SCRIPTA CLASSICA. RADU ARDEVAN SEXAGENARIO DEDICATA

BOOK EDITED WITH THE FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE ROMANIAN NATIONAL AUTHORITY FOR SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH

(ANCS)

BABE-BOLYAI UNIVERSITY, CLUJ-NAPOCA DEPARTMENT OF ANCIENT HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY

CENTRE FOR ROMAN STUDIES

SCRIPTA CLASSICA. RADU ARDEVAN SEXAGENARIO DEDICATA

Editors:

ioan PisoViorica rusu-Bolinde

rada VargasilVia Musta

EugEnia BEu-dachinLigia ruscu

MEGA PUBLISHING HOUSECLUJ-NAPOCA

2011

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei

SCRIPTA CLASSICA : Radu Ardevan sexagenario dedicata /editors : Ioan Piso, Viorica Rusu-Bolinde, Rada Varga, ... Cluj-Napoca : Mega, 2011.

ISBN 978-606-543-196-6.

I. Piso, Ioan (ed.)II. Rusu-Bolinde, Viorica (ed.)III. Varga, Rada (ed.)

082.2 (Ardevan, R.)902 (498) (082)904 (498) (082)

COPYRIGHT: 2011, MEGA PUBLISHING HOUSE & THE AUTHORS OF THE ARTICLES

DTP: Andreea MacaveiCover: Romeo Crjan

Plates and figures: Silvia Musta

MEGA PUBLISHING HOUSECluj-Napoca

e-mail: mail@edituramega.rowww.edituramega.ro

CONTENTS

Ioan PISO Laurum lauro digno . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11

Livio ZERBINI Amicitiae memor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13

Tabula gratulatoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .15

List of publications of Radu Ardevan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .17

Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25

ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

Giulia BARATTA Il paradosso di Eutropos: sulliconografia di ICVR VI 17225 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31

Vitalie BRC Sarmatian bronze cauldrons in the Sarmatian environment between Don River and the Carpathians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .41

Corneliu BELDIMAN, Diana-Maria SZTANCS, Ioan Carol OPRI Data about the antler objects from Capidava . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .51

Dorel BONDOC Bust representations in bronze of the god Mercurius at the Lower Danube . . . . . . . . .71

George BOUNEGRU Roman cemeteries from Apulum. Demarcation and chronology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .79

Ana CTINA Reprsentations de la scne du festin funraire sur les monuments de Potaissa . . . . . . .89

Daniela CIUGUDEAN Ringschnallencingulum-type belts from Apulum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99

Dan ELEFTERESCU A mould for casting ornamental bronze buttons discovered at Durostorum (Ostrov) . . . .115

Florin FODOREAN Landscapes of Roman Dacia. Potaissa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .121

Constanze HPKEN, Szilamr Pter PNCZL Verzierte Importglser aus Porolissum. Neufunde aus Gebude C3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .135

Silvia MUSTA A Roman panthershaped bronze vessel handle from Porolissum (Moigrad, Slaj County, Romania) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .141

George NUU, Mihaela IACOB, Natalia MIDVICHI Two enamelled finds from Troesmis (Moesia Inferior) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .151

Radu OTA From Beauty to Wisdom: votive statues of Venus, Minerva and an unidentified Goddess from Apulum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .159

Mariana PSLARU Wasters from Roman pottery workshops at Potaissa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .167

C. Sebastian SOMMER AbusinaEining an der Donau archologische Quelle, rmische Ruine, denkmalpflegerisches Problem, Ort der Vermittlung? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .183

EPIGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL STUDIES

Alexandru AVRAM Marginalien zu griechisch beschrifteten Schleudergeschossen (I) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .195

Carmen FENECHIU Narrating Dreams in the Annals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .201

Marc MAYER I OLIV Sobre Tcito, Historias, 1, 24, y la posible remuneracin de los pretorianos en el reinado de Galba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .207

Gza ALFLDY Ein gallischer Adliger in Aquincum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .211

Mihai BRBULESCU History of epigraphic research regarding Potaissa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .221

Doina BENEA Einige Bemerkungen zu den Militrkonflikten mit den freien Dakern und den jazygischen Sarmaten zur Zeit des Commodus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .231

Romeo CRJAN Le statut juridique de Potaissa sous Septime Svre et Caracalla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .239

George CUPCEA Veteran settlement and Colonia Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .247

Monica DRAGOSTIN Les tribus romaines en Dacie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .257

Alexandru DUDU Les communauts rurales de la Dacie romaine et leurs gnies. Quelques inscriptions de Aquae et Micia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .267

Sara FACCINI Le iscrizioni a carattere religioso presso i campi dala della Dacia Porolissensis . . . . . . . .275

Gian Luca GREGORI A proposito dei due tribunati militari del senatore bresciano Marco Nonio Macrino . . . .283

Manfred HAINZMANN Anmerkungen zur MarsLatobiusWidmung (CIL III 5320 und 11721) aus Flavia Solva . .289

Felix MARCU Spes in Deo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .299

Florian MATEI-POPESCU A Greek inscription from Tomis (MNA l 419) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .307

Bogdan MUSCALU L. Caesennius Sospes, an amicus Domitiani? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .311

Ioan PISO Note sur cinq bornes milliaires de Dacie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .321

Dumitru PROTASE Fragmente zweier rmischer Militrdiplome aus Dacia Porolissensis . . . . . . . . . . . . .331

Coriolan Horaiu OPREANU The building inscription of the fort at Boroneul Mare (Covasna County) . . . . . . . . . .339

Ligia RUSCU About T. Flavius Valentinus of Oescus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .345

Antonio SARTORI Vacuum loquitur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .351

Mihai SSRMAN Eine neue Grabinschrift aus Potaissa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .361

Atalia TEFNESCU-ONIIU Social relations of the soldiers in Roman Dacia (I). Heirs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .365

