Monsters on the Horizon Multiple Perspe

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    Monsters on the Horizon: Multiple Perspectives on Inner Asian Teratology.

    Jonathan Ratcliffe, ANU.

    Abstract: Classical conceptions of geography, even before Herodotus, present us

    with a wealth of bizarre tribes and monstrosities in relation to the remote landsbeyond the Greco-Scythian settlements around the Pontus Euxinus and to the

    regions north of India. But what can we make of legendary and distant beings suchas the one-eyed Arimaspians, gold-digging ants, regions full of feathers and dog-headed men? In this paper I will look to uncannily similar descriptions made by thegeographers of ancient and mediaeval India and China towards their north and westrespectively, which point towards notions that such wonders had their origins in the

    folklore of the nomadic cultures of Inner Asia. Indeed, in support of this, we findsimilar descriptions for the inhabitants of remote lands within the mediaeval and

    living epic narratives of the Turkic-Mongolian peoples. A key possibility, which

    shall be discussed, is that when asked about distant regions by geographers andtraders, Inner Asian peoples may have made use of the signposts which theythemselves used to describe the very ends of the earth.

    Keywords: Geography, Teratology, Amazons, Arimaspians, Herodotus, Inner Asia,

    Shan Hai Jing.

    In the past twenty years there has been increasing interest in how the ancient Greeks

    constructed and undermined their sense of identity through geography based around

    qualitative zones. The Greeks positioned themselves and the conventional inhabitedworld (oikoumene) at the centre, with the world emanating outwards into regions of

    increased cultural barbarity and climatic harshness.1At the very edges of the worldbeyond such harshness were seen to dwell perfect societies such as Homers andHerodotus Ethiopians,2 and the Hyperboreans of Pindar,3 preferenced by the godsand possessing an innate goodness far in advance of the Greeks. There has also been

    increased interest in the contradictions inherent in the ritualised deprecation and

    simultaneous celebration of teratology in classical literature, or the narration ofwonders and monsters in accounts of historiaand mythos.4However, in spite of how

    fruitful these approaches have been and continue to be, in many ways these have often

    downplayed the intercultural value of myth and symbol contained within Greek andRoman accounts. One key area is the Greek interface with the inhabitants of Inner

    1J. S. Romm, The Edges of the Earth in Ancient Thought. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994)esp. 44-66, Dog Heads and Noble Savages: Cynicism before the Cynics? in Cynics: The CynicMovement in Antiquity and Its Legacy, edited by R. B. Branham et al. (Berkeley: University of

    California Press, 1996), 12135; H. J. Kim, Ethnicity and Foreigners in Ancient Greece and China.(London: Duckworth Publishers, 2009); P. T. Keyser, Greek Geography of the Western Barbarians,in The Barbarians of Ancient Europe: Realities and Interactions, edited by L. Bonfante, (Cambridge:

    Cambridge University Press, 2011), 37-70; M. Scott, Space and Society in the Greek and RomanWorlds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013) esp. ch. 5 on Strabo and the oikoumene.2Hom. Il. I. 424425, XXIII. 205, Od. I. 2224; Hdt. III. 20-25.3Pind.Pyth.X. 27ff; Ol.III. 12ff.4G. Malinowski, Mythology, Paradoxology and Teratology in Strabos Geography, in Imaginaire et

    Modes de Construction du Savoir antique dans les Textes Scientifiques et Techniques, edited andarranged by M. Courrent and J. Thomas, (University of Perpignian: Actes du Colloque de Perpignian12 et 13 mai 2000, 2002), 107-119.

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    Asia such as the Scythic peoples and when Greek accounts appear to show uncanny

    similarities with the geographers of India and China on Inner Asias wonders.The geographers around the rim of the steppe regions of Inner Asia

    stretching from Mongolia and Manchuria to Hungary - have in many ways always had

    a penchant for the wondrous when it comes to understanding the seemingly endless

    horizon and the sea of grass that lay before them. They have peopled Inner Asia withstrange monstrosities like one-eyed and dog-headed men, tribes of Amazons, gold

    excavated by ants and gryphons and regions full of feathers. From Herodotus to

    Marco Polo and the geographical and historical traditions of China and India, whathas often been received has been half understood, in many cases through a pejorative

    lens and occasionally written under the influence of the historically largely orally

    literate Inner Asian peoples as patrons and rulers. 5 However, when we compare

    descriptions given by these scholars a great deal of curious similarities in their

    accounts of monstrosity and wonder-tales appears. Some of these examples have only

    been touched on in a meagre way by academics in recent times. This paper is an

    exercise in comparing and contrasting these accounts. What it will show in many

    cases squarely places the onus not merely on the scholars around the shores of the seaof grass and how they constructed its otherness through the use of wonders andmonsters, but upon the myths of peoples of Inner Asia themselves. Succinctly, whendesiring to know about the Inner Asian horizon, Greek, Indian and Chinese scholars

    appear to have asked the peoples of Inner Asia for information. In turn, as will be

    shown, the peoples of Inner Asia most likely made use of their own spatial myths

    concerning distant regions and the edges of the known world in their replies, and may

    have also even borrowed some of them from other cultures in turn. Such myths have,

    in many cases, continued to evolve and endure within oral tradition into mediaeval

    and even modern times. Indeed, we require all the perspectives available to develop a

    cogent, holistic history of myth including the historical and cultural links amongst the

    peoples of Inner Asia themselves.

