Mr. Ranjit S. Chavan · 2019. 8. 20. · Mr. Ranjit S. Chavan President, AIILSG Editorial Board -...

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Transcript of Mr. Ranjit S. Chavan · 2019. 8. 20. · Mr. Ranjit S. Chavan President, AIILSG Editorial Board -...

Page 1: Mr. Ranjit S. Chavan · 2019. 8. 20. · Mr. Ranjit S. Chavan President, AIILSG Editorial Board - Editor-in-Chief Mr. Ramanath Jha Director General, AIILSG Editor Dr (Prof) Sneha
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Mr. Ranjit S. ChavanPresident, AIILSG

Editorial Board -

Editor-in-ChiefMr. Ramanath JhaDirector General, AIILSG

EditorDr (Prof) Sneha PalnitkarDirector, RCUES of AIILSG, Mumbai

Editorial Board Members

Dr. Snehalata DeshmukhFormer Vice-Chancellor, University of Mumbai, Mumbai.

Dr. V. V. MoharirFormer Senior Lecturer, (Development Administration) former Dean, Institute of Social Studies, the Hague, the Netherlands.

Dr. Jim BarryProfessor, Organisation Studies Research Group, East London Business School, University of East London, London.

Dr. Joop W. de witSenior Lecturer, Institute of Social Studies, the Hague, the Netherlands.

Mr. Ajitkumar Jain, IAS (Retd)Information Commissioner (State), Government of Maharashtra, Mumbai.

Mrs. Manisha Mhaiskar, IASSecretary, Urban Development (II), Government of Maharashtra & Ex-officio Chairman, RCUES, Advisory Committee.

Dr. Dinesh MehtaProfessor Emeritus, CEPT University, Ahmedabad.

Dr. (Prof.) Sharit K. BhowmikNational Fellow, Indian Council of Social Science Research, Mumbai.

Dr. (Prof.) Vibhuti PatelDirector PGSR, Professor and Head of Department of Economics, SNDT University, Mumbai.

Dr. Vandana DesaiSenior Lecturer in Development Studies and Director MA/Msc Development and Environment, Department of Geography,Royal Holloway, University of London, U.K.

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Published by -Ramanath Jha

Director-General,All India Institute of Local Self-Government,M. N. Roy Human Development Campus, Plot No. 6, ‘F’ Block,Opp. Government Colony Bldg. No. 326, TPS Road No. 12, (BKC)Bandra (East), Mumbai - 400 051, IndiaTel : 0091-22- 2657 17 13 / 2657 17 14 / 2657 17 15Fax : 0091 -22 - 2657 21 15Email : [email protected] / [email protected] : www.aiilsg.org

The Urban World - Quarterly Publication of Regional Centre for Urban andEnvironmental Studies of All India Institute of Local Self Government, Mumbai

(April - June 2015)

For ContactDr (Prof) Sneha PalnitkarDirectorRegional Centre for Urban & Environmental Studies ofAll India Institute of Local Self-GovernmentM. N. Roy Human Development Campus, Plot No. 6,TPS Road No. 12, ‘F’ Block, Opp. Government ColonyBldg. No. 326, Bandra (East), Mumbai - 400 051, India,Tel : 0091-22-2657 37 95 / 96 / 98Fax : 0091-22-2657 39 73Email : [email protected] / [email protected]

The opinions expressed in the articles / presentations herein are those ofthe authors. They do not reflect the opinions of the Regional Centre for Urban andEnvironmental Studies, All India Institute of Local Self Government, Mumbai,Ministry of Urban Development, Government of India or Publisher.

Printed at nsd art pvt. ltd. Andheri (E), Mumbai.Tel. 28393450/1

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Editorial

Reforming the Property Tax 1-13Mr. Ramanath JhaDirector - General, AIILSG

Street Vendors and Public Space 14-17Dr Sharit BhowmikNational Fellow, Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), Mumbai

Futuristic Infrastructure – Issues and Solutions 18-26Dr. (Mrs.) Sunita SharmaHead, Department of Commerce,Maniben Nanavati Women’s College, Mumbai

Innovations in Urban Poverty Reduction : The Brazil Way 27-30Dr. Shaila VirmaniSenior Research OfficerRCUES of AIILSG, Mumbai

Suggestions for Grassroots Financial Counseling 31-36Anuradha KarmakarAssistant Professor,Department of Social Work, SNDT Women’s University, Mumbai

Review of Freedom Indicators of the Urbanised states of India 37-43Heena ThakkarAssistant Professor, Department of Economics,Vivekanand College of arts science and commerce, Chembur

Mumbai Climate Action Plan – Lessons from New York City 44-46Amruta PonksheStudent at the Lyndon B Johnson School ofPublic Affairs at University of Texas at Austin.

Book Review 47-50Dr. Asha PatilAssociate ProfessorDepartment of Continuing, Adult and Extension Education,SNDT Women’s University, Mumbai

The Urban WorldQuarterly Publication of theRegional Centre for Urban and EnvironmentalStudies of All India Institute of Local SelfGovernment, Mumbai

Volume - 8No. - 2April - June 2015

Contents

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1. Urban Development.

2. Urban Planning.

3. Solid Waste Management - Resource Material.

4. Hospital Medical Waste Management.

5. Planning for Urban Informal Sector in Highly Dense Cities.

6. Study of Municipal Schools with special Focus on Drop-outs,Standard of Education and Remedies.

7. Rainwater Harvesting.

8. Institutionalisation of Citizen’s Participation in Urban Governance.

9. Gender Budgeting.

10. Gender Equality in Local Government - Comparative Study of Four Statesin Western Region in India.

11. Mapping of Basic Services in Urban Slums.

12. Basic Services to the Urban Poor.

13. Health.

14. Security of Tenure.

15. Resettlement and Rehabilitation.

16. Mumbai Human Development Report, 2009.(UNDP / MOH & UPA, GOI / MCGM).

17. Resource Material on Urban Poverty Alleviation.

18. Laws of Meetings.

19. Resource Material on Preparation of City Sanitation Plan (CSP) &Capacity Building for Urban Local Bodies.

20. Implementation of 74th CAA, 1992 in Urban Local Bodies and ImpactAssessment of Training of Women Elected Members.

Contact -Dr (Prof) Sneha PalnitkarDirectorRegional Centre for Urban & Environmental Studies of

All India Institute of Local Self-Government

M. N. Roy Human Development Campus, Plot No. 6,

TPS Road No. 12, ‘F’ Block, Opp. Government Colony

Bldg. No. 326, Bandra (East), Mumbai - 400 051, India,

Tel : 0091-22-2657 37 95 / 96 / 98

Fax : 0091-22-2657 39 73

Email : [email protected]

RCUES Key Publications

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Editorial Editorial Editorial Editorial Editorial

In terms of percentage of population that lives in urban areas, India’s urbanization, despite its many megaand metropolitan cities, is low and would find a place among the less urbanized countries. The Census results ofthe last few decades show that overall urbanization in the country has not picked up speed and continues to hoveraround a decadal growth rate of two to three percent. However, in terms of the history of urbanization, and in theart of planned city creation, it stands among the oldest. The Indus Valley civilization and its cities are testimony toa highly sophisticated and technologically advanced urban culture.

These cities display advanced knowledge of town planning with well laid out streets, a high sense ofaesthetics and a great degree of emphasis on proper hygiene. All houses had access to water and drainagefacilities and the towns were equipped with one of the world’s first known urban sanitation systems. The cities hadexcellent covered drainage with manholes for periodic cleaning. Soak-pits partially purified the sewage beforedraining them into the river. Brick-lined wells provided water to homes.

Surprisingly, an aspect of these cities that does not get highlighted is that they were highly egalitarian. Therewas no great rigidity about the segregation of the rulers and the ruled. This was a sad development that gotinjected into Indian cities later and was accentuated by the British system of confined cantonment areas for themilitary, civil lines for the civil administrators and the crowded settlements for commoners.

India continued to create cities down the ages, some of which continue to live till this day. Pataliputra, forinstance, close to the present-day Patna, came up as a city some 500 years before Christ and grew into one of thelargest global cities full of splendour. The same is true of Delhi, showing evidence of continuous inhabitationseveral centuries before Christ. However, the imperialist ethos destroyed logical urban planning for the entirecities, borne out by the expanse of houses and openness for the imperial masters and the high density andunsanitary conditions for the commoners.

The sad part of such planning is that this has lived long past the demise of imperialism in this country. Whilethere is constant attention paid to urban governance and debated animatedly at workshops and conferences,scant attention has been paid to setting right the urban planning process that our socio-economic contextnecessitates. It would be difficult to find many countries around the world where urban planning continues to laydown land use plans on ground founded on abstract norms of an ideal city.

Flawed plans deliver flawed products – they cannot deliver governable cities. One of the reasons why cityauthorities find delivering good governance so arduous is because they constantly have to fire-fight situationscreated by some unimaginative plans. In the context of waste management, for instance, the ceaseless urbanstruggle in India in delivering clean streets and city cleanliness is because of its scant treatment in the city plan.The same applies to housing shortages, a subject on which no detailed analysis is available for universalizinghousing. It is time we played some close attention to these questions.

Place : Mumbai

Date : 30th June 2015

India and City Planning

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All India Institute of Local Self-Government(AIILSG) has been recognized as an Educational Instituteby Government of Maharashtra in the year 1971. TheGovernment of India established the Regional Centrefor Urban & Environmental Studies (RCUES) at AIILSG,Mumbai in 1968. RCUES is fully supported by theMinistry of Urban Development, Government of Indiaand undertakes urban policy research, technicaladvisory services and building work capabilities ofsenior and middle level municipal officials and electedmembers from the States.

In the recent past it is observed that there isgrowing expectation of the public from administrationfor bringing efficiency and accountability in the publicdelivery system handled by all the Municipalities.

In view of the above, AIILSG and Centre for theStudy of Social Change (CSSC) have designed the threemonths weekend Certificate Course under the title“Legal Education” for government and municipalofficials, and elected representatives.

The course will have also following objectives –

To create awareness of rules and regulations vis-à-vis their roles and responsibilities, thoroughunderstanding of court rulings, judgments, contempt of court, PIL, injunctions, stay order, final disposal,interim orders, etc.To educate and equip them for proper briefing to senior counsels and advocates and to put up strongaffirmative case before the courts for speedy litigation, thereby help to save tax payers money.To develop skills for articulation while representing the State / Municipal bodies before Court of Law.To develop their requisite capabilities and confidence building of representatives of ULBs.

The course has the broad coverage of relevant Laws, introductions about court functioning, inputs onpreparations of Legal Instruments, Documents and many other aspects are taken into considerations.

The course has apt teaching methodology which include training by experts in the field of Law,Professionals and Academicians, Sr. Legal Officials from Municipalities and Judiciary.

To start with it will have the coverage of ULBs in MMR region.

Legal Education

Certificate Course in legal education for elected representatives, government and municipal officials

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Reforming the Property Tax

Mr. Ramanath JhaDirector - General, AIILSG

Explaining Property Tax

Property tax means “a tax on buildings and landsin the City”.¹ In India, unlike countries such as UK,where the occupier is liable to pay the property tax, itis the liability of the property owner to pay theproperty tax to the concerned municipalities. Inmany urban local bodies (ULB), where octroi waslevied, property tax was overshadowed andsomewhat ignored on account of the much largerrevenue that octroi generated. This was “a cess on theentry of goods into the limits of a city forconsumption, use or sale therein”.² With theprogressive abolition of octroi in most cities, propertytax has emerged even in these cities as the principalsource of revenue. Quite naturally, its efficientadministration assumes the highest significance forany ULB.

Constitutional Provision

The Seventh Schedule of the IndianConstitution states the legislative powers of theUnion and State Governments. Entry 4 in the StateList of the Indian Constitution empowers the StateGovernments in all matters that pertain to localgovernments. Under Article 243-W, the Legislatureof a State is mandated to devolve powers to ULBs onfunctions listed in Schedule 12 of the Constitution.Further, Article 243-X authorizes State Governmentsto devolve the power to levy taxes, duties, fees, tollsaccording to the limits set and procedure laid downby the Legislature of the State Government. The74thAmendment to the Constitution did not go so faras to include a separate list of taxes assigned to theULBs. This was completely left at the discretion ofthe State Government. This includes the discretionto determine what taxes would be collected by

municipal governments and what would be the limitswithin which such devolved power would beexercised.

Expectations of Property Tax Edifice

There are certain expectations about the qualityof the property tax system. Some of the features of agood property tax structure that are widely agreedare the following:

i. The tax should yield adequate revenues to meetlocal needs and should be sufficiently buoyantover time.

ii. Taxpayers should perceive the tax to bereasonably fair. There should, therefore, beample transparency and simplicity in themanner of assessment, levy and collection.

iii. The tax base should be visible to ensureaccountability.

iv. It should minimize discretion on the part ofassessors in tax levy.

v. The tax should be easy to administer.

vi. It should ensure equity between classes oftaxpayers/property owners.

vii. The tax should be stable and predictable overtime.

Observations of Law³

ULBs have repeatedly been dragged to Courtson the matter of property tax. Litigants havechallenged their initiatives and changes in thetaxation system that ULBs have injected. Whiledeciding these cases and pronouncing judgmentscourts have set several guidelines and limits in regard

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to the determination and levy of property tax. Theseneed to be appreciated and factored in whilecontemplating any inventiveness so as to discouragelitigation and avoid adverse court rulings.

Inequity and Discrimination

One of the grounds that have dragged the levy ofproperty tax to courts has been that the levy has notbeen equitable and has been violative of Article 14 ofthe Indian Constitution. Quite clearly, a law ontaxation cannot claim immunity from the equalityclause that is embodied in Article 14 of theConstitution. But in the application of the doctrineof equality in matters relating to taxation, the Courtshave, in view of the “inherent complexity of fiscaladjustment of diverse elements”, permitted “a largerdiscretion to the Legislature in the matter ofclassification”. The Legislature possesses “greatestfreedom of classification” and the power to classify isof “wide range and flexibility” so long as it adheres tothe basic principles underlying the principle ofequality and does not practice “clear and hostilediscrimination” against a particular person orclasses.

In further interpretation of what constitutesequality and discrimination, the courts have held thatin permissible classifications mathematical nicetyand perfect equality are not required. Similarity andnot identity of treatment is enough. If there is equalityand uniformity within each classified group, the lawwill not be struck down as discriminative though dueto some fortuitous circumstances arising out of apeculiar situation, some included in a class get anadvantage over-others, so long as they are not singledout for special treatment.

The Court cannot for “obvious reasonsmeticulously scrutinize” the burden of taxation ondifferent persons and interests. Certain advantagesor disadvantages are accidental and unavoidable andare inherent in every law imposing a tax because suchlaw “has to draw a line somewhere and some casesnecessarily fall on the other side of the line”.

Procedure

It is important that a statute lays down a specificprocedure to make any assessment and does not

leave it entirely to the executive to lay down suchprocedure. An overdose of discretion for the executiveto decide what is fair and what is not would open thedoors for a challenge of that statute.

The ‘Procedure’ as proposed under theComposite Area linked System begins with thesubmission of returns by owners of lands andbuildings and in some cases occupiers. An enablingprovision empowers the Municipal Commissioneror an authorized officer to make an Inspection andsurvey and take measurements.

There ought to be a Declaration, by public notice,by the Municipal Commissioner of his or herintention to classify, with reference to premisesnumbers, lands and buildings in each ward on thebasis of factors specified in the law, including locationand structural characteristics of buildings.

The procedure should provide for a reasonableopportunity to ratepayers for filing objections andthe hearing of objections by an independentMunicipal Valuation Committee. An appeal againstthe decisions of the Municipal Valuation Committeecould be filed with the Municipal Assessment Tribunalconstituted under the Act.

Reasonableness

A statute is open to question on the ground thatit has dishonoured the prerequisite of reasonableness.But as long as a tax preserves its quality as a tax and isnot confiscatory or extortionate, the reasonablenessof the tax cannot be challenged. The Court wouldreject the challenge of a taxing statute asunreasonable unless it is shown that the frailties inthe provisions of a taxing statute are of such a seriousnature as to justify its description as a colorableexercise of the legislative power.

The reasonableness of a taxing statute may beensured by laying down the procedure for consultingthe requests of the local inhabitants. There could alsobe a provision for an appeal. So also the approval ofthe State Government may be made necessary beforeclassification of lands and buildings is finalized andthe unit area annual values are fixed. The StateGovernment could act as an overseer of the actionsof the local body on behalf of the Legislature.

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It may be noted that it is not possible to put thetest of reasonableness into a “strait-jacket of a narrowformula”. It may also be mentioned that the quantumof tax to be levied, the condition subject to which it islevied and the social and economic policies whichthe tax is designed to subserve are all matters ofpolitical character and these matters have beenentrusted not to the Courts but to the Legislatures.

Delegation

The vital legislative function comprises thedetermination of legislative policy and itsformulation as a binding rule of conduct and cannotbe delegated by the Legislature. There is also nounlimited right of delegation inherent in thelegislative power itself. There should be adequatedirection in the statute itself for the exercise of thedelegated power.

The direction may take the shape of providingthe maximum rates of tax up to which a local bodymay be given the discretion to make its choice. It maytake the form of providing for consultation with thepeople of the local area and then fixing the rates aftersuch consultation. It may also take the form ofsubjecting the rate to be fixed by a local body to theapproval of the State Government which acts as awatch-dog on the action of the local body in thismatter, on behalf of the Legislature.

So long as the law has provided a method bywhich the local body can be controlled and there isprovision that reasonable rates are fixed, it can besaid that there is guidance in the matter of fixing therates. The nature of the body to which delegation ismade is also a factor to be taken into considerationin determining whether there is sufficient guidancein the matter of delegation.

Property Tax Systems

There are three key methods of property taxcalculation.

1. ARV (Annual Rental Value)

The system of annual rental value has beentraditionally the most used method of assessingproperty tax. ARV has been defined as the gross annual

rent at which the property may reasonably beexpected to be let from year to year. It is thus ahypothetical value which can be interpreted as themarket rent of the property in question. It is not theactual rent transacted. The key benefit flowing out ofthe ARV system is that it is premised on the incomeconcept under which a tax payer pays somepercentage of his rent. The system also lends itself toeasy explanation to the tax payer. However, ULBs losethe advantages that could have ensued to it becauseof appreciating property values. This weakness couldbe compensated by periodical revaluation of the ARV.However, this has not been the experience and inany case revisions have not been seen to beadequately capturing the actual market value. Theproblem has been compounded by the Rent ControlAct that has frozen the rents to be estimated underthe ARV. The system has been additionally criticizedfor being a deterrent to the intensive use of land incities as it offers nothing to a property owner to buildto the full potential of land under the existingdevelopment control regulations.

