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Multiculturalism in Higher Education:
Filipino-American Students at Western Washington University
Ardith L. Feroglia
Western Washington University
Running Head: MULTICULTURALISM IN HIGHER EDUCATION 1
Multiculturalism in Higher Education:
Filipino-American Students at Western Washington University
Diversity in higher education is often thought of as a benefit of many university systems.
Students are often presented with the opportunity to learn amongst peers, staff, and faculty from
varying backgrounds. At Western Washington University (WWU), students of color make up
about 17% of the entire student population (“Diversity at WWU,” 2007). This statistic
demonstrates that WWU exceeds state standards in its proportion of Asian American students
(“Executive Summary: Working Towards ‘Engaged Excellence’,” 2008). This information is
valuable, as it also demonstrates to prospective students that WWU is a university with a
commitment to diversity. However, WWU assesses itself as still being in need of a better way to
attract, retain, and help “all faculty and students…feel comfortable at Western” (“Executive
Summary,” 2008).
In an attempt to meet this requirement, WWU has outreach services and programs in
place to facilitate multicultural students’ success and retention (“Multicultural Support Programs
and Retention,” 2007). One outreach entity is known as the Ethnic Student Center (ESC).
Located in the Viking Union, the ESC serves as the home base for multiple ethnically-affiliated
clubs and programs. However, the existence of the services mentioned implies that multicultural
students are continuing to experience hardships in adjusting to the university lifestyle. A simple
Google search for minority drop-out rates pulls up numerous articles addressing a concern of so
many American schools: how to get minority students to feel comfortable in higher education.
One should evaluate the effectiveness of WWU’s current commitment to diversity in order to
assess strengths and weaknesses.
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For the researcher, there is special interest in a specific minority and Asian American and
Pacific Islander (AAPI) population. Living life as a mixed-background Filipino-American
prompts many questions for the researcher. The Filipino-American (Fil-Am) student population
at WWU, like many of the other ethnic populations, comes predominantly from the greater
Seattle area. Fil-Ams make up the second-largest AAPI group in the Seattle area, reflecting
similar nationwide statistics (“Profile of General Demographic Characteristics,” 2000). Thus, it
is logical that a significant amount of Fil-Am students from the Seattle area attend school at
WWU.
The second-largest AAPI group in the United States and the second-largest AAPI group
in Washington state’s biggest metropolitan area should have access to resources which attend to
cultural interests and needs. Academically, at WWU, this is not the case. Asian-American studies
focus primarily on historically significant groups, namely East Asian groups such as the Chinese
and Japanese cultures, with more general AAPI coverage taking place in introduction-level
courses. Foreign language courses at WWU offer limited AAPI languages, as well (“Modern and
Classical Languages,” 2008). Given this information, one should also examine the attitudes of
Fil-Am students at WWU in order to see if their needs are being met by a school interested in
improving minority students’ experiences.
Finally, recent events pertinent to minority students’ success in higher education are again
making headlines. In Arizona, efforts are underway to eliminate race-based clubs (“Arizona
Proposal Would Prohibit Race-Based Student Groups,” 2008; Welch, 2008). These efforts could
directly and negatively affect programs WWU sponsors; special concern should be directed
towards the ESC, which houses WWU’s ethnically-based clubs, including FASA. While the
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proposed bill may never go into effect, a great danger lies in the contagiousness of anti-ethnic
sentiment within the general US population. The following study will examine the necessity and
effectiveness of outreach services and programs to the Fil-Am population at WWU, while also
assessing potential areas of academic interest for Fil-Am students. The results will hopefully then
lend themselves to the development of a sound refute against the proposed Arizona bill; the study
will ultimately provide educated grounds to form rebuttals against those seeking to eliminate
race-based clubs. Along with providing grounds for allowing race-based clubs, the study will
also provide recommendations for WWU’s general curriculum and outreach programs, as well as
giving a voice to the Fil-Am community.
