Muslim social groups share many, though not all, of the attributes of the Hindu castes. Mast of these attributes were acquired from the Hindus and, although contrary to the spirit of Islam, it has been possible! to maintain a Muslim society of castelike ranking in India because both the communities, in spite of the differences of faith, have shared the same economic and political environment.

Orthodox Muslims resent the use of the word caste to describe Muslim social groups. It is disput­able whether the term caste can be so used, but I believe that the concept of caste can be used with advan­tage to analyse social stratification among the Muslims,

Even ashraf Muslims (i e, Muslims who claim foreign descent) resemble Hindu castes in many res­pects. Ashraf society is socially stratified; it includes endogamous groups, mobility between which is res-tricted; prohibition on eating and drinking exists; and the groups are organised on a hierarchical scale. In terms of stratification and social mobi l i ty the difference between Hindu castes and Muslim social groups is one of degree and not of kind,

Social groups among the non-Ashrafs (i c, Muslims of Indian origin) approximate even more closely to Hindu castes. After conversion of Islam the Hindus only accepted a different faith but their mode of living did not change much, nor did the basic structure of caste society or the internal organisation of the castes. Even those Muslim social groups which are predominantly or entirely Muslim have incorporated Hindu cus­toms and usages and, as such, have become an integral part of the Indian society.

[The observations made here, it must be pointed out, are not based on systematic field work but are derived from my awn experience assisted by whatever literature is available on this subject. This article is pub-lished with the intention of attracting the attention of fellow sociologists to the much neglected field of Muslim sociology. Study of the Muslims as a social entity will, no doubt assist in the understanding of Indian society as a whole,]

THE M u s l i m popu la t ion of Ind ia represents the m i x t u r e of groups

d r a w n f rom the indigenous races of I n d i a and fore ign blood f r o m successive bodies of invaders and immigran t s f r o m the regions beyond the north-western f ront iers . ( 'Her-sklot's Islam', (ed) Crooke: 1 9 2 1 ; 7 ) . Even in the case of earlier in-vaders their racial p u r i t y was lost by in termarr iage and concubinage w i t h the Hindus . At the same t ime the number of modern M u s l i m castes that are obviously composed of converts f r o m H i n d u i s m and the "number of H i n d u castes, specially Rajputs , that possess Mohammadan branches, make i t qui te clear that there must have been many changes of re l ig ion . Intermarriage^ though not common, d i d occur. The invad­ing M u s l i m armies d i d not always b r i n g their wives w i t h them and whi le set t l ing in I n d i a must have taken wives f r o m the o r i g i n a l in­habitants. There is reason to beli­eve tha t conversion very often took place in the shape of group con­vers ion, that is, often a whole caste accepted Is lam rather than jus t a tew members of i t . A l t h o u g h i n d i ­v i d u a l conversion also occured i t was less frequent in the earlier days o f M u s l i m rule .

F rom the very beginning of Musl im rule in India unt i l the Mug­hal period the Ind ian Musl ims re­mained a par t ia l ly lndianiscd hete­rogeneous communi ty , centred round the foreign conquerors who were very diverse in their rac ia l stock. Al though this communi ty maintained a certain amount of exclusiveness f r o m Hindus , it was at the same t ime very different f r o m the Mus­lims of other countries. " I s lam in India t r ied to conf i rm to a r i g i d un i fo rmi ty in ideas and actions but conversion and the in t roduct ion of other communit ies i n t o Islam moulded i t s nature no less than Islam moulded the character of i ts recrui ts" . (Yaseen : 1958) . Contacts Varied According to Status

The M u s l i m rulers, in order to keep in check hostile elements, al­ways had to keep a large a rmy. As a result the profession of soldiery was very popular and Mus l ims were employed in al l capacities — f rom commanders to o rd ina ry soldiers. Mus l ims being more or less absorbed in this profession, handicraf t and agr icul ture were lef t to the Hindus and to the converted Musl ims. Th i s d i s t r i bu t ion of professions can s t i l l be traced among the present day Mus l ims . The contacts between Hindus and Musl ims var ied accord­

ing to their class and profession. The upper classes suffered more f rom jealousy and rivalries, being dependent entirely upon the favours of the k i n g . The middle classes, that is the artisans the inte l l igent­sia, and the men of the clerical pro­fessions were more in contact w i t h the Hindus as their interests d i d not clash so much w i t h theirs.

W i t h the break-up of the M u g h a l Empi re and the accession of Br i t i sh rule this pat tern d i d not change basically since society retained feudal characteristics, The aristo­cracy which was centred round the k ing f i l led some of the h igh admi­nistrat ive posts and many of them, having Taluqas and Jagirs, main­tained themselves, as before having both Hindus and Musl ims of the agr icul tura l and artisan classes under them as tenants or labourers. Br i t i sh rule indeed increased the number of landlords by in t roduc ing the revenue system. Under this sys­tem any one could own land by purchase and keep control of it as he paid a fixed revenue.