    The arrival of the Iron Age in Inner Asia c. 800 BCE brought with it theformation of the first complex confederacies of mounted nomadic pastoralists in the

    form of the largely Indo-Iranian speaking Sai/Saka/Sakya and further west, theScythian cultural complexes. The migrations westwards of such peoples into the

    cultural spheres of Near Eastern cultures, and subsequently the Greeks around the

    Black Sea, precipitated a great movement of peoples, military and artistic technology

    and ideas across the steppe regions.6So too by the middle of the first millennium BCE

    do nomadic peoples influenced by the Indo-Iranian Scythic complex of cultures

    appear to have begun to penetrate into Mongolia, 7having a deep cultural impact on

    5 See comments by S. Whitfield, Life Along the Silkroad. (Berkeley: University of California Press,2001), 9f on the metaphor of Inner Asia as a sea largely studied only from the perspectives of thoseliving on its rim throughout history and M. Rossabi, The Mongols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press,2012), 3ff on the oral literacy of the Mongols and other Inner Asian peoples that has often prevented

    their views of history to be taken into account.6 C. I. Beckwith. Empires of the Silk Road. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011), 377f; S.Stark, Nomads and Networks: Elites and their Connections to the Outside World, in Nomads andNetworks: The Ancient Art and Culture of Kazakhstan, edited byS. Stark et al. (Princeton and Oxford:Princeton University Press, 2012), 106-126. There is some evidence that such life-ways had alreadybegun a century or so earlier in the north of Mongolia: F. Allard and D. Erdenebaatar, Khirigsuurs,Ritual and Nomadic Pastoralism in the Bronze Age of Mongolia,Antiquity 79.305 (2005): 547-563.7I. Clisson et al., Genetic Analysis of Human Remains from a Double Inhumation in a Frozen

    Kurgan in Kazakhstan (Berel site, early 3rd century BC),International Journal of Legal Medicine 116(2002): 304308; J. Nicols, Forerunners to Globalization: The Eurasian Steppe and its Periphery, inLanguage Contact in Times of Globalisation, edited by C. Hasselblatt et al. (New York: Rodopi

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    the Trco-Mongolian speaking peoples who would come to dominate the steppe

    regions from the early middle ages. It is through these cultural links, as well as the

    traditions of Greek, Chinese and Indian scholars looking towards the Inner Asian

    horizon, that the longevity and evolution of spatial and teratological myth will be

    explored.

    This said, a number of particular terata, or wonders, will now be discussed inturn from multiple perspectives and geographical traditions. In many cases the

    function of recurring wonders and monsters may become clearer. In other cases a

    dearth of information or long-standing assumptions on the part of scholars will haveto be dealt with. It is perhaps unreasonable in some cases to expect a single answer or

    transmission process for multifaceted problems with so many perspectives. However,

    by taking all available information into account new possibilities will be created for

    the study of the intercultural value of myth and symbol and their continuity.

    The Monsters.

    1.One-eyed Beings.The image of the monocular man in Inner Asian and Greek myth is a topic on which I

    have written quite a deal already in another extended paper.8 Emphatically monocularbeings with eyes in the middle of their foreheads are recorded not only by Greek

    geographers and travellers but also by Indian and Chinese geographers in relation to

    their respective borders with the regions of Inner Asia. They are for that matter very

    well attested within the bounds of Inner Asian epic and living oral tradition. Though

    he doubted their veracity, the earliest record of such beings in connection with Inner

    Asia is given by Herodotus in his mid-fifth century BCE Histories in relation to the

    Arimaspians, a legendary tribe of one-eyed men renowned for their combats with

    gold-guarding gryphons at the edges of the world:

    It seems to be that the northern parts of Europe have the most gold, but how it isacquired, I do not know and cannot clearly say, and though it is said that the one-eyed Arimaspian people steal it from gryphons, I am not convinced that men who

    are in all other facets the same as normal people, excepting their monocularity,

    exist at all. 9

    To Greek experience the northernmost limits of the known world were inhabited bythe Issedones, an Inner Asian people from beyond the Greco-Scythian cultural

    horizon of the Black Sea region visited by religious devotee to Apollo and traveller

    Aristeas of Proconnesus, most likely during the mid-sixth century BCE.10They may

    have been the Wu-sun or Asmen people in Kazakhstan and/or Dzungaria,11though

    sketchy knowledge caused them to be placed merely somewhere beyond the

    Publications, 2011),177-195; M. Gonzlez-Ruiz, M. et al., Tracing the Origins of East-WestPopulation Admixture in the Altai Region (Central Asia), PloS One 7.11 (2012). Available from:http://www.plosone.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0048904. Last accessed

    23/6/14.8J. Ratcliffe, Arimaspians and Cyclopes: The One-Eyed Man in Greek and Inner Asian Myth, Sino-Platonic Papers249 (2014).9Hdt. III. 116, cf. IV. 13. Translated by Jonathan Ratcliffe 2013/2014.10S. West, Herodotus on Aristeas, inPontus and the Outside World, edited by C. J. Tuplin. (Leiden

    and Boston: E.J. Brill Academic Publishers, 2004), 46f; J. Ratcliffe, Arimaspians and Cyclopes, 8.11Ptol. Geog.VI. 14; N. H. H. Sitwell, The World the Romans Knew.(London: Hamish Hamilton Press,1984), 180; A. Mayor. The Amazons.(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2014), 422.