Ovidiu ENTEA Some remarks on Palmyreni Sagittarii. On the first records of Palmyrenes within the Roman army . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .371

Rada VARGA Cives Romani Latinive cives? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .379

Javier VELAZA Signum argenteum cum bomo: los problemas de un hpax epigrfico . . . . . . . . . . . . .387

Ekkehard WEBER Epigraphische Hflichkeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .393

Livio ZERBINI Una panoramica sulle citt romane della Dacia e del bacino danubiano . . . . . . . . . . .403

Lietta DE SALVO Costantinopoli citt sovrana nella visione di Temistio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .411

Nelu ZUGRAVU La diarchia dei fratelli nella tarda antichit: modelli mitici e storici: i diarchi valentiniani . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .419

Juan Ramn CARB GARCA Per arma Getis. La inscripcin del Gran Maestre Jean de La Valette en Malta y la identificacin entre turcos y getas en el siglo XVI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .425

Irina NEMETI, Sorin NEMETI In ecclesia pro ara. On Roman wandering stones from Romanian churches . . . . . . . .435

NUMISMATIC STUDIES

Andreea DRGAN Monetary circulation in urban and rural contexts of Roman Dacia in the 3rd century AD. General and specific patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .447

Cristian GZDAC, Corneliu GAIU, gnes ALFLDY-GZDAC Die Fallstricke der numismatischen Zeugnisse. Das Auxiliarkastell von Arcobadara (Iliua, Kreis Bistria-Nsud, Rumnien) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .459

Constantin INEL Coins within the funerary context of the Roman necropolis from Apulum Stadion . . . .465

Virgil MIHAILESCU-BRLIBA New data concerning the hoard of Roman denarii from Buda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .475

Mihai MUNTEANU A study on CONSECRATIO coins issued at middle of the 3rd century AD . . . . . . . . . .481

Emanoil PRIPON An aureus discovered at Jac (Slaj County, Romania) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .491

SCRIPTA CLASSICA.Radu Ardevan sexagenario dedicata

Cluj-Napoca 2011 311319

L. CAESENNIUS SOSPES, AN AMICUS DOMITIANI ?

Bogdan MUSCALU

Abstract: L. Caesennius Sospes is a special character considering his senatorial evolution. He starts his career during the Flavian dynasty, continued afterwards through the Antonine one. The main records are: the CL III 6818 (ILS 1017) inscription, dated in 96 AD of Pisidian Antiochia, the military diploma of Pissarevo from Thracia, dated on the 19th of July 114 and a diploma with a unknown discovery place, dating from the3rd or 4th of May 114. R.Syme concluded that the evolution of the career of Sospes can also be placed upon hazard, this representative of the Casennius family evolving into a typical senatorial career until 96 AD, to which a consulate should have followed. The assassination of Domitian and his name being tied to the Flavian dynasty prolonged the acceding in his position as a consul with almost 20 years. In our study, we pursued three epigraphic references and the theories enunciated by historians so far regarding the subject in question. The discovery of new inscriptions, that may offer us information regarding L. Caesennius Sospes, couldilluminate missing pieces of the career of this enigmatic character.

Keywords: senatorial career; Caesennius family; amicus Domitiani; expeditio Suebica et Sarmatica.

L. Caesennius Sospes is a distinguished character considering his senatorial evolution. He starts his career during the Flavian dynasty, continued afterwards through the Antonine one. His rise in the hierarchy of the Roman Empire led to the creation of certain writings and disputes between theresearchers of Roman History.

The main records are: the CIL III 6818 (ILS 1017) inscription, dated in the AD 96 of Pisidian Antiochia, the military diploma of Pissarevo from Thracia, dated on the 19th of July 1141 and a diploma with a unknown discovery place, dating from the 3rd or 4th of May 1142. A few studies of foreign researchers can be annexed.

The CIL III 6818 (ILS 1017) inscription:

P F STEL SOSTI FETIALI LEG AUG

PRO PR PROVINC GALPISID PHRYG LVC ISAVRPAPHLAG PONTI GALAPONTI POLEMONIANI

1 Paunov, Roxan 1997, 269279.2 RMD IV 226; ILD 2527.

312 Bogdan MUSCALU

ARM LEG LEG XIII GEMDONAT DON MILITARIB

EXPEDIT SVEBIC ET SARMCOR MVR COR VALL COR

AUR HAST PVR TRIB VEXILL TRIB CVRAT COLO

NIOR ET MVNICIPIOR PRAEFRVM DAND EX S C PRAETOR

AED CVRVL Q CRET ET CTRIB LEG XXII PRIMIGEN

IIIVIR A A A FFTHIASVS LIB

The document loosely deals with imperial history. The committee is the freedman Thiasus who places an inscription for his patron, the general L. Caesennius Sospes. The last two functions held by L.Caesennius Sospes offer certain precise perspectives. We propose the following reading of theinscription, keeping into account the former readings of St. Gsell, H. G. Pflaum and W. M. Ramsey:

P(aeti) F(illio) Stel(latina tribu) Sos[pi]ii, fetiali, leg(ato) Aug(usti) pro pr(tore) provinc(iarum) Gal(ati), Pisid(i), Phryg(i), Luc(aoni), Isaur(i), Paphlag(oni), Ponti Galat(ici), Ponti Polemoniant, Arm(eni) leg(atus) leg(ionis) XIII Gem(inae) donat(o) don(is) militarib(us) expedit(ione) Suebic(a) et Sarm(atica), cor(ona) mur(ali), cor(ona) vall(ari), cor(ona) aur(ea), hast(is) pur(is) trib(us), vexill(is) trib(us), curat(ori) colonior(um) et municipior(um), pr(fecto) frum(ento) dand(o) ex s(enatus) c(onsulto), prtori, d(ili) curul(i), qu(stori) Cret() et C[yr(enarum)], trib(uno) leg(ionis) XXI[I] Primigen(i), III vir(o) a(uro), a(rgento) a(ere) f(lando) f(eriundo) Thiasus lib(ertus) [posuit].