Background: Filipino-Americans’ Presence in the United States
Filipinos arrived in the United States several centuries ago, living in colonies located in
Louisiana. Despite such an early presence, the Filipino population in the United States became
“sizable only in the past few decades” (Healey, 2007). Significant waves of immigration to the
United States from the Philippines continue to contribute to the ever-growing number of Filipino
immigrants. Early immigrants were often agricultural workers, located mainly in Hawai’i and the
United States’ West Coast. This pattern is part of the reason a large number of Filipinos still
reside in Hawai’i and the West Coast. Additionally, the Philippines’ territorial status in earlier
decades made immigration relatively easy; no quotas were imposed until 1935, when the
Philippines gained its independence from the US (Healey, 2007). Afterwards, a shift in the type
of immigrants occurred, due in part to US immigration priorities. Since 1965, a majority of
Filipino immigrants have been professionals, many of which work in the health and medical
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fields (Healey, 2007). However, Fil-Ams continue to work in a variety of professions, adding
depth to the diversity of the population.
Even with the large professional influx, a significant number of Filipinos find themselves
“competing for work in the low-wage secondary sector” (Healey, 2007). The implication of this
is that the Fil-Am population experiences a wide range of class diversity. Often, low-wage
workers are petitioned by family members already residing in the United States; this means that
the US-based family members petition the government to give their other relatives the chance to
immigrate. This process, repeated over and over, results in extreme variations in the “educational
and occupational profiles” of immigrants (Healey, 2007). This is the case for the Filipino-
American population, which results in nonconformity to the model minority myth or stereotype.
The model minority myth basically lumps all AAPI groups under the same blanket,
causing many to believe any AAPI member will naturally be successful (Kumashiro, 2006). It is
important to mention the myth now, though it will be discussed later; knowing that there is wide
variation in Fil-Am household income implies that Fil-Am students bring their own diverse
experiences to the university. This is not in line with the assumption that since Fil-Am students
are from an AAPI group, they will naturally be successful and therefore fit into the majority
society quite easily.
A simple show of hands at a recent conference demonstrates that today’s generation of
young Filipino-Americans is largely first, 1.5, or second generation; in other words, these young
adults either immigrated, left the Philippines at an extremely young age, or were born in the
States, respectively. Few Filipino-Americans at the university level are considered third
generation (personal communications, April 5th, 2008). First through second generation Fil-Ams
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experience closeness to cultural ties that sets them apart from most Caucasian-Americans;
whereas Fil-Ams’ parents, or the young Fil-Ams themselves, grew up in a country other than the
United States, for many Caucasian-Americans, their families established residency in the United
States at the turn of the century. As generations grow further away from their original culture,
they most likely will tend to view themselves as purely American, rather than Irish-American or
Italian-American, for example. This difference may explain why Fil-Am students, and other
ethnic minorities, need ethnic outreach services in order to stay in touch with their culture while
away from their parents.
Principle Areas of Research
Multiculturalism in Higher Education
Over a decade ago, Olnek (1993) assessed the situation of multiculturalism in American
education. In earlier decades, equality in education was simply equal distribution of resources;
that is, everyone needed to have equal access to items such as rewards and achievements (Olnek,
1993). For the most part, nowadays, people realize that there is more to an individual’s success
than having equal access to resources.
Laanan and Starobin (2004) discovered that many colleges offer services designed for
minority students. The study recognized that many of these colleges do not offer services for
AAPI students. Services consist of not only outreach programs, but ethnically-affiliated
publications. Even in the publication realm, few services cater to AAPI interests (Laanan and
Starobin, 2004). Additionally, even if one were to use the outdated definition of multiculturalism
that Olnek (1993) provided, one would be able to see that AAPIs were not able to access equal
resources. AAPIs seem to be multiculturally disadvantaged. Likely causes for the lack of AAPI-
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serving institutions lie in the existence of the model minority myth. If educators assume that
AAPIs are able to succeed no matter what, then it is logical that there would be fewer services
available. Lack of multiculturalism can affect AAPI groups beyond having access to resources,
though.
Pang (2006) focuses on the unintentional disadvantages educators may impose AAPI
students. To illustrate, Pang (2006) introduces the study with a narrative about an elementary
school teacher. Many of the students in the teacher’s class are AAPIs, and this particular teacher
recognizes that AAPI students are often not given an equal education. One should assume that
the students have plenty of access to the same resources that all the other students have. What the
teacher realizes is that AAPI students are subjected to the model minority myth and educators
may not strive to give these students as much feedback or encouragement in subjects outside
math and science (Pang, 2006). If left unnoticed, this sentiment can leak into higher education, as
Laanan and Starobin note (2004). The fact that educators may unconsciously follow the
stereotypes brought forth by the model minority myth limits true multiculturalism in educational
settings.