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    Massagetae and the river Araxes (Aras) in Armenia.12 Both Herodotus and Aeschylus

    appear to have made exclusive use of Aristeaswork, a poem called theArimaspea, inconstructing their understandings of the far North.13North, in itself appears to havesimply meant inland, as Europe was taken to be landlocked by Herodotus.14

    In these sources, as well as in an Aristean fragment found in Byzantine writer

    John Tzetzes, the image of the Arimaspians is one which is striking. They are, asTzetzes says: warriors many in number and powerful, rich in horses and

    possessing many herds of cattle. They have a single eye in the middle of their fair

    foreheads; they are shaggy with hair, and the toughest of all men. 15This is indeed avery positive description for beings with a seemingly monstrous single eye in the

    middle of their foreheads. Romm has suggested several times that this could well be a

    Greek proto-cynical construction in which Greek standards of culture and beauty are

    deliberately inverted and the odd and barbarous are instead celebrated.16This may

    indeed be how Aristeas and later Greeks received this description, but it would seem

    more likely that the Issedones themselves, when recounting the Arimaspians, viewed

    them positively. This is even if according to the catalogue of steppe migrations given

    in Herodotus, the Arimaspians had been responsible for setting in motion theIssedonian, Cimmerian and Scythian migrations due to their invasion of Issedone

    territory.17 What may actually be the case is that the Issedones were speaking ofdistant state formation on the eastern steppe, as Vilamjo has suggested,18and may

    not have simply been next door to the Issedones, but representing the fall of theWestern Zhou to chariot-riding Xi-Rong barbarians and the subsequent rise of

    nomadic confederacies in Inner Asia following this - several hundred years prior to

    Aristeas visit.19 The one-eyed Arimaspians may simply have been a spatial mythused to etiologically explain distant events. As will be shown, there are many other

    examples of the use of one-eyed men in Inner Asian tradition for representing distant

    and primordial geographical locations. This symbol of monocularity seems to

    function either positively or negatively throughout history to represent the remote and

    wondrous, depending on the perceived nature of the location it was attached to.For example the first century BCE Shan Hai Jing, or Chinese geographical

    Classic of Mountains and Seas, mentions the presence of monocular men with an eyein the middle of their foreheads in the far north several times, both within and beyond

    the furthermost boundaries. We hear in the Classic of the Regions Beyond the Seas

    that in the north: The Country of Oneeye lies to the east. Its people have only oneeye that is set right in the middle of their faceSoftsharp Country lies east of thecountry of Oneeye. Its people have only one hand and one foot. 20We also hearregarding the northern regions in The Classic of the Regions within the Seas: Here is

    a people with one eye that grows right in the middle of their face. One author says that

    12Hdt. I. 202-203.13J. D. P. Bolton,Aristeas of Proconnesus, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962), 8-9.14 Hdt. I. 103, III. 116; IV.13, 25.2, 147. J, S. Romm, Edges of the Earth, 34; S. West in BrillsCompanion to Herodotus, edited by J. Bakker et al. (Leiden: E.J. Brill Academic Publishers, 2002),349.15J. Tzetzes, Chilliades: Historiarum Variarum. (Leipzig: F.C.G. Vogel, 1826), Chil.VII. 68692.16J. S. Romm,Edges of the World, 6970, Dog-heads, 1278.17Hdt. IV. 13.18 A. A. Vilamjo, Els Cants arimaspeus dArsteas de Proconns i la caiguda dels Zhouoccidentals,Faventia21.2 (1999): 4555.19

    S. West, Herodotus on Aristeas, 46f; J. Ratcliffe, Arimaspians and Cyclopes, 8. 20Translation: A. Birrell, The Classic of Mountains and Seas, (Richmond: Penguin Classics, PenguinBooks, 1999), VIII. p. 121.

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    they have terror in their family name and that they are the children of the great god

    Young Brightsky. They eat millet.21So too do we find northern one-eyed men in theIndianMahbhrata,22and later in theBhat Sahit of sixth century CE astronomerand encyclopaedist Varhamihira where the ekavilocanas (one-eyes) 23 are placed

    beside nations of women, seemingly like the Greek Amazons, and Inner Asian Gold-

    Scythians and Huns in the far northern and western border regions. 24Both Chineseand Indian texts include dog-headed men in close connection with one-eyed men,

    such as the vamukhas (dog-faces) in the Bhat Sahit and in the Shan Hai Jingslegends of Hound Tally Country: Houndtally Country is also called HoundarmourCountry. There they all look like hounds.the Country of Ghosts lies north of theland of the Corpse of Twain Load. The beings there have a human face and only one

    eye.25This association between monocular and canine geographic signposts may alsobe witnessed within the boundaries of Inner Asian myth in a section of the Kyrgyz

    oral epic Manas in which both species of beings inhabit a remote and evil castle. 26

    This points us in the direction of associating both of these teratological and

    geographical tropes with the peoples of Inner Asia and will be expanded further in

    connection with dog-men below. For now, however, it is necessary to enlarge thediscussion on monocular myths.