The beginning of L. Caesennius Sospess career3 was a favourable one. In AD 79, Sospes appears as one of the tresviri monetales, after the vigintivirate, which is not mentioned, fact which shows that he originates from a senatorial family, the first level of cursus honorum4. S.Hillerbrand mentions that the function he holds after the vigintivirate is the one of tribunus militum legionis XXII Primigeniae, garrisoned in Mainz. This is followed by the first senatorial magistracy, the Quaestor Cretae et Cyrenarum and the aedilis curulis5.

The praetura to which he defers in 88 AD gives L. Caesennius Sospes the possibility of an important function6.

What is surprising is the extraordinary magistracy of de praefectus frumenti dandi ex S.C., which is why the inscription caused a series of controversies. The aforementioned post was abolished by Claudius and reinvented by Nerva, ergo the erudite H. G. Pflaum doesnt know such magistrates during the years 54 and 96 AD7. Sospes is the first member of a senatorial family that holds the position of praefectus frumenti dandi, this being a step in obtaining the proconsulate8. H.Dessau, W. M. Ramsey, G. E. F Chilver and R. Syme are the partisans of the idea that the magistracy reappeared during the reign of Domitian9. An example would be L. Catilius Severus (suff. 110, cos. II, 120), who held this magistracy, was promoted to praefectus aerarii Saturni which led him straight into the position of consul10.

3 PIR1 III, S 567.4 CIL III 6818; Hillebrand 2006, 162.5 Cf. Hillebrand 2006, 163.6 Syme 1977, 38.7 Berchem 1939, 72, 74; Pflaum 1954, 441, 449; Bagnall, Drew-Bear 1973, 225, note 35.8 Syme 1977, 49.9 ILS 1017; Ramsay 1924, 192; Chilver 1949, 10; Syme 1977, 43, 49. 10 ILS 1041.

L. Caesennius Sospes, an amicus Domitiani ? 313

In Sospess cursus honorum, consul in 114 AD, there is a mention of the fact that he was thecommander of the XIIIth Gemina legion and decorated in this station leg (at.) leg. XIII Gem. donat. don. militarib. expedit. Suebic. et Sarm. cor(ona) mur(ali), cor(ona) vall(ari) etc. by the emperor. Sospes pursued a typical senatorial career until he was named legatus legionis XIII Gemina. The issue of thename of this emperor caused many controversies. The text from the diploma is interpreted thus by H.G.Pflaum: legatus legionis XIII Geminae (exercitus Daciae), donatus donis militaribus expeditione Suebica et Sarmatica (imperatoris Traiani, antea ignota) corona murali, corona vallari11.

Sospes, the commander of the XIIIth Gemina, a legion stationary in Pannonia until its departure in campaigns against the Dacians during the reign of Trajan, received decorations specific for a praetorian. The Roman Emperor is not named in the inscription from Antiochia, but it has been concluded that he was Domitian12.

The inscription dedicated by the freedman Thiasus raised issues with Sospes being called curator coloniorum et municipiorum. This title is unique during the Flavian dynasty and the earliest certification of a curator civitatis, probably dating after the war of 92 AD. This title refers to the Italic cities, being a civil function held by the person in question. A number of researchers, including E.Ritterling, Th.Mommsen, St. Gsell, R.Syme and Y. Le Bohec assign Domitian with the creation of the curatorcivitatis function, these officials having the task of helping the city in handling its problems13. Domitians action has a major role in the evolution of equestrian careers during the emperors Trajan, Hadrian and even Septimius Sever, H. G. Pflaum recognizing the primordial role of Domitians reign14.

After all these positions, Sospes is named governor of Galatia, after he was named iuridicus and legatus legionis XIII Geminae, being tied to the praetorian rank in Cappadocia Galatia in 94/95 AD, after the death of consul Anistius Rusticus15. Sospess interim lasts a year at most, in the divided region Cappadocia, this taking place in 94 AD, according to some researchers, and the position surpassing legatus Augusti pro praetore is the one of praetorii iurii dicundo16. If he were to be remembered with thetitle of legatus Augusti, he would have only been iuridicus, but in this case, Sospes is a governor17.

One may deduce two things from the inscription. Out of supererogation towards his patron, Thiasus names eight regions in the inscription, Armenia Minor included, but not Cappadocia. IftheCappadocia region was accidentally left out of the inscription, Sospes would have been the ruler of a consular region as a praetorian, taking the place of the deceased Antistius Rusticus. A second alternative, proposed by R.Syme, would be the division of the region in two large parts, shortly after thedisappearance of Rusticus. The explanation would be that in the inscriptions that record the governors and iuridici-ces careers, Cappadocia lies in the front of the inscription, being followed by Galatia18.

Cappadocia, the region that should have been the main territory included by Thiasus, is missing from the inscription of Pisidian Antiochia. This may be explained by the fact that it may have been divided for a short period of time, during a famine or plague19. Martial remembers the moment when Rusticuss ash was brought to Italy Cappadocum saevis Antistius occidit oris Rusticus20.

