

by the government, NGOs, and scientists. The core information provided by hatcheries

consisted of Western, scientific knowledge: data on threats to turtles, statistics, and

information about turtle behavior and physiology. However, other statements were based

on direct observation of the turtles, and on experience with hatchery conservation

techniques. Regardless of the source, any knowledge generated or reproduced by

hatchery personnel bore a stamp of authenticity.

While hatchery owners, employees, and community members all seem to believe

in the superiority of information promoted by the hatcheries, this does not imply that this

knowledge simply replaces what existed previously in the communities. There is some

degree of exchange, especially since most hatchery employees and owners are themselves

from the same communities. Also, locals would most likely adapt information generated

by the hatcheries to suit their own needs. However, older, locally generated information

does seem to be buried under the newly imported information, at least to some degree.

Hatchery employees do not mention the stories and beliefs that other community

members share, even though they almost certainly know of them.

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Hatcheries as Limiting, Shifting and Maintaining Local Knowledge

As with definitions of the term “local”, definitions of what constitutes knowledge

are varied and complex. The necessity of evolution in thought suggests that knowledge is

not lost, but merely shifts and changes form over time and space. Adapting knowledge to

changing needs and values requires such shifts in form and content. Thus, as a process,

knowledge is not lost. Nevertheless, certain specific beliefs and ideas can be lost over

time, and dilution through the introduction of foreign ideas can speed this process of loss.

Even systems of knowledge can disappear and be replaced by other systems. Thus, shifts

over time lead at least to the loss of certain information, if not to knowledge itself. When

knowledge is viewed as a product rather than a process, it can be lost.

Extremely rapid change in a society or system is more likely to lead to the loss of

certain types of knowledge. By contrast, isolation can allow cultures to develop unique

systems of thought; this is not to say that there is no value in hybridization of thought;

continued isolation can stifle change and innovation.

Colonization, war, and globalization can cause such rapid change. Other forces of

change are less drastic. For instance, the presence of the hatcheries appears to exert

significant pressure on existing local knowledge about sea turtles. Through the

introduction or imposition of large quantities of outside knowledge and the implication

that this outside knowledge has greater value than traditional knowledge, the hatcheries

appear to be changing the composition of local knowledge. While a body of knowledge

regarding a given subject naturally changes in form and content over time, the changes

brought about by the presence of the hatcheries seem to be extremely rapid. This rapidity

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is due in part to the quantity of imported information, and in part to the designation of

greater value given to this imported knowledge.

The specific impact that the hatcheries have on the composition of local

knowledge regarding sea turtles is complex. On one hand, there is the possibility that

traditional knowledge about sea turtles is being buried or diluted by the imposition of

external knowledge. Local beliefs, such as stories and myths are undervalued by the

hatcheries, which claim to be the purveyors of the truth about sea turtles. Since people in

the communities surrounding the hatcheries already appear to believe in the superiority of

information given out by the hatcheries, traditional knowledge could easily become

undervalued in the communities at large. As a result, many traditional beliefs could

disappear over a relatively short period of time.

On the other hand, hatcheries also serve to maintain certain types of traditional

knowledge through their chosen conservation techniques. Egg collection serves as the

most direct link between coastal communities and sea turtles, and serves to increase the

value of turtles to local livelihoods. Very few local people would ever see wild turtles if

not for the practice of lying in wait for nesting females. Fishermen and divers

occasionally observe turtles feeding or swimming. Also, the hatcheries provide

opportunities to view both hatchlings and juvenile turtles; however, most adults never

visit the hatcheries, and therefore do not have sustained contact with turtles.

By buying sea turtle eggs from local people, the hatcheries maintain traditional

techniques of egg collection and knowledge gained through direct observation of turtle

nesting behavior. Without the presence of the hatcheries, these practices could

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potentially be eliminated through the trend of increased enforcement of government

regulations protecting sea turtles and their eggs.6

What is it Worth? The Value of Traditional Knowledge

Some traditional knowledge may be lost due to the presence of hatcheries.

However, is this loss significant, especially given that the more practical forms of

traditional knowledge are actually maintained due to the conservation techniques

employed by the hatcheries? What may be lost are the economically unimportant forms

of knowledge, including legends and other beliefs. In other words, what could be lost are

the products of the process of knowledge making, and in particular, products as captured

or seen at a particular time. Since the knowledge embodied by a community changes

over time, to preserve these products of the process would require preservation.

Preservation implies maintaining the information in an unchanging form over time, in

much the same way that an animal could be killed, stuffed, and preserved in a museum

(Agrawal, 1995). In what lies the importance of upholding such beliefs? Who would the

maintenance of such knowledge benefit? If, as Agrawal (1995) states, local knowledge

gains its vitality through intimate connections to the lives of local people, can the

community benefit at all from such static, nonadaptive knowledge?