2. CVS (Capital Value System)

While, as earlier stated, the ARV takes intoaccount the annual hypothetical value of rent theCapital Value System (CVS) considers the capitalvalue of the property. Many tax experts believe thatin developing economies, the ULBs would find greatercomfort in adopting the CVS. It takes into accountnot only the present but also the potential value ofthe property. Since appreciation in land value wouldbe captured in the market value of the property andsince the tax is based on market value of properties,the tax base would expand on a continuous basis.More importantly, since vacant land would also beassessed at its market value, it would promoteexhaustive use of land. However, CVS also requiresthat the latest sale information must be accuratelyavailable for a variety of properties. If this isunavailable, the huge and rampant underreportingof sale value would make the CVS lose all its glitter.

With a view to having the option of moving tocapital value system, in 2009, Maharashtra amendedits Municipal Acts (Mumbai Municipal CorporationAct, Bombay Provincial Municipal Corporation Act,

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The city of Nagpur Corporation Act, MaharashtraMunicipal Councils, Nagar Panchayats and IndustrialTownships Act, Maharashtra (Urban Areas)Protection and Preservation of Trees Act andMaharashtra Tax on Buildings Act. The primaryfeatures of the amendment were that now ULBs couldlevy property tax either on rateable value or capitalvalue and was to comprise water tax, water benefittax, sewerage tax, sewerage benefit tax, general tax,education cess, street tax and betterment charges.For fixing capital value, the Municipal Commissioner“shall have regard to the value of any building or landas indicated in the Stamp Duty ReadyReckoner…..prepared under the Bombay stamp(determination of True Market Value of Property)Rules, 1995, framed under the provisions of theBombay Stamp Act, 1958”. The amendmentspecifically brought unauthorized constructionswithin the property tax ambit along with heavypenalty “equal to twice the property tax leviable onsuch building”. 4

3. UAS (Unit Area System)

The unit area system is an arithmetical systemof calculation of property tax based on covered areaof the building and the unit area value or unit area taxfor the category (of locality or amenity, etc.) in whichthe premises is located. The property tax is calculatedby fixing the unit price per sq.mt. or sq. ft. and bymultiplying the unit rate by the property area andother multiplication factors for age, location, use,occupancy, structure, etc. In the unit area valuesystem the entire city has to be grouped intosomewhat homogenous categories for specifying aunit area value. Such groupings could be done takinginto consideration factors like average rental value,average capital value of land, quality of physicalinfrastructure, availability of social and marketinfrastructure, type of development, economicclasses of occupants, etc. Different cities that haveadopted variants of this method have used variedclassifications of properties.

Patna pioneered the UAS system. It took intoaccount the location, usage, built-up area and thetype of construction. The location criterion had threesub-categories – principal streets, main roads and

others. Construction types were three as well. Theywere pucca with re-inforced concrete roof, pucca withasbestos or corrugated sheets and others. Usagecategories were also three – commercial/industrial,residential, and others. The annual rateable value wasfixed for each category and the tax base wasaccordingly determined. This new valuation methodwas challenged in the courts but was finally upheldby the Supreme Court. In Ahmedabad, the wardswere grouped into 4 broad categories mainly on land-value basis. In Delhi, about two thousand colonies/localities have been classified into 7 categories takinginto account ten different factors. In Hyderabad, theaverage rental value for each locality, for each type ofuse has been prescribed.

Other Methods

Besides the above models, two other systemshave been operational in other parts of the world.These are the SVS (Site Value System) and the ADS(Area Detail System). The former can be looked as analternative in planned cities with good FSIstipulations, as the system tends to promoteoptimum utilization of buildable land. However, itmay not turn out to be kind to low income familiesand the informal part of the city. The ADS, whileapparently simple, has its own infirmities and hencea detailed analysis of the system is not attempted here.

Trends in Property Tax Collection

Property tax as a share of total revenues has beenshowing a downward trend in many cities andinsufficient buoyancy in others. While thecontribution of property tax in OECD countries(Organization for Economic Cooperation andDevelopment – an international economicorganization of 34 developed countries founded tostimulate economic progress and world trade) wasover 2 percent of GDP, it was about 0.6 percent indeveloping countries. Additionally the OECDcountries have shown an upward trend in collection,moving from 1.24 percent in the 1970s to 2.12 percentin the 2000s. On the other hand, in the developingworld, this collection has crawled from 0.42 to 0.60 inthe same time frame. In India, information that wascollected from a sample group of 32 ULBs for the

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period 2004-2008 with Baramati at one end (57,000population) and Mumbai on the other revealed thatper capita collections in 2008 was Rs. 457 or Rs. 1.25per day.

A trend of loading heavier property tax on non-residential properties was also observed. InBengaluru, for instance, during 2008-11, non-residential properties contributed about 40 per centof the property tax. This is a common practice in mostcities, where industrial and commercial propertiesare inequitably burdened with very heavy taxation.

Problems

Property Tax has been beset with a large numberof problems. To begin with, as stated earlier, the IndianConstitution leaves ULBs substantially circumscribedadministratively and financially by the State. This hasallowed unwarranted interference by States in thefinancial/administrative affairs of ULBs. The HPEC2011 itself recounts the abolition of house tax in 2006by the Rajasthan State Government. A similar stepwas taken in 2008 by the Haryana Government inrelation to self-occupied residential properties andthis was reversed only when Government of Indialinked the receipt of grants under a central scheme toproperty tax reform. In either case, no reference wasmade to the ULBs nor any consultation with thementertained. Neither was any alternative source ofrevenue identified and bestowed on the ULBs. TheState Finance Commissions that recommendtransfers from States to ULBs were also substantiallynot acted upon by State Governments.

In the global taxation scheme, almost all broad-based and progressive taxes are retained by theCentral Governments. The tax base of ULBs as aconsequence is narrow. This generally forcesmunicipal governments to be heavily dependent oncentral and state transfers. However, with many statesalready in very weak financial condition, there is notmuch help forthcoming. In general, therefore, citiesare always struggling to shoulder the onerousresponsibilities cast on them. Fiscal federalismprinciples enunciate that local services by and largeshould be paid for by the beneficiary citizens. But thisis easier said and done in developing countries where

a host of factors seriously limits the collection of highuser charges to pay for goods and services locallyprovided.

“ULBs in India “are among the weakest in theworld…. in terms of capacity to raise resources”u(HPEC 2011, p.xxvii). One of its important ailmentsis low revenue productivity. In 2006, thirty-six largemunicipal corporations collected an average of justRs. 486 per capita with an annual growth rate overthree years of 7.9 per cent. This meant that revenuefrom property tax was virtually stagnant vis a vis theinflation rate and in decline vis a vis the GDP growth.

The rent control laws have been a hugedampener in the realization of the full potential ofproperty tax. In the southern part of Mumbai this is amajor factor in low revenue yields. “Although therewere inconsistent judgments, Supreme Court in thecase of Municipal Corporation of Indore versusRathna Prabha in 1976 clearly observed the need tomove away from the rental valuation principle as perthe rent control acts. However, there are alwaysproblems in adopting valuation according to marketrents whenever the rental valuation is adopted as thebase of the tax.”7

The tax further suffers from a huge number ofexemptions that are either mandated by law orprovided for noble causes by ULBs. The ones notmandated vary from state to state and city to city.Article 25 of the Constitution provides exemption toall properties belonging to the Union Government.In a city like Delhi, this would mean, for instance,that almost the entire “Lutyen’s Bungalow Zone”(LBZ) would yield no revenue to the localgovernment. LBZ covers an area of about 26 sqkm.All land and buildings in the LBZ belong to the centralgovernment, except for 254.5 acres which is in privatehands. There are about 1000 bungalows in the LBZ, ofwhich less than ten percent are in private hands. Thisalso means that the LBZ receives municipal servicesfree of cost and gets subsidized by other tax payers.Other exemptions include places of religious worship,educational institutions, charitable institutions,ancient and historical monuments, burial andcremation grounds and several others. Vacant land is

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generally exempt. Central government properties offoreign missions also enjoy tax exemption withoutan insistence for reciprocity.

In many larger cities, with the proliferation ofslums, a huge chunk of the population moves out ofthe property tax net and is liable to pay a service taxthat is a highly subsidized amount. Experience showsthat there is strong political resistance to de-notify aslum after its development and to the application ofnormal municipal taxes applicable elsewhere in thecity. There is thus a clear distinction drawn betweenthe formal and informal settlements and the set oflaws applicable to them.

Property tax compliance is one of the lowestamong all taxes. There is reluctance by tax payers topay property tax compared to say, payment ofincome tax. Being local residents, they find skippingor delaying payment of property tax as the mostamenable compared to central and state taxes. ULBsare easier to manipulate or pressurize and aredefinitely more familiar. Local politicalrepresentatives are equally loath to hike property taxrates despite clear indications that they have fallenbehind as individual incomes have risen, capacity topay has increased, values of properties have steeplymoved upwards and inflation has eaten into revenueyield justifying reasonable periodic upward revision.This trend has been seen across cities and acrossStates.

Market based valuation and its periodic updatinghas been a problem in ULBs. In any of the cases ofannual letting value, capital value or area based value,the value taken as the base is presumptive and hencesubject to dispute and challenge. Also, since theproperties cannot realize the market value unlesssold, use of this value in property tax computation isquestionable. These difficulties have resulted in thelow productivity of property tax and the tax has failedsadly in keeping pace with the steep appreciation inurban property value.

The urban local bodies have a serious problemwith their information systems. Several ULBs haveoutdated property tax registers. While constructiongallops in cities, there is no prompt inclusion of these

new constructions in the property register. TheAdministrative Reforms Commission noted that onlyabout sixty to 70 per cent of the properties in urbanareas are actually assessed. This means that propertiesthat are enjoying municipal services are escaping theproperty tax net. The use of the GIS (GeographicInformation System) would enable the capture of allsuch properties with consummate ease. But this isnot widely used. Some of the ULBs were forced toadopt the system once this became mandatory underthe JNNURM. This had quick and salutary results inthe increase of both coverage of assessed propertiesand property tax collection.

An efficient property tax system would ensureclarity in property ownership or tenancy rights and acadaster that uniquely identifies properties and theirowners. Additionally, information flow from otherULB departments on fresh construction, on additionsto old constructions and on constructions that areunauthorized and yet liable to pay property tax oughtto flow speedily from the buildings and constructiondepartment to the tax department. These, in manyinstances have been found wanting leading to taxevasion, non-collection and under collection. Veryfew municipal bodies have been able to bring theentire taxable properties and constructed area underthe tax net.

Quite naturally, low coverage promotes poor taxcollection. But even otherwise, collection efficiencyhas been seen to be low. Most ULBs are not able toactually collect the annual demand raised. This is onaccount of inadequate staff, lack of concerted effortby the existing staff and a huge number of disputespending in courts of law. The average collection ratefor 36 largest municipal corporations was 37 percent.

The Critical Need for Property Tax Reforms

As the bastion of municipal revenue, propertytax must emerge from a vicious cycle in a renewedand reinvigorated form to provide the best possiblerevenue to ULBs. India already has a large urbanpopulation standing at around 380 million people in7935 urban areas with 53 mega and metropolitancities. As the country urbanizes further and adds toits urban numbers, ULBs will be required to support

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larger infrastructure systems. That would need hugemoney. Financial support from the Centre and theStates would continue to be limited, especially inview of the precarious financial position of the Statesthemselves and their struggle to finance their owncommitments. Even with private sector participation,market borrowings and other off-budget funding,expanding cities will have to think what they can dothemselves to bridge the infrastructure gap. Decidedly,property tax, far in excess of other sources, wouldhave to answer that call.

Reforms carried out by ULBs

Over a period of time, a number of cities haveattempted to modernize and reinforce theadministration of property tax. This was partly onaccount of the city’s own initiatives, partly due toState exhortation and in some instances mandatedby money transfers to ULBs through Government ofIndia schemes. For instance, reform of property taxwas a compulsory reform under the JNNURM. Itwanted cities to move towards the implementationof on-line system for property tax through a properGIS enabled mapping of properties and atransparent, user-friendly and simple property taxsystem.8

While different cities have tackled different partsof property tax and sought to reform them, they, inthe main include more scientific and logical methodsof determining the tax base, introduction of self-assessment by property owners, ensuring ease of taxpayment including on-line payment, and reductionin compliance cost. An important direction of thereforms was the adoption of the area based valuationand the capital value system to determine the tax baseto inject property tax with necessary buoyancy inplace of the annual rateable value system.

System Changes

In terms of systemic changes, cities such asPatna, Ahmedabad, Chennai, Indore and Kolkata haveadopted the Unit Area System. While each of thesecites has its own variant within the UAS, all of themhave a progressive scale of tax rate. Some other citieshave a progressive scale for residential properties anda flat rate for non-residential properties. Mumbai and

Bengaluru have attempted the Capital value system.On the other hand, Bhubaneshwar, Hyderabad andLudhiana continue to follow the ARV method ofassessment.

Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai(MCGM) earlier had a system of Annual Rental Value(ARV) System for the assessment of properties withinthe limit of the Corporation. Subsequently MCGMmoved from ARV to the Capital Value System from 1st

April 2010. Accordingly Bills of all the propertiesexcept slums were issued and recovery progressed.Now the revision is due. Modifications will be doneand new bills will be issued from 1st April 2015.

Database

In terms of database, Bengaluru, Chennai andHyderabad are cities where the database of allproperties is digitized by using GIS mapping. Foreach property Hyderabad has provided a uniqueProperty Tax Identification Number (PTIN). Ludhianaand Patna do not have a computerized database ofassessed properties. Neither has digitisation beeninitiated.

Payment Options

In most municipalities, tax payment gatewaysand agencies for administration for tax have beenincreased manifold, thereby facilitating payment bycitizens. These new initiatives include on-linepayment, payment through banks, civic centres,Resident Welfare Associations and through ATMs.

The e-tax system introduced in Mumbaiprovides an entire IT system that manages propertiesand their taxation. It calculates the property taxdemand automatically based on any of the abovementioned methods. It is fully integrated with e-GovFinancials which is the accounting software thatmanages Municipal finances, so that up-to-datereporting of tax collection is fully automated. The taxcollection application also generates the BankDeposit Challan and other relevant reports. Theapplication handles property registrations, transfers,bifurcations, and amalgamations within theCorporation.

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In Pune, to boost tax collection and facilitatecitizens, Citizens’ Facilitation Centres have beenopened at intervals to decentralize the collection. ThePune Municipal Corporation (PMC) has 21 branchesand six extension counters of Cosmos Co-operativebank.

Self-Assessment

In most of the very large cities, such as Chennai,Bengaluru, Hyderabad, Ahmedabad and Pune self-assessment has been introduced. However, in manyof these cities it has not been made mandatory.Wherever this has been made mandatory, the onusfor filing property returns on a regular basis and payingthe tax on schedule rests with the property owner.This helps better tax compliance.

Incentives

Some ULBs provide incentives to tax payers forcertain compliances. Mumbai MunicipalCorporation, for instance, recently announced its‘early bird incentive’ scheme for payment of propertytax. The programme offers a six per cent tax rebate totaxpayers who pay the annual tax amount in full byJune 30. The scheme is being implemented for thenext two years on a trial basis. Several other ULBssuch as Bengaluru and Hyderabad offer similar rebatesfor timely and on-line payment. In Pune, if aconstruction fits the criteria of being eco-friendly, itfetches a rebate on property. The AhmedabadMunicipal Corporation (AMC) launched anincentive scheme for defaulters of property taxes. Thescheme allowed a 70% waiver of interest to residentialdefaulters and 50% waiver for commercial propertydefaulters from December 1, 2013 to January 31, 2014.The scheme helped the ULB recover arrears of 125crores.

Citizen Interface

In many cities such as Ahmedabad, Bangalore,Mumbai, Pune, Hyderabad and others, citizeninterface in property tax, as in other areas, has grown.Many of these corporations have engaged in wideconsultations with citizens in the process of reform,heeded their suggestions and treated them as vitalstakeholders in city governance. There is rising

evidence that decisions taken in isolation by ULBsdo not go down well with citizens. In engendersprotests, litigation and the rise of resistance to anysteps the ULBs desire to take. The process ofconsultations is, therefore, most welcome.

Results

The results of reforms carried out have been amixed bag. In Bengaluru, property tax reforms led tosubstantial increase in tax revenue. However, inDelhi, the ULB witnessed a decline in collections.Patna launched the area based taxation in the countrybut was disappointed with the outcome. It has thedubious distinction of having the lowest and mostimmobile per capita collection. Decidedly, reformshave to be backed by vigorous and honestimplementation.

Further Suggested Reforms

The basic constraint in all reform expected ofULBs is that this must start with the State allowingfunctional and financial autonomy to ULBs. Thereare examples galore of how a ULB is stifled by thecentralization of municipal powers in the hands ofthe state. A central theme of good governance isdecentralization and decision-making at the mostlogical level. This has happened in large parts of thedeveloped world. India needs to follow that path inthe interest of development and good governance.

Property survey, mapping and application ofGIS are absolutely essential to the property tax systemin ULBs. The use of this platform and its multiplebenefits, both financial and administrative, make itscurrent non-usage unintelligible. Further,computerization of the property tax system and otherallied e-uses in the administration of property taxsuch as web-based systems of tax collection are cryingneeds. States must make this mandatory.

A relook at exemptions is also necessary. Thekinds of exemptions that have proliferated in ULBshave been detailed above. These exemptions areunkind to the revenues of the ULBs and getcompounded by several services provided free of cost.This chain of exemptions begins from the top levelsof Government and is clearly akin to huge subsidies

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provided by the local bodies. This only promotesmore exemptions to be dished out by the ULBs at theexpense of their citizens. A close examination of thesystem of exemptions would show that in theinterests of fairness, transparency and accountability,there is a strong case for entirely doing away with thesystem of exemptions.

Since property tax systems in cities can have asignificant impact on availability of housing stock, aview needs to be taken on properties that are builtbut not occupied, either through self-occupation orthrough offering them for rent. There is a case for aseparate look at such properties and devise ways sothat they can be brought into use. A combination ofincentives for adding these to rental stock anddisincentivization of vacancy would have to becarefully worked out.

Self-assessment is already gaining currency inULBs. Many larger corporations have been practisingthis in their cities and the practice deserves to befurther encouraged. This could be a necessary part ofthe tax system. This would lead to the avoidance ofdefaults by property owners, greater trust of thesystem by them and a welcome step for honest taxpayers. It would lead to an overall addition to thefamiliarity and involvement of citizens in the reformprocess.