11 Pflaum 1953, 307309; Pflaum 1954, 431 sqq.12 Ramsay 1924, 19092; Syme 1977, 38; Th. Mommsen and H. Dessau saw L. Caesennius Sospes as the leader

ofthecampaign against the Sarmatians and Suebians from the reign of Domitian; Piso 1993, 217, note 24; seeGsell 1893, note 90: Sos [pi]ii, fetiali, leg(ato) Aug(usti) pro pr(aetore) provinc(iarum) Gal(atiae), Pisid(iae), Phryg(iae), Luc(aoniae), Isaur(iae), Paphlag(oniae), Ponti Galat(ici), Ponti Polemoniant, Arm(eniae) donat(o) don(is) militarib(us) expedit(ione) Suebic(a) et Sarm(atica), cor(ona) mur(ali), cor(ona) vall(ari), cor(ona) aur(ea), hast(is) pur(is) trib(us), vexill(is) trib(us), curat(ori) colonior(um) (sic) et municipior(um), prae(fecto) frum(ento) dand(o) ex s(enatus) c(onsulto), praetori, aed(ili) curul(i), qu(aestori) Cret(ae) et C[yr(enarum)], trib(uno) leg(ionis XXI [I] Primigen(iae), III vir(o) a(uro), a(rgento) a(ere) f(lando) f(eriundo).

13 Syme 1977, 43; Le Glay et alii 2006, 243.14 Pflaum 1950, 5054, 60, 97; Oliver 1953, 974.15 Pflaum 1954, 431; Syme 1977, 40; Sherk 1979, 166168; Vervaet 2002, 283318. 16 Ramsay 1926, 117.17 Ramsay 1924, 192; Syme 1977, 40.18 Syme 1977, 40; Syme 1984, 234, note 33.19 As evidence of this difficult period stays cursus honorum of L. Antistius Rusticus (cos. suff. in the year 90 AD) and his edict

denouncing food thieves and profiteers in the hunger season cf. A 1925, 126.20 Martial, Epigrammaton Libri de Spectaculis, IX, 30, 1.

314 Bogdan MUSCALU

Thiasus, the freedman, who dedicates the inscription to his patron, includes Armenia Minor, which should have stood next to the Cappadocia region. Keeping into account what happens in 69 AD in Britannia, the division of Cappadocia Galatia would make Sospes, the ruler of Galatia, include theeight territories mentioned in the inscription under his rule, while the ruler of the XIIth Fulminata region of Melitene would act as governor of Cappadocia21. This logic would exist only if there was adivision of Cappadocia and Galatia, due to urgencies or negative events. Cassius Dio gives information of such cases occurring in certain famine or plague periods22.

We are aware of the fact that Trajan divided in AD 114 the frontier area, Cappadocia and Armenia Minor, as a temporary measure. Some authors date Sospess interim in Galatia in 113, to the arrival of the new governor M. Iunius Homullus23. But the said arrangement has no geographical or military logic and thus we assume that adding Armenia in Thiasuss inscription was his mistake. R.Syme concludes that thedivision of Cappadocia Galatia took place due to a emergency of necessity that wasnt supposed to last long. Naming a praetorian as governor must be seen as a step in finding a consul fit for the position24.

Considering the Pisidian Antiochia inscription, we find that after his interim in Galatia, Sospes takes a religious position, the fetialis one, member of a clerical group composed of 20 members. Weassume that he held this position while Thiasus makes the inscription, ergo we may date it on 9596 AD25.

After holding these magistracies, Sospes accedes receiving a possible consulate in 9798AD. Theassassination of Domitian and the rising of the Antonine will be rather unfortunate for thecharacter in question. L. Caesennius Sospes will become consulate in 114, according to the present known epigraphic mentions.

R. Syme suggests that a delay of Sospess consulate is due to the assassination of Domitian, which explains the long period between his involvement in expeditio Sarmatica and his naming in the position of consul suffectus in 114. This is supported by many opinions: Sospes is included in the 43 imperial rulers of senatorial origin, known to have ruled regions in the time of Domitian an amicus Domitiani26. Sospessfamily name is tied to the Flavian dynasty whose last emperor suffered a damnatio memoriae.

Recently, C. C Petolescu examined the two parts of the military diploma that appeared in RMD, IV, 226, kept in Rmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz (inv. O. 41827). It represents a copy of a constitutio dated in 3rd or 4th of May 114 for the veterans of the Dacian army by Q.BaebiusMacer, governor of the region during the reign of Trajan27. In this diploma, thetwoconsuls, C.Clodius Nummus and Sospes are mentionated, these being identical to the ones of aThracian diploma of the same year.

In the military diploma of Pissarevo from Thracia, dated for 19th of July 114 (RMD I, 14), two consuls are mentioned, C.Clodius Nummus and Sospes, who we know since the year 96 AD 28. The diploma was discovered at approximately 20 km away from the Roman city Nicopolis ad Istrum, regio Nicopolitana, before 1945. There are no records regarding its activity between 96 and 114. Ev. Paunov and M. Roxan renew the assumptions regarding Sospess career, considering the version of R.Syme favourable in front of the one of H. G. Pflaum. Those two diplomas merely mention the two consuls.

General L. Caesennius Sospes is part of the Caesennius family. His father, L. Caesennius Paetus, was consul during the reign of Nero (62 AD)29 in Galatia, after Domitius Corbulo. He was sent in Armenia by Nero to watch over Corbulo, but is defeated by the Parthians and surrendered near Rhandeia in AD 6230.

21 Stout 1926, 4950; Syme 1977, 42.22 Cassius Dio, Istoria Roman, LXVII, II, 6.23 Cappadocia division took place in 112 or early 113, the former governor Quadratus Bassus returning to Rome, remaining

as interim L. Caesennius Sospes cf. Sherk 1979, 166167; Piso 1993, 27.24 Syme 1977, 42; Syme 1989, 250, note 4, cf. ILS 1039 from Pisidian Antiochia.25 Syme 1989, 243. Legatus Augusti pro praetore provinciae Galatiae regionumque finitimarum cf. Hillebrand 2006, 162163.26 It is about 43 senators from the approximately 600 known in the reign of Domitian, cf. Jones 1993, 4849, 5355. 27 RMD IV 313; RMD IV 226; ILD 12, 2527.28 Paunov, Roxan 1997, 269279. 29 Degrassi 1952, 17.30 Tacitus, Annales, 15, 620.