Islamic and Non-Islamic : Problem of Identification

There was a gap of several hun­dred years between the in t roduct ion of I s l a m and its actual acceptance

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Muslim Caste in Uttar Pradesh Zarina Ahmad

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T H E E C O N O M I C W E E K L Y February 17, 1962

by the b u l k of the I n d i a n popula­t i on . Thus the development of contacts between H i n d u and M u s l i m cultures was very gradual . Indeed i t i s often difficult to iden t i fy what is Is lamic and what is non-Islamic among M u s l i m practices. T h i s is very much so in the pa t t e rn of social s t ra t i f ica t ion among the Mus­l ims , w h i c h has many at t r ibutes of H i n d u caste system.

The s t ructure of free M u s l i m society in I n d i a does not exh ib i t M u s l i m ideals o f social equal i ty . An elaborate and effective social strati­fication has been in practice f rom the very ear ly days of M u s l i m rule i n I n d i a .

Dr Ashraf , a h i s to r ian describes the composi t ion of the social classes d u r i n g the early M u s l i m per iod in Ind ia . " T h e Emperor stood at the head of the State, the nobles and the p r iv i l eged classes were under him^ both H i n d u and M u s l i m lower classes w«re below the n o b i l i t y and were separated f r o m them" . (Ash­r a f : 1932)

The n o b i l i t y was a heterogeneous body a'nd i ts composi t ion varied w i t h the r u l i n g dynasty. In the beginning a l l of the nobles were T u r k i s h . Afghans were included d u r i n g M o h a m m a d Tughlaq ' s rule and the M u g h a l rulers included men o f M u g h a l o r i g i n .

The lower class Musl ims were hard ly dist inguishable f rom their H i n d u counterparts . They were in most par ts converts, and had not altered the i r posi t ion much materi­a l l y . Unfor tuna te ly neither Dr A s h r a f nor any other h is tor ian gives much i n f o r m a t i o n on the social condi t ion of the lower class Mus­l ims . One can infer f r o m what l i t t l e i n f o r m a t i o n is available that conversion d i d not change much an o rd ina ry H i n d u ' s environment .

Foreign Ancestry : Invented

Greater honour and respect was p a i d to the fore ign r u l i n g and p r i ­vileged classes, than to those of I n d i a n ext rac t ion . People used to invent fore ign ancestry for them­selves in order to improve their social status. Mohammad Yaseen, another h is tor ian , confirms this not ion of fore ign supremacy found d u r i n g the M u g h a l pe r iod . The fo re ign r u l i n g and pr iv i leged classes of non-Indian ext rac t ion received more than their due share of honour

and respect and were al lowed the highest claims of social d i s t inc t ion . (Yaseen : 1957 : 20-21) Yaseen quotes Bernier saying tha t "near ly every i n d i v i d u a l when f i rs t admi t ted to the court of the great M u g h a l , selected wives f r o m and concubines f r o m Kashmi r so that his ch i ldren may pass fo r fo re ign Mughals" . (Yaseen : 1957: 2 1 ) . Th i s sense of super ior i ty of fo re ign blood is s t i l l present among the Ind ian Musl ims.

A t present M u s l i m society i n I n d i a is d iv ided in to two major sections, the ashraf and the non-ashraf. The ashraf who arc them­selves d iv ided i n t o four sections c l a im fore ign descent whi l e the non-ashraf Mus l ims are a l l regarded to be of local descent and include nu­merous menial and art isat i castes.

The ashraf are d iv ided in to four classes, Sayyad, Sheikh, M u g h a l , and Pathan. A l l ashraf c la im fore­ign descent and not not i n t c r d i n e or i n t e r m a r r y w i t h the non-ashraf.

Sayyads

They claim the highest social status. They say they are the des­cendants of A l i , son-in-law of the prophet and the f o u r t h Cal iph . The Sayyads are sub-divided in to groups wh ich tend towards endogamy but are not endogamous groups in a s t r ic t j u r a l sense. Four of these groups take the i r names f rom the o r ig ina l homes f r o m where they came. They are the Baghdadi Sayyads (Baghdad) , Rokhari Say­yads ( B o k h a r a ) , Sahzwari Sayyads (Sahzwar in Khorasan) and T i r -miz i Sayyads ( T i r m i z in Pers ia) . A p a r t f r o m these four groups, there are matay other sections who claim descent f r o m early Caliphs and Imams. The most impor tan t of them are Hussaini , descendants of Husain . the grand son of the Prophet ; A l a v u descendants of A l i , and eleven sec­t ions who call themselves after the names of eleven Imams ( A b i d i . Jafr i and Naqu i and so f o r t h ) .

In the regions of Delh i and in such p r i n c i p a l seats of M u s l i m au tho r i t y as Lucknow there are famil ies of Sayyads who hold their status by inheri tance f rom ancestors who rendered services to the M u g ­hal rulers either in the army or the admin is t ra t ion . ( B l u n t : 1931) .