Traditional knowledge can obviously be of great value to both the insider and the

outsider, as can be seen in the field of ethnopharmacology. Medicines derived from

traditional botanical remedies can save the lives of many and improve the quality of life

6 For instance, the recent crackdown regarding sea turtle meat in Negombo seems to have led to a sharp decline in consumption.

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for many more (Taylor, 2001). However, should local benefit be valued over benefit to

outsiders? In what situations?

What is the value of other types of traditional knowledge, and of stories and other

beliefs, in particular? Does value lie in the existence of pure, undiluted streams of

thought, in the lack of homogenization, in the presence of different ways of seeing the

world? These values may benefit the outsider far more than the insider. Researchers and

scholars, tourists, and the producers and viewers of documentaries would benefit from

these products of isolation. The anthropologist or the historian may find that such

preserved information reveals a great deal about the culture of the community where it

was generated, during the period in which it was used actively. As such, such traditional

knowledge is no more than a collection of historical or cultural artifacts.

Also, maintaining knowledge in a state of suspended animation generally requires

exporting it from the place of its origin, in the way that a material artifact is transported to

a foreign museum. Such extraction removes the knowledge from its place of origin, thus

rendering it invisible to those who once used it. In the local context, is such ex situ

preservation any different from loss?

Many conservationists and other scholars like to romanticize local knowledge and

the isolated past of a locality (Agrawal, 1995; Nygren, 1999). However, most people in

the developing world do not want that sort of isolation. While the more cohesive groups

of indigenous people generally want to maintain local traditions and culture, most groups

also want increased well-being, economic security, access to information, and links to the

wider world. Globalization, and access to overwhelming amounts of outside information

through television and the internet are increasing homogenization and building a more

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and more global society. Given such pressure to change and conform, what is the role of

traditional knowledge? Should it be forgotten, or buried under newly imported

information from seemingly official sources such as the media?

These and similar questions are extremely difficult to answer. However, if certain

aspects of traditional knowledge are preserved on site, they can generate visible benefits

for community members on both the short and long term.

Certain of the economically unimportant traditional beliefs may actually protect

turtles. For instance, Buddhists in these coastal areas believe that eating the flesh of a

turtle would generate bad karma. Also, many fishermen believe that adult turtles will

rescue humans in danger of drowning by ferrying them to shore. As a result of these

beliefs, most people in the communities near hatcheries do not hunt or kill adult or

juvenile turtles. When fishermen find turtles trapped in their nets, they tend to release

them. While these beliefs to not protect turtle eggs, they protect the more valuable adults.

Each female lays hundreds of eggs in a given nesting season; yet, there is no guarantee

that even one hatchling will survive to maturity. Given such astoundingly high rates of

mortality, some degree of egg poaching probably does not significantly harm turtle

populations. Therefore, traditional beliefs and values that protect adults would have been

enough to safeguard turtle populations where human populations were relatively small.

They are still important, but inadequate where coastal population pressure is extremely

high.

If traditional beliefs help to protect turtle populations, both the turtles and the

humans stand to gain. Unless turtles are conserved, access to eggs and resulting income

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will be lost. The loss of this resource base would negatively impact the economic welfare

of some coastal inhabitants, and would take away a valuable protein source from others.

Other possible benefits of actively attempting to maintain traditional beliefs about

sea turtles have to do with culture and a sense of identity. Beliefs and stories are part of

local culture. The sum of these beliefs helps define a community and the individuals in

the community. They connect people to their own history, to the place in which they

live, to the environment that surrounds them (Rosenberg and Nabhan, 1997). While

stories about sea turtles may not make up a major part of local culture, they are

significant. For instance, observing a sea turtle laying eggs on a moonlit beach conveys a

sense of connection with the environment that unmatched by any television program.

Recommendations for the Hatcheries

The hatcheries serve as a sort of knowledge gateway, where there can be

exchange between knowledge derived from different sources and different systems.

Ideally, benefit to both turtles and the surrounding human communities could be derived

from the incorporation of both local and external knowledge regarding sea turtles.

As is, the hatcheries maintain some types local knowledge and dilute other types.

At the same time, they introduce outside knowledge that has some potential to aid turtle

conservation among locals. Furthermore, they generate economic opportunities for local

people. Thus, the hatcheries are valuable to communities; however, they could gain

greater value through the incorporation and maintenance of more forms of locally-

generated knowledge.

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For instance, the guides could speak briefly about local beliefs and practices,

rather than merely portraying the practices and beliefs of the locals in a negative light. It

is especially important that hatchery personnel recognize the value of local knowledge,

since the existence of the hatcheries in their current form depends on the knowledge of

local egg collectors.

Also, there could be written information about local stories and beliefs. Such

information would serve a variety of purposes. The recording and display of local beliefs

would serve to reinforce and legitimate such knowledge, thus aiding to maintain it. In

addition, tourists would gain a bit more of a sense of the local culture for which they

yearn. Finally, it would allow the hatcheries to become more integrated into the

communities that surround them.