    Within mediaeval Mongolian myth we find in the thirteenth century CE SecretHistory of the Mongols, an important monocular ancestor called Duwa Soqur, who

    like the Arimaspians and beings of Chinese myth, is clearly described as possessing a

    single eye in the middle of his forehead:

    Toroqolin Bayan had two sons: Duwa Soqur (The Blind) and Dobun Mergen(The Expert). Duwa Soqur had a single eye in the middle of his forehead andcould see places three days journey away. One day Duwa Soqur went up BurqanQaldun Mountain with his brother Dobun Mergen. When Duwa Soqur looked out

    from the top of Burqan Qaldun Mountain he saw a group of people comingtowards the Tnggelik Stream. Duwa Soqur said: Among those travellersthere is a beautiful young woman travelling seated at the front of the cart. If sheis not yet any mans wife, I will ask for her for you, my brother Dobun Mergen,and make her your wife. And having said this he sent his younger brother DobunMergen to see her.27

    As we may see, Duwa Soqurs major function in the text is to find a wife for hisbrother using his incredible powers of sight from the central mountain Burqan Qaldun

    around which much of the early Secret Historyrevolves.28It may in fact be fulfilling

    21Ibid. XVII. p. 187.22K. D. Vysa, Mahbhrata, translated by K. M. Ganguli, (New Delhi: Munshirm Manoharlal PubPty Ltd [1883-1896] 2004), II. 38, 51.23 Varhamihira, Varhamihiras Bhat Sahit Vol. I, translated by M. R. Bhat, (Delhi: MotilalBanarsidass Publishers, 1997), XIV. 23.24Ibid. XIV. 21-27.25The Classic of Mountains and Seas, XII. p. 145.26 This source comes from the altraicist website beutel.narod.ru/write/manas.htm. Other availablecollections ofManasdo not seem to contain it, but as Manasis a living oral tradition it is a creation ofgreat diversity.27The Secret History of the Mongols. Text of L. Ligeti, Monumenta Linguae Mongolicae Collecta I:

    Histoire Secrte des Mongols. Budapest: Akadmiai Kiad, 1971), 2-5. Translation by J. Ratcliffe2013/2014.28The Secret History of the Mongols, 1-145.

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    the function of a cosmic world-mountain.29 In support of this there is evidence in

    nineteenth century records of Mongolic shamans in Siberia one-eyed men around the

    world-mountain as part of the shamans cosmic journey to other worlds.30So too inconnection with the Mongols and Mongol Imperial period in the Ukraine we find

    myths in which the invading Mongols were seen to take away people and sell them to

    cannibalistic one-eyed men, the edinookie, at the very edges of the world.31There isalso evidence of an Inner Asian legacy of monocular beings in the myths of the

    peoples of Armenia and Georgia continuing to the present day.32Clearly monocular

    beings have been widely-spread in Inner Asian folklore and the onus remains on their

    use as signposts for distant geography filled with numinous otherness, definedeither positively or negatively due to the context in which they appear. Indeed even

    the Arimaspians may have lost their monocularity and simply become the maleficent

    yeti-like, Almas/Almastyof Mongolian and Kazakh folklore, as some deft linguistic

    arguments by Heaney have shown.33This demonstrates that the monocular symbol

    has remained a motif independent of individual names of beings, but has been

    retained and reshaped due to its geographical function over time.

    2. Dog-men.

    In the fragmentary sixth century BCE Hesiodic Catalogues of Women we find the

    earliest reference in the Greek world to canine men, the half-dogs or Hemicynes,placed near the Massagetae, a people of Inner Asia:

    [The Boreades pursued the Harpyiai] to the lands of the Massagetai and of theproud Hemikunes (Hemicynes) (Half-Dog men), of the Katoudaioi (Catoudaei)(Underground-folk) . . . Huge Gaia (Earth) bare these to Epaphos . . . Aithiopes

    (Ethiopians) and Libys34

    Herodotus later assumed that these dog-men were in Libya, 35 though Libys andAithiopes are clearly separated in the Hesiodic text from the Massagetae and Half-

    Dogs. Subsequent classical thinkers attempted to rationalise them as baboons. 36However, within the scope of Inner Asian myth we should note that since their arrival

    into Near Eastern awareness in the late eighth century, certain Scythic/Saka groups

    had been referred to on multiple occasions as imitating dogs and being dog-like. For

    instance there are the seemingly self-titled tribe the Saka Ipakaya (dog Saka), whichis found in the Assyrian annals of 676 BCE, the Akkadian oracle from the God