Multiculturalism is also deemphasized in actual curriculum. Budd (n.d.) says that the
importance in teaching multiculturalism lies in the lack of multicultural insight. For example,
“social studies have been taught with a European slant” (Budd, n.d.). This means students,
regardless of their backgrounds, learn one set of history. In the US, this history is that of
immigrants who make up the group commonly referred to as White. Budd (n.d.) continues,
saying, “The major accomplishments that make our country what it is today have been credited
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to White Americans with little to no mention of the contributions of men and women of
color” (Budd, n.d.).
The Model Minority Myth
Jo (2004) makes the important point that the term minority has several meanings;
commonly, it means a small number, but it may also mean those without power. In regards to the
study at-hand, minority seeks to differentiate groups that are not of the majority group, straight,
non-Hispanic Whites. However, Jo’s (2004) observation remains relevant, as minority groups
strive for equality within society. All AAPI groups still struggle to achieve equality;
unfortunately, and ironically, because of the historical success of select AAPI groups, AAPIs are
often times set back by what is known as the model minority myth (Kumashiro, 2006).
The model minority myth, which is also a stereotype and a construct, is not unfamiliar to
those researching multiculturalism. Introduced in the 1960s, the model minority stereotype
distinguishes certain high-achieving AAPI groups as the bar for all minority groups (Jo, 2004).
Furthermore, Jo (2004) states that this construct emphasizes “many virtuous characteristics of
Asians” and that “Asians can be successful despite all the difficulties they are facing” (p. 21). At
first, this seems as if it could be quite inspirational to all groups facing adversity. However, the
model minority myth works in very different ways, affecting all groups commonly associated as
AAPI.
Lee (2006) presents several points regarding the reasons behind why the model minority
myth affects AAPI students on several different levels. First of all, racial discourse in the U.S.
relies heavily on a false dichotomy between Black and White (Lee, 2006). In other words,
AAPIs, including Fil-Ams, fall somewhere in-between Black and White on an imaginary scale.
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Most non-White immigrants, Lee (2006) asserts, also fall somewhere on this scale. Some AAPIs,
like wealthy Chinese immigrants for example, are “ideologically whitened,” and moved towards
the White side of the scale. Other AAPIs, such as southeast refugees like Cambodians or Hmong,
are “ideologically blackened,” due to the high poverty rates the populations experience. Lew
(2006) states that AAPIs “face conflicting messages...as racial minorities, they are often excluded
from whiteness, while on the other hand, they are also stereotyped as model minorities that align
them with whiteness" (pp. 337-338).
To illustrate, the model minority myth comes into play when the refugee groups are
lumped in with wealthy Chinese immigrants. Not understanding the diversity in cultures and
class causes people to hold unsound expectations of groups and people who may not measure up
to false assumptions; this is the problem central to both the model minority myth and the
essentialization of AAPI group members. By disregarding cultural differences between groups,
the “model minority” label essentializes all group members into one, homogenous, and
presumably successful group. Ignoring the strife of the Southeast Asian refugees is not
beneficial; on a similar note, believing that the refugee groups are deficient and classifying them
on a similar, negative level as other ethnic groups is also harmful. A person from an
“ideologically blackened” background may not receive support in educational systems;
furthermore, the model minority myth may harm members from “ideologically whitened” groups
if they do not perform up to the model minority standard.
Somewhere in between the two extremes, the model minority myth may give AAPI
students the impression that they are not subject to social problems by leaving AAPI groups out
of historical discussion. By leaning on a White vs. Black dichotomy, even while expanding to
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encompass Latino issues, people are able to make the AAPI population disappear. Lew (2006)
notes that this assumed middle ground between Black and White contributes to the phenomena,
coupled with the model minority stereotype. One way that invisibility may affect AAPIs is by
falsely portraying AAPI groups as having few problems in society. Members of AAPI groups are
then not aware, for the most part, of current issues affecting their social standing. In education,
AAPI groups may learn about issues pertinent to other minority groups, but not necessarily their
own groups. Leaving out the issues commonly associated with various AAPI cultures renders the
groups unconscious to their own social significance.