Vacant lands within the cities that havedevelopmental potential ought not to be kept outsidethe tax net. Land values rise steeply with no benefitsaccruing to the council. The ULB, in any case, whileproviding certain services, factor in such lands. Waterand drainage lines, roads and several other servicescannot skip such properties as they are interspersedamidst and along developed properties. They,therefore, need to be brought within the tax net.

In cities that have undertaken reforms, an areaof reform not considered appears to be the exclusionof the entire unbuilt area of the plot in the case ofindependent houses. Two detrimental consequencesfollow. One, this incentivizes large plotting of landleading to inefficient land use in a constrained urbanland market. Two, it reduces the availability of housingstock. Finally, it reduces property tax demand by

seriously reducing the exploitation of the fullpotential of land. These unbuilt areas have to betreated as vacant land and taxed accordingly. It istherefore important to include the plot area alongwith the built-up area.

Within the Town Hall, maximum coordinationamong related municipal departments is absolutelynecessary for information flow on properties. Thebuilding and construction department, departmentsthat levy user charges have information that wouldallow the property tax department to update theirregisters in quick time and raise higher tax collection.

Case Study

One town has been studied as random examplewith the specific purpose of finding out how farproperty tax reforms have gone. It has been usual thatmost studies concentrate on the larger cities. This isbecause these cities are more visible; it is easier toreach them; their records are more organized, theyare more equipped to take up reforms and theireconomies are nationally more significant. However,a huge urban population lives outside them dividedinto several thousand ULBs. Many of them may playimportant roles in the future if they are injected withefficiency, infrastructure and quality of life. In thenational interest, such cities ought to be equippedwith that role so that urbanization gets decentralizedallowing the larger cities themselves to breathe easyand survive.

The town considered here is Jejuri. Jejuri is asmall municipal council from Maharashtra.

1. Jejuri

Jejuri is a Municipal Council in the district ofPune in Maharashtra at a distance of about 50 kmsfrom the city of Pune. The town is one of the oldestmunicipal councils in the State (established in 1868).Its total geographical area is 6.59 sq km. It is a centreof pilgrimage and is visited by a large number ofpilgrims (11 million per year according to Jejuri NagarParishad data of 2013-14) to pay obeisance to GodKhandoba in the Jejuri temple. The 2011 Census putsthe population of Jejuri at 14,515 with a literacy rateof 79.1 percent.

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Quite like most other councils, Jejuri had oldrecords for the properties within the municipalcouncil limit registered with them. These recordswere in paper form and were not updated since long.Over a period of time, the Jejuri landscape, like mostother urban landscapes got transformedconsiderably. Many new properties were added, butthese were not necessarily listed with the ULB.Additionally, many of the listed properties underwentconstruction or change of property usage. Many ofsuch changes went unnoticed by the ULB as theowners chose to ignore reporting them. As aconsequence, the ULB suffered the consequences of‘un-assessed’ and ‘under-assessed’ properties thatcould have potentially added to the revenue.

With a view to reforming their property taxsystem, the Jejury Municipal Council proceeded onthe path of GIS based property tax mapping. Thispioneering work was awarded to AIILSG in 2012. Itduly completed the job in a matter of a few monthsand the updated property tax information was usedfor tax collection from the financial year 2013-14. Thiswould remain applicable for a period of four yearsafter which a fresh revision would take place. Prior tothis job, AIILSG also carried out the transformationof the town’s Development Plan by putting it on aGIS platform. This yielded the town additionalbenefits as we shall see.

A word about GIS and its application would notbe out of place. The data that got used for the citedjob were the following:

High resolution satellite images

Field survey data (map features)

Property Tax Register (available with UrbanLocal Bodies)

Property Information collected from field

Existing maps

Digital photographs

Internal dimension measurement of property

Approach:

Procurement of high resolution satelliteimages: For urban applications, high resolutionsatellite images were used. A variety of satelliteimages is available with spatial resolutions of50 cm, 60 cm and 1 m. These are available asgrayscale and colour images. The satelliteimages for India are procured through NationalRemote Sensing Centre (NRSC), Hyderabad.Following is the list of satellite images with therespective source agencies:

Sn. Sensor/ Satellite Resolution Source

1 World View-02 0.50 M (Colour) Digital Globe

2 World View-01 0.50 M (Grayscale) Digital Globe

3 Quick Bird 0.60 M (Colour) Digital Globe

4 IKONOS 1.00 M (Colour) Geo Eye

Differential GPS (DGPS) Survey: It is anenhancement to Global Positioning Systemthat uses a network of fixed, ground-basedreference stations to broadcast the differencebetween the positions indicated by the satellitesystems and the known fixed positions. Thesestations broadcast the difference between the

measured satellite pseudoranges and actual(internally computed) pseudoranges, andreceiver stations may correct theirpseudoranges by the same amount.

DGPS comprises two receivers that are relativelyclose together that will experience similar

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atmospheric errors. DGPS requires that a GPS receiverbe set up on a precisely known location. This GPSreceiver is the ‘base or reference station’. The basestation receiver calculates its position based onsatellite signals and compares this location to theknown location. The difference is applied to the GPSdata recorded by the second GPS receiver, which isknown as the ‘roving receiver’. The correctedinformation can be applied to data from the rovingreceiver in real time in the field using radio signals orthrough post-processing after data capture usingspecial processing software.

DGPS survey is carried out to establishpermanent bench marks across the city. These benchmarks are used for geo-referencing of satellite imagesas well as for the Total Station Survey.

Feature extraction from satellite image: Highresolution satellite images are geo-referencedusing DGPS points. The geo-referenced satelliteimages are then used for preparing digitalbasemap extracting the features from the same.

Features extracted from satellite images are:

Water bodies (ponds, lakes, reservoirs)

River, streams, nalas

Transportation network (rail, roads)

Canals

Buildings

Total Station Survey: A total station is anelectronic/optical instrument used in modernsurveying. The total station is an electronictheodolite (transit) integrated with anelectronic distance meter (EDM), plus internaldata storage and/or external data collector.Angles and distances are measured from thetotal station to points under survey, and thecoordinates (X, Y, and Z or northing, eastingand elevation) of surveyed points relative to thetotal station position are calculated usingtrigonometry and triangulation. Data can bedownloaded from the total station to acomputer and application software used tocompute results and generate a map of thesurveyed area.

Features extracted through Total Station surveyare:

Railway tracks

Road centrelines& road edges

Compound walls and fences

Building corners

Field verification of map: The data capturedthrough Total Station survey is superimposedover the satellite image features. This basemapis then printed on large scale (1:500 or 1:1000)for field verification. The field observations aremarked on the paper maps and are latertransferred to the digital basemap.

Finally the buildings are assigned unique IDsfor household data collection

Household Survey: Appropriate questionnaireare designed in local language in consultationwith the Urban Local Body for collecting theproperty information at household level. Thesequestionnaires are used along with the updatedbasemap (showing unique IDs of the building)for data collection at household level.

This is followed by digital photography andmeasurement of internal dimensions ofindividual property. Internal dimensionmeasurement is carried out using electronicdistometers.

Data computerisation: The filled-inquestionnaires are computerized by enteringthe data into appropriate database. Dependingupon the volume of the data, RDBMSapplication can be chosen.

Property Tax Register available with the UrbanLocal Body is also computerised to enhance theefficiency of the routine department functionsand correlation with the field collected data.

Existing maps such as Municipal Limit, Surveyboundaries, etc are also computerized andsuperimposed on the satellite images.

Data compilation: The digital basemap isintegrated with the attribute database and

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digital photograph. This enables retrieval onproperty information on mouse click.

Development of customized softwareapplication: User friendly customized softwareapplication is developed to manage theproperty information database and enable thefollowing functions:

Search & queries

Report generation

Generation & printing of field register, taxnotice (119), complain register, final taxbill, demand register and final tax register.

While going about the reform work in Jejuri, theAIILSG team collected all background informationin about 4400 forms and covered the totalgeographical area of the Council. Since this was a thirdparty survey, there was a larger degree of faith reposedby the citizens in the survey. This was aided byfollowing a completely transparent process wherethe citizens were kept informed of the manner of taxcomputation. This can be seen from the fact thatsubsequent to this exercise, only 80 objections werelodged by the citizens. Of these, more than half wereabout name corrections and sundry clerical errors.Only a miniscule number was in regard to taxcomputation, mainly on account of tenants that werein occupation of properties but left during the courseof the survey.

Salutary Results of Reforms

The use of GIS applications listed above resultedin the following:

As computerized and latest updated informationwas made available to Jejuri, it enabled identificationof un-assessed and under-assessed properties and ledto increase in the property tax demand. A total of 729fresh properties were listed that had earlier escapedthe property tax net. This amounted to a 24 per centaddition to properties up from 3829 to 4402. This hada positive impact on the total collection of propertytax. Whereas total tax was Rs. 75 lakhs for the year2012-13, post GIS mapping, it went up to Rs.1,05,23,824. This was a jump of about 40 percent.

Apart from the financial benefits accruing to theCouncil, the other constructive consequences werethe following:

Attainment of the mandatory reform underUIDSSMT: GIS based Property TaxManagement System enabled Jejury to complywith one of the mandatory reforms underUIDSSMT.

Improvement in functional efficiency of thedepartment: Customized software automatedroutine process such as generation of propertytax bills, tax payment receipts & notices. Thecity while doing it manually did the job over aperiod of time and several errors crept in. Nowwith the computerized database, the sameexercise could be done within a day withouterrors. This saved time, energy, as well asrepetitive filling of a whole bunch of registers.

Future revision of property tax: Property Tax issubjected to revision at regular intervals. Thisinvolves updation of the existing property taxregister which can be done much faster withcomputerized data. Hence future revisionswould be a much simpler affair.

Quick resolution of objections: Revisedproperty tax is subjected to objections by thecitizens. The objections are heard and resolvedjointly by Department of Town Planning andUrban Local Body. With availability of detailedproperty information and property plans indigital form, most of the objections can beresolved on-screen. Even for cases of fieldverification, available information can beprinted quickly, verified in the field and changescan be done to the digital data. This enablesresolution of numerous cases within short spanof time.

Property numbers were not in sequence. AfterGIS mapping fresh numbers were given insequence. This will ease the planning processin the city. Additionally, the revenue map andthe property map have been superimposed oneach other. In view of this ready data, it wouldnow be possible for Jejuri to quickly shift from

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the annual rateable value system to capital basesystem, if it so desired.

The house numbers have been injected withbar codes that can easily be scanned and

property data base can be retrieved.

References

1. The Bombay Provincial MunicipalCorporations Act, 1949: Definitions.

2. The Bombay Provincial MunicipalCorporations Act, 1949: Definitions).

3. Jha, Ramanath. “Property Tax Administration”,Regional Centre for Urban and EnvironmentalStudies, AIILSG, Mumbai.

4. Maharashtra Act No. XI of 2009 and MaharashtraAct No. X of 2010, Amendment to provisions ofProperty Tax.

5. HPEC, 2011.”Report of High Powered ExpertCommittee on Urban Infrastructure andServices, Ministry of Urban Development andPoverty Alleviation, Government of India.

6. Mathur, O. P., Thakur D and Rajyadhyaksha N,2009. “Urban Property Tax Potential in India”,National Institute of Public Finance and Policy,New Delhi.

7. Rao, M. Govinda, 2013. “Property Tax Systemin India: problems and Prospects of Reform”,Working Paper no. 2013-114.

8. NIUA, 2010. “Best Practices on Property TaxReforms in India”, National Institute of Urban

Affairs, New Delhi.

9. Express News Service, Mumbai, June 25, 2014.

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Street Vendors and Public Space

Dr Sharit BhowmikNational Fellow, Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), Mumbai

The current confusion over street vendors hasevoked strong reactions from ‘citizens’ groups inMumbai and Delhi. The cry is that street vendors haveencroached on public space and these should berestored to the people. The basic issue is whooccupies urban public space?

On the one side we have the working poor whouse pavements for their work. The most prominentin developing countries are street vendors who canbe found everywhere in the city. Another group arethe casual workers who sell their labour every day.These people assemble in certain street corners wheresome of them are picked up for work by either labourcontractors or employers. These workers includeconstruction labour, carpenters, plumbers, paintersamong others. In both cases these people are regardedas illegal encroachers on public land. There are also alarge number of homeless who use the pavements astheir homes.

Controlling Public Space to Control theWorking Poor

Control over public space by the state and/orthe civic authorities can be construed as control overthe people, especially the working poor. AlisonBrown in her interesting exploration of public spacein her book, Contested Space: Street Trading, PublicSpace and Livelihoods in Developing Countries,points out that the Fascist government of BenitoMussolini in Italy (1922-43) was one of the first torecognise the importance of dominating publicspace. His government strictly regulated the use ofpublic space and encroachers (in almost all cases thepoor) were removed with brute force. The stateinvariably treats the working poor as illegalencroachers which enables the local authorities to

exert total control over them. The working poor aremade to feel that activities relating to their livelihoodare illegal and they rarely challenge the power of thebureaucracy, whether legitimate or otherwise.

On the other hand, civic authorities can showlaxity in curbing encroachment by other sections ofthe population. For example housing societies of themiddle and upper-middle classes frequentlyencroach on public space by usurping land aroundtheir residences. Shops and restaurants also encroachon public space by building extensions onpavements. In most such cases the civic authoritiesignore the intrusions or at the most they frown onthese activities but take no concrete action to removethe encroachers. Recently the former chief secretaryof the National Capital Region (Delhi) in an article ina newspaper had strongly recommended that thecivic authorities should remove magazine and booksellers in Connaught Place should be removed fromits broad pavements and have open air cafes instead!

The most blatant case of usurping public spaceis by the ‘residents’ welfare associations’ in Delhi.These associations put up gates at the entrances andexit points in the housing societies of the middleclasses and the rich. Private security agencies areemployed to regulate entry of people, presumablyhawkers and other service providers. All this is donein the name of public security. The roads, parks andcommunity centres within these societies are builtand maintained by the municipality or othergovernment authorities by using public money, yetthey become the private property of these societies.Moreover maintenance of law and order is theresponsibility of the police and not of private securityguards. That the police and municipal authoritiessupport such activities means that the police are

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incapable of protecting citizens. Have any of thosecitizens who talk so forcefully about retrieving publicspace from hawkers ever protested about the waypublic space is being usurped by these RWAs?

Perceptions on Urban Public Spaces

Though urban public space is a fact in thesense that we know what it is and the land records ofthe civic authorities will have accurate records on it,the perception of urban public space differs betweencommunities. For the wealthy public spaces such asparks, pavements and beaches are places forrecreation. Pavements should not be encroached bypavement dwellers or street vendors because thesemay come in the way of their morning walks. Beachesshould be clean because the wealthier sections couldrelax on the sands and enjoy the sea breeze. Similarlypublic parks are often taken over (adopted) by localresidents’ associations and are beautified andconverted to jogging parks that are no longeraccessible to the city’s working poor. The aboveexamples are ways in which public spaces are usurpedand converted to private space. The authorities playan active role in these processes because theyencourage such ‘adoptions’ of public space.

For the working poor public spaces havedifferent connotations. For street vendors widepavements would mean places where they could earntheir livelihood and provide for their families. For thepoorer sections pavements are places where they canbuy their daily needs from the street vendors who selllow priced goods and food. For the urban poorpavements and other public spaces could be placeswhere they could reside as they cannot afford moreexpensive housing.

Similarly, for the poorer sections like beaches orparks are places for relaxation and recreation wherethey can also feast on low cost food offered by streetvendors. However, their behaviour and their clothesare vastly different from that of the upper classes whothink that public spaces are their exclusive priority.The municipal authorities too seem to agree with thisapproach as they actively help in excluding the poorfrom public places. For example, Juhu beach is apopular place for all sections of Mumbai’s population.

The beach is filled with revellers on Sundays andholidays. These people are mainly the lower middleclass and the poor as they have little forms ofrecreation in the city. The beach has an array of foodstalls run by street vendors, many of these are licensedto sell cooked food by the municipality. The mainbuyers are the poorer sections. There have beenfrequent protests about this state of affairs by theupper class residents of the area. These materialise inthe form of protests by the local resident welfareassociations (housing societies around Juhu are themost expensive in the city and they house the elites).They frequently protest about how the beach is dirtiedby the vagabonds and irresponsible street vendors.The municipal authorities of the area have found anovel way of preventing street vendors and the poorfrom using this beach. They have decided to removethe food stalls and build car parking lots on that spacefor those who visit the beach. This would obviouslymean that car owners have greater access to the beachthan ordinary citizens.

Supreme Court’s judgements and theirviolations

The Supreme Court through a number oflandmark rulings has taken a different view. The useof pavements exclusively for pedestrians has beenchallenged by the Supreme Court in 1989 (SodhanSingh vs NDMC). The judgement states, “If properlyregulated according to the exigency of thecircumstances, the small traders on the sidewalks canconsiderably add to the comfort and convenience ofthe general public, by making available ordinaryarticles of everyday use for a comparatively lesserprice. An ordinary person, not very affluent, whilehurrying towards his home after a day’s work can pickup these articles without going out of his way to finda regular market. The right to carry on trade or businessmentioned in Article 19(1) g of the Constitution, onstreet pavements, if properly regulated cannot bedenied on the ground that the streets are meantexclusively for passing or re-passing and no other use.”(emphasis added).

The 2013 judgement of the Supreme Court(Maharashtra Ekta Hawkers’ Union vs MunicipalCorporation of Greater Mumbai) has laid down the

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guidelines for implementing the policy. Though thisruling is mandatory for all states, in most cases it hasbeen ignored. This has led to the current crisis in urbanareas. The main problem is not hawkers but the waythe municipal authorities in Mumbai and Delhi areimplementing the judgement which states that everymunicipality must form a Town Vending Committee(TVC) which will decide on hawking zones. Till then,Section 16 (xv) notes, “All the existing street vendors/ hawkers operating across the country shall beallowed to operate till the exercise of registrationand creation of vending / hawking zones iscompleted in terms of the 2009 Policy. Once thatexercise is completed, they shall be entitled tooperate only in accordance with the orders/directionsof the concerned Town Vending Committee.” Neitherof the metros has conducted surveys of existinghawkers. In Mumbai the TVC met in July 2014 and theissue of hawking zones was not discussed. Accordingto the judgment new hawking zones can bedemarcated only after the survey is completed and itis found that more hawkers need to beaccommodated.