    Shamash to the king Assarhaddon in 670 BCE refers to the Scythians when it asks

    Are they placing the valiant dogs of evil in their midst? and the Greek war-historianPolyaenus appears to have preserved fragments of a Scythian epic concerning how

    29 J-P Roux, The Tree of Life and the Cosmic Axis Among the Turks and Mongols, in AsianMythologies, edited by Y. Bonnefoy and translated by W. Doniger, (Chicago: University of ChicagoPress, 1993), 326-28.30A. Alfldi Review of M. Rostovtzeff, Skytien und der Bosporus, Gnomon9 (1933): 56172; E. D.Phillips, The Legend of Aristeas: Fact and Fancy in Early Greek Notions of East Russia, Siberia, andInner Asia,Artibus Asiae18.2 (1955): 16177.31. . . . St. Petersburg: A. Semen Printers,1858), I. 87-9; Bolton, J. D.P. 1962.Aristeas of Proconnesus, 83.32J. Ratcliffe, Arimaspians and Cyclopes,50-52.33Mayor, A., and M. Heaney. 1993. Gryphons and Arimaspians,Folklore104.1/2 (1993): 56ff.34Hes. Catal.Fr. 40, cf. fr. 44. Translation by H. G. Evelyn White, Loeb Classical Library edition,

    (Harvard: Harvard University Press).35Hdt. IV. 191.3.36Plin.H.N.VI. 194; Ael.De Nat. An.X.25,30.

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    they as valiant dogs drove out the Cimmerians. 37 Similar dog-imitation mayperhaps still be found amongst the cultural and linguistic descendants of the Indo-

    Iranian Scythians, the Ossetians, in their balc raiding initiation rituals of young men.38

    Thus, from the information that we have and its context, a connection with dog men

    from within the bounds of Inner Asian myth is a strong possibility.

    With the growth of Greek mythologising of India through scholars such as theGreek Ctesias who lived in the Persian court, and of Indian geographical tropes

    themselves, we begin to see a tradition of Kynokephaloi (dog-heads) said to live in

    distant regions in the North of India towards the Inner Asian regions. In Greekgeographical traditions these Indian dog-men came to represent an inversion of Greek

    standards of civilisation and beauty.39They are mute beasts with tails, copulate in the

    open, but possess great longevity and unequalled happiness.40Curiously, we also find

    reference to monocular dog-men, or Monommati, in Greek recordings of myth

    regarding India, which is perhaps confusion with that of the monocular man.41As we

    have seen, close ties between the symbol of the monocular man and the dog-man

    appear in Chinese (Hound Tally Country), Indian (vamukhas) and even in living

    Inner Asian teratological traditions, suggesting a long held tradition of pairingpointing towards Inner Asia. However, greater context for the symbol of the dog-man

    in its own right and in relation to previous significant studies by scholars on the topiccan also enlighten us on a number of matters.

    In perhaps the most complete work on this subject, Myths of the Dog Man,

    White concentrates upon the use of the dog to represent otherness in a great manycultures and regions, including Inner Asia, which he calls, because of its strong

    connections with the symbol: The Vortex of Cynanthropy.42For instance, Whitenotes that especially amongst the Indian geographers there are a great deal of

    pejorative references to far northern peoples as dog cookers and dog-milkers, butthat it is hard to tell where ethnology ends and propaganda begins when it comes todeducing whether these myths do descend from Inner Asian peoples, or have simply

    been created by Indian peoples to ridicule outsiders closer to India.43White does showthat in Inner Asia there are many myths of lands of dog-men and episodes of canine

    and lupine ancestry.44Yet, in spite of the diversity of these myths, it is Whites beliefthat most of these are genuine positive ancestry myths that have been ridiculed and

    reconstructed negatively by outsiders. As a result he plays down episodes such as

    those found amongst the mediaeval Trks and Mongols, where dog-men point

    towards a mythologising of some disliked or distant people by Inner Asian peoples

    themselves.45

    Using a number of rarely discussed sources, the mediaeval Trco-Mongolian

    myth of a land of dogs is detailed deftly by White in his work, but overall there islittle of substance said on its function. We find aNochoy Kazar(Land of Dogs) and a

    37A. Ivanik, Les Guerriers-Chiens: Loups Garous et Invasions Scythes en Asie Mineure, Revue del'Histoire des Religions, CCX-3 (1992): 305-329.38Ibid.320f.39J. S. Romm,Edges of the World, 69f, Dog-heads, 127f.40Photius,Epitome of Ctesias20-22; Plin.H. N. VII.2.23.41Strabo XV.1.55-58.42D. G. White.Myths of the Dog-Man.(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), esp. Ch. 6. TheVortex of Cynanthropy, 116-139.43

    Ibid. 116-119.44Ibid. 120-139.45Ibid. 130-139.