With students from any background, success in education can be attributed to more than
just ethnicity. For example, Lew (2006) concludes that though Korean American students share a
common background, students identify themselves in different ways due to their class
backgrounds, generational status, or other aspects. Lew (2006) also points out that people tend to
assume minorities, such as Blacks or Latino/as do worse because of their backgrounds, but it
should be kept in mind that minority families still often struggle economically; AAPI students,
with their wide range of cultures and backgrounds, also find themselves in varying class
backgrounds. Because of historical and current struggles, it is known that a large portion of
minorities find themselves in low-class standings. AAPI students fall into a group where a
higher-than-normal percentage earn enough to put their family in the middle- to upper-class
range, but at the same time, other AAPI groups earn substantially less. If one is to follow the
model minority myth, the lower-earning AAPI families are forgotten, and these students’
academic success or failure is attributed to “unknown” factors (Lew, 2006; Healey, 2007).
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The model minority myth works on multiple levels when dealing with the Fil-Am
population. The diversity within the Fil-Am population could potentially complicate the way the
model minority myth affects Fil-Am students. As stated previously, Fil-Ams vary drastically on
the income scale, and most Fil-Am students are first, 1.5, or second generation; their parents fall
anywhere on the income scale. Lew (2006) notes that class background affects the identification
of Korean American students, and if one assumes that this applies also to Fil-Am students, then
one can also assume that Fil-Am students experience education in very diverse ways. The model
minority myth may then apply itself to Fil-Am students, regardless of their individual
backgrounds, either confirming that Fil-Am students are successful or disconfirming the model
minority myth and “ideologically blackening” the Fil-Am population.
Rationale and Purpose
After examining the literature pertaining to the model minority myth and multicultural
education, several questions should be raised. Lew’s (2006) study on cultural identity within a
group makes the point that assumed homogeny disregards underlying factors which separate
students. For the Korean American students involved, these differences relied heavily on class
background. As mentioned previously, Fil-Am students come from a wide variety of class
backgrounds, due to factors such as immigration priorities assigned to different workers.
Several researchers (Kumashiro, 2006; Lew, 2006) look into the effects of the model
minority myth. Lew (2006) identifies the dichotomy between Black and White, in regards to race
relations in the United States; the implications of this finding mean that other minority groups,
including Fil-Ams and other AAPI groups, are overlooked, or rendered invisible. This invisibility
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will obviously have consequences; whether these consequences are viewed as negative by in-
group members has yet to be assessed.
Given WWU’s commitment to diversity and on-going efforts to assist students of color, it
makes sense to examine how these efforts directly affect a particular AAPI group. Fil-Am
students were selected because of historical insignificance and the growing population, which
now ranks second in the US (Healey, 2007). Additionally, coupling these reasons with general
ideas about the model minority myth leads to the following research questions:
RQ1: What is the relationship between the model minority myth and a Filipino-American
student’s academic experience in the classroom?
RQ2: What kinds of curriculum would increase students’ perception regarding their level of
belonging in an institution of higher learning?
The purpose of this study will be to give Fil-Am students a voice in their educational
system. As a growing minority group, the Fil-Am population needs to have their interests
addressed. Additionally, the model minority myth affects all AAPI groups; since it pertains
heavily to educational experiences, the study will attempt to assess how the myth and stereotype
affects a historically overlooked AAPI group.
At a school such as WWU, special attention must be given; with the Seattle area’s large
Fil-Am community and Bellingham’s relative nearness, WWU should understand that there is
much to gain by listening to Fil-Am students. The study seeks to understand which aspects of the
educational system at WWU are serving their needs and which areas need improvement.
Research Methods and Results
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This study uses a survey questionnaire to assess the strength of cultural identity in several
different aspects, along with a qualitative interview to examine other areas pertinent to research
questions. The questionnaire is based on the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM)
developed by Phinney (1992). The questionnaire is comprised of 15 short questions which uses a
nominal scale. Responses range from an answer of “1 – Strongly disagree” to “4 – Strongly
agree.” The original document is attached (Appendix A) and the researcher’s changes are noted
in italics.
The quantitative questionnaire was distributed to members at a FASA general meeting.
Each member was informed of the nature of the questionnaire, and participation was voluntary.
17 participants identified themselves as being of Filipino heritage. Out of these 17 responses, 2
indicated that they were of mixed background, with Filipino as one of responses. Once the
surveys were collected, the averages were computed for each of the questions. Averages ranged
from 3.18 to 3.88 on the 4-point scale.
Out of the 15 questions, four questions stood out in terms of responses. Questions 4 and 8
displayed the lowest averages, 3.18 and 3.24, respectively; questions 9 and 12 displayed the
highest averages, 3.82 and 3.88, respectively. The implications of this will be discussed in the
following section.