L. Caesennius Sospes, an amicus Domitiani ? 315

As governor of Syria under Verpasian, Paetus annexed Commagene in 7231. In the same year, one of his sons, L. Iunius Caesennis Paetus, is mentioned, who served in the army under the command of a consulate ruler32 and who becomes consul ordinarius in 79 AD 33. The Caesennius inscriptions in Rome only show theStellatina tribe, which indicates the Tarquini, with important representatives mentioned by authors such as Cicero, Martial, Salustius, Appian and others, or married to representatives of imperial families34.

During the Parthians attack, a younger son of Paetus was taken with his mother in the citadel Arsamosata. The citadel was assaulted by Parthians castellum quo imbellis aetas defendebatur35. This could only have been Sospes, whose age we assume to be around 4 years old, being mentioned later on as praetor in 88 and legatus legionis in 92 AD. The event marked the boy or his family life, being commemorated through its cognomen. The word sospes is an elevated and poetic one, not frequent in prose, Plinius stating that its related to the dedications or prayers for health/the safety of the emperor36. It is quite rare as a cognomen, being held my some representatives of the Caesennius family. Caesennius Sospes37, L. Caesennius Sospitianus38, A.Iunius Pastor, L. Caesennius Sospes or A.Iunius P. f. Fab(ius) Pastor, L. Caesennius Sospes39, Clodius Sospis40.

The character identified as the younger son of Paetus humbly keeps his fathers name, which is also observed in the Antiochia inscription L. Caesennius P(aetus). F(illi). Sospes. Regarding theparental gal in his brothers name, older probably (15 years apart), the praenomen Iunius appears L.IuniusCaesennius Paetus, this being omitted in the inscriptions in Rome and Puteoli41.

Our attention is drawn to another aspect during Trajans campaign against the Parthians, thefirst captured citadel was Arsamosata, near Rhandeia, where Paetus shamefully surrenders in 62AD42. Aswe have seen, Arsamosata is the citadel in which the child L. Caesennius Sospes and his mother were sheltered by Caesennius Paetus, during the Roman-Parthian war in the 62 AD. After more than 50 years after this event, Sospes becomes consul, in the year in which Armenia is invaded, the emperor Trajan appealing to the past to glorify his actions43. Two ancient authors relate the speech of the Roman general Caesennius Paetus44, words that can be found in Trajans proclamation: se tributa ac leges et pro umbra regis Romanum ius victis impositurum45.

Returning to the position of Sospes of legatus legionis XIII Gemina and the discussions regarding expeditio Suebica et Sarmatica, we support the fact that the expedition is the one during Domitians reign, during which the character in question is granted the dona militaria. Most researches believe it was Domitian who decorated Sospes. After the events with the Dacians in 8589 AD, Domitian will seal a treaty favourable for Decebal in 89, through which the Dacian king becomes rex amicus populi Romani. Cassius Dio describes the entire ceremony, sealed through appelatio. By the treaty, Decebal would receive 31 Flavius Iosephus, Bellum Iudaicum, VII, 220.32 Perhaps Domitius Corbulo is the consular who takes command of the three legions of Paetus, after the disaster occurred

in Armenia.33 Tacitus, Annales, XV, 28, 2; Degrassi 1952, 23; AE 1973, 141, L. (Iunius) Caesennius Paetus, is mentioned in

theinscription from Puteoli, PIR2 C174.34 CIL VI I 3937; Syme 1977, 44; Settipani 2002, 18.35 Tacitus, Annales, XV, 10, 3; 12, 1.36 Pliny the Younger, Panegyricus, LXVII, 5: Egit cum diis, ipso te auctore, Caesar, respublica, ut te sospitem incolumemque

praestarent.37 ISM V 063: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Iunoni Reg(inae) / pro salute{m} / M(arci) Aur(eli) V(e)ri et L(uci) / Veri

Aug(ustorum) et sua / civis R(omanis) et Bessis / cons(istentibus) vico Ulme(to) / Fl(avius) Germanus / mag(ister) vici / posuit de suo / VII Kal(endas) Iulias Ponti(o) / La[e]li[a]n[o Ca]e[sen]ni[o] / [Sospite co(n)s(ulibus)].

38 CIL XIV 2162, mentioned the haruspex L. Caesennius Sospitianus.39 Consul ordinarius in AD 163 (how show us the inscription of Brixia) his name showing an early adoption and not a

testamentary one in CIL VI 1435. It was defended by Pliny in a trial contra potentissimos civitatis atque etiam Caesarisamicos, cf. Plinius, Epistulae, I, 18, 3; Syme 1968, 149; Chioffi 2005, 68.

40 Soldier in the vigiles from the time of Septimius Severus cf. CIL III 6793 (in the city of Lystra).41 PIR2 C174.42 Cassius Dio, LXVIII, 19. 2.43 Syme 1977, 44.44 Tacitus, Annales, XV, 6, 4.45 Cassius Dio, LXVIII, 20, 3.

316 Bogdan MUSCALU

builders, engineers and Roman instructors, but mostly subventions. Domitian however obtained either an ally or the neutrality of the Dacians and possibly an attack base against the Iazyges46, avoiding thus a war on two sides. The treaty signing was forced by the setting of the Danubian front at the outburst of a part of the Upper German army and the tensions with the Marcomans and Quadi47.