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    land ofNochoyterim(dog-heads) in the travels of Carpini c. 1245 CE,46and a similar

    land of dog-men that are impervious to harm in Rashd al-Dns Oguz-Name,47andonce again in a text falsely attributed to the historian Hetum of Corycus.48The tenth

    century CE Chinese traveller Hu Chiao offers a description of similar dog-men in the

    north, beyond the Khitan.49We also find Chinese records of Uighur myth in which the

    Trks are taken to be the descendants of two dogs that raped a woman. 50The strikingunifier within all of these accounts is that the females of these peoples are

    conventionally human in appearance and habit, and it is emphasised that unlike the

    males they are capable of speaking. For instance in Carpini we read of how the Tatars

    (Mongols) found only womenfirst of all in theNochoyterim and that The dogs...are exceptionally shaggy and understand every word their women say, while the

    women understand the dogs sign language. If a woman bears a female child it has ahuman form like the mother51Even the earlier myth about the people beyond theKhitan emphasizes that the dog-mens women are human women, but that malechildren born to them are canine monsters.52Such descriptions are echoed by pseudo-

    Hetums the males born from the commerce of these dogs with their women

    resemble dogs and the females women.53Also, in the Oguz-Name, we learn: Themen are swarthy. They look very ugly; they look like dogs. Their women, however,

    are beautiful. We hear of the good fortune of one of Oguzs soldiers whencaptured:As their husbands looked ugly and looked like dogs, the women liked himthewomen took him before the wife of their ruler.54The queen, in turn, falls in love withOguz and gives birth to the ancestor of the Kipchaq people in a hollow log.55

    This is a curious mythic pattern and to provide an answer for it we might

    suggest that it represented the raiding of distant, primitive peoples and the stealing of

    their women. Making male competitors into dogs legitimises the act of theft and rape.

    The element of the near invulnerability of the dogs, found in both Carpini56and the

    Oguz-Name57adds an exciting tension to the story and exacerbates the otherness ofthe dog-men enemies, increasing the reasonableness of stealing their all too normal

    women and fear of the captured women giving birth to male offspring. Thus, whereasGreek reception made the dog-man an inverted symbol of distant and wondrous

    geography through cynicism and self-criticism and some Scythic peoples appear tohave viewed themselves as valiant dogs,mediaeval Trco-Mongolian teratologicalviews made it a negative geographical symbol for understanding other peoples they

    met with and pillaged. However, the idea that societies of Amazons located in Inner

    Asia were linked with these dog-men due to the fairly normal qualities of the women

    46G. da P. Carpini, The Story of the Mongols Who We Call the Tatars, translated by E. Hildinger.(Wellesley: Branden Books, 1996), 61,69.47R.al-Dn, History of the Ogus, translated by E. Austerlitz, (Glastonbury: AM Notebook Publishing,2010), XXV-VI script 592r p.58-62.48In B. Laufer, Supplementary Notes on Walrus and Narwal Ivory, Toung Pao 17 (1916): 357-58.49In D. G. White,Myths of the Dog-Man, 133.50Ibid. 134.51G. da P. Carpini, The Story of the Mongols, 61.52In D. G. White,Myths of the Dog-Man, 133.53in B. Laufer, Supplementary Notes, 357-58.54R.al-Dn,History of the Ogus, XXV-VI script 592r p.58-62.55

    Ibid.56G. da P. Carpini, The Story of the Mongols, 61.57R.al-Dn,History of the Ogus, XXV-VI script 592r p.58-62.

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    of the dog-men is perhaps overstretching the evidence as we possess no myths in

    which a link of this sort is made.58

    This said, the symbolic nature of the dog in Trco-Mongolian tradition is a

    difficult thing to produce a single definition for - far more difficult than the long

    celebrated ancestral blue wolf we find amongst the Trks and Mongols, and seems

    highly dependant upon time and place and external cultural influences.59For instance,in some cases we appear to find some cases of very positive canine totemism. The

    Khitan royal family were associated with a dog-people called It Barak(shaggy dog),

    which is also the name for a good magical dog that defeats an evil one called KaraBarak(shaggy black one) in the Oguz-Namesaga.60We find a magical white dog that

    speaks a leader for the migration of the Oguz Trks in the Chronicles of Michael the

    Syrian,as opposed to the talking blue wolf in the Turfanian Oguz Kagan tradition. 61

    For that matter we do hear of an ancestral figure of the Khitan called Nai-ho([dog]

    skull) for whom rituals involving a dogs head were performed each year duringAugust.62 Nai-ho may indeed be Mongolic noqai (dog) and there is of course a

    selection of Trkic peoples called the Nogai still found in Dagestan and Russia, who

    take their name from a sixteenth and seventeenth century horde from around theCaspian Sea that was a successor to the Mongol Golden Horde.63We also find the dog

    as a central guide figure and primordial guardian throughout Buriat Mongol epic.64Thus, the lands of dog-men stand separate compared with these other diverse dog

    myths in which the animal has an inclusive, totemic and ancestral quality.