Question 4 states: “I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group
membership.”
A lower mean here indicates that fewer participants actively think about how their lives
are affected by their own ethnic status. A broad question like this aims to encompass thoughts
about ethnic identity may affect school or work experiences, or how certain social situations may
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work differently in an ethnic, minority student’s life as compared to a student belonging to the
majority culture.
Question 8 states: “In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have often
talked to other people about my ethnic group.”
Question 8 indicates that fewer students seek out information from other members of the
ethnic group on issues pertaining to the group. Lack of talking about these types of issues may
indicate several things.
Participants may be more inclined to research the culture on their own time. Participants
may also be more interested in experiencing the culture through food, dance, or other rituals, as
indicated by question 10, as opposed to asking questions or through discussion. This presents an
opportunity for a university system, such as WWU’s, in that providing classroom discussion on
issues relevant to the Fil-Am community may help students in understanding their place in
society.
On the other end, participants responded very positively to questions 9 and 12.
Question 9 states: “I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group.”
Question 9 is a matter of pride, and participants indicate that they have a great deal of
pride in their culture. One point of interest is in that the only participants to not strongly agree
with the question were of a mixed background. This may indicate another future point of study
relevant to an increasingly diverse university population.
Question 12 is similar, and reads: “I feel good about my cultural or ethnic background.”
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This is different than question 9 that it assesses a student’s personal, positive feelings
about his or her ethnic identity. All participants responded very positively to question 12,
suggesting that pride and feeling good may not quite go hand-in-hand.
In order to gather more in-depth information about feelings and thoughts on ethnicity and
the current state of diversity at WWU, interviews were conducted. 12 FASA members were
interviewed, though 3 identified as non-Filipino. Qualitative out-group perspectives are still
useful, however, as they were able to compliment ideas about AAPI curriculum at WWU.
Interviews were conducted in a closed-door, one-on-one session. Each interview was
digitally recorded, with answers also recorded electronically in a word processor. The interview
questions consist of informal questions, designed to elicit conversation on several talking points.
Of interest to the researcher were feelings of comfort and belonging, feelings and thoughts on the
model minority myth, and general suggestions for WWU regarding multicultural education.
Common themes were relatively easy to identify, since questions were standardized and
asked in a consistent order. Regarding comfort and belonging, participants identified several key
ideas:
(1) the Ethnic Student Center (ESC) provides a “safe haven” for students of color;
(2) the ESC needs to be expanded and/or relocated;
(3) participants recognize that WWU is taking steps to improve diversity on-campus, but
these efforts have areas for improvement;
(4) participants feel very proud of their ethnicity; members who participate in race
relations class know what the model minority myth is;
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(5) participants do not feel their ethnicity is either a disadvantage or advantage in the
classroom;
(6) participants demonstrate a strong want for more classes which cover the histories,
cultures, and languages of AAPI cultures, with emphasis on Filipino and Pacific
Islander studies.
Implications and Recommendations
In regards to the research questions, there was little indication that the model minority
myth affected students’ experiences within the classroom. There was no clear indication that the
model minority myth caused educators to view participants’ ethnicity either negatively or
positively. Several students indicated that their ethnicity seemed to be a small advantage only in
terms of standing out amongst their other classmates; in other words, when a teacher asked a
question, the teacher may have been more inclined to call on a Fil-Am student simply because he
or she is more noticeable to the eye. This was not viewed negatively, but viewed simply as a
reality.
On the other hand, though, while ethnicity may serve as eye-catching in a predominantly
White classroom, the non-effect of the model minority myth on Fil-Am students may contribute
to the invisibility of the Fil-Am population. If people do not recognize the group, whether it is
positively or negatively, it may lead to little attention to Fil-Am social problems, or a lack of
awareness by in-group members. Some participants indicate that they did not consider the
standing of Fil-Ams in the United States until they participated in a race relations course. If
issues regarding Fil-Ams are not discussed, then there is little else that provides Fil-Ams
recognition. There is obvious lack of media attention, and this may lead to the understanding that
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there is nothing, negative or positive, affecting the Fil-Am population. Students are not given the
chance to fully consider their minority status. Though this may seem as if it is an advantage in
terms of discrimination, it is troubling to realize that invisibility essentially erases a group’s
greater problems or achievements. It is also unsettling to understand that Fil-Ams are an invisible
group since the population is significant. Members of second-largest AAPI group in the United
States are often not even aware of how big the Fil-Am population is. A lack of attention can lead
to false acceptance of the group’s insignificance. However, providing outreach services and
programs, along with curriculum covering Fil-Am and AAPI issues, assists in giving an
otherwise unheard group a strong voice.