Half-hearted attempts at regulating hawking

There are only very few city plans that have madeprovisions for hawkers. Bhubaneswar is a very goodexample. The author had conducted two surveys inBhubaneswar the first in 2002 and the second in 2010,as a part of larger surveys in Indian cities (both surveyscan be found in NASVI’s website). The differencesbetween 2000 and 2010 were striking. In 2000 therewas little regulation of street vendors. In factBhubaneswar was one of the two cities (the otherbeing Imphal) that had demarcated space onpavements for hawkers though it amounted to a mere3% of the pavement area. However after the firstNational Policy for Urban Street Vendors wasaccepted by the government the MunicipalCommissioner started allotting areas foraccommodating street vendors. Most of the existingstreet vendors were given pitches on pavements.There is space for including more in future. Thescheme was a success as there was greater disciplineamong the vendors and there were very fewcomplaints from the public. The income of the

hawkers had increased as they did not have to partwith a part of their earnings (20% in 2000) to corruptpolice persons and municipal authorities. They werealso able to get loans from banks which kept themout of the grip of unscrupulous money lenders.

The major metros like Mumbai, Delhi Kolkataand Chennai have no designated areas for streetvendors. In fact the TVCs in these cities may havebeen formed but they do not function, giving themunicipal corporations a free hand in enforcinghawking policies. Mumbai has had two DevelopmentPlans (DP) of 20 years each since 1994 (the secondone, 2014-2034, is controversial and has recently beenscrapped by the state government). Both havedemarcated in detail the use of public space foreducation, hospitals, parks and gardens etc. but streetmarkets do not figure anywhere. The new DP forMumbai (2014-34) created a controversy bydemarking hawking zones in areas where there wereno hawkers. This has incensed some affluentresidents including film personalities, who havecome out in protest. The chaos is created by themunicipality and not by hawkers. In fact it is stronglysuspected by many that the municipal authorities haddeliberately included these areas in the DP so thatthere would be protests from the upper class residentsand this in turn would stir public outcry againsthawking in general. If greater controls and restrictionsare put on street vendors they become moredependent on paying rents to the authorities forexisting on the pavements.

The move by the Municipal Corporation ofGreater Mumbai to arbitrarily allot hawking zones isnot just irresponsible but it violates the SupremeCourt order as well as contradicts the Street Vending(Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of StreetVendors) Act 2014. The provisions of this act are moreor less similar to the Supreme Court order. In bothcases the TVC is the only authority that can allothawking zones. In the case of Mumbai the DP hasusurped this activity from the TVC. Moreover the DPis for 20 years and it is unreasonable for havinghawking zones for such a long period of time.Hawking zones can change over time and the TVCmust decide on this.

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Rent seeking and Reluctance to Legalise StreetVending

There is undoubtedly a strong section in theadministration that does not want to have a solution.These people (corrupt municipal officials, police andpoliticians) have a lot to lose if street vending islegalised. The census on street vendors on municipallands that was conducted by TISS and YUVA in 1998had noted that around Rs. 385 crores was collectedannually as rents. Manushi Trust had conducted astudy in Delhi in 2000 where it was found that Rs. 50crores was collected every month from street vendorsand cycle rickshaws, totalling Rs. 600 crores annually.The then Chief Vigilance Commissioner, Vithal, hadasked the government to take a serious note of this.The amounts at present would be much more,perhaps three times more.

Studies conducted in 10 cities (see NASVIwebsite) showed that over 70% of street vendors paidvarious amounts as rents for conducting theiractivities. Almost all had faced eviction at least oncethat resulted in confiscation and/or destruction oftheir goods of them by the police or municipalauthorities. Certain sections such as food vendors hadto pay higher bribes and to different departments.Most street vendors had to regularly pay the policeand municipal officials. In addition food vendors hadto pay rent to the health department and conservancydepartment as these too could slap charges on them.These illegal acts decrease the incomes of the streetvendors and also keep them in debt.

Need for Implementing the Law

Legalising street vending would help vendors invery positive ways. Firstly, they would no longer needto pay rents to the authorities to remain on the streets.This would, at an average, increase their income by30% or more. Legalising would also mean that theycould apply for loans through banks and otherinstitutions. The author had conducted a study onhow financial support could be provided to streetvendors. The study covered 15 cities in India and wasfunded by UNDP. One of the findings was that around65% of the street vendors that took loans did so frommoney lenders who charged exorbitant rates ofinterests ranging from 120% to 400%. These kept thempermanently in debt and caused further loss of theirincome. In fact such vendors retained a mere 20% to30% of their income as they had to pay interests tomoney lenders and rents to the authorities. This madethem borrow more money to stay afloat. Thus thespiral of indebtedness eroded whatever little earningsthey had.

So far none of the states have laid down the ordersfor implementing the national law. Though the lawwas accepted by the new government soon after ittook over, it did not take any step to see that the statesimplemented it. As a result the law remains merelyin the Gazette of India, in other words, only on paper.Till then the livelihoods of over ten million streetvendors lie in limbo.

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Futuristic Infrastructure – Issues and Solutions

Dr. (Mrs.) Sunita SharmaHead, Department of Commerce, Maniben Nanavati Women’s College, Mumbai

Introduction:

Availability of quality infrastructure is a key forthe growth, economic prosperity and globalintegration of any country. Lack of infrastructure notonly results in reduced economic output, it alsotranslates into additional costs in terms of time, effortand money for accessing essential services such ashealthcare and education. India today is plagued byinadequate infrastructure that struggles to keep upwith an ever increasing population.

India has set a target of Rs. 51 lakh crore ofinvestment in the 12th Five Year Plan (2012-17), asagainst Rs. 27 lakh crore invested in the previous planperiod. Though India traditionally built itsinfrastructure with government funds, private sectorparticipation has increased in the past ten years andnow accounts for almost 40 per cent of the totalspend.

This paper is an attempt to study:

The performance of infrastructure sector duringthe XI Plan and prospects of this sector for theXII Plan

Why India needs widespread use of PPPs?, andPublic Private Partnership Initiatives in India.

The factors constraining PPP baseddevelopment needs.

Recommendations for future rollout of PPPs.

I. Assessment of Eleventh Five Year Plan:

Infrastructure has been relatively a neglectedsector of Indian economy, till the end of the X Plan.Inadequate infrastructure was recognized in the XIPlan as a major constraint on rapid growth. The Planhas emphasized the need for massive expansion ininvestment in infrastructure based on a combinationof public and private partnerships. Table 1 highlightsthe performance of core industries and infrastructureservices during the Eleventh Plan period.

Table 1Performance of Core Industries and Infrastructure Services During the Eleventh Plan Period

(in per cent)

SI. Sector 2006- 2007- 2008- 2009- 2010- 2011-No 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

1 Power 7.30 6.30 2.50 6.80 5.70 9.30

2 Coal 5.90 6.00 8.20 8.00 0.00 -2.70

3 Finished Steel 12.20 6.80 13.20 3.20 9.60 5.70

4 Fertilizers 3.30 -8.60 -2.60 13.20 1.00 -0.50

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The performance of the infrastructure servicesis described as a mixed bag during the Eleventh Planperiod. The Ministry of Statistics and ProgrammeImplementation (MOSPI) has been preparingstatistics relating to core industries and infrastructureservices. As seen in table 1, there are ups and downsin the progress of the different sectors. The analysisbased on flash report of MOSPI highlights sub optimalproject implementation across all the major sectors.There have been time and cost overruns.

The total investment in infrastructure whichincludes roads, railways, ports, airports, electricity,

telecommunications, oil, gas, pipelines andirrigation has increased from 5.7 per cent of GDP inthe base year of the Eleventh Plan to around 8.4 percent in 2010-11. The pace of investment has beenparticularly buoyant in some sectors-telecommunication, oil and gas pipelines, whilefalling short of targets in electricity, railways, roadsand ports.

Efforts to attract private investment intoinfrastructure through the PPP route has met withconsiderable success not only at the level of the

SI. Sector 2006- 2007- 2008- 2009- 2010- 2011-No 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

5 Cement 9.40 7.80 7.60 10.10 4.30 5.10

6 Petroleum

a) Crude oil 5.60 0.40 -1.80 0.50 11.90 1.90

b) Refinery 12.60 6.50 3.00 -0.40 3.00 4.10

c) Natural gas -1.40 2.10 1.40 44.80 9.90 -8.80

7 Railway revenue-earningfreight traffic 9.20 9.00 4.90 6.60 3.80 4.70

8 Cargo handled at major ports 9.50 12.00 2.20 5.70 1.60 0.40

9 Civil aviation:

a) Export cargo handled 3.60 7.50 3.40 10.40 13.40 -1.10

b) Import cargo handled 19.40 19.70 -5.70 7.90 20.60 1.40

c) Passengers handled atinternational terminals 12.10 11.90 3.80 5.70 11.50 7.20

d) Passengers handled atdomestic terminals 34.00 20.60 -12.10 14.50 16.10 17.50

10 Telecommunications: Cellphone connections 85.40 38.30 80.90 47.30 18.00 -51.00

11 Roads: Upgradation ofhighways

i) NHAI -12.50 164.60 30.90 21.40 -33.30 8.90

ii) NH(O) & BRDB -10.50 12.50 17.30 4.00 -6.80 -36.50

Source: Economic survey 2010-11 (p.259), 2011-12 (p.252)

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central government, but also at the level of theindividual states. Inadequate infrastructure wasrecognized in XI plan as a major constraint on rapidgrowth.

Prospects for the Twelfth Plan:

India needs to create infrastructure to the extentof $ 10 trillion in three decades. It needs to invest $1trillion in the infrastructure sector, during the twelfthplan period ending march 2017. It has to be paid forto make projects bankable and viable. Investmentmust come from domestic savings as well as frombudgetary support, but largely by payment ofreasonable user charges, plus bringing new paradigmof thinking for infrastructure development isessential.

The Planning Commission has explored twoalternative targets for economic growth in the TwelfthPlan, the first is a restatement of the Eleventh Plantarget of 9.0 per cent growth, which could not beachieved. The second is even higher target of 9.5 percent average growth for the Twelfth Five Year Plan.The growth rate of 9.5 per cent requires much fastergrowth in electricity, gas and water supply sectors.The Twelfth Plan sets an ambitious target of one lakhMW in power generation. Against Eleventh Planinvestment for infrastructure, projected at rupees5,14,040crores of total infrastructure investment,Twelfth Plan envisages an investment of fifty lakhcrores in five years.

Inadequate spending on infrastructure duringthe Eleventh Plan was a mojor constraint on rapidgrowth in the country. According to the PlanningCommission, in order to attain a 9 per cent real GDPgrowth rate, infrastructure investment should be onaverage almost 10 per cent of GDP during the TwelfthPlan. The Twelfth Plan envisages spending of close toUSD 1 Trillion on infrastructure development duringthe five year period. There will be a significant increasein the amounts spent on all sectors includingelectricity, roads, bridges and renewables. (referFig.1)

Overemphasis On Public Private Partnership:

Out of total investment of fifty lakhs crore over aperiod of five years, private sector is expected toprovide 25 lakh crore.

Government looks to be withdrawing frominfrastructure sectors in Twelfth Five Year Plan andlays overemphasis on public private partnership.Approach paper of Twelfth Five Year Plan states thatIndia has 1017 PPP projects accounting for Rs.4,86,603 crore. India today is second only to china interms of number of PPP projects and in terms ofinvestments, it is second to Brazil.

Planning Commission rides high on the successof PPP model in road transport and modernizationof airports. The Twelfth Plan must continue the thruston accelerating the pace of investment ininfrastructure, as this is critical for sustaining andaccelerating growth. PPP based development needsto be encouraged wherever feasible. It is necessary toreview the factors which may be constraining privateinvestment, and take steps to rectify them.

II. Why India needs more widespread use ofPPPs?

To build infrastructure, we need a morewidespread use of PPPs. PPPs become all the moreimportant for India because:

Government doesn’t have financial room todevelop infrastructure, PPP projects areindispensible.

Fig 1Twelfth Plan Spending On Infrastructure

(USD Billion) ($=50 INR)

Source: Planning Commission, Faster Sustainable andInclusive Growth, An Approach to the Twelfth Five YearPlan (2012-17), October, 2011.

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Private investments needs access to long termfunds

Banks are not in a position to fundinfrastructure because of asset liabilitymismatch. Sunil Mittal in his article “Can heBring Back the Spark”has pointed out that it isvery important to encourage and support PPPsas, the gross non-performing assets aspercentage of advances as shown in Fig. 2 areincreasing, thus making it more difficult for flowof funds of banks for infrastructuredevelopment.

Globalization of Indian economy

Privatization is not the best form in a countrylike India

PPPs will help to reduce the backwardness ininfrastructure and put India on par with developedcountries.

The U.K. came out of the depression of 1930s bygovernment spending money in social infrastructure.India can not only come out of the current recessionbut it can develop faster and satisfy infrastructureneeds of the country.

The Government of India is promoting PPPs asan effective tool for bringing private sector efficienciesin creation of economic and social infrastructureassets and for delivery of quality public services.

Public – Private Partnership Initiative in India:By end March 2014 there were over 1300 projects inthe infrastructure sector with a total project cost(TPC) of Rs. 694,040 crore. These projects are atdifferent stages of implementation i.e. bidding,construction and operational.

i.) Viability Gap Funding for PPP Projects: Underthe Scheme for financial support to PPPs ininfrastructure, (Viability Gap Funding (VGF)Scheme), 178 projects have been grantedapprovals with a TPC of Rs. 88,697 crore andVGF support of Rs. 16,894 crore, of which Rs.1455 crore has been disbursed.

ii.) Support for Project Development of PPPProjects: The India Infrastructure ProjectDevelopment Fund (IIPDF) was launched inDecember 2007 to facilitate quality projectdevelopment for PPP projects and ensuretransparency in procurement of consultantsand projects. So far 53 projects have beenapproved with IIPDF assistance.

iii.) National PPP Capacity Building Programme:The National PPP Capacity BuildingProgramme was launched in December 2010and has been rolled out in sixteen states andtwo central training institutes i.e. the IndianMaritime University and Lal Bahadur ShastriNational Academy of Administration. The rollout in the respective institutes commenced in2011-12. So far, 160 training programmes havebeen conducted to train over 5000 publicfunctionaries who deal with PPPs in theirdomain.

iv.) Online toolkits for PPP Projects: For fivesectors available in the department ofEconomic Affairs, Ministry of Finance, websiteson PPPs i.e. www.pppindia.com. The PPPtoolkit is web based resource that has beendesigned to help improve decision making forinfrastructure PPPs in India and to improve thequality of infrastructure PPPs that areimplemented.

Many State Governments have institutionalizedmeasures to encourage private sector engagement

Fig. 2Gross NPAs of Banks for the Year 2011 To 2014

Source: Mittal Sunil (2014) Can He Bring Back the Spark”.The Economic Times. 17thMay, 2014

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in creation of infrastructure delivery of services.Infrastructure Development and Enabling Acts havebeen developed by Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat,and Punjab. PPP policies and guidelines to facilitatePPP projects have been notified by Karnataka,Haryana, Orissa, Assam, Goa, Madhya Pradesh andWest Bengal. Other measures include developmentof sectoral policies for promoting PPPs, establishingnodal departments / PPP cells, establishing VGFs (tosupplement the VGF provided by the CentralGovernment) establishing project developmentfunds to supplement GOI grant under IIFDF,establishing panels of transaction advisers, anddeveloping standardized bid documents, sectoraltemplates and handbooks on PPPs. Awareness ofschemes, guidelines initiatives and resource materialsprepared is being created through PPP websites ofCentral and State Governments.

III. Factors Constraining Private Investment:

Most of the PPP projects are getting delayed bysix months to three-four years, but are notgetting the relief for the cost escalation. Fromthe time of inception, there are delays due toland acquisition as a result every year, there is15 to 20 per cent cost escalation.

The Land Acquisition Rehabilitation andResettlement Act has increased costdramatically and needs a relook.

There are many projects that are stuck at the90-95 per cent marks and need focusedresolution, either because of a small landacquisition or a small environment approval.It needs swift clearance. One research studystates that the infrastructure projects underlitigation are to the tune of two lakh crorerupees.

Many foreign firms are wary of investing inIndia. They are not very excited because theyfeel there are too many hurdles, too manypermissions, too many stoppages andtherefore they cannot plan the projects and thecost in an accurate manner.

By end of 2013-14, thirteen projects at a totalproject cost of Rs.16000 crore received no

financial bids, though some of them were puton the block more than once. Manyinfrastructure majors GMR and GVK are walkingout of mega projects worth over Rs.10,000crores. The companies are backing out as theyare facing severe financial stress. Regulationson exit options have been difficult, capital formany companies is blocked in existing projectsand policy issues like land availability are thereasons why interest in infrastructure projectshas waned.

India has awarded around 758 PPP projectsworth Rs. 4 lakh crore in core sectors such asroads, energy and airports as well asdevelopmental sectors like education. But asthe UN has pointed out, there is no central lawto govern PPPs. Between 2012 to 2017, Indiaaims to invest a trillion dollars in infrastructurecreation, a bulk of which is to come through thePPPs. There is a need to have a central lawgoverning PPPs.

The UN office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)conducted a survey of 400 private sector andgovernment officials to assess the groundrealities on corruption in PPPs, but just 100responded. Talk about corruption is animportant area that needs to be addressed –the body had stressed. The survey’s findings areilluminating. 42 per cent of firms feel roads andpower are the sectors most prone tocorruption. 75 per cent of government officialsperceived these two sectors as hot beds of graft.Nearly 87 per cent of private players said thatbidding norms and tender criteria were riggedto suit certain bidders to which over 44 per centof babus agreed.

Any such corruption in such contracts translateinto sub-optimal or even no services for thecitizens they are intended for 48 per cent ofprivate sector respondents said, over 56 per centof government officials attributedmisrepresentation of revenues and facts byprivate partners and bidders as the mostcommon route of corruption.

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The four big reasons that PPP projects are stuckas pointed out in the article titled “GovernmentPuts PPPs on Hold” (Economic Times July 16,2014) were Land acquisition, forest andenvironmental clearances, defence land tractson highway alignments and delays inclearances for rail over bridges from the railways.

Infra projects in today’s environment can onlybecome viable if they get low-cost-funds, sinceconstruction costs have gone up while trafficrevenues have dipped. Bank lending rates areat 13 per cent, while infrastructure bonds offerfunds at 9 per cent.

Private companies that expanded aggressivelyin the capital intensive infrastructure powersector are overloaded with debt and have burnttheir fingers due to slowdown in projects underexecution and lower than expected returns onoperational assets. Companies like GVK, GMR,Lanco have put on block projects andsubsidiaries to reduce stress.