    Nevertheless, the weakness of Whites broad assumptions that all the myths inquestion indicate canine totemism and ancestry are perfectly illustrated in the case

    study of his analysis of the creeping yellow dog that is used as a simile for the divine

    ancestor who gives rise to the sons of Alan Qoa in the Secret History.65As deRachewiltz has said, the dog appears to have no special significance in relation toother details we know concerning the mediaeval Mongols, 66 and remains simply a

    comparison for the divine spirits quick departure: when he went out he crawled as ayellow dog does by the rising sun or moon.67Indeed, as we may see, White is most

    58J. Davis-Kimball, Warrior Women of the Eurasian Steppes."Archaeology 50.1 (1997): 44-51; V. H.Mair. Canine Conundrums: Eurasian Dog Ancestor Myths in Historical and Ethnic Perspective, Sino-Platonic Papers87 (1998): 14.59 E. Tryjarski, The Dog in the Turkic Area: An Ethnolinguistic Investigation, Central AsiaticJournal. 23.3.4 (1979): 297-319; P. Golden, Wolves, Dogs and Qipaq Religion, Acta OrientaliaAcademiae Scientiarum Hungaricae.50.1.3 (1997): 87-97.60R.al-Dn,History of the Ogus. XXIV-VI script 592r pp.58-61.Baraq in the Turkic languages appearsliterally to mean shaggy and is found in connection not only dogs but also shaggy horses both

    pejoratively and positively in R.al-Dn,Rashiduddin Fazlullahs Jami ut Tawarikh: A Compendium ofChronicles: History of the Mongols, edited by .Tekin, . And G.A. Tekin and translated by W. M.Thackston, (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1999), 304, 322. It should not be confused at all withthe mystical Islamic steed buraq.61Michael the Syrian, Text and Translations of the Chronicle of Michael the

    Great: Vol. I.Trans. G. I. Ibrahim, (Piscataway: Gorgias Press, 2009), III.153; . . Shcherbak. (Moscow: USSR Academy of Science, Institute of Linguistics, 1959), xvi,xviii, xxv, xxxiii.62D. G. White,Myths of the Dog Man, 133-4.63R. Wixman, Peoples of the USSR: An Ethnographic Handbook,(New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1988),92, 146f.64D. Burchina, The Dog in the Heroic Epos of the Buryats, Siberian Studies1.2.1.2 (2013): 30-40.65D. G. White,Myths of the Dog Man, 72.66

    I. de Rachewiltz. The Secret History of the Mongols: A Mongolian Epic Chronicle of the ThirteenthCentury.(Leiden and Boston: E.J. Brill Academic Publishers, 2004), 264.67The Secret History of the Mongols, 21. Translation by Jonathan Ratcliffe 2013/2014.

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    likely correct in some cases regarding canine totemism and ancestry myths in Inner

    Asia, but as also seen, the dog is a complex and multi-faceted symbol. Onepossibility is that the lands of dog-men arose due to Inner Asian peoples meeting with

    those who possessed canine ancestry myths and canine imitation rituals and that this

    was passed on to outsider geographers and travellers. Whether this was as far back

    as meeting with valiant dogScythic peoples, or later canine ancestry myths, whichthemselves may have descended from Indo-Iranian myth, as Mair has suggested,68

    seems difficult to judge. What is true is that Inner Asia remains a recurrent spatial

    centre for installing the symbol of the dog-man from the many perspectives available.

    3. The Amazons.In Greek literature it is in Homers Iliad that we hear the earliest mention of thelegendary warrior-women, the Amazons, where they appear in two short passages.

    The former is spoken of by Priam in relation to their arrival at a battle in Phrygia he

    witnesses as a young man, and the latter is in connection with the culture hero

    Bellerophon who defeated them after his ordeal with the monster Chimaera in

    Lycia.69 As time goes on we find fuller descriptions of the Amazons developing,including a number of queens such as Otrera, Penthesileia, Antiope, Orithyia and

    Hipplotyta and their deaths at the hands of heroes such as Achilles, Theseus andHeracles.70There are also the famous stories in Herodotus of their interbreeding with

    the Royal Scythians to create the Sauromatai/Sarmatians, a nomadic people of Inner

    Asia.71Indeed, throughout much of Greek history the Amazons were consider to be a

    people dwelling in Inner Asia, and are frequently imagined in Greek art in Scythic

    dress as female warrior figures without the missing breast etymological efforts at

    decoding their name suggested (a-mazon = no breast).72Since even the middle ages

    there have been numerous attempts by travellers and scholars to square with the

    Amazon myth their observations of Inner Asian and Central Asian peoples from the

    Caucasus to Afghanistan and Mongolia, amongst whom women actively fought as

    warriors.73Recently, Mayor has reopened this avenue and supplied further evidenceof warrior women in Inner Asia from history, folklore and modern practices to great

    success, from the Caucasus to Trkic Central Asia - from Saikal, the heroine of theKyrgyz Manas epic to the kesh kumay girl-chasing rituals of Azerbaijan and

    Kazakhstan.74Mayor in conjunction with Saunders and Colarusso has also, notably,

    managed to demonstrate the possibility that some of the names of Amazons on

    Hellenic vases are not the nonsensethat they are usually taken to be, but uncannilyclose transcriptions of Abkhazian and Circassian names.75However, as few scholars