Acco rd ing to the D i s t r i c t Gaze­tteers of Ut t a r Pradesh, the Sayyads

numbered 17,414 at the Census of 1901, or over 10 per cent of the M u s l i m popula t ion i n the Province. They are more numerous in the dis­t r ic ts of Lucknow than any other pa r t of the province and about 92 per cent of them are found in Luck-now Tahsi l . T h e i r presence in Lucknow is d i rect ly due to the in ­f luence of the O u d h cour t wh ich was the centre of Shia culture, and a great ma jo r i t y of Sayyads are Shias.

I t is interest ing to note that Sheikhs and Sayyads in U t t a r Pra­desh taken together exceed the number of Pathans and Mughals by 50 per cent. There has been a ten­dency to c la im a higher t i t l e than one's own .

Sayyads i n t e r m a r r y w i t h Sheikhs and there is a tendency towards hypergamy. Bu t a Sayyad never marries a Mugha l or a Pathan. The same applies to Sheikhs who do not m a r r y Mughals or Pathans either. Mughals and Pathans in te r -mar ry w i t h each other.

Sheikh Sheikh means chief. I t is an

A r a b i c t e rm and those who cal l themselves Sheikhs c la im A r a b des­cent. The t i t l e of Sheikh is wide ly spread over Ind ia a'nd except in the Punjab and Kashmir , predomi­nates over other designations. (Baines; 1912) In the Punjab, Rajput weavers call themselves Sheikhs and many of the lower agr icu l tura l groups also c l a im Ara ­bic o r i g i n and give themselves this t i t l e . (Ibbetson : 1916) .

Sheikhs are subdivided in to sec­tions, l ike Sayyads. Mos t of them take their names f r o m Caliphs and rel igious leaders. The most nume­rous sub-divisions are: Farooqi , Q i d w a i , Quraishi and F a r i d i . Inter-marriage takes place freely between the different sub-divisions.

Mughal

Mugha l is used inter-changeably for M o n g o l . Baines suggests that the Mugha l element in the N o r t h is better defined and those who hold this t i t le are not probably genuine Mughals. They cla im to he the re­presentatives of the families brought to northern Ind ia by the semi-inde­pendent viceroys of Delhi . (Baines: 1912; 141) . Mughals are for this reason more numerous in the neigh­bourhood of Delhi . ( B l u n t : 1931) .

Accord ing to Blunt , most Mughals

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in Ut ta r Pradesh settled there after Baber's conquest in 1625. ( B l u n t : 1 3 1 ; 1 7 0 ) . B u t the i r number i s qui te small , less than a m i l l i o n . The most p rominent of them are Chagtai, Uzbeck, Tajek, T u r k o m a n and Q i z i l . bash. Chagtai is the T u r k i s h branch to w h i c h T i m u r f a m i l y belonged. Uzbeck represent another Turkish t r ibe who suppl ied troops to the M u g h a l emperors. Qizilbash are supposed to be the Tar ta r horsemen f rom the Caucasus. ( B l u n t : 1931) . Palhuns

The w o r d Pathan is a H i n d i cor­r u p t i o n of the word Pakh-tanu, meaning those who speak Pakhtu language. I t applies to tribes whose o r i g i n a l home is on or near the n o r t h w e s t boundaries of I n d i a . Pat-hans are found in al l parts of U t t a r Pradesh, except in the h i l l distr icts . They are most numerous in Rohil-khand, Al lahabad and Oudh distr icts . Abou t ha l f of al l Pathans belong to four tribes of Yusuf Za i , L o d i , Ghor i and Kakar .

Yusuf Zais consider themselves to be descended f r o m the Indo-Aryan Kandhar i s who served Babers army, The Lodis are the descendants of Tajeks. Ghoris are probably a h y b r i d race, a m i x t u r e of Arab and Kandhar is . (B lun t : 1931) . Kakars belong to a small group of tribes f r o m I sma i l .

Muslim Caste-Ranking Orthodox Musl ims resent the w o r d

caste being used for the Mus l im social groups. It can be disputed whether the t e rm caste can be so used, but I believe that the concept of caste can be used w i t h advantage to analyse social s t ra t i f icat ion among the Mus l ims . A comparison of H i n ­du caste usages and practices w i t h the practices among the M u s l i m social groups may throw some l igh t on the character of these groups. M u s l i m social groups share many of the a t t r ibutes of the H i n d u caste system al though not a l l . Most of these a t t r ibutes , were acquired f rom the Hindus , and, a l though contrary to the s p i r i t of I s lam, i t has been possible to main ta in a M u s l i m socie­ty of caste-like r ank ing in I n d i a be­cause, in spite of the differences of f a i t h , bo th the communit ies share the same economic and po l i t i ca l environment .