The second research question prompts an extensive amount of information. After taking
both the survey questionnaire and the interviews into account, several points become clear. The
first significant implication is that the ESC is providing an incredibly valuable service to students
of color. Students feel safe and comfortable around the other diverse members. Some students go
to the ESC to re-create the rich diversity they experience in their hometown; for others, the ESC
provides first-hand contact with other ethnic students that hometowns and high schools may not
provide.
Though the services offered by the ESC are beneficial, there are drawbacks. First and
foremost, participants voiced a concern that the ESC is difficult to locate and consequently, not
very prominent on campus. The space is also inadequately small, making the ESC somewhat
inconvenient for large groups and activities, among other things. A majority of participants
suggested that the ESC be relocated so that students at WWU, regardless of background, are
aware that it exists. Relocation may also provide a more inviting atmosphere, as students do not
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have to feel lost or confined when tracking down the ESC for the first time. Some students also
noted that relocation to a more prominent part of campus will provide the opportunity, with less
effort, to let WWU students know that the ESC is not an ethnic-exclusive club, and that all
students are welcome to discover the programs and people within the ESC. Of course, ESC
expansion is dependent on funding and available space; in the interest of students, WWU should
discuss at-length plans to follow through with a plan to improve the ESC.
WWU already has a commitment to diversity. To participants, this commitment should be
manifested by improved active efforts to publicize the ESC. If expansion is not possible, more
collaboration between WWU administration and the ESC is necessary. Most students, when
asked if they were aware of the ESC’s existence prior to coming to WWU were unaware of the
programs and services offered. Students that did know about the ESC were informed by friends
or family; one student stated that he requested information and was provided with the quarterly
ESC newsletter. Why students are not aware of the ESC’s existence is not clearly stated; looking
at the WWU website, there is a link to “Diversity” on the main page, but for some reason, the
publicity does not seem to be in place. Analyzing this disconnection will be useful in recruiting
and retaining students of color.
Additionally, making a greater effort to publicize and assist the ESC will help the school
in attracting students from the metropolitan area. The University of Washington, located in
Seattle, has an advantage in that for many Fil-Am students, it is nearby and has a prominent
diversity program. Greater publicity for the ESC will potentially make WWU more competitive
in gaining students’ attention. Furthermore, expansion of cultural studies courses will also help
WWU compete against other universities, in terms of attracting and retaining students.
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WWU should also seek to diversify its staff and faculty. One student said that there were
no teachers that looked like him. Another said that he could only remember a few instructors of
color, and that these instructors were teaching lower-level courses. Diversifying the instructors
on campus may help with students’ perceptions of belonging. It also provides the opportunity for
more instructor involvement in programs such as the ESC. If faculty and staff show support for
these programs, it can strongly affirm the ESC’s standing as a service of worth on campus.
When questioned, participants agreed that more classes need to be offered which address
AAPI cultures. Though offering a course on every culture is unrealistic, it is more in-reach to
offer courses which cover various cultures. One course, as stated by students, already exists that
tries to address the Asian-American experience. One student noted that the course covered
Filipinos, which surprised her; another student, however, said the course leaned heavily towards
the study of Japanese culture. Other cultures seemed to be glossed over, providing little
opportunity to explore histories rarely offered in an academic setting.
On a similar note, students expressed the desire for a Tagalog 101 course at WWU.
Tagalog is the basis for the national language, Filipino, as it is widely-spoken in a land of many
dialects. As such, Tagalog binds the different regions of the Philippines together and provides a
basis for mutual culture. A majority of the students interviewed do not consider themselves
bilingual. One participant recognized herself as fluent in Tagalog; two more stated they could
understand the language, but were not able to speak Tagalog fluently.
Lacking bilingual ability can potentially lead Fil-Am students to feel isolated from their
cultural background. This is important, as most Fil-Am students in this particular generation still
have direct ties back to the Philippines through family members. However, there is little one can
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do as far as accessing resources to learning the language. Being at college, most students
probably do not have time to pick up a second language outside of school. As such, participants
in the study expressed that they want a program that will offer Tagalog language resources. Other
schools are able to offer the language, namely the University of Washington (“Program
Description,” 2007) and South Seattle Community College. One non-Filipino participant also
acknowledged that she would enjoy the Tagalog class if WWU offered it; to her, offering the
class provides an opportunity to expand knowledge of other AAPI cultures outside of her own.