Rachita Prasad in the article titled “Tough RoadAhead for ADAG Infra Projects” lists thefollowing problems experienced by PPPprojects – Reliance Power cannot operate itsnewly built 2400 MW Somalkot plant as gas isnot available, work on Tilaiya UMPP could notbe started because government has still nothanded over the land for the project. Thekrishnapatnam UMPP has been stalled afterprice of Indonesian coal escalated. R-Infrabagged two of the biggest transmission projectsin the country but could not start work due todelay in government clearance. These delaysthreaten giant projects.

IV. Suggestions for Future Rollout of PPPs.

It is important to set realistic milestones forprogrammes rather than impose unattainabledeadlines on underprepared organizations.

It is equally important to build capacities ofgovernment agencies to administer complexcontracts and deliver on critical obligationquickly. When bids are sustainable, it is

important to terminate the contract early,before funds are disbursed and investmentsmade. It is important to protect officials fromthe consequences of right decisions,irrespective of the outcome of subsequentrounds of bidding. This would help to instil theneeded confidence in officials to take the bestdecisions in the interest of the project.

As recommended by various stakeholders,establishing independent regulatory anddispute settlement mechanisms forexpeditious settlement of disputes or to dealwith industry wide concerns needs to be fullyexplored.

For PPPS to become a mainstream form ofpublic service delivery, one crucial attitude inall stakeholders would be the unambiguousintention to honour their respectivecontractual obligations. A nationalprogramme for character building is perhaps,the only way to achieve this.

In order to attract international investments,and also the best players, we have to prove thatours is a nation where justice is speedy andcertain. One way to expedite decisions is tohave special courts for infrastructurearbitration. With focused arbitration courts,there projects will not get struck and there willnot be a short changing of the government orthe companies.

Relooking at certain basic norms will help, sayindustry insiders. In roads, for example thereare several areas in India where there has beenno traffic growth, and hence, entending the 8-10 years given to break even would helpcompanies cover the increasing cost ofconstruction.

Most of the PPP projects are getting delayed bysix months to three-four years, but are notgetting the relief for the cost escalation. Fromthe time of inception, there are delays due toland acquisition as a result every year, there is15 to 20 per cent cost escalation. There shouldbe relaxation of exit clauses of infrastructure

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projects, which is essential for liquidity and veryimportant for a concessionaire, to unlockmoney and move to the next level.

As the results take some time, most of the PPPprojects experience increasing project time,which results in increased holding costs. Therole of multiple agencies should be curtailed.With multiple agencies, there is alwaysconfusion over the role and responsibility ofeach. This increases project time, which resultsin increased holding costs.

The Land Acquisition Rehabilitation andResettlement Act has increased costdramatically and needs a relook. Though theattitude within the government is changingwith regard to land acquisition; and thegovernment agencies have now started payingmarket rates, and not the government rateswhich makes for a swifter land acquisition. Butthere are many projects that are stuck at the 90-95 per cent marks and need focused resolution,either because of a small land acquisition or asmall environment approval. This needs swiftclearance.

A United Nations’ body has found, that PPPprojects in India’s roads and power sectors aremost prone to corruption, with private partners’evasion of revenue-share due to the governmentemerging as the biggest menace. The UN officeon Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has flaggedloopholes in Indian Law’ ability to curt suchgraft and suggested that private partners inPPPs be designated as public officials to makethem accountable under the Right toInformation Act. This would bring suchprojects under the proposed laws to protectwhistle blowers and guarantee service deliveryto citizens. India has awarded around 758 PPPprojects worth Rs. 4 lakh crore in core sectorssuch as roads, energy and airports as well asdevelopmental sectors like education andhealthcare. But as the UN has pointed out, thereis no central law to govern either PPPs or publicprocurements. During XII Plan India aims toinvest a trillion dollars in infrastructure

creation, a bulk of which is to come through thePPP route. This trend merits the need forlegislation and procedures to address probityissues in PPPs. Most states do not have alegislation to regulate public procurement orPPPs. Tamil Nadu and Rajasthan haveintroduced such laws in 2012, but AndhraPradesh which has the highest PPPs in thecountry are struggling to finalise a law, thoughcabinet cleared the move in 2008.

As highlighted in Economic Survey 2013-14“global experience indicates that PPPs workwell when they combine the efficiency and riskassessment of the private sector with the publicpurpose of the government sector. They workpoorly when rely on the efficiency and riskassessment of the government sector. Indiashould be careful not to undertake PPPs that donot apportion risks and responsibility sensibly.Flexibility needs to be built into arrangementsso that the contract can be withdrawn and putup for rebid when the private party underperforms. The early success of PPP projects inIndia was mainly due to the meeting ofobligations by the stakeholders in a timelymanner as well as implementation of projectsover reasonable timeliness. However witheconomic slowdown, lower than-expecteddemand for services and a sharp rise input costshas started resulting in failure of contractingparties to meet their obligations as stipulatedin the PPP agreements. As a result, theinfrastructure gap has widened over the last fewyears. A model that depends on private capitalmay be difficult to implement, if the companiesexecuting infrastructure projects are financiallystressed and not in a position to raise morefunds in the absence of radical restructuring.The execution operation and maintenancecapacities of implementing agencies also needto be assessed and strengthened. The role ofbanks and financial institutions needs a relookfrom the due diligence and appraisalperspective.

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Future development of infrastructure willdepend on how investment in infrastructure isfacilitated. Such investment requires long-termfunds with long pay back periods e.g. frominsurance and pension funds as pointed out inthe Budget announced on 8th March,2015 thePrime Minister Narendra Modi and FinanceMinister Arun Jaithley are looking at alternativeLong-term and lower cost financing frompension funds like the Rs. 7.5 lakh croreEmployee Provident Fund (EPF)

A cavalier approach of bank and financialinvestors to appraise projects, need to bereplaced by a rigorous approach of banks andfinancial investors.

Given that we want to spend 1.5 trillion dollarson infrastructure, a radical rethink in ourfinancial systems is needed. Dedicated InfraBanks are needed, rather than the presentbanks whose sector specific limits are relativelysmall for large projects. Also Life InsuranceCorporation (LIC) or other insurancecompanies could be given an infrastructurebank license. Insurance companies havinglong-gestation only, can borrow funds frominternational insurance or institute funds atlow cost, to lend to infrastructure projects for alonger maturity period. The World Bank canalso be convinced to be a partner or equityholder or a large deposit player.

Though assets delivered through the PPP modeland available for financing throughsecuritization have risen, Indian infrastructurefirms are hard pressed with the development ofexisting projects delayed and the attractivenessof new projects diminishing for private sectorsfunds and strategic operators. In order toprovide a robust funding mechanism to thecash starved sector, the government andSecurities Exchange Board of India (SEBI) willfacilitate the securitization of projects assetsthrough Infrastructure Business Trusts. Thegovernment will incentivize the creation ofsuch trusts, which will help to raise long-termcapital for the much needed sector.

Infrastructure projects are now funded by bankloans, resulting in asset-liability mismatches inthe banking sector. An infrastructure businesstrust will be set up as trust and registered withthe market regulator. The regulator hasproposed two categories of trusts. Category Itrusts can raise funds through privateplacements from institutional investors only.These trusts can invest in multiple projects.The category II trust can raise funds from bothlocal and foreign investors. However, it caninvest only in commercially-operationalprojects. It can invest in minimum of fourprojects. This Trust route will help to boostinfrastructure sector, and create a frameworkof fast-track, investment friendly andpredictable PPPs to build large-scale projectsthat are of vital importance for India to competein global markets.

Lastly, PPP is still a nascent concept in Indiaand the ability of PPPs to become an efficientmeans of delivering public services will dependon the intentions and spirit of all contractingparties, to honour their respective

commitments

References

1. Andres, Luis A, GuaschJ.luis, Thomas, Haven &Vivien Foster (2008). The Impact of PrivateSector Participation in Infrastructure – Lights,Shadows And the Road Ahead. Washington DC:The World Bank. PPIAF, pp.223-237.

2. Cherian Thomas (2014, June 5). HonouringContracts. The Economic Times,p.14.

3. Dasgupta Yashddhara (2013, May 14). Infra CosSeek Independent Body for PPP Projects. TheEconomic Times.

4. Delmon, Jeffrey (2009) Private SectorInvestment in Infrastructure – Project Finance,PPP Projects and Risk. Netherlands: WatersKluwer, The World Bank. 2nd ed.Ch1.

5. DhootVikas (2013, June 3). PPP Projects Proneto Corruption. The Economic Times, p.14.

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6. Dipesh, Dipu (2013, June 3). Is PPP in CoalMining, No Value for Money?. The EconomicTimes.

7. Gala Dipal (2014, July 31). The Rising Infra Story.The Economic Times, p.13.

8. Government of India, Ministry of Finance,Department of Economic Affairs, EconomicDivision (2014, July). Economic Survey 2013-14. Oxford University Press, p.213.

9. Government of India, Ministry of Finance,Department of Economic Affairs, (2011).Economics Survey 2010-11. New Delhi:Government of India, Ministry of Finance,Department of Economic Affairs, EconomicDivision, p.259.

10. Government of India, Ministry of Finance,Department of Economics Affairs, (2012,March). Economic Survey 2011-12. New Delhi:Government of India, Ministry of Finance,Department of Economics Affairs, EconomicDivision, Ch II, p.252.

11. Government of India, Ministry of Finance,National Council of Applied Research 1996. TheIndia Infrastructure Report Policy Imperativesfor Growth and Welfare (Expert group on thecommercialization of infrastructure projects).Volume-I, Executive Summary, June 1996.

12. Government of India, Planning Commission(2011,October) Faster Sustainable and InclusiveGrowth - An Approach to the Twelfth Five YearPlan 2012-17. Delhi: Government of India,Planning Commission, pp.9-14.

13. Government of India, Planning Commission,(2008). Eleventh Five Year Plan 2007-12. Delhi:Government of India, Planning Commission,Volume III.

14. Government Puts PPP on Hold to BringHighway out of ICU (2014, July 16). TheEconomic Times, p.3.

15. Kumar Arun (2014, June 20). “Government PlansTrust Route to Boost Infrastructure Sector.” TheEconomic Times, p.13.

16. Larsen & Toubro Limited (2013) 68th AnnualReport 2012-13.

17. Maharashtra Economic Development Council(2007) Infrastructure in Maharashtra - ACompendium of Investment Projects.Maharashtra Economic Development Council.

18. Marin, Philipe (2009) Public-PrivatePartnerships for Urban Water Utilities – AReview of Experiences in DevelopingCountries. Washington DC: The World Bank.PPIAF, pp.1-11.

19. Prasad Rachita (2013, May 31). Though RoadAhead for ADAG Infra Projects. The EconomicTimes, pp.1,3.

20. Prasad, Chandrashekhar and HimanshuShekhar (2013) Sixty Five Years of the IndianEconomy – 1947-48 to 2012-13, New Delhi: NewCentury Publications July 2013, pp.435 – 443.

21. Reserve Bank of India (2010) Annual Report2009-10, Supplement to RBI Bullentin, Sept2010, p.24.

22. Thakkar Mitul (2014, August 5). PartnershipPrivate Cos can make NTPC More Efficient. TheEconomic Times, p.12.

23. Walts Himangshu (2014, July 14). Jaitley PutsInfra on Growth Highway. The Economic Times,p.4.

Websites :

1. www.pppindiadatabase.com

2. www.pppindia.com

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Innovations in Urban Poverty Reduction : The Brazil Way

Dr. Shaila VirmaniSr. Research Officer, RCUES of AIILSG, Mumbai

Introduction

Over the last two decades, cash transfers, bothconditional and unconditional, have foundwidespread international acceptance, with over 40countries using them in some form for handing outcash to poor families, instead of subsidies and welfareschemes. In some cases, the intent is only to increasethe income of an economically poor family, in othercases cash is an incentive linked to targets such assending children to schools. The largest Cash TransferScheme exist in Brazil, where in 1995 two cities beganto transfer cash to accounts of urban poor familiesthat agreed to a set of conditions including sendingchildren to school. Today Brazil’s CT programme,Bolsa Familia, is believed to be the largest in the world,covering some 12 million families. Its impact hasbeen dramatic. Between 2003 and 2009, poverty hasfallen from 22 per cent to just 7 per cent of thepopulation, and estimates say that the income of thepoor has grown at a rate almost seven times that ofthe rich during the same period. It stands out incontrast to the severe squeeze that the world’s poorsuffered because of the global economic slowdown.An average family gets about $12 a month, but thissmall amount has had such an astonishing impactthat Brazil is now a role model all over the world forits transformative programme. It took Brazil almosta decade since the launch of cash transferprogrammes in 1995 by local governments to launchBolsa Familia at the central level in 2003 which iscontinued till date. The Bolsa Familia or familyallowance programme put in place a single unifiedregistry of the poorest in Brazil and a working systemto transfer the cash efficiently through ATM cardsissued by a federal bank named Caixa EconomicaFederal that runs social programmes,. Similar

experiments in cash transfers are under way incountries such as Ghana, Angola, Egypt, Turkey, andeven some cities of the US. Studies, especially fromLatin America where cash transfers are thriving,suggest that incumbent governments get significantsupport among people who have received cash fromtheir government.

The Rio Way : How the Cash Tranfer Schemeworked ?

The single registry of Urban Poor in Brazil,maintained for the ministry of social developmentby Caixa Federal Bank, is used by various otherministries to offer subsidies and services to thepoorest. The single registry covers about a third of thepopulation of Brazil, while Bolsa Familia familiesextracted from this registry account for a quarter ofthe population considered the poorest in the country.

Bolsa Familia merged four pre-existing cashtransfers, one for school-going children, another forsubsidised gas and two others for food and nutrition,into one programme. Under the unified programme,families earning less than about $35 per capita permonth are given a fixed minimum amount of $35 percapita every month by the government. Families whohave an income between $35 and $70 per capita willget only a variable benefit and not this fixed minimumone. The variable benefit is a cash transfer of about$16 for every child aged 0-15 years and about $19 forevery child aged 16-17 years of age. But to get thiscash transfer, the government has imposed threeconditions - all children in the family have to be fullyimmunised, they have to be in school and pregnantwomen or young mothers in the family have tocomplete the ante-natal and postnatal check-ups andnutrition monitoring. The Rio Scheme does not

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subsume all subsidies or replace government serviceswith cash. It works in conjunction with a set ofgovernment policies and interventions that aremeant to address various challenges faced by peopleliving in extreme poverty. A very good example is theprogramme “Electricity for Everyone” which uses theregistry to identify the poorest families who get a 65per cent subsidy on power. There is Mais Education,a programme of the education ministry to have morefulltime schools. The schools with the largest numberof students from Bolsa Familia families, that is thepoorest students, are identified for being made fulltime. There are programmes for helping communitiesbuild structures for storing water especially in aridareas and the communities are identified through thesingle registry.

The registry which records details of watersource, electricity, education, housing etc is againused as the basis for running such programmes. Thepeople whose names are in the Single Registry alsoget housing loans at much reduced interest and ascheme of easy installments over several years forpaying back. Those over 65 years who are in the singleregistry have a card which makes travel in publictransport buses free for them across the country.None of the problems of electrification, access towater or housing or transport for the elderly is beingsolved by giving people more money through cashtransfers. The registry is merely being used for bettertargeting and to ensure that the really poor are notdeprived of the benefits of government programmesand services. To overcome poverty, the RioGovernment want to bring the number of excludedfamilies to near zero by December 2015. The registryis revised every two years. It is possible that in theintervening time, some families will continue toreceive Bolsa Familia even after they find a job thatpays more than the limit set to be eligible for theallowance. Random sampling has found that about10 per cent of the families might be making more thanthe cut-off limit. That is okay for the schemeimplementation. It might be more expensive to tryand fix it. It is better to pay till it gets cut in the revision,“ explains Luis Henrique Paiva, secretary ministry ofsocial development. Even while trying to targetaccurately, the focus is clearly on preventing

exclusions and a “leakage” of 10 per cent is consideredbetter than risking some deserving people gettingexcluded.

Cash Transfer Programmes in India

Among all social welfare programmes, cashtransfers seems to be the most preferred in most partsof the world including India as on today. Many call itthe fastest spreading new social policy in thedeveloping world. India has been citing the successof cash transfer programmes such as Bolsa Familia asinspiration for a similar scheme here. India alreadyhas several cash transfer systems of its own such asthe old age pension scheme. However, they have notworked very well and it is hoped that the latest cashtransfer scheme being launched in conjunction withthe new unique identification number (UID) andAadhaar cards works better. Ex. Finance minister PChidambaram said the programme would be a “gamechanger” and called it “pioneering and path-breakingreform. The programme was implemented in the firststage in 51 districts starting January 1, 2013 and nowextended to the entire country . As part of theimplementation plan, district magistrates of all the51 districts were trained in New Delhi in March 2013. Initially, payments for 29 welfare programmes suchas pensions, scholarships, unemploymentallowances and health benefits, are transferred to theAadhaar-enabled accounts of the beneficiaries. Mostof these payments are already being credited to theaccounts of the families, so in the initial stages whatthe DCT would do is to cut delay in cash credits. Bythe end of the 2014, the entire country is covered underDCT and it is in the long run that the programme isemerging as an effective social welfare policy.

Aadhaar Cards Coverage Till 31st March 2015

The Aadhaar card has emerged as probably theworld’s largest biometric identification programmesin the world with the Unique Identification Authorityof India (UIDAI) issuing nearly 82 crore cards.Available data shows that the Federal Bureau ofInvestigation (FBI) biometric database is way behindwith 15 crore and with more Indians expected toregister for Aadhaar, it could emerge as the largestprogramme of its kind globally.

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Uttar Pradesh had the highest number of enrolmentswith 10.48 crore cards while Maharashtra had 9.19crore and West Bengal 6.12 crore up to April 20, 2015

Data showed that the UIDAI has issued 81.78crore cards, covering nearly 67% of the population.May 2014 has been pursued vigorously by the Modiadministration as it pushed to tackle unwieldysubsidies and roll out its massive Jan Dhan financialinclusion drive. The government is using AadhharCard extensively in targeting cooking gas subsidiesin the petroleum sector. It is a very scientific and usefulinstrument. The government is leaning heavily onthe JAM Number Trinity — Jan Dhan Yojan AndAadhaar — to better target subsidies.According to the Economic Survey (March 2015)Aadhaar card enrolments were increasing at a rate of2 crore per month. The government had seeded over10 crore bank accounts with registered Aadhaarnumbers by 31st December 2014.