L e t us consider a few defini­t ions of caste. Senart defines caste as a "Corporate g roup exclusively and in theory at least

r igorously heredi tary" , (Senart : 1930; 2 0 ) . Risely defines caste in more d e t a i l "A caste may be de­fined as a collection of famil ies or groups of famil ies bear ing a com­mon name, c l a iming common des­cent f r o m a mythological ancestor, human or d i v i n e ; professing to follow the same heredi tary c a l l i n g ; and regarded by those who are competent to g ive an opin ion as f o r m i n g a single homogeneous com­m u n i t y . The name generally denotes or is associated w i t h a specific occu­pat ion . A caste is almost always i n ­var iably endogamous in the sense that a number of the larger circle denoted by the common name may not m a r r y outside of the circle bu t w i t h i n that circle there are usually a number of smaller circles each of which is also endogamous". (Ris ley : 1908; 6)

Kroeber gives yet another defini­t ion of caste. A c c o r d i n g to h i m , "A caste may be defined as an endoga­mous and heredi tary subdivis ion of an ethnic uni t occupying a posi t ion of superior or i n fe r io r rank of soci­a l esteem in comparison w i t h other such sub-divisions" (Kroeber : 1 9 5 1 ; 2 5 5 ) .

Accord ing to the above definit ions, (a ) caste is endogamous, (b ) castes fol low a cer ta in profession, (c ) caste membership is hereditary, and ( d ) castes are arranged in a hierarchy.

Mobility Not Totally Restricted It is a popular belief that caste

is r i g i d and unchanging, and that the caste system is completely de­void of social m o b i l i t y . Kecent re­searches in this field have shown that although social m o b i l i t y is res­t r ic ted and slower than i t i s in other socially strat if ied societies, the H i n d u caste system is not completely wi th ­out m o b i l i t y . B o t h ind iv idua ls and groups can move al though not very frequently.

Instances of ind iv idua l s r i s ing into higher castes either by their own efforts or alongside others are known and so are cases of fa l l ing into lower castes. "Under H i n d u rulers persons were sometimes pro­moted by the Rajah f rom one caste to another. This power was exercis­ed by the Rajah of Cochin, who often raised men f r o m lower castes to the rank of Nayars . A fo rmer Rajah of Talcher in Orr i sa compel l . ed his Chasa subjects to admi t cer­ta in goalas to the i r c o m m u n i t y " ( G h u r y e : 1932; 4 1 ) .

An impor t an t a t t r ibu te o f the caste system is i ts hierarchy. Accord­i n g to P ro f Srinivas the notions of dharma and karma have greatly strengthened the idea of hierarchy which is so impor t an t in the caste system. (Sr in ivas : 1953; 23) Dhar­ma may be defined as propr ie ty , socially approved conduct in rela­t ion to one's fel low being and to wards l i fe in general and the super­natural powers. Kach caste has its own specific dharma, rules of con­duct to which each member of the caste should conform. He must not t ry to follow the rules and conduct of the dharma of another caste. If one follows his o w n dhat'ma he w i l l bo born in to a h igher caste. The fulfilment of one's caste dharma en­ables a person to be reborn in to a higher caste in his next l i fe until he is born a Brahman and then unites w i t h the God. The chain of reb i r th is called the karma.

A n d here lies an impor tan t po in t of difference between H i n d u castes and the M u s l i m social groups. The concepts of dharma and karma are not found among Mus l ims . Since every M u s l i m is born equal in the eyes of God. a M u s l i m can find no refuge in re l ig ion to jus t i fy the practice of social inequal i ty . I t is possible that the lack of the concept of dharma makes M u s l i m social groups slightly more f luid than the H i n d u castes.

' Sanskritisation', Too One of the effective means of

raising one's social status among the Muslims is the i m i t a t i o n of higher class practices. It works some, what l ike "Sanskr i t i sa t ion" in the sense Prof Srinivas uses i t . ( S r i n i ­vas: 19531. But it must be accom­panied by the economic betterment erf the f ami ly concerned. As soon as a lower class M u s l i m makes money, he puts his women in pur­dah (a practice observed only by the ashrafs), starts going to the communal prayers in the mosque and goes to Mecca for p i lg r image . A H a j i (one who has visi ted Mecca) is respected whatever caste he may belong to. But an ashraf w i l l not fiive a daughter in marr iage to a H a j i of lower caste, however res­pectable he may have become.

Another characteristic of the H i n d u caste system is the concept of r i t ua l p u r i t y and i m p u r i t y of the castes. These notions have both a

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physical and a rel igious connots-t i on . Each caste has a cer ta in qua­l i t y o f r i t u a l p u r i t y but both i n d i v i ­duals and groups can lose th is p u r i -ty in a number' of ways. One of the ways in wh ich r i t u a l status can be lowered is by eating food cooked hy certain castes. A d i s t inc t ion is made between food cooked w i t h water called kachcha and food cooked w i t h ghee (c lar i f ied bu t te r ) called pakka.