In the beginning of 92 AD, an Iazyges Sarmatian incursion violently attacks Pannonia, destroying the legion XXIst Rapax. In the same time, the Suebi tribes from Bohemia and Moravia attacked the Empire borders. Five Roman vexillatio fought in Bellum Suebicum item Sarmaticum48. Must face with a Sarmatic-Suebic combined forces, Domitian charges with the army of the provinces Moesia and Pannonia, personally attending the Pannonia war. A Roman vexillatio will act against the Iazyges, marching through Decebals Kingdom, meaning that the Dacian king was respecting the 89 peace treaty49. After an eight months absence, he returned to Rome in January 93. The emperor will not celebrate a complete triumph, but an ovatio50, possibly a sign of unfinished problems at the Middle Danube. Following the wars with the Dacians in 8589, the Roman defensive policy was fundamentally changed. Together with the two legions that was protecting the Pannonic region (legio XIII Gemina at Poetovio and legio XV Apollinaris at Carnuntum), they brought the legions: legio I Adiutrix in 85 (at Szeremseg and moved in 89 AD at Brigetio) and legio II Adiutrix pia fidelis in 86 (initially stationary in Srem, but moved in Aquincum). We mustnt forget the legio XXI Rapax, present on the borders near the Sarmatians in 90 AD, but destroyed in the events of 92 AD 51. To these, a large number of auxiliary troops are added: probably six alae (one milliaria) and 1213cohortes52, as we can see in the years 101102 in Pannonia Inferior reigned by Trajan. This shows us a gathering of troops for combining a third Roman campaign by Domitian but which is ruled by Nerva in 97, ending with the defeat of the Marcomans and Quadi53.

For the Roman Empire, Domitians Danube wars were the most powerful conflicts with the neighbours. They proved that dangerous situations can determine the destruction of the Middle Danube alliance system. A Dacian victory enabled the Suebi and Iazyges to not fulfill their obligations with the allies of Rome. Also, this was a serious precedent and the Romans couldnt afford two massive wars near the Danubian borders54.

I. I. Russu considers expeditio Suebica et Sarmatica of the military diploma from Antiochia of Pisidia, which mentions Sospess cursus honorum, as being the one from 107108 AD55.

46 Opreanu 1998, 35.47 Nemeth 2007, 145.48 Strobel 1989, 104; Griffin 2000, 5859, 6364; Wilkes 2000, 580581.49 AE 1903, 358 = ILS 9200, Baalbeck-Heliopolis: C. Velio Sa[i]vi f(ilio) Rufo p(rimi) p(ilo) leg(ione) XII Ful(minatae)

praef(ectus) vexillariorum leg(ionis) I Adiutricis, II Adiutricis, III Augustae, VIII Augustae, VIII Hisp(anae), XIIII Gem(inae), XX Valeriae Vic(tricis), XXI Rapac(is) trib(unus) coh(ortis) XIII urb duci exercitum Africi et Mauretanici ad natione quae in Mauretania comprimendas do[n]is donato ab imp(eratore) Vespasaiano et imp(eratore) Tito bello Judaico corona vallar(i) torquibus fa[le]r[is] armillis item donis donato corona muralis hostis duobus vexalis duobus et bello Quadorum, Marcomanorum, Sarmatorum adversus quod expeditionem fecit per regnum Decebali regis Dacorum corona murali hastatis duobus vexillis duobus, proc(uratori) Imp(eratoris) Caesarsis Aug(usti) Germanici provinciae Pannoniae et Dalmatiae, item proc(uratori) provinciae Raetiae ius gla[d]ii. Hic missus in Parthiam Epiphanem et Callinicum, regis Antiochi filios, ad imp(eratorem) Vespasianum cum ampla manu tributariorum reduxit, M(arcus) Alfius M(arci) f(ilius) Fab(ia tribu) Olympiacus, aquilife(r), vet(eranus) leg(ionis) XV Apollinaris. In this inscription, the name of the Emperor was left voluntarily forgotten cf. IDRE II 406, 422424, with all the bibliography; Luttwak 1976, 100.

50 Suetonius, De Vita Caesarum, Vita Domitiani, VI, 1: Expeditiones partim sponte suscepit, partim necessario: sponte in Chattos, necessario unam in Sarmatas, legione cum legato simul caesa, in Dacos duas, primam Oppio Sabino consulari oppresso, secundam Cornelio Fusco, praefecto cohortium praetorianarum, cui belli summam commiserat. De Chattis Dacisque post varia proelia duplicem triumphum egit. De Sarmatis lauream modo Capitolino Iovi rettulit.

51 Lrincz 2003, 25.52 This fact was observed in the period before Daco-Roman Wars of 101102 and 105106. These auxiliary forces, along

with Legio X Gemina pia fidelis stationed to Aquincum were being at the command of a governor of praetorian rank. Theirmission was to protect the border of Pannonia Inferior against the Sarmatian Iazyges.

53 The presence of five legions in Pannonia is unusual and indicates a Roman concern for this area cf. Duanic, Vasi 1977, 291304; Strobel 1989, 104; Jones 1992, 153155.

54 Strobel 1989, 111; Nemeth 2007, 147.55 Russu 1973, 4849; IDR I 106, 125.

L. Caesennius Sospes, an amicus Domitiani ? 317

Thisassumption cannot be proven56. H. G. Pflaum connects Sospes with the same events and even later, with the Sarmantian war in 117118 AD 57.

Information regarding this Roman general is kept in inscriptions and military diplomas that may be connected with military events from the Middle and Lower Danube, at the end of the 1st century and the beginning of the 2nd century AD.

The historians who oppose to Sospess participation in expeditione Suebica et Sarmatica during the reign of Domitian are based on some parts of SHA Vita Hadriani, placing the event in 107108 or even 11711858 and even on the names of the Roman general as praefectus frumenti dandi and curator civitatis, but in this period, legio XIII Gemina was not stationated in Pannonia, but in Dacia at Apulum59. R.Syme concluded that the evolution of the career of Sospes can also be placed upon hazard, this representative of the Casennius family evolving into a typical senatorial career until 96, to which a consulate should have followed. The assassination of Domitian and his name being tied to the Flavian dynasty prolonged the acceding in his position as a consul with almost 20 years. Trajans campaign in the East brings Sospes in our attention by naming him consul suffectus in 114, serving the goal and glorifying Trajans actions.