With the introduction of Jan Dhan Yojana, thenumber of bank accounts is expected to increasefurther and offering greater opportunities to targetand transfer financial resources to the poor, asObserved by the survey. ”The big change that hastaken place in the current environment is the DirectBenefit Transfer. Technology has made it simpler totransfer cash. Two other major changes have occurredin the past few years which make it possible for thecountry to use technology to manage expenditure.One is the availability of Aadhaar numbers, andmobile phones. These are great advantages to reduceadministrative expenditure in the delivery of servicesto the people. The 34 programmes identified for nowunder the cash transfer scheme are part of ministriessuch as Social Justice and Empowerment, HumanResources Development, Minority Welfare, Womenand Child Development, Health and Family Welfare,and Labour and Employment. All ministries withschemes under the proposal have set upimplementation committees to prepare a roadmap.Ministries have already been instructed to digitisetheir databases of beneficiaries and link them withAadhaar, so that Aadhaar enabled payment systemscould be operationalised. In case of school education,while the mid-day meal will continue to be served as

hot cooked food, as ordered by the Supreme Court,there are other components of Sarva ShikshaAbhiyaan such as school uniforms that is consideredfor direct cash transfers. Bihar, Jharkhand and MadhyaPradesh have already agreed to transfer cash tobeneficiaries for this component. In highereducation, scholarships are transferred electronicallyto beneficiaries for the past four years, though it isnot linked to Aadhaar. In the health department,components where there are cash payments couldalso move into the scheme.

India does not have a federal bank or any bankthe size of Brazil’s Caixa Economica Federal whichcan extend banking facilities through ATMs to allthose being offered cash transfer. So, it has to be apatchwork of several banks ( along with one LeadBank) authorised to do the same through variousmeans such as business correspondents, micro-ATMsand so on. An apex bank could be established as apublic-private partnership, on the lines of theIndustrial Development Finance Corporation, ratherthan NABARD. Its governance, organisational cultureand operating ethos would reflect 21st century values- striving to serve the unreached urban masses fortheir overall economic and social development in abusiness-like, professional and financiallysustainable manner. According to government’s ownestimates, when the scheme is fully mature acrossthe country over Rs 400, 000 crore would be annuallydistributed directly to the people. A below povertyline family could end up getting almost Rs 40, 000every year in their account. While it may add toinflation and there could also be spillages, it isexpected to be far more efficient system than anyexisting welfare measure. The fundamental drivingforce behind the entire strategy is to just give the poormoney, in the belief that they are capable of takingappropriate decisions that would maximise theirwelfare. A national political consensus can ensurethe success of such an ambitious programme, whichis integral to a more efficient governance system forthe whole country.

If such a political consensus emerges, DirectCash Transfers could well be the magic pill that couldtransform India’s social welfare efforts, helping

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drastically reduce the daunting challenges ofmalnutrition, illiteracy, child labour, healthcare etc.

Concluding

Experiments in cash transfers are under way incountries such as Brazil, Ghana, Angola, Egypt,Turkey, and even some cities of the US. The study ofadvantages of cash transfers scheme has concludedthat CTP have shown encouraging results as theprogrammes are well-targeted and have managed toconcentrate their benefits on the poorest households.They have managed to enhance householdconsumption when the transfers are substantial.Recipients have spent more on higher quality food.Cash Transfer Programmes have helped reducepoverty and child labour. They have shown promisein addressing long term structural poverty. They canaddress sudden shocks like calamities, distress andeconomic shocks if they are unconditional andcountercyclical. They have little or no negative effectslike crowding out private transfers and privateinvestment, reducing labour supply or impactingwages. Countries which have developed strongtargeting, delivery and monitoring mechanisms as aresult of cash transfer systems have found these useful

for other social safety programmes. Some havedeveloped cutting edge technical systems as a resultof the need for coordination.

Government of India believes that followingschemes could immediately benefit from direct cashtransfers. Scholarships: Merit, SC, ST and OBCscholarships, sports scholarships, culturalscholarships etc. Fee reimbursement schemes run bymany state governments. Pensions: Old-agepensions, pensions for destitutes etc could get a legup. Income support of other types: Unemploymentallowances, other benefits for the poor.Wage payments.

References :

A General Assessment and A ParticularPerspective”, Sharon M Barnhardt and RameshRamanathan. Ramanathan Foundation, Bangalore(2002).

The Rio Reality :Rema Nagrajan ,Pultizer Centreon Crises , Brazil, 2012.

Show Them [Urban Poor] the Money : JosyJoseph, Creast,Times of India, December 2012.

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Suggestions for Grassroots Financial Counseling

Anuradha KarmakarAssistant Professor,

Department of Social Work, SNDT Women's University, Mumbai

Introduction:

With the advent of the SHG-Bank linkageprogram in the early 1990’s, bolstered by the rapidinroads made by MFIs in the later half of the 1990’s,financial inclusion has been ramped up and it isestimated that about 600 million of the worlds’ poornow have access to finance. In India, after havingtried to come to grips with poverty alleviation sinceIndependence and much more so after 1969, it wasrealised that various government-led interventionsfor poverty alleviation, did not achieve desired resultsif one goes by the results of the IRDP, SGSY, and othersuch costly government led initiatives which werefailures at the implementation levels. At best, theseefforts were cornered by the lumpen elements of ruralsociety and the poorest 30 per cent could not accessthese subsidised funds due to various problems ofprogram design, project costs and bureaucraticbungling, including banking problems.

Nationalised banks tried their best to cooperatewith the district authorities, to identify BPL clientsfor capital/interest subsidies in govt. programs butin the absence of poor people having access to bankaccounts, it was slowly realised by the planners thatbefore poverty alleviation could be tackled, it wasnecessary to ensure 100 per cent financial inclusionso that necessary payments and entitlements underpension schemes, MGNREGS and old age paymentsetc. could be paid directly to the beneficiaries toprevent leakages but the minimum requirement wasa bank account. Also, without any bank account,these poor beneficiaries were being fleeced by thesystem (with agents taking a hefty cut of the smallamounts these poor people were entitled to). The

Dr. Rangarajan Committee Report on FinancialInclusion, 2008 was spot on, very timely and pleadedfor a system to enhance financial inclusion for allrural adults by 2015. It recognised that financialinclusion could not be brought about by having onlyno-frills bank accounts. The rural people had to realisetheir financial capabilities by access to:

i) Safe banking deposits as a priority

ii) Affordable credit that was timely

iii) Safe funds transfers and remittances

iv) Financial counseling and education

v) Micro-pensions and micro-insurance products

It was also realised that while rural people wereoften illiterate, they had numerical literacycapabilities and boosted by the rapid speed of mobilephones in rural India (which exceeds the number ofsanitation units and safe drinking water sources inhomes), the quality services of mobile operator–ledfunds transfer in Kenya (M-Pesa) and South Africa,South America and Philippines, financial inclusionbecame big business. But as on date, we are at leastfive years behind other developing countries indevising a safe mobile-based funds transfer system.

Financial Literacy

Only 35 per cent of India’s population arefinancially literate as per a Visa study on GlobalFinancial Literacy Survey and 34 per cent of Indianwomen and 29 per cent of the men did not have bankaccounts. But Indians are known for their savingshabits and the SHG-Bank Linkage Program hasproved that even the poorest of the poor are able tosave and the creation of 7 million SHGs only endorses

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this fact. The Gross household Savings Rate whichaveraged 19 per cent in the early 1990’s, increased to23 per cent by 2003-04 and has now increased to 38per cent of GDP. Concerns arise when these savingsare invested in fixed deposits in banks or Risk-freeGovt. securities and other low-yielding instrumentsor in non-financial assets like gold or real estate. MostIndians do not save for their retirement, lack properfinancial goals, lack rational portfolio analysis andwithout understanding the real rate of inflation-adjusted returns. About 25 per cent of urbanhouseholds and 40 per cent of rural householdsborrow money from informal sources (includingmoneylenders) to meet the cost of medical/hospitalisation expenses. Only 5 per cent of Indianhousehold savings are invested in modern financialinstruments such as equity, mutual Funds anddebentures (2010), as per a recent RBI report. In theIndian financial markets, FII share is more than thatinvested fro the household savings of Indians.

Financial Education:

With the easier transmission of funds to ruralareas, due to hard work put in by migrant labor forcesall around the world, financial education has becameessential as the financial flows of remittances home,have ensured that rural people who hitherto had beenliving from hand to month, were now forced to makemajor decisions as regards savings, their borrowings/ investments and temporary deposits and indeedtheir entire financial future with little help orassistance or instruction from banks. Also there wereagents of ‘chit’ (or cheat) companies or fly-by-nightoperators who promised to double the deposits in 3years and vanished at the first available opportunity.The availability of sizeable funds with persons whohad no capability to deal with surplus funds (eventemporarily), is a major problem, as about 75 per centof the low income consumers (600 million), are notempowered to engage responsibly with the formalfinancial system. This does not include the 2.7 billionpeople (as per CGAP estimates) who remainunbanked even today. What is at stake is the credibilityof the financial system for the first-time users of thesystem as they could be cheated easily in the process,thereby loosing all faith in the system.

Also, the cost of financial education of these newentrants would be very high, costing about Rs. 500 toRs. 700 per person. Depending upon the area andthe systems used, this could cost a massive amount(Rs. 1650 thousand crore). This is a very huge sum forthe world’s financial system to bear. But the cost ofnot providing financial education to the ‘bottom’ ofthe pyramid’ clients, is even more horrendous andhence, various methods of training such as news-media, village meetings using DVD / tracker productlinked training by the banks, and classroom teaching,all have littering costs across various locations. UsingNGOs and other social organisations in rural areas,would be preferred and a far cheaper option but costswill still be high. If increased numbers of financiallyilliterate clients start using products not designed fortheir needs, the result could lead to over –indebtedness, loss of assets, loss of livelihoods etc.and in extreme cases, could lead to increased spateof suicides. For banks, this enhances operationalrisks, political interference and public intolerance asin A.P., Bolivia, etc. This can then lead to Govt.interference, tougher regulations and politiciansquestioning the ‘social benefits’ of MFIs! Also, iffinancial education of illiterate customers andpotential customers is neglected, vast untappedbusiness potentials in mobile banking, mutual funds,micro-pensions and micro-insurance and alsomicro-deposits, would be lost. As MFIs are in a stateof recovery, NGO and banks need to join togetherwith RBI and NABARD and take forward the financialeducation and counseling brief in rural areas so thatfinancial inclusion is rendered possible.

Training and Delivery Systems

Financial education has a range of costs andcosts differ from area to area (depending uponpopulation density) and also when and at what stagethe training is conducted. BRAC in Bangladeshreports induction training costs per head of aboutRs. 4 to Rs. 30 while SEWA in Ahmedabad reportscosts ranging from Rs. 80 to Rs. 115 per person forsupplemental training. The Mann Deshi Mahila Bankhas a star performer training program with costs

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ranging from Rs. 66 to Rs. 160 per person while OIBM,Malawi which follows a DVD + trainer approach, citescosts ranging from Rs. 165 to Rs. 285, per person.FINO bank correspondent training model reportedper capita training costs ranging from Rs. 220 & Rs.330 while the costliest training reported was that ofBanco Adopem for delinquency managementtraining at Rs. 770 per person.

Thus, it is clear that the most effective and low-cost training module would be at the entry point forthe new account holder to be informed and trainedas regards financial literacy norms and this can besupplemented as the relationship between the bankand the client develops and is strengthened over theyears due to mutual understanding and assessmentof the banker-client relationship. However, only afraction of the intended clients are reached today andthe efforts may not be scalable and viable for banks.It is surprising to note that banks do not perceiveclient education as being part of their businessoutreach efforts and are treating this expenditure asan unnecessary cost! Obviously, they are not keen ondeveloping new and potential clients! Banks are alsonot attuned to evolving forms of microfinance suchas mobile funds transaction, microfinance, micro-pensions, BC/BF models etc. This could be apotential game-changer for these banks, insuranceagencies and other financial institutions which areable to invest in financial literacy campaigns in ruralareas for their new customers.

RBI Initiatives

With a view to implementing therecommendations of the Rangarajan Committee, theRBI came up with the idea of banks setting up andopening of Bank Literacy Centres (FLC) in each ofthe 625+ LDM’s Offices, in a time-bound manner, inaddition to 139 existing Financial Literacy and CreditCounseling Centres (FLCC) created since 2009, bybanks. The RBI study observed that:

1) Few people were aware of the existence ofFLCCs

2) Sponsor bank s funded and staffed these FLCCs

3) Only sponsor bank product brochures weredistributed

4) No arms-length relationship between banksand FLCCs

RBI has passed on initiatives for financial literacyto the FLCCs which would be opened in all 630 odddistricts by the Lead Banks and rural branches ofcommercial bank and RRB branches would provideadditional assistance to the FLCC. Additionalfinancial literacy materials would be provided by RBI.

Further, the RBI reviewed the Lead Bank Schemein August 2009 and suggested a sharper focus onfacilitating Financial Inclusion by insisting on aroadmap to be drawn up by banks to provide bankingServices to every village with a population of 2000and above, on a weekly basis by March 2011 and inplaces with better infrastructure availability and withthe State Government providing road and digitalconnectivity, this date could be advanced. But theBC/BF Model did not really take off as banks took thenot-for –profit mandate a tad too seriously and theBC/BF model became unviable. BCs were not viewedas logical extensions of banks by the customers andhence poor availability of services and poor off-takewas the result. High transaction costs eroded theoperating margins of BC/BFs and non-provision offee-based services such as MGNREGS and other socialpayments such as old-age pensions, etc. made themodel as unviable. A major mistake made by bankswas the non-identification of existing retailers andgrocers as BCs and BFs and selecting persons whohad no idea of handling cash transactions as BCs /BFs. The FLCCs set up with fanfare also did not takeup financial literacy or counseling seriously or on amission mode and these died a natural death. Thebanks did not consider joining hands with NGOs forfinancial literacy or for financial counseling.

Campaigns in schools and colleges for financialliteracy and for micro-deposits mobilisation werestarted but were not sustained on a mission mode.

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However the mobile van banking facilities were asuccess as it benefited the villages which lacked a brickand mortar bank branch. PRIs could also have beenused by the banks as also NGOs but these efforts werenot made. Neither were cooperatives nor post officebranches which had a combined reach of over2,60,000 outlets utilised for spreading financialliteracy. The Ministry of Finance set up the FinancialInclusion Fund and the Financial InclusionTechnology Fund (Rs.500 crore each) but the Boardsof these Funds prevented NABARD from utilisingcooperatives and commercial banks from utilisingthese funds and so with only RRBs and a few otherNGOs and corporates only having access to thesefunds, the FIF/FITF never could take off and NABARDwas unfairly blamed for not utilising these funds forfinancial inclusion.

GOI Initiatives for Financial Inclusion

Actually the stage was being set for a UPA /Central Government sponsored initiative launchedin February 2011 called ‘Swabhimaan’. The aims wereto bring basic banking facilities to all villages withmore than 2000 population by March 2012, ensuringsmallholder farmers to avail of cheap credit facilitiesand insulating them from moneylenders.Swabhimaan was to assist in the emergence of therural entrepreneur as a driver of the rural economyand eventually narrow the income disparitiesbetween the urban and rural sectors. The CentralGovernment decided to pay banks Rs. 140 per no-frills account opened and soon there was a race toopen no-frills accounts most of which becameinoperative accounts and the entire Swabhimaaninitiative which started with a political bang endedwithout even a whimper. Whether the Swabhimaanexperiment was actually ended officially is yet to beascertained but the new Government installed thePrime Minister’s Jan Dhan Yojana Scheme in August2014 and efforts have been made to avoid the mistakesof the Swabhimaan experiment.

The Prime Minister’s Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY) has asix-fold Path as under:

1) Universal access to banking facilities bymapping each district into sub-service areacatering to available households so as to ensureaccess to banking facilities within a radius of 5Kms.

2) Provision of basic banking accounts to allhouseholds with overdraft facility and RUPAYdebit card

3) Financial literacy Programs to all accountholders so as to ensure optimum usage ofbanking facilities as available

4) Provision of Micro-insurance facilities to allwilling and eligible persons, latest by 15 August2018

5) Creation of a Credit Guarantee Fund to coverall defaults in overdraft accounts

6) Introduction of Swavalamban Scheme forpersons in the unorganised sector pensionScheme from 14 August 2018 onwards.

In addition to the RUPAY Debit Card launchedby the National Payments Corporation of India (aRBI–promoted organisation), every account–holderis entitled to an accident insurance cover of Rs.1,00,000 and an overdraft facility of Rs. 5000 and alsofor those opening an account before 26 January 2015,a life insurance cover of Rs. 30, 000. Predictably, thenumbers game is on and all banks are trying to ensurereaching the ‘magic’ target of 10 crore new accountsby 26 January 2015. Use of technology with the UIDIAlinked to Bank Accounts will enable the transmissionof various subsidies and entitlements directly to thebank accounts and ensure that rent-seekers areexcluded from preying on poor people. Howeverthere is a need to educate the new account holdersthat they must operate the bank accounts regularlyor else the micro-insurance and micro-pensionscheme facilities would be denied. Also overdrafts aregenerally allowed by bankers only to those account –holders who enjoy a good business relationship withthem and not otherwise. The bank accounts need tobe operationalised and utilised frequently/regularlyand this must be conveyed to all account-holderswithout any ambiguity.

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The Way Ahead

While all agree that financial literacy training isa must, for new rural clients, a systematic monitoring/ evaluation study of the efforts made by various NGOs/ banks etc. has yet to be made. What is needed isbetter coordination between MFI’s, RBI, NABARDand commercial banks, to support innovations andcustomer support systems so that cost reduction andcost recovery is possible at a later data. Anotherinitiative could be to utilise funds from the FinancialInclusive Fund (FIF) and the Financial InclusionTechnology Fund (FITF), which has been set up byGOI in 2008. Unless there is better coordination anda felt need to address the lack of financial educationamong the new / poorer customers of the ruralfinancial system, the problem of financial inclusionwill persist and so will rural poverty. The key toremoval of rural poverty is by ensuring financialinclusion of all adults by 2015 through an intensivefinancial literacy campaign.

Taking into account the need of its members,SEWA has been conducting financial literacyprograms to influence their members’ financial andbusiness behavior. A 5-day program on financialliteracy with several modules on avoidingindebtedness, need for savings, understanding theimpact of interest rates, compounding of interestrates, basic accounting skills, long term financialplanning, etc. A second 5-day course has beendesigned on essential micro-business skills such asmarketing, packaging, investment, customer service,cost reduction, etc. for members operating micro-enterprises.

As some micro-entrepreneurs were illiterate buthad numerical skills and were being required to takesound business decisions, these courses were usefuland were conducted in various States. Banks need tosupport these programs as part of their FinancialInclusion Strategy. RBI has suggested that FinancialLiteracy be an integral part of the school syllabus andschool and college students need to be exposed tofinancial instruments and markets. Unless the entirebanking system carried out financial literacy

initiatives and financial inclusion on a mission modeas was done for Self Help Groups, Financial Inclusionof all adults by 2015 would be difficult.