Death is po l lu t ing . Thus occupa­tions associated w i t h death are also po l lu t ing , and physical contact w i t h one belonging to such an occupat ion can pol lute the i nd iv idua l . H u m a n emissions are po l lu t i ng and profes­sions associated w i t h them are s imi­l a r ly po l lu t ing . Thus a bhangi (sweeper) is impure because he deals w i t h human refuse. A dhobi (washerman) is impure since he washes clothes stained w i t h blood.

Caste Taboos

A m o n g the M u s l i m s there is no permanent or g roup po l lu t ion . Bu t i nd iv idua l po l lu t ion is observed. One becomes i m p u r e in cer tain phy­sical conditions, and by touching certain objects, but po l lu t ion cannot be transferred f r o m one person to another. Women are polluted d u r i n g the i r mon th ly periods and for 40 days after ch i ld -b i r th . The place the c h i l d is b o r n in is also pol luted fo r 40 days. Both men and women are polluted when they have been w i t h each other. To get r i d o f the po l lu t i on one has to 'take bath. W h i l e in the state of po l lu t ion one must no t touch anyth ing sacred. One must not offer prayers or read the Quran . One must not enter the mosque or any shrine, one must not eat any food w h i c h has been to the mosque or a shrine or on w h i c h fateha (verses of Quran ) have been recit­ed. (Beven-Jones: 1941) .

Cer ta in animals are also po l lu t ing . A dog can pol lute an i n d i v i d u a l . I f a dog touches any vessel that vessel is pol luted, and must be washed thoroughly seven times before i t is considered f i t f o r use. I f an an i ­mal falls in to the we l l or pot of water or food, i t becomes po l lu ted .

Caste status among the H i n d u s is expressed th rough regulations on ea t ing and d r i n k i n g . In nor thern I n d i a Brahmans and Rajputs do not fake pakka food f r o m those below the Jate and the Gujars. They in

t u r n do no t take food f r o m the menial castes, the Brahmans refuse kaehcha food f r o m the Rajputs, thus demonstra t ing the i r super ior i ty over a l l

Mayer has made a detailed study of the hierarchical aspect of caste in Ramkher i vil lage o f Ma lwa . Here the Kha t i s do not take kachcha ' from the Bhilalas, and the Bhilalas do not eat f r o m the Khat is . Bu t many castes take pakka food f r o m the Khat i s and d r i n k f rom their water pots, but do not do so f r o m the Bhilalas. Bhilalas claim to be equal to Kha t i s and so Tefuse kachcha food f rom them. ( M a y e r : 1956) . In Bis ipara v i l lage of Orr i sa studied by Bailey a r i s ing caste of distillers refuses to take food f r o m the h igh­er w a r r i o r caste of the vil lage. (Ba i l ey : 1957) .

A m o n g the ashraf Mus l ims ideally speaking there are no restrictions on tak ing food f r o m each other al­though social m o b i l i t y is so restrict­ed between Sheikhs and Sayyads on the one hand and the Mughals and Pathans on the other that ha rd ly any communal eating and d r i n k i n g takes place between them. The ash-raf and non-ashraf castes do not cat or d r i n k together a t a l l . There are no r i t ua l sanctions against i t but the social distance is so great that it does not happen. The non-ashraf serving castes, whi le eating d u r i n g their hours of service at the ashraf house, have to eat in a separate place not seen by their ashraf mas­ters. W i t h i n the non-ashraf castes themsalvos. rules operate a p p r o x i ­mat ing to those fo l lowed by their H i n d u counterparts.

The fo l lowing incident took place in a vi l lage in Lucknow d i s t r i c t . A manihar (Bangle seller) woman came back to the v i l lage after a long absence. W h i l e away her husband had established a flourishing busi­ness. On her r e tu rn to the vil lage, d i e went to an ashraf wedding and, avoiding the host's at tent ion, sat on a table where ashraf ladies were sit­t i n g to have their meal . Being dressed in expensive clothes she was first not recognised as a manihar woman. B u t in the midd le of the meal one of the ashraf ladies recog­nised her and a l l the ashraf ladies at once stood up and refused to sit at the same table w i t h the manihar woman. I t caused a l o t of embar­rassment, but the manihar lady had

to s i t and eat on the f loor. There is another example of a dhoban (washer-woman) mar r i ed as second wife to an ashraf l and lord . She was a M u s l i m , bu t her o r i g i n as a dho­ban was never forgotten. Being a m i l d and wel l manneed lady she was after some years admit ted to the ashraf g a t h e r i n g but only as an observer. She was never allowed to take pa r t in any r i tua l s and always had to ret ire before meal t ime.