Conclusions

More information needed to reach any conclusions about the state of traditional

knowledge in southern Sri Lankan coastal communities. It is difficult to determine solely

on the basis of my earlier research exactly what has been lost, and what may be lost in the

near future. Detailed information on traditional beliefs and shifts in the composition of

local knowledge over time could generate fascinating insights into the nature of

knowledge production and into the impacts of increasing sociocultural globalization.

Records of traditional beliefs made thirty or more years ago would be particularly

valuable in continuing to study this issue. Such records would have been made before the

establishment of even the oldest hatcheries, before television was available in these

communities, and before many of the regulations regarding turtles were implemented.

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More generally, this case study raises a number of difficult questions. Among

them are questions relating to the value of traditional knowledge. Is the determination of

value situation-specific? Should the local community be the only force determining the

value of their own traditional knowledge? While many of the questions posed in this

paper are difficult or virtually impossible to answer with any certainty, exploring them

could yield valuable insights.

AcknowledgementsI thank Keely Maxwell for asking the right question, Barry Muchnick for inspiring the title, Rajyashree Narayana-Reddy for comments on the draft, and Peter Taylor for urging me to embrace the chaos of my thoughts before trying to make some sense of it all.

Literature CitedAgrawal, A. 1995. Dismantling the divide between indigenous and scientific knowledge.

Development and Change 26 (3): 413-439.Brosius, J. P., A. L. Tsing, and C. Zerner. 1998. Representing communities: Histories

and politics of community-based natural resource management. Society and Natural Resources 11: 157-168.

De Silva, N. 2003. The impact of sea turtle hatcheries on communities in Sri Lanka. Tropical Resources 22. Forthcoming.

Fisher, S. 1995. Illegal turtle trade in Sri Lanka and the Maldives - and an encouraging note of progress. Marine Turtle Newsletter 71:10-11.

Ingle, R. M. and F. G. W. Smith. 1949. Sea Turtles and the Turtle Industry. Miami: University of Miami Press.

Kar, C. S. and S. Bhaskar. 1982. Status of sea turtles in the Eastern Indian Ocean. In: K. Bjorndal (Ed.). 1995. Biology and Conservation of Sea Turtles (Revised). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Nygren, A. 1999. Local knowledge in the environment – development discourse. Critique of Anthropology 19(3): 267-288.

Rosenberg, J. and G. Nabhan. 1997. Where ancient stories guide children home. Natural History 106 (8): 54-61.

Taylor, D. A. 2001. Ancient teachings, modern lessons. Environmental Health Perspectives 109(5): 208-216.

Turtle Conservation Project. Retrieved November 20, 2001 from the world wide web: http://www.search.lk/turtle/pgs/marine.html.

Appendix: Definitions

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local\Lo"cal\, a. [L. localis, fr. locus place: cf. F. local. See Lieu, Locus.] Of or pertaining to a particular place, or to a definite region or portion of space; restricted to one place or region; as, a local custom.Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary, © 1996, 1998 MICRA, Inc

indigenous\In*dig"e*nous\, a. [L. indigenus, indigena, fr. OL. indu (fr. in in) + the root of L. gignere to beget, bear. See In, and Gender.] 1. Native; produced, growing, or living, naturally in a country or climate; not exotic; not imported. 2. Native; inherent; innate.Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary, © 1996, 1998 MICRA, Inc

traditional\Tra*di"tion*al\, a. [Cf. F. traditionnel, LL. traditionalis.] 1. Of or pertaining to tradition; derived from tradition; communicated from ancestors to descendants by word only; transmitted from age to age without writing; as, traditional opinions; traditional customs; traditional expositions of the Scriptures.

2. Observant of tradition; attached to old customs; old-fashioned. [R.] Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary, © 1996, 1998 MICRA, Inc.

tra·di·tion (tr-dshn)n.

1. The passing down of elements of a culture from generation to generation, especially by oral communication.

a. A mode of thought or behavior followed by a people continuously from generation to generation; a custom or usage.

a. A set of such customs and usages viewed as a coherent body of precedents influencing the present

2. A body of unwritten religious precepts. 3. A time-honored practice or set of such practices.

The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth EditionCopyright © 2000 by Houghton Mifflin Company.

tradition\Tra*di"tion\, n. 2. The unwritten or oral delivery of information, opinions, doctrines, practices, rites, and customs, from father to son, or from ancestors to posterity; the transmission of any knowledge, opinions, or practice, from forefathers to descendants by oral communication, without written memorials.Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary, © 1996, 1998 MICRA, Inc.

knowledge\Knowl"edge\, n. 3. That which is gained and preserved by knowing; instruction; acquaintance; enlightenment; learning; scholarship; erudition. 4. That familiarity which is gained by actual experience; practical skill; as, a knowledge of life.Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary, © 1996, 1998 MICRA, Inc.

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