Various Initiatives have been initiated byNABARD, RBI, GOI, Banks and NGOs to usher inFinancial Inclusion and the Prime Minister’s JanDhan Yojana Scheme is the latest effort to ring inFinancial Inclusion. As it builds upon earlier efforts,it has sincerely tried to learn from the mistakes madeand therefore has a better chance of survival andsuccess. The ultimate test of its success would be inequitable and inclusive growth of the economyleaving none behind through better systems andappropriate technologies. To enable FinancialInclusion to be mass-based, the entire bankingsystem should encourage financial literacy andfinancial counseling, use mobile-based transactionsextensively as the spread of mobiles has beenphenomenal in both urban and rural areas and finallyencourage more NGO-assisted Self Help Groups tobe formed rather than MFIs. These simple initiativesprovide a fighting chance for the common people tobe financially included. And finally the Post Officedeserves a full banking License and the cooperativesmade more functional and efficient in view of thelarge clientele base of both in rural India.

Banks should look upon Financial Inclusion asa golden opportunity to educate and build up theirclientele in under-banked areas of the country ratherthan a ‘forced expenditure‘. Developing an emergingmarket is equally important for the insurance sectorwhich has a very poor rural clientele both in the lifeand non-life segments. If banks and cooperativeshave a client base of 50 per cent in rural areas,insurance companies have a client base of about 5per cent only. The micro-insurance sector and themicro-pension sector have yet to formulate theirplans for their foray into the rural areas and launchinga combined ‘Financial Literacy Campaign’ in ruralareas is an urgent necessity today with the help of theState/District authorities and the Panchayati RajInstitutions. Using the Prime Minister’s Jan DhanYojana platform, a mass financial literacy campaign

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should be launched on an urgent basis rather thanindividual institutional marketing campaigns whichare neither cost-effective nor efficient.

Bibliography:

1) Bist, S. S. (2012). A case study of SEWA bank.Social Business, 2(3), 205-221.

2) Gupta, A. K. (2012). Microfinance and Strategyof Financial Inclusion in India, Journal ofEconomics and Sustainable Development,3(10), 100-105.

3) Karmakar, K. G., Banerjee, G.D. & Mohapatra,N. P. (2011). Towards Financial Inclusion inIndia. SAGE Publications, New Delhi.

4) Rangarajan, C. (2008). Report of the Committeeon Financial Inclusion. Ministry of Finance,Government of India, New Delhi.

5) Treasury, H. M. (2007). Financial Inclusion: TheWay Forward. HM Treasury, London.

6) Vyas, J. (2008). Banking with Poor Self-employed Women. Microfinance in India, SagePublications, New Delhi, Page 262.

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Review of Freedom Indicators of the Urbanised states of India

Heena ThakkarAssistant Professor, Department of Economics,

Vivekanand College of arts science and commerce, Chembur

Introduction:

This indicator was developed on the ideas ofMilton Friedman, Michael Walker and others whowanted an empirically sound way to measurewhether economic freedom would lead to bettereconomic and social outcomes. This has indeed beenconclusively demonstrated, and the index hasbecome an important contribution to theinternational policy debate. Its success has inspiredresearchers to come up with sub-national indices tocapture the performance of sub national institutionsin China, Germany and elsewhere. The FriedrichNaumann Stiftung has been engaged in developingan Economic Freedom Index for the States of Indiafor several years now. This index has become animportant part of India’s reform discourse.

The Indian index is based on the threeparameters which are size of the government, legalstructure and security of property rights, andregulation of business and labor. The Indian indexranks 20 states of India for which data is available.

The researchers to the index are distinguishedeconomists from India. Bibek Debroy and LaveeshBhandari are known for their work in suggestingpolicy recommendations for Indian economicgrowth. For the current Index, Cato Institute, aprominent and leading think-tank based inWashington DC has also joined hands. SwaminathanS. Anklesaria Aiyar, a well-known writer andcommentator, is the third co-author representingCato’s initiative.

The index shows the direct correlation betweeneconomic freedom and the well-being of citizens. Asthe world index has shown a direct correlation

between economic freedom and national indicatorsof human and material progress, the same similarityis also visible at the sub national level. States in Indiawhich are economically freer are also doing better interms of a higher per capita growth for its citizens,unemployment levels are lower in these states,sanitary conditions are better and the states alsoattract more investments.

Objective of study:

The present study tries to analyse followingpoints

1) Study of most urbanised states in India.

2) Study of overall economic freedom indicatorsranks in most urbanised states in India.

3) Study of size of government: State Ratings andRanking.

4) Study of Legal Structure and Security: StateRatings and Rankings.

5) Study of Regulation of Labor and Business:State Ratings and Rankings

Methodology in Brief

Since data needs to be comparable across timeand geography, credible and robust, and highlyreflective of the conditions in different states thefollowing criteria have been identified in the selectionof Variables.

1. The data should be objective: that is, it shouldnot be based on perceptions but on hard factssuch that it is not sensitive to perceptions ofelite groups or the masses but should reflectconditions as they actually are.

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2. The data should be available from highlyrespected, public and ideally government orsemi-government sources: this would ensurethat the ensuing discussion and debate shouldfocus on the resultant performance of the statesand not on the quality and credibility of thedata.

3. The data should be available periodically andshould be available from the same source fordifferent states: this would ensure the credibilityof the data and the continuity of the ratings.Each of the variables that are constructed isnormalized to correct for the differences in thesize of the states. Hence normalisation is doneby dividing by population, area, a ratio or usingit as a percentage of some aggregate so that it isneutral to the size of the state. Moreover, eachdata source needs to be available for a largeenough number of states so that missing datapoints are minimised. In line with the previousratings for the Indian states, the rangeequalisation with equal weights has beenchosen as the appropriate method. This is amulti-stage process. First, range equalisationis conducted on each variable across all states—this requires the subtraction of the minimumvalue from the value for each state and dividingthe resultant with the difference of themaximum and minimum values. Rangeequalisation ensures that all variables liebetween 0 and 1. Each of the new ‘rangeequalised’ variables is then aggregated withothers using equal weights to create an indexfor each of the areas under consideration.Nextthe indices of each of the three areas areaggregated to obtain a composite index usingequal weights. Thus, four indices are generatedon which basis each of the states is ranked.

Area 1: Size of Government: expenditures,Taxes and enterprises

Interference of the government in thefunctioning of the economy or a large role of thegovernment as a producer and provider of servicesand goods or of redistribution of resources reducesthe level of economic freedom. Government revenue

expenditure, administrative GDP and a largeemployment in the public sector are thereforeindicators of size of the government. Taxes onincome, commodities and services, property andcapital transactions, and other duties are indicativeof the extensive role played by the government in theeconomy.

1) Inverse of government revenue expenditure asa share of gross state domestic product (GSDP)

Higher revenue expenditure by the governmentis indicative of a large size of thegovernment and thus an indicator of lowereconomic freedom. Therefore, inverse of thisratio has been considered.

2) Inverse of administrative GSDP as a ratio of totalGSDP

Administrative GDP is the contribution ofgovernment services to the national product.The lower this ratio,the better is the level ofeconomic freedom as the government’s role islower; therefore the inverse of this ratio is used.

3) Inverse of share of government in organisedemployment

This is the ratio of employment with thegovernment and quasi-governmentinstitutions to total organised sectoremployment. This ratio is a direct indicator ofthe size of the government. Inverse of the ratiois considered.

4) Inverse of state level taxes on income as a ratioof GDP

This is the ratio of income tax collected by thestate to the GDP. The lower the state taxes onincome, higher will be the economic freedom.So, the inverse of this ratio has beenincorporated in the analysis.

5) Inverse of ratio of state level taxes on propertyand capital transactions to state GDP

This is the ratio of taxes on property and capitaltransactions to state GDP. High transactioncosts and taxes tend to restrict the trade

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activities. Therefore, economic freedom isconsidered to be inversely related to level oftaxation and the inverse of the variable has beentaken.

6) Inverse of state level taxes on commodities andservices to GDP

This is the ratio of taxes collected oncommodities and services i.e., sales tax, servicetax, excise, etc. to the GDP. Lower taxes oncommodities would result in a higher freedomindex; therefore the inverse of this ratio hasbeen used.

7) Inverse of stamp duty rate

Stamp duty is defined as tax collected by thestate by requiring a stamp to be purchased andattached on the commodity. Higher dutiesimpose higher constraints on trade andeconomic activities and curb the economicfreedom of agents. The inverse of this variableis taken to ensure that higher level of economicfreedom is reflected by a higher ratio

Area 2: Legal Structure and Security of PropertyRights

The efficiency of the government in protectinghuman life and property is measured by this category.The quality of the justice mechanism is measured bythe availability of judges, by the completion rate ofcases by courts and investigations by the police. Thelevel of safety in the region is measured by the recoveryrate of stolen property and by the rate of violent andeconomic crimes.

8) Ratio of total value of property recovered tototal value of property stolen

One of the key ingredients of economicfreedom is protection of property. This is theratio of total value of property recovered to thetotal value of property stolen. A higher value ofthis variable denotes efficiency of law enforcingagencies in protecting property rights andwould therefore signify greater economicfreedom.

9) Inverse of violent crimes as a share of totalcrimes

This is the ratio of violent crimes, includingmurder, attempt to murder, etc., to totalcrimes under the Indian Penal Code (IPC).Theinverse of this ratio is considered, relatinghigher economic freedom to lower incidenceof violent crimes.

10) Inverse of cases under economic offences as ashare of total cases registered

This is the ratio of economic offences (criminalbreach of trust and cheating) to the total crimesreported under the IPC. Inverse of this ratio isconsidered, as lower incidence of economicoffences is indicative of better protection ofproperty rights and therefore higher economicfreedom.

11) Inverse of vacant posts of judges in the judiciaryas a ratioof total sanctioned posts of judges

This is the ratio of total vacant posts of judgesin district/subordinate courts to total postssanctioned. A high value of the ratio indicatesthat adequate infrastructure for getting justiceis not in place. Therefore, the inverse of thisratio is considered.

12) Percentage cases where investigations werecompleted by police

This is the ratio of total cases whereinvestigations were completed by the police tototal cases registered for investigation by them.A higher value of this ratio indicates highereconomic freedom as it indicates lowerpendency of investigations.

13) Percentage cases where trials were completedby courts

This is the ratio of total trials completed by thecourts to total cases awaiting or undergoing trialby courts. A higher value indicates highereconomic freedom as it indicates lowerpendency of cases.

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Madhya Pradesh is one of the best governedstates and this is reflected in its index value thatis far ahead of all others (see Table 1.5). Betterpolice investigations as well as a lower share ofeconomic offences to the total incidences ofcrime resulted in significant improvement overtime in the state. On the other hand, significantdecline is noticed in the index values of TamilNadu. The state is at a distant second.

Area 3: Regulation of Labour and Business

An entrepreneur needs to take many decisionsthat cannot cater to the sentiments of all the workersand management that his firm employs. Decisionssuch as rationalisation of employee strength are anessential component of efficient use of scarceresources. Constraints on exiting seriously hamperan entrepreneur’s freedom. Labour laws for manydecades have favoured the rights of the workers in thecountry. The number of strikes and industrial disputesthat take place in the economy portray the amountof economic freedom in terms of the control that anentrepreneur has over his own business. Other areaswhere an entrepreneur may lack control over his ownbusiness is in terms of lack of adequate infrastructureand raw material. Such limitations severely constrainthe entrepreneur’s ability to enforce decisions thatmay be beneficial for his business. High transactioncosts are well known deterrents of trade andeconomic activity. They also contribute to blackmarket transactions. The higher the costs in terms oflicenses, the more constraints they impose oncarrying out trade and economic activity andtherefore serve as restraints on economic freedom ofagents. Corruption also translates into highertransactions costs.

14) Ratio of average wage of unskilled workers(males) to minimum wages

This is the ratio of yearly average of daily wagesfor harvesting to minimum agricultural wagesin the state. A higher than one ratio in a stateindicates that the wages received by workersare higher than the specified minimumimplying greater economic freedom both forthe entrepreneur and labour.

15) Ratio of average wage of unskilled workers(females) to minimum wages

This is the ratio of yearly average of daily femalewages for harvesting to minimum agriculturalwages in the state. A higher than one ratio in astate indicates that the wages received byworkers is higher than the specified minimumimplying greater economic freedom both forthe entrepreneur and labour. This ratio is takenseparately from that for males as many timesthe market determined wages for unskilledfemale workers are said to be biased againstthem.

16) Inverse of man-days lost in strikes and lockouts/total number of industrial workers

This is the ratio of man-days lost due to disputes(strikes andlockouts) to the total number ofworkers. A large number of man-days lostindicates the breakdown in arbitration andother consensus mechanisms. The fewer theman-days lost, the better is economic freedom.Therefore, the inverse of this variable isconsidered.

17) Implementation rate of industrialentrepreneurs memorandum (IEM)

IEM denotes the intention to invest in anindustry. However, when there arbureaucraticor other delays, the rate of implementation islow. This indicator is the ratio of total amountinvested to total amount proposed forinvestment in the shape of IEMs. A higher ratioimplies larger economic freedom and thusdepicting lower interference of government.

18) Inverse of minimum license fee for traders

Traders are required to pay a minimum amountof fees for obtaining a license from thegovernment to indulge in market activities.Therefore, the higher the license fees, the morerestricted traders are while trading in themarket. The inverse of the variable is taken todenote higher levels of economic freedom.

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19) Inverse of power shortage as a percentage oftotal demand

This is the ratio of power shortage to the totaldemand for power. Power shortage exists eitherdue to low investment on the part of thegovernment or due to low levels of private sectorgeneration. A higher power shortage will tendto slow down the production process and thuswould relate directly to inability of anentrepreneur to control his business. Again, theinverse of the ratio is taken.

20) Inverse of pendency rate of cases registeredunder corruption and related acts

This is the ratio of cases pending investigationfrom the previous year of cases registered underthe Prevention of Corruption Act and otherrelated acts as a share of total cases registeredunder the same acts. Economic freedom ishigher when justice is served promptly andtherefore the inverse of the pendency rate isused.

Gujarat has seen significant improvement in itsindex values and retains its pre-eminent position (seeTable 1.6). Himachal Pradesh has seen the most

significant improvementin this measure. Thisposition of Himachal Pradesh is contributed by betterperformance on a range of variables—yearly marketwages to minimum notified wages for unskilledworkers, strikes and lock outs, and total casesregistered in the prevention of corruption actimproved.

Table 1 Urbanized states in India

States Urban population

Delhi 97.5

Chandigarh 97.25

Daman 75.15

Pondicherry 68.33

Goa 62.17

Maharashtra 52.11

Gujarat 42.6

Tamilnadu 40.1

Kerala 39.2

Table 2 Freedom indicators of states (area 1, 2, 3)

States Area 1 Rank Area 2 Rank Area 3 Rank

Haryana 0.75 1 0.42 8 0.47 5

Gujarat 0.74 2 0.52 4 0.67 1

Maharashtra 0.68 3 0.15 9 0.36 10

Assam 0.63 4 0.17 7 0.28 12

Punjab 0.63 5 0.38 11 0.22 20

Tamilnadu 0.61 6 0.64 2 0.51 3

Kerala 0.61 7 0.45 6 0.27 15

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Table 3Overall Economic Freedom Ratings, 2011

2005 2009 2011

Overall Rank Overall Rank Overall Rank

Gujarat 0.46 5 0.57 2 0.64 1

Tamil Nadu 0.57 1 0.59 1 0.57 2

Madhya Pradesh 0.49 2 0.42 6 0.56 3

Haryana 0.47 4 0.47 1 0.55 1

Himachal Pradesh 0.48 3 0.43 5 0.52 5

Andhra Pradesh 0.4 7 0.51 3 0.51 6

Jammu & Kashmir 0.34 15 0.38 8 0.46 7

Rajasthan 0.37 12 0.4 7 0.43 8

Karnataka 0.36 13 0.34 13 0.42 9

Kerala 0.38 10 0.36 10 0.42 10

Chhattisgarh 0.33 16 0.33 15 0.41 11

Punjab 0.41 6 0.35 12 0.39 12

Maharashtra 0.4 9 0.36 10 0.39 13

Uttarakhand 0.33 17 0.26 19 0.38 14

Assam 0.3 19 0.29 18 0.36 15

Uttar Pradesh 0.35 14 0.34 13 0.35 16

Orissa 0.37 11 0.31 17 0.34 17

West Bengal 0.31 18 0.33 15 0.32 18

Jharkhand 0.4 8 0.38 8 0.31 19

Bihar 0.25 20 0.23 20 0.29 20

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Summary and conclusion

1. The top state in India in economic freedom in2011 was Gujarat. It displaced Tamil Nadu,which had been the top state in 2009. Gujarat’sfreedom index score has been rising fast, and at0.64 it is now far ahead of second-placed TamilNadu (0.56). Madhya Pradesh (0.56) is closebehind in third position, Haryana (0.55) retainsfourth position and Himachal (0.53) retains fifthposition.

2. The bottom three states in 2011 were, in reverseorder, Bihar,Jharkhand and West Bengal. In2009, the reverse order was Bihar, Uttarakhandand Assam. Uttarakhand has moved up sharplyfrom 19th to 14th position, and this improved

freedom is reflected in its average GDP growthrate of 12.82 per cent in 2004-2011, the fastestamong all states. This is an impressiveachievement for a once-backward state.

3. Earlier the median score for economic freedomfor all states had declined from 0.38 in 2005 to0.36 in 2009. But it has now improvedsubstantially to 0.41 in 2011. This is good news.Still the median score lags way behind Gujarat’s0.64, so other states have a long way to go.

4. The biggest improvement has been registeredby Madhya Pradesh. Its freedom index scorerose from 0.42 in 2009 to 0.56 in 2011, enablingit to move up from 6th to 3rd position.

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Mumbai Climate Action Plan – Lessons from New York City

Amruta PonksheStudent at the Lyndon B Johnson School of Public Affairs at University of Texas at Austin.