Social Elevation by Matrimony Among the Muslims marriage

outside one's social group is restrict­ed, in the same way as eating and d r i n k i n g . To get an ashraf w i f e is one of the ways of raising one's so­cial status, A very recent example comes to my m i n d . In a village in eastern Ut ta r Pradesh, wh ich was inhabi ted mostly by M u s l i m land­lords, a new fami ly came to settle down. They were soon known to have been julahas (weaver) in an­other vi l lage. They bu i l t a b ig house and had a b ig business in br ick manufac tur ing . The i r sons were sent to town for education and women were put in s t r ic t purdah. The i r ciders used to go to the vi l lage mos-que. for their prayers. ( M a n y peo­ple are casual about a t tending the mosque. The po in t here is that the julahas made it a po in t of a t tending mosque so that they could take advantage of the convention of fra­te rn i ty and equal i ty which has to be observed by al l those present, what­ever their status).

For qui te a while they were iso­lated. Ashraf families d id not want to meet them on account of their being julaha o r i g i n and they them­selves d i d not l ike to establish any relations w i t h the village julahas as they were anxious to get accepted into the ashraf society on account of their wealth. A n d they rai led themselves Sheikh, The stories of their wealth were around the village and a couple of l ibera l ashrafs ac­cepted their constant invitat ions. Af t e r ge t t ing a l i t t l e encouragement they took a very d a r i n g step, and sent a proposal for thei r son's mar­riage to an ashruf g i r l . This caused great resentment among the ashraf families. Af t e r long arguments and much persuasion the girl 's parents showed some willingness as the boy h imsel f was well educated and pro­mis ing . The negotiations went on for a year and in the end the match

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was settled. The wedding took place w i t h such pomp and show as the vi l lage had not seen f o r years. The wedding was performed in accor­dance w i t h ashraf r i tua l s and inv i t a ­t ions and sweetmeats f r o m the boy's side, sent to al l those who belonged to that vi l lage, no matter where in I n d i a they l ived . The purpose was to announce the fact that they had mar r ied an ashraf g i r l . The ashrajs were very annoyed and the social pressure put upon the new pair was so great that they decided to live in town permanently. B u t w i t h i n a generation or two. these facts w i l l be forgot ten and they w i l l become genuine Sheikhs.

Differences—Only of Degree I have t r ied to show f rom this

discussion that groups among ashraf Musl ims resemble H i n d u castes in many respects, M u s l i m ashraf so­ciety is socially s t ra t i f ied ; it includes e'ndogamous groups, mob i l i t y be­tween wh ich is res t r ic ted; p roh ib i ­t ion on eating and d r i n k i n g is ap­p l i e d ; and these groups are organised on a hierarchical scale. The main difference between the H i n d u castes and these M u s l i m 'castes' is that M u s l i m castes have no r i tua l signifi­cance. It is precisely this notion of r i t u a l p u r i t y and i m p u r i t y , and the doctr ine of karma and dharma which differentiates H i n d u castes f rom the M u s l i m social groups. Hut in terms of s t ra t i f icat ion and social mobil i ty the difference is one of degree and not of k i n d .

The M u s l i m castes of Indian o r i g i n ( the non-ashra f ) approximate even more closely to their H i n d u counterparts than the ashraf Alter conversion to Islam these castes only accepted a different f a i t h but their mode of l i v i n g d id not change much. The ma jo r i t y of them being ignor­ant and i l l i terate d i d not realise the significance of i s lam and to them change of re l ig ion meant substitut­i ng allah for paramatma and cele­bra t ing a few M u s l i m festivals to­gether w i t h some H i n d u ones. Ibbelson tells Us about M u s l i m con­verts in Punjab, w h i c h is also true of U t t a r Pradesh. He says "As a fact in east Punjab conversion bad absolutely no effect on the caste of the convert. The Mohammadan Raj-put , Gujar or Jat is for all social, p o l i t i c a l , t r iba l and adminis t ra t ive purposes exactly as much a Rajput . Gujar or Jat as his H i n d u brother. His social customs are unaltered, his

rules of marr iage and inheri tance are unchanged, and almost the only difference is that he ( M u s l i m ) shaves his scalp lock and the upper part of h is moustache repeats ti le Moham­madan creed in the mosque and adds Mussalman to the H i n d u wedding ceremonies." (Ibbetson: 1916; 14) .

Politico-Economic Hierarchy In the H i n d u caste system there

are two types of hierarchy, one r i tua l (discussed above) and the other politico-economic expressed in the not ion of 'dominant caste'. Accord­ing to Prof Srinivas. "A caste may be said to be dominant when it pre­dominates numerically over the other castes and when it also wields pre­ponderant economic and pol i t ical power." I. Sr in ivas : 1957) .