She also recognized that it is a benefit to other students outside of the Fil-Am community.
Interview participants recognize that class enrollment and overall student interest will
determine the feasibility of offering a Tagalog language course. However, there are options
available which may allow WWU to sponsor a Tagalog course. Perhaps a summer offering or a
partnership with another college already engaged in the program would be more realistic at this
point. Testing out the student interest, though, is necessary. It should also be taken into account
that other minority groups may be looking for the same type of resources. It is difficult to find
qualified teachers for AAPI languages, but recognizing the need for AAPI language courses is a
step in the right direction for WWU.
Furthermore, participants in the study display a significant amount of pride in their ethnic
background and culture. These students do not necessarily seek out discussion in order to
understand the current issues affecting the population. According to the questionnaire, students
would rather experience their culture than just talk about it. This opens up additional options for
AAPI curriculum. While history and sociological aspects of a culture are appealing, students may
also be interested in courses which focus on areas such as martial arts or traditional dance.
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WWU’s dance department already offers a GUR focusing on world dance; perhaps it should be
expanded by adding more types of dance or by being offered more extensively. Literature is also
another area which is open to exploration. Knowledge of AAPI authors and their contributions
may help further cultural understanding, while also providing narratives about history. When
searching for opportunities to enhance the AAPI and Fil-Am experiences on campus, WWU
should remember that there are many facets to a culture which provide new and exciting areas
for curriculum.
The benefits for understanding participants’ sentiments are manifold. Beyond being able
to provide a more inclusive environment, WWU will be able to develop a strong reputation as a
diversity-focused school. WWU is already very forward-looking, but increased efforts for
diversity will allow prospective students to see for themselves where WWU outdoes the
competition. Already, one can see that being an AAPI-serving institution is critical; Laanan and
Starobin (2004) noted the lack of AAPI-serving institutions, and by overcoming this, WWU
opens doors of opportunity for itself and its students. Adding more AAPI-focused curriculum and
services will not only aid Fil-Am students, it will aid all students, regardless of color. More
extensive and interesting courses may be added in the areas such as history, language, or dance,
which will engage students in ways which cause them to think even more critically about the true
state of multiculturalism and diversity.
WWU should also realize that it is making progress and that students recognize that. One
student states, “I was really surprised at how much Western cares about diversity,” and this goes
to show that efforts are not going unrecognized. Though growth may not be at the rate students
want, many also understand the difficulties involved in creating new programs or relocating the
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ESC. Continuing to listen to students’ concerns will not only help the university understand what
is needed and desired, but it also sets the stage for improving relationships between
administration and the student body. Opening this line of communication may positively impact
students’ perceptions of the university by creating an inclusive atmosphere.
Conclusion
The current study provides much insight into the experience of Fil-Am students at a
public university. It reveals that Fil-Am students are not explicitly subjected to the model
minority myth’s negative aspects. However, it does illustrate that not addressing Fil-Am issues
can lead to a greater in-group unconsciousness regarding cultural and social issues; this can also
lead to invisibility among the entire population, in this case, the United States’ population.
Fortunately, it seems that invisibility can be reduced through offerings both in and outside the
classroom.
Participants voiced similar concerns regarding the ESC and the current curriculum
offered by WWU. If WWU listens to these concerns, many opportunities appear. Beyond simply
catering to one particular minority group, WWU can use the information to understand which
areas of instruction should be improved in order to better serve all students. Additionally, with
other universities competing to attract and retain minority students, WWU’s concern for the well-
being of its students of color may positively influence the interest of prospective students.
Continuing to improve WWU’s commitment to diversity will help students find meaningful and
positive experiences, which translates to more on-campus diversity. WWU should also strive to
find qualified instructors from minority groups, which participants state is one shortcoming of
the university.
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Last of all, this study provides a voice to a group which is subject to invisibility. As one
student said, “We’ve been really growing…as an identity in America…We’re getting our own
spot there, with the Latinos [on the ‘race continuum’].” As the greater AAPI population
continues to grow, the university should recognize the impact this has on multiculturalism and
diversity. Fil-Ams are an important part of the American culture, and they should no longer have
to be overlooked. The culture, like all world cultures, is important to understand and recognize.