Considering the subject in question, R.M. Goetz gives interesting comparisons and explanations regarding the term amicus Caesaris and the evolution of certain characters, belonging to Domitians entourage, after his assassination. The term friends (amicus Caesaris) does not only refer to Concilium Principis or to the people close to the emperor, but also to those involved in the imperial power by supporting the Rome regime. Taking the Nero model as correspondence, R. Syme revealed that all governors of provinces are included in the category of amici. Naturally, not all of them agree with the regime, but out of political intelligence, they take advantage of the states needs of well trained people in certain fields. This can be loosely seen in the case of Domitian, these amici principis are inherited from Vespasian and Titus (who were moderate and reformative emperors). Most of the Flavian supporters come from the army60. In opposition with the general career of M. Cornelius Nigrinus Curiatus Maternus, L. Caesennius Sospes is not suppressed by the new emperor; he reappears after a period of obscurity61.

We can assume that Sospes would have been a regular consul, even without epigraphic information. Even though he was persona gratissima under Domitian, this shouldnt have had repercussions over his 56 IDR III/1, 10; W. Eck sustains that both H. G. Pflaum and I. I. Russu were wrong, considering also R.Symes hypothesis

as the correct cf. Eck 1980, 3168.57 Pflaum 1954, 431 sqq.58 SHA, vita Hadriani, 6, 6; 6, 8; Pflaum 1954, 431, 435.59 IDR I 106, 125; Russu 1973, 4849.60 Goetz 1978, 1416.61 G. Alfoldy and H. Haffman are considering M. Cornelius Nigrinus Curiatus Maternus, an important general of Domitian,

who had an impeccable career and was Trajans rival. As general, he was the most decorated soldier during the Dacian wars, ahero of Domitian in the Danube conflicts, a capable and extremely necessary man to the regime and also a favourable friend of the emperor. Due to his closeness to the emperor, there are no more records of him after Domitian receives damnatio memoriae. He originated from Liria (Sudan) and was adopted by the sophist Curiatus Maternus (from whom hereceives the name and the senatorial rank). He started his military career under Nero as a tribune in legio XIIII Gemina and under Vespasian and Titus is active in the legion of Britannia. He becomes tied to the legion in Germania Superior where he pacifies the region with the legio VIII Augusta, then in 7982 he becomes governor of Aquitania. He becomes consulate in October 83 (cos suff.) and finally gets observed on the Dacian front as governor of Moesia. He is distinguished in direct battles, being decorated twice with dona militaria at the end of 86 and 89. After the year 89 or 90, after a stationary as governor of Moesia for 5 years, he is demobilized, and then, in 94 or 95 he is named governor of Syria, the most militarized region. It is unknown what position he held in 9095, but the same thing suffered A.Bucius Lappius Maximus in the same period. The latter is in the graces of the emperor, as Cocceius Nerva. They are the privileged of the regime. Someassume that due to his high popularity and his notoriety as an excellent military, Nigrinus Curiatus Maternus became dangerous for theemperors image as was thus placed as a reserve for a while, so his professional achievements could be forgotten. Nervas rise to power is fatal to Nigrinus Maternus, because as he is the most powerful and capable vir militaris, commanding the most powerful region, Syria, it is his prerogative to rise to the throne of Rome, his activities and achievements recommending him. But he is immediately left aside and Nerva, to protect himself from a hit by the Eastern army, adopts Trajan and befriends the senators of Gaulish origin from Licinius Suras entourage. We may say that Nigrinus Curatus Maternus receives a quasi damnatio mamoriae, as his friend Domitian, which is fed by new political realities that are opposed to him. With Trajans rise to power, there are no more records of him; he was probably helped in physically disappearing, in order to assure the political peace for Optimus Princeps cf. Goetz 1978, 5861, 64.

318 Bogdan MUSCALU

career under Antonine dynasty, especially since he was a capable and experienced general. As a counter-argument, regarding R.Symes and B. Joness theory, we may add that in the category amici Domitiani there were the future emperor M. Ulpius Traianus, L. Domitius Apollinaris, T. Pomponius Bassus, Q. Glitius Atilius Agricola and other people whose careers will evolve during the Antonine dynasty.

The emperor Trajan is known as a good strategist and organizer. Military-wise, there is living proof in the preparation for the wars with Decebal or with the Parthians, when he places capable people, with high names, to rule regions and armies.

The assumption that must be stated regarding the above: Sospes may have participated in theTrajans Dacian wars, as a decorated general in the previous Domitian wars, where he proved himself to be a good military man. E. Nemeth has observed that in the Domitian-Trajan period, many senators and knights who have first fought in the wars against the Dacian and Iazyges under Domitian, also fought on the Dacian battle front, with Trajan. The author concludes that naming senators of knights in important positions in Pannonia or Dacia in crisis situation does not represent a career scheme, butknowledge regarding the barbaric region or population. It is clear that the experience and knowledge were important when the military or political situation required it62. Due to lack of clear epigraphic mentions, these actions of Sospes remain assumptions.

The discovery of new inscriptions, that may offer us information regarding L. Caesennius Sospes, could illuminate missing pieces of the career of this enigmatic character, as R. Syme called him in hishomonym work.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bagnall, Drew-Bear 1973

R. S. Bagnall, T. Drew-Bear, Documents from Kourion: A Review Article Part 2: Individual Inscriptions, Phoenix, 27, TorontoOntario 1973, 3, 213244.

Berchem 1939 D. van Berchem, Les distributions de bl et dargent de la plbe romaine sous l Empire, Geneva 1939.

Chilver 1949 G. E. F. Chilver, Princeps and Frumentationes, AJPh, 70, 1, 1949, 721.Chioffi 2005 L. Chioffi, Sepulchra in extremis finibus etiam in mediis possessionibus sepulchra

faciunt. In: B. Santillo Frizell, A. Klynne (eds.), Roman villas around the Urbs. Interaction with landscape and environment, Proceedings of a conference held attheSwedish Institute in Rome, September 17th18th 2004, The Swedish Institute inRome. Projects and Seminars 2, Rome 2005, 19.