A dominant, caste at a village level may or may not be Brahman. The facts demonstrate the impor tan t po­si t ion of caste who have po l i t i ca l and economic power in their hands. In Kishan Garh i . a village in Uttar Pradesh studied by Mekim M a r r i o t t ; Brahmans and Jats owned all the land. .Now Brahmans are becoming wealthy and challenging the po l i t i ca l power of the Jats, In another village of Ram khe ra . in Uttar Pradesh Jats held nearly all the land in the vil la­ges and held the pol i t ical power. In another village of Modhopur in L' t tar Pradesh the Jats held 70 per cent of the village land and controlled both village and dis tr ict panchayats. The s i tuat ion i^ very s imilar in other regions. In the Orr isa village of Bisipara the war r io r caste and Boad dist i l lers hold most of the land. The warr ior caste has been holding the pol i t ical power in the village but is now acqu i r ing new weal th , (Ba i l ey : 1957)

In these villages the dominant caste dispenses justice and acts as the final court of justice both in inter-caste and intra-caste disputes, which were often not settled in the caste panchayat. They have more or less complete control of the eco­nomic destinies of the vil lage, be­cause they hold most of the land. By the fact that the dominant caste holds most of the land it also con­trols the food supply of the village and thus receives the services of the menial castes of the v i l lage . Feudal Structure Allowed to Persist

This feudal s tructure of Ind i an society has persisted over many years and was not interfered w i t h by the

M u s l i m rulers of Ind ia . They re­placed some of the dominan t castes by M u s l i m nobles by awarding them Taluqas (fiefs') and laud. As a result of this, the status relation­ship of different castes at the village level remained the same both for the Hindus and the Musl ims. Dr Hardy sums it up most accurately, "bo th ( T u r k s and Mughals) substituted one group of revenue collectors and m i l i t a r y chiefs for another, changing the men at the top of the social p y r a m i d w i t h o u t dis lodging the p y r a m i d i t s e l f . ( H a r d y : 1 9 5 8 )

Blunt d iv ided the M u s l i m occu­pational castes (these castes include menial and art isan castes) of U P into three broad categories: firstly, those which are ent i rely M u s l i m s ; secondly, those which are predomi­nantly Mus l im and t h i r d l y , those which are predominant ly H i n d u w i t h onlv a few Musl im branches.

Under the first category (whol ly M u s l i m ) Blunt includes these castes; Atashbaz. Baidgar. Bhand, Bhati-yata. Bhisht i . Biloch. Bisati . Dafa l i . Dogar. Caddi Gandhi . Gara Ghoga. Ghosi. H u r k i y a I r aq i . Jhojha Jula-ha. Kanmai , khnazada k h u m a r a , k i n g a r i v a , Lalkhana . M i r a s i , Nau-M u s l i m . Niya r iya . Pankhiya Qlan-dar. Qassab. Kanghar and T u r k .

In the second category (predo­minant ly M u s l i m ) Blun t includes. Churihar . Darzi Dhuniya k u n j r a , Manihar . Men or Mewat i . Kangrcz, SaigaIgar and Tawaif .

The t h i r d category (predominant ly H i n d u ) includes. A h i r . Baghban Bahi l iya . Baujara. Barhai . Dhoh i . Horn. Goriya Gujar . Ha lwa i . Jat, kahar . k u m h a r . Lobar . M a l i , M a i -lah. M o c h i , Nai Nat. Rajput . Sonar, and T e l i .

Neither Blunt nor the Census Re­ports give any details about the customs and status of these M u s l i m castes. Crooked account of 'Caste and Tribes in N o r t h Western Pro-vinees of Agra and Oudh ' is more comprehensive but his in fo rmat ion does not always agree w i t h that of Blunt . Some of the castes listed by Crooke are missing in R l u n f s account, and others listed by Blunt arc missing in Crooke's account. Blunt has deliberately omit ted a number of castes l ike. H i j r a . kune ra , Lakhera . kaba r iya Nal-band. Nanba i . Qalaigar. Rangsaz, and Habshi on account of their be­ing purely occupational.

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There is some discrepancy in Blun t ' s accounts. On the one hand he discards a few M u s l i m castes l is ted above, because they are occu­pat ional and on the other hand he includes a few castes w h i c h are pure ly occupational. He does not seem to fo l low any u n i f o r m cr i t e r ion for de te rmin ing 'pure ly occupa­tional" castes.

No Regular Pattern of Assimilation B l u n t has p u t the M u s l i m castes

in three categories. A n d this imme-diately suggests the fo l lowing ques­t ion. Do the castes in these cate­gories differ in the i r use of H i n d u or M u s l i m customs? A r e those M u s l i m castes w h i c h are composed of ent i re ly M u s l i m branches nearer to the Quranic pat tern or even nearer to the pat tern set by the ashraf Musl ims? Do those castes which have predominant ly H i n d u branches have more Hindu customs than M u s l i m ?