As a large and growing group, Fil-Ams have the potential to contribute greatly to society. This
should be acknowledged, especially by a university, and the recommendations previously
discussed should be fully considered.
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References
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Asian American student experiences. Race Ethnicity and Education, 9(1), pp. 17-28.
Lew, J. (2006). Burden of acting neither White nor Black: Asian American identities and
achievement in school. The Urban Review, 38(5).
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Modern and classical languages. (2008). Accessed on May 24th, 2008 from http://www.wwu.edu/
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Olnek, M. R. (1993).Terms of inclusion: Has multiculturalism redefined equality in American
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Welch, A. (2008). Arizona state legislator says race-based clubs cause culture clash. Accessed on
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Arizona.State.Legislator.Says.RaceBased.Clubs.Cause.Culture.Clash-3361778.shtml
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Appendix AThe Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM)
The MEIM was originally published in the following article:
Phinney, J. (1992). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with adolescents and young adults from diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7, 156-176.
It has subsequently been used in dozens of studies and has consistently shown good reliability, typically with alphas above .80 across a wide range of ethnic groups and ages. On the basis of recent work, including a factor analysis of a large sample of adolescents*, it appears that the measure can best be thought of as comprising two factors, ethnic identity search (a developmental and cognitive component) and affirmation, belonging, and commitment (an affective component). Two items have been dropped and a few minor modifications have been made. Attached is the current revision of the measure, without the measure of Other-group orientation. The two factors, with this version, are as follows: ethnic identity search, items 1, 2, 4, 8, and 10; affirmation, belonging, and commitment, items 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12. (None of the items are reversed.) The preferred scoring is to use the mean of the item scores; that is, the mean of the 12 items for an over-all score, and, if desired, the mean of the 5 items for search and the 7 items for affirmation. Thus the range of scores is from 1 to 4. The suggested ethnic group names in the first paragraph can be adapted to particular populations. Items 13, 14, and 15 are used only for purposes of identification and categorization by ethnicity. The Other-group orientation scale, which was developed with the original MEIM, is not included, as it is considered to be a separate construct. It can, of course, be used in conjunction with the MEIM. Translations of the measure into Spanish and French now exist and are available, but we currently have no information on their reliability. No written permission is required for use of the measure. However, if you decide to use the measure, please send me a summary of the results and a copy of any papers or publications that result from the study.
Jean S. Phinney, Ph.D.Department of PsychologyCalifornia State University, Los AngelesLos Angeles, CA 90032-8227
Phone: 323 343-2261FAX: 323 343-2281E-mail: [email protected]
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*Roberts, R., Phinney, J., Masse, L., Chen, Y., Roberts, C., & Romero, A. (1999). The structure of ethnic identity in young adolescents from diverse ethnocultural groups. Journal of Early Adolescence, 19, 301-322.
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In this country, people come from many different countries and cultures, and there are many different words to describe the different backgrounds or ethnic groups that people come from. Some examples of the names of ethnic groups are Hispanic or Latino, Black or African American, Asian American, Chinese, Filipino, American Indian, Mexican American, Caucasian or White, Italian American, and many others. These questions are about your ethnicity or your ethnic group and how you feel about it or react to it.
Please fill in: In terms of ethnic group, I consider myself to be ____________________
Use the numbers below to indicate how much you agree or disagree with each statement.
(4) Strongly agree (3) Agree (2) Disagree (1) Strongly disagree
1- I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs. 2- I am active in organizations or social groups that include mostly members of my own ethnic group. 3- I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means for me. 4- I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group membership. 5- I am happy that I am a member of the group I belong to. 6- I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group. 7- I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me. 8- In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have often talked to other people about my ethnic group. 9- I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group.10- I participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as special food, music, or customs.11- I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group.12- I feel good about my cultural or ethnic background.
13- My ethnicity is (1) Filipino (2) Asian or Asian American, including Chinese, Japanese, and others (3) Black or African American (4) Hispanic or Latino, including Mexican American, Central American, and others (5) White, Caucasian, Anglo, European American; not Hispanic (6) American Indian/Native American (7) Mixed; Parents are from two different groups (8) Other (write in): _____________________________________
14- My father's ethnicity is (use numbers above)15- My mother's ethnicity is (use numbers above)
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