Degrassi 1952 A. Degrassi, I Fasti Consolari dellImpero Romano, Roma 1952.Duanic, Vasi 1977 S. Duanic, M. R. Vasi, An Upper Moesia Diploma of 96 AD, Chiron, 7, 1977,

291304.Eck 1980 W. Eck, Epigraphische Untersuchungen zu Konsuln und Senatoren des 1.3. Jh. n. Chr.,

ZPE, 37, 1980, 3168.Le Glay et alii 2006 M. Le Glay, Y. Le Bohec, J.-L. Voisin, Istorie roman, Bucureti 2006.Goetz 1978 R. M. Goetz, Freunde und Feinde des Kaisers Domitian. Eine prosopographische

Untersuchung, Mnchen 1978.Griffin 2007 M. Griffin, The Flavians. Domitian. In: A.K. Bowman, P. Garnsey, D.Rathbone(eds.),

The High Empire, A.D. 70192, CAH, XI, Cambridge 2007 (second edition), 5483. Gsell 1893 St. Gsell, Essai sur le rgne de lempereur Domitien, Paris 1893.Hillebrand 2006 S. Hillebrand, Der Vigintivirat: Prosopographische Untersuchungen fr die Zeit

von Augustus bis Domitian, Dissertation, Ruprecht-Karls-Universitt Heidelberg Zentrum fr Altertumswissenschaft Seminar fr Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik, Heidelberg 2006.

Jones 1993 B. W. Jones, The Emperor Domitian, LondonNew York 1993.

62 Nemeth 2007, 189.

L. Caesennius Sospes, an amicus Domitiani ? 319

Lrincz 2003 B. Lrincz, The Linear Frontier defence system and its army. In: Zs. Visy (ed.), TheRoman Army in Pannonia. An Archaeological Guide of the Ripa Pannonica Budapest 2003, 2530.

Luttwak 1976 N. Luttwak (ed.), The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire from the First CenturyAD to the Third, Baltimore 1976.

Nemeth 2007 E. Nemeth, Relaii politice i militare ntre Pannonia i Dacia n epoca roman, Cluj-Napoca 2007.

Oliver 1953 J. H. Oliver, The Ruling Power: A Study of the Roman Empire in the Second Century after Christ through the Roman Oration of Aelius Aristides, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Ser., 43, 4, Philadelphia 1953.

Opreanu 1998 C. H. Opreanu, Dacia roman i Barbaricum, Timioara 1998.Paunov, Roxan 1997 Ev. Paunov, M. M. Roxan, The Earliest Extant Diploma of Thrace, A.D. 114 (= RMDI14),

ZPE, 119, 1997, 269279.Pflaum 1950 H. G. Pflaum, Les procurateurs questres sous le HautEmpire Romain, Paris 1950.Pflaum 1953 H. G. Pflaum, La carrire de Sospes, lgat de Galatie, CRAI, 1953, 307309.Pflaum 1954 H. G. Pflaum, La chronologie de la carrire de L. Caesennius Sospes. Contribution ltude

des responsables snatoriaux de la distribution de bl la plbe romaine, Historia, 2, 19531954, 431450.

Piso 1993 I. Piso, Fasti Provinciae Daciae I. Die senatorischen Amtstrger, Antiquitas. Reihe 1. Abhandlugen zur Alten Geschichte 43, Bonn 1993.

Ramsay 1924 W. M. Ramsay, Studies in the Roman Province Galatia. VI. Some Inscriptions of Colonia Caesarea Antiochea, JRS, 14, 1924, 172205.

Ramsay 1926 W. M. Ramsay, Studies in the Roman Province Galatia, JRS, 16, 1926, 102119.Russu 1973 I. I. Russu, Dacia i Pannonia Inferior n lumina diplomei militare din anul 123, Bucureti

1973.Settipani 2002 Ch. Settipani, Continuit gentilice et continuit familiale dans les familles

snatoriales romaines lpoque impriale. Addenda IIII (juillet 2000octobre 2002), Prosopographica et Genealogica, 2, Occasional Publications of the Units forProsopographical Research, Oxford 2002.

Sherk 1979 R. K. Sherk, A chronology of the Governors of Galatia: A.D. 112285. In: G. Luck (ed.), Tekmhpion. A Special Issue of the American Journal of Philology in Honor of James Henry Oliver (Spring 1979), AJPh, 100, Baltimore 1979, 1, 166175.

Stout 1926 S. E. Stout, L. Antistius Rusticus, CPh, 21, 1926, 1, 4351.Strobel 1989 K. Strobel, Die Donaukrige Domitians, Bonn 1989.Syme 1968 R. Syme, People in Pliny, JRS, 58, 1968, 135151.Syme 1977 R. Syme, Enigmatic Sospes, JRS, 67, 1977, 3849.Syme 1984 R. Syme, Spanish Pomponii. A Study in Nomenclature, Gerin, 1, 1984, 249266.Syme 1989 R. Syme, A dozen early of priesthoods, ZPE, 77, 1989, 241259.Vervaet 2002 P. Vervaet, Caesennius Sospes, the Neronian Wars in Armenia and Tacitus. View

ontheProblem of Roman Foreign Policy in the East: a Reassessment, Mediterr Ant, 5, 2002, 283318.

Wilkes 2007 J. J. Wilkes, The Danube provinces. The Frontier. In: A. K. Bowman, P. Garnsey, D. Rathbone (eds.), The High Empire, A.D. 70192, CAH, XI, Cambridge 2007 (second edition), 580584.

Bogdan MuscaluWest University, Timioara

Centre of Historical and Archaeological Studies Constantin Daicoviciumuscalu_bogdanemil@yahoo.com