Introduction

As a coastal mega city, Mumbai is highly sensitiveto problems arising from global climate change.Currently, Mumbai lacks an effective, practical, andvisionary plan to mitigate climate change. In orderto formulate a comprehensive sustainability plan anddevelop a climate resilient Mumbai, we can considermitigation efforts followed by New York City, USA.The ‘PlaNYC’ is the New York City (NYC) plandocument that combines all sustainability measuresand interlinks their benefits to achieve 30%reductions in carbon emissions by 2030.1

Need for A Climate Action Plan

Past initiatives:

At the city government level, Mumbai’s effortsto combat climate change have been intermittentand, often, project driven. The Mumbai DevelopmentPlan (DP) (2005-2025), a comprehensive documentof Mumbai’s vision for the future, mentionssustainable development as a prerequisite to futuregrowth of the city.2 It suggests strategies like low cost

3 “Mumbai City Developement Plan 2005-2025, Strategy forEnvironmental Improvement.” Municipal Corporation ofGreater Mumbai. n.d. http://www.mcgm.gov.in/irj/go/km/docs/documents/MCGM%20Department%20List/City%20Engineer/Deputy %20City%20 Engineer%20(Planning %20and%20Design)/City% 20 Development%20Plan/Strategy% 20for%20 environmental % 20improvement. pdf (accessed August 12, 2014).

4 Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai. “MitigationStrategy.” Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai. n.d.http://www.mcgm.gov.in/irj/portal/anonymous/qlms(accessed August 12, 2014).

1 City of New York. New York City’s Pathway to Deep CarbonReductions. Official Plan Document, Mayor’s Office ofLong-Term Planning and Sustainability, New York: TheCity of New York NYC Mayor’s Office, 2013, 130. — Theoriginal PlaNYC was released in 2007. However, for thesake of this report, I have considered the 2013 PlaNYCdocument.

2 Deputy City Engineer, Planning and Design. “Index forthe Greater Mumbai City Development Plan.”MunicipalCorporation of Greater Mumbai. n.d. http://www. mcgm.gov.in/irj/go/km/docs/documents/MCGM%20 Department%20List/City%20Engineer/Deputy %20City %20Engineer% 20(Planning%20 and% 20Design)/City% 20Development%20Plan/Need%20for% 20Sustainable%20 Development.pdf (accessed August 12, 2014).

housing; encouraging use of public transport; treeplantation, use of biodegradable materials andoutlines an action plan for Solid Waste management3.Audits to verify the success of all these initiatives arestill pending. In Mumbai’s latest DP, (2014-2034)instead of becoming a central theme for the city’sdevelopment efforts, sustainability is sidelined.

Missing Links:

Mumbai’s problems of utilization of space anddensification make it an ideal candidate for focusingon initiatives like mass transit and development ofmixed land-use. City management andenvironmental groups focus on preserving eco-sensitive areas like mangroves and the Sanjay GandhiNational Park. Post the destructive floods on 26 July2005, disaster mitigation strategies have receivedgreater importance4. Strictly enforced court directiveshelp to minimize noise pollution in public places.Thus, various governmental agencies address issuesof sustainability at different levels. However, the citylacks an overarching framework to clearly define,articulate, and regulate these mitigation mechanisms.

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International and National Directives:

Cities in the developing world often face thenegative impacts of climate change. The World Bankreport on ‘Guide to Climate Change Adaptation inCities’, stresses on the need for Climate Changeadaptation at urban level.5 India’s National ActionPlan for Climate Change (NAPCC)6 proposesmeasures in sectors like solar, water and agriculture.The NAPCC aims to mitigate climate risks whileproviding avenues for development. Individual stateshave State Plans confirming to the NAPCC guidelines.Citywide climate action plans will soon bemandatory to receive funds through JNNURM7. Inorder to build such comprehensive sustainabilityplans, Mumbai’s administrators need to analyze bestpractices followed by cities around the globe.

Solution

Why New York City?

While administering any new program/project,Mumbai’s city managers and engineers have toovercome the complexities presented by Mumbai’sdiverse demographics, topography, and culture.Many initiatives that seem to work in smaller townsare ineffective in Mumbai due to these intricacies.

Hence, when devising a Climate Action Plan, itis beneficial to find a plan that works in a city morecomplex than Mumbai. New York is one such place.As per PlaNYC, it is on track to achieve its climatemitigation goals by year 2030.

5 The International Bank for Reconstruction andDevelopment/World Bank. Guide to Climate ChangeAdaptation in Cities. 2011. http: siteresources.worldbank.org/INTURBANDEVELOPMENT/Resources/336387-1318995974398/GuideClimChangeAdapt Cities.pdf(accessed August 12, 2014).

6 Ministry of Environment and Forests, Government ofIndia. National Action Plan on Climate Change. OfficialPlan Document, National Informatics Centre,Government of India, 2008.

7 *JnNURM- Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban RenewalMission, the author thinks that this would happen due tothe newly elected Central Government’s focus onenvironmental issues.

PlaNYC and its key features:

PlaNYC, formulated in 2007, is New York City’scomprehensive sustainability agenda and vision forthe next few decades8. It comprises of innovativesolutions and practical measures to combat climatechange risks in sectors like housing, energy, wastemanagement, etc. It recognizes the issues andpotential that New York City has in being resilient toclimate change. PlaNYC starts with a current profileon greenhouse gas emissions of NYC. For each sectorof buildings, power, transportation, solid wastemanagement, PlaNYC:

Suggests ground-level technical and practicalsolutions to reduce emissions;

Identifies probable barriers to implement thesesolutions;

Provides mitigation strategies to overcomethese barriers.

The Plan locates all these initiatives in a frame ofeconomic cost-effectiveness, i.e., the cost ofinvesting in new technologies in the short term andreaping long-term sustainable benefits.

PlaNYC achievements:

PlaNYC’s demonstrates its success throughprogress reports published every year. As per thelatest report published in 2014, PlaNYC is on track toachieve its 2030 goals of reducing carbon emissionsby 50%9. New York City demonstrates the way to

8 City of New York. New York City’s Pathway to Deep CarbonReductions. Official Plan Document, Mayor’s Office ofLong-Term Planning, and Sustainability, New York: TheCity of New York NYC Mayor’s Office, 2013, 130.

9 The City of New York, Mayor De Blasio. PlaNYC 2014Progress Report. June 2014. http://www.nyc.gov/html/planyc/html/home/home.shtml (accessed August 12,2014).

“The cleanest air in 50 years

865,000 trees and

Building codes upgraded five million square feet ofreflective rooftop added to our urban landscape toprepare for floods, wind, and extreme weather

19% reduction in carbon emissions since 2005, Aheadof our goal to reach 30% reduction by 2030; ” quotedverbatim from the report

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46

achieve climate change resilience is by having acomprehensive action plan in place.

Mumbai City-climate Change Master Plan

Adopt ‘PlaNYC’ to Mumbai:

To adopt PlaNYC to Mumbai’s situation, it isnecessary to conduct debates and discussions withpractitioners, city administrators, and citizens.Through this process, we can determine which factorsfrom PlaNYC are important and which are unfeasiblefor Mumbai. Awareness programs and outreachprograms to citizens help in creating an atmosphereconducive to success of any plan. Most importantfactor is the thought that sustainability and climateresilience, if adopted as the theme for development,will result in building a stronger city.

City Departments and Sustainability Cell:

It is important to look at the way PlaNYCimplementation is structured. In New York City, theMayor’s Office of Long-Term Planning andSustainability (OLTPS) is the umbrella organization,which creates the PlaNYC. Currently, the JNNURMsustainability cell, that reports on climate change forMumbai, is an office with little administrative/implementation power. Formulating acomprehensive Climate Action Plan will includerestructuring the present hierarchy and grant morepowers to the sustainability cell. A Climate ActionPlan also relies on greater co-ordination andknowledge sharing between departments. It involvesaccuracy in recording and monitoring various city-services like water supply, sewerage, and solid wastemanagement. Greater synchronization andtransparent communication between parastatalagencies10 will ensure climate resilience for Mumbaiand the greater metropolitan area.

Long Term Vision:

Work has begun on formulating the Master Planfrom 2014-2034. However, to have a vision for Mumbaithat goes, and sustains, beyond this timeline will bethe objective of the Climate Action Plan. Creatingawareness regarding the need for an all-encompassing notion of sustainable and climateresilient Mumbai is the need of the hour. To build aclimate resilient Mumbai, our long-term vision hasto adopt the PlaNYC to solve Mumbai’s localproblems. In this regards, we need to take thefollowing steps:

1. Formulate a cross-functional team comprisingscientists, climate change experts andpractitioners from Mumbai as well as the teamof experts who formulated PlaNYC and arecurrently involved in its evaluation.

2. While the experts work on their own domain-specific sectors like energy, transportation,construction and residential energyconsumption, there need to be periodicmeetings with the entire team to break themout of their silos and make the plan fit togetherbetter.

3. Coordination and consultation with theDevelopment Plan team is a requirement.While the Mumbai Climate Action Plan shouldbecome a stand-alone entity in the city, a closedialogue should occur between the DP teamand the Mumbai CAP team to provide aneffective vision document for Mumbai.

4. Lastly, once this plan is operational, amechanism of periodic audits should be set upto ensure that the Mumbai CAP is reaching itsgoals.

To ensure sustainability of the city and itseconomy, Mumbai should take these steps as soon aspossible.10 Parastatal agencies: Like Mumbai Metropolitan Regional

Development Authority (MMRDA: land and roads),Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority(MHADA: Construction of rental and affordable housing)and MCGM

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QUARTERLY PUBLICATION OF THE RCUES OF AIILSG, MUMBAI, VOL. 8 NO. 2 47

Book Review

Dr. Asha Patil,Associate Professor,

Department of Continuing, Adult and Extension Education, SNDT Women’s University, Mumbai

Who Cares? Socio-Economic Conditions of

Nurses in Mumbai by Aarti Prasad (Mumbai:

Himalaya Publishing House), 2014; pp xxvi+253,

Rs.458/-

Health is one of the basic human needs. The

Human Rights and the International Covenant on

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR)

recognizes health as central to the dignity of the

person. Health is one of the indicators of

development of a society. Hence, it is also included

in the Millennium Development Goals.

In developing countries like India, one can see

large disparities in availability and access to health

facilities. In India, health is the responsibility of the

state and it is included in the Directive Principles.

Attainment and maintenance of good health

depends on access to nutritious food, clean water,

appropriate and timely availability of medical

services for treatment during sickness. From this

point of view, providing good health services to

people becomes responsibility of the state

government. In India, three types of health services

are available namely- hospitals run by government,

hospitals run by municipal corporations and

hospitals governed by public trusts and private

organizations. Health workers play a vital role in

taking these services to the patients. Hence, their

physical and mental status matters in reaching the

health services to patients. From this angle, the

researcher has chosen the appropriate topic for the

study.

The book highlights equity issues in health

services. Subordination of nurses and its ill-effects

on patients are discussed keeping gender

discrimination at the centre. The researcher has

focused on many issues related to nursing profession.

They include working conditions of nurses, their

salary, shift duties and stress levels, safety at work

place and violence, grievance redressal mechanism,

affiliation to unions, etc. For this, the researcher has

collected primary data by interviewing nurses from

various sectors, which is the strength of this research.

The sample of the research includes nurses employed

in various health care institutions located in ward

H-East and West of Mumbai district, Maharashtra.

The book has six chapters. Chapter I introduces

linkage between health and development. The

researcher focuses on paradigm shift in twenty first

century from economic growth to human

development. The researcher establishes linkage

between good health and productivity, good health

and economic prosperity by elaborating various

examples. Effects on ill-health and their catastrophic

impact on individuals and families are explained by

the researcher. Further, she highlights how access to

health facilities helps in reducing poverty. She also

adds that investment in health facilities will lead to

economic development.

Generally speaking, in India, health services are

provided by doctors, nurses and midwives/dais. The

researcher describes the vital role of nurses in

treatment, prevention, promotion and rehabilitation

of patients. She further elaborates on gender biased

attitude of the society towards nursing profession, as

this profession is dominated by females.

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In this Chapter, the researcher draws attention

to the effects of adoption of Structural Adjustment

Programme by the Government of India. Reduction

in the provision of funds in the annual budget has

replaced highly qualified workers by less qualified

workers. This has severely affected the quality of health

services with serious implications on the patients.

By giving references of the World Health Report

(2006), the researcher illustrates shortage of trained

nurses throughout the world and focuses on the need

for specialized training facilities. The trend of ‘brain

drain’ due to less remuneration paid to nurses in

developing countries, compared to developed

countries results in the shortage of nurses. This has

been explained very logically. Further, she refers to

the fact that… “United Nations and Canada with 10

per cent of global burden of diseases has 37 per cent

of world’s health workers, who spends more than 50

per cent of the world’s health financing, whereas the

African region has 24 per cent of the burden, but only

three per cent of health workers, spending less than

one per cent of world health expenditure!!!” (pg 6). It

accomplishes the fact that throughout the world,

urban areas have better health facilities in comparison

to their rural counterparts.

In the Chapter I, the researcher also narrates

historical perspective of nursing profession in India.

Further, by referring to reports of WHO and statistical

data, the researcher highlights on the current scenario

of health workers in India. It states that in India, the

ratio of nurse: physician is 1.6:1, which is very low,

compared to international norms. India faces acute

shortage of nursing staff with an estimated deficit of

two million. India also has shortage of recognized

nursing colleges where quality education can be

imparted. The researcher draws attention to the fact

that within India, nursing colleges are unevenly

distributed. ‘the four southern states have 63 per cent

of nursing schools in contrast to 20 per cent in the

poorly performing seven states in middle and north

India and Odisha’ (pg 23). Researcher raises the

question of quality of nursing education in private

colleges, as they are mushrooming all over the

country.

She concludes this chapter by raising questions

on overall quality of nursing education, shortage of

nurses, lack of job description for nurses and

functional autonomy.

Chapter II illustrates availability of various health

care facilities in Mumbai district. It includes

objectives, methodology adopted and scope of the

study. This chapter explains in detail different health

facilities available at various levels. Researcher tries

to establish co-relationship between population of

Greater Mumbai and available health care facilities.

While doing this, she brings to the notice that even

tough Mumbai is the capital of Maharashtra state, it

has inadequate health facilities. The huge gap in the

access to health care has serious implications on

health workers, working in public sector hospitals.

To substantiate her point, she refers WHO report…

‘as per WHO norms, there should be one bed per 550

population. In Mumbai, the ratio is 1: 3500 people!!!

(pg 26).

The positive side of this research is that the

researcher has used both- qualitative as well as

quantitative research methodology. She has used

convenience sampling methodology. The sample size

is also appropriate/adequate (200 nurses). It fairly

represents almost all types of health workers

employed in private hospitals, municipal hospitals

and private nursing homes. The sample is drawn from

various hospitals located in two wards of Mumbai

namely H (East) and H (West). The researcher could

have justified the selection of these wards in her study.

Chapter III deals with review of existing literature

related to nursing profession. The review focuses on

various areas such as socio-economic profile of

nurses, reasons for opting nursing profession;

training and technology; working conditions,

opportunities for promotions and problems faced;

etc. The review of literature reveals that most of the

studies show the need for improvement in training

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QUARTERLY PUBLICATION OF THE RCUES OF AIILSG, MUMBAI, VOL. 8 NO. 2 49

and skill building of nurses. Nurses, working in the

super speciality hospitals, are facing challenges as

their knowledge is outdated. They require refresher

training to meet the demands of present situation.

Very few studies have focused on the area of career

advancement and promotional avenue.

Interpretation of data is divided into two

chapters namely Chapter IV and Chapter V. Chapter

IV gives detailed findings of socio-economic profile

of the nurses, who were interviewed. It includes age,

religion, mother tongue, marital status, family

income, number of family members, professional

training and years of experience, reasons for joining

nursing profession and other related areas. Data

interpretation is done by only calculating percentage.

Chapter V is totally devoted to the working

conditions of nurses. Researcher has focused on

permanency of job (contractual, temporary, bond or

confirmed), remuneration and other allowances,

social security (provident fund and gratuity), work

profile/duties of nurses, overtime and compensation,

leave facilities, occupational hazards, facilities

available at hospitals (canteen, changing room,

crèche, etc), professional competence and

opportunities for career advancement, grievance

redressal system, support system, affiliation to

union/nursing association and other related issues.

Based on analysis and interpretation of data

explained in chapter IV and V, the researcher has

given summary, findings and recommendations in

Chapter VI. Major findings show that nurses

employed in municipal hospitals were better off than

nurses employed in private hospitals and private

nursing homes. Irrespective of their working place,

all of them were under-paid. Low salaries, shift duties

and heavy work load were major issues for high

attrition rate in this profession. They come across

various occupational health hazards, especially

treating HIV patients. The risk of needle stick injury

was reported by nurses employed in private and civic

hospitals.

Conclusion

Perception towards nursing profession has

changed over the years from ‘care giving’ to ‘paying’

profession. For a long time nursing was considered a

predominantly female profession, interestingly now,

male members are also joining it. Even though their

number is less and mostly they are employed in

private hospitals, their perception towards this

profession is missing. Researcher could have included

them in the sample.

The researcher has focused on almost all the

problems of nursing profession. She has succeeded

in showing the effects of long working hours and shift

duties. Inadequate remuneration, little scope for

career advancement and refresher trainings, work

pressure due to understaffing, increasing work place

violence and other gender biased issues were also

highlighted.

Findings of this study are shocking and force

everyone to think about this profession. If this is the

condition of nurses in Mumbai, then what would be

their conditions in rural and tribal hospitals? What

type of health services they might be delivering? One

needs to take these issues seriously. There is an urgent

need the Government, policy makers and the nursing

association to look into these matters. From this point

of view, the present research has contributed in the

knowledge construction.

Even though the title of the book refers to ‘Socio-

Economic Conditions of Nurses in Mumbai’ but a

few aspects are missing. Researcher has not

established co-relation between various factors. For

example, - shift duties and their effects marital status;

family income, salary of nurse and savings; effects of

shift duties on family life and occupational hazards,

attitude of patients, their relatives and stress level,

etc. To find out the inherent relationship and

differences in the data, a systematic analysis of the

data should have been done. For this, different

statistical techniques are used. For the purpose of

analysis of responses given by nurses, the researcher

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50

has used ONLY percentage. For qualitative analysis

of data, the researcher could have used mean,

median, mode, Standard Deviation, skewness and

kurtosis. For inferential analysis, the researcher could

have used ANOVA technique. By using this, she could

have shown the differences in the quality of nursing

profession in private hospitals, government hospitals

and nursing homes. By using t-test, the researcher

could have explained socio-economic conditions in

a much better way. By doing cross tables, other

important findings could have been drawn, which

are missing.

Making available the counselling facilities

exclusively for nurses would definitely improve the

services of nurses. This can become one of the

recommendations. Overall, the researcher has

succeeded in bringing out major problems faced by

nurses. She has also given viable recommendations.

If implemented, health services will definitely

improve and the goal of ‘health for all’ will be

achieved.

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