For this purpose I shall take one or two castes f r o m each category and compare the i r religious beliefs and marriage customs. Of the castes wh ich arc ent i re ly M u s l i m I take the I r aq i first . Crooke says tha t the I raqis are a caste of Mohammadan Kalwars and profess to take their name f r o m the country of I r a q . They sometimes call themselves Rank i . I t is popu la r ly said that they have no­th ing to do w i t h I r a q and that they are called I r a q i because they deal w i t h araq (spri tuous l i q u o r ) and I r a q i is said to be real ly the cor­r u p t i o n of araqi. The M i r z a p u r I raq is have a panehayat, but other I raq is do not have a panehayat. They are d iv ided irtto sections but these sections do not regulate the choice of a spouse. W i d o w marr iage is avowed only w i t h the permission of the counci l . Levi rate is permit­ted bu t restr icted. O n l y the young­er brother of the late husband may mar ry his w i d o w . A daughter never inher i ts f r o m her father unless he has made a provis ion in his l i fe- t ime,

The i r marr iage r i tuals resemble those of Hindus , They per form o ceremony called matmangar wh ich is also performed by the low caste Hindus . Blunt says that I r aq i s fo l ­low the rules of hypergamy and for­b i d cousin marr iage. I t i s not k n o w n that the caste status of the I raq i s is, and, i f they follow hypergamy, to w h i c h caste they give their women.

They profess to be Sunni Musl ims . They do not in te r -marry w i t h the Shias. I raq is worship the Goddess Bhawani , a H i n d u de i ty and offer blood sacrifice a at the graves of thei r saints, a practice quite contrary to Quranic ideals.

The Caste of Bhisht is is composed ent i re ly of Musl ims. They fol low a m i x t u r e of H i n d u and M u s l i m cus* toms. The Bhisht is are a purely occupational caste of water carriers, and include members of other caste sub-divisions. They have a large number of exogamous groups. They have a t r i b a l council . They do not take food f rom the menial castes. They allowr widow marriage and divorce only w i t h Council 's permis­sion. They worship their mashak (leather water bap) in which they carry water f rom house to house and bu rn incense in f ront of i t on F r i ­days.

Similur Marriage Rituals

Dhuniyas arc a caste who have predominant ly M u s l i m branches. Dhuniyas are the caste of cotton carders. The H i n d u dhuniyas claim to have Rajput o r i g i n . But Mus l im dhuniyas take their names f rom a saint named Khwa ja Matisur, who is believed to have bought the dhuni­yas w i t h h i m f r o m Constantinople. "They collect sacred earth at wed­dings and carry out whole niprht watch and there is a dis t inct sur­vival of marr iage by capture, in the observance by which the br ide , when br idegroom arrives at the house for the marriage, is furnished w i t h a small stick w i t h wh ich she gives h i m two or three slght blows on his head as he enters the doors" (Crooke : 1886: 297) This recalls an ashraf custom. Among them this r i tua l of h i t t i n g the br idegroom is performed w i t h a slight difference that it is not the bride herself but her voimeer sister who makes the 'attack'. (Whe­ther this custom is a survival of marriage by capture, as Crooke says, is. of course, debatable.)

I now come to the last category of M u s l i m castes which have larger H i n d u sections and small number of M u s l i m sections. Gujars are one example. They are a caste of cow­herds. B l u n t reports that Gujars "were apparently converts to Islam at various t imes." Some of them s t i l l ma in ta in t he i r H i n d u sections

and regulate their marriages by them as their H i n d u brethren do. Three hundred and e ighty gotras of the M u s l i m branch of Gujars are report­ed by the Census of 1891. Mus l im Gujars are mostly Sunnis and do not in te r -marry w i t h the Shias.

Betrothal ia celebrated on a lucky day fixed by a Brahman and fathers of the betrothed exchange cups of spi r i t s . When the wedding proces­sion arrives at the bride's house a H i n d u r i t e duar ka char is perform­ed and then the mehr is fixed and the Qazi (pr ies t ) performs the nikah. When the br ide arrives at the house of her husband her mother-in-law performs a H i n d u ceremony of para-clian. She waves a hand over her head to scare the evi l spir i ts , and then takes her i n to the household chapel (deoghar) where she worships the guardian deities of the f a m i l y .

It appears fo rm the above account that all castes, whether ent irely Mus­l i m , predominant ly M u s l i m or pre­dominan t ly H i n d u share more or less the same mix tu re of H i n d u and M u s l i m caste usages and beliefs. At least there does not emerge any re­gular pat tern of assimilating H i n d u and Is lamic cultures. Conversion to Islam d i d not change either the basic structure of the caste society or the internal organisation of the castes themselves. Even those castes which arc predominant ly or ent i re ly M u s l i m have incorporated H i n d u customs and usages and as such have become an integral part of the Ind ian society.

References

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Bevan-Jones, V R & L 1914 'Woman in Islam', Lucknow Publishing Housi-

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Crooke. W (Ed) 1921 .'Islam in India'', Oxford University Press.

Crooke, W 1886 'Tribes and Castes of North Western Provinces of Agra and Oudh'. London.

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