    68

    V. H. Mair. Canine Conundrums, 11ff.69Hom.Il.III. 185ff, VI. 171ff.70For instance: Diod. Sic. II. 46.5, IV. 16, 28, 64; Paus. I. 2. 1, I. 15. 2, I. 41. 7, II. 32. 9, V. 10. 9, 11.4-7; Ps. Apollod.Bib. II. 5.9, E5.1-2; Hyg. Fab.30, 112, 225.71Hdt. IV. 110-117; Plin.H. N. VI. 19.72 A. Mayor and J. Ober. Amazons, Military History Quarterly (1991): 68-77; A. Mayor. TheAmazons, 84-94. On reception of the popular breast-based etymology: Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 107;Hippoc.Aer.17; Diod. Sic. II.45.2; Apollod.Bib. II.2.5.9; Just.Epit. Pomp. Trog.II.4.5-11; Strabo XI.

    5.1.73See rare primary sources cited in J. D. P. Bolton, Aristeas, 79; A. Mayor. The Amazons, 356-376.74A. Mayor,Amazons, 395-410.75Ibid, 240-242; A. Mayor, J. Colarusso and D. Saunders, Making Sense of Nonsense InscriptionsAssociated with Amazons and Scythians on Athenian Vases,Hesperia 83.3 (2014): 447-493. This

    new conception has a far greater claim, so it seems, than evidence for Trkic-Mongolian peoplesamongst the Black Sea Scythians: J. M. Cook, The Rise of the Achaemenids and Establishment oftheir Empire, in The Cambridge History of Iran Vol II: The Median and Achaemenid Periods, Edited

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    are familiar with such languages, it may be a while before this approach is criticised

    from a linguistic perspective or further expanded upon beyond Colarusso himself.

    This said, during antiquity, from the description of the Issedones given by

    Aristeas in Herodotus, in which men and women fulfilled the same social roles, 76and

    the Sarmatian warrior queens Amage and Tomyris,77to the archaeological evidence of

    the burials of the Sarmatians and Pazyryk peoples in which women were buried withweapons and died of battle wounds,78these factors suggest the strong possibility that

    the Amazons had some of their basis in facts concerning the peoples of the Caucasus

    and Inner Asian steppes. More importantly they suggest that were not merely aconstruction of the Greek mind representing everything Greek women were not

    supposed to be, as has been the common assumption amongst structuralist and post-

    structural scholars.79 However, when it comes to some assumptions that have been

    made by scholars regarding nations of women as equivalents with the GreekAmazon myth from Chinese and Indian records we begin to run into some difficulties

    that require clarification.

    For instance in the Classic of Mountains and Seasa Country of Women ismentioned as existing in the far west in which a pair of women holding hands withoutany men are to be found.80The fixation that such a land existed in the west has a long

    history in Chinese thought from Tang dynasty self-references under female rule to thenineteenth century Chinese journalist Wang Tao using it as a motif in his journeys to

    Europe during the Qing dynasty.81Perhaps most influentially the seventh century CE

    real life Tripitaka, Xuanzang, mentioned two kingdoms of women during his travels.

    The Western Kingdom was most likely in Baluchistanand included notions that theByzantines sent men there each year as a payment for goods to the female rulers, and

    the Eastern as the Suvarnagotree people in the Himalayas. Most modern scholarstake these kingdoms of Xuanzang to refer to matriarchal cultures native to India rather

    than Inner Asia, though some have pushed this far enough to suggest that these

    cultures represented remnants of ancient matriarchies which had previously been far

    more common.82Often scholars seem to associate Xuanzangs records with the IndianStrrajhyaor kingdom of women and Arjunas affair with the queen of these men-

    by I. Gershevitch, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 255; P. Kingsley, A Story Waiting

    to Pierce You: Mongolia, Tibet and the Destiny of the Western World(Point Reyes: Golden Sufi CentrePublications, 2010). Cf. J. Ratcliffe, Review: Peter Kingsley, A Story Waiting to Pierce You:Mongolia, Tibet and the Destiny of the Western World, Draft uploaded to academia.edu 1/09/2014.Pending publication.76

    Hdt. IV. 26-27.77Polyaneus VIII. 56; Hdt. I. 205f.78 A. Mayor. The Amazons, 214-224. See notes also for a history of finds first attributed byarchaeologists to male warriors and now shown to belong to females.79 Cf. J-P. Vernant, Morals and Immortals, Trans. F. Zeitlin (Princeton: Princeton University Press,

    1991), 199-200; R. L. Fowler, Early Greek Mythography Vol. II. (Oxford: Oxford University Press,2013), 86, 541. A. Stewart, Imag(in)ing the Other: Amazons and Ethnicity in Fifth Century Athens,Poetics Today16 (1995): 571-97.80The Classic of Mountains and Seas, VII. p. 115-117.81J. W. Jay, Imagining Matriarchy Kingdoms of Women in Tang China, journal of the maericanOriental Society 116.2 (1996): 220-229; E. Jinhuan Teng, The West as a Kingdom of Women:Woman and Occidentalism in Wang Taos Travels, in Traditions of East Asian Travel, edited by J. A.Fogel, (Oxford NY: Berghahn Books, 2006), 97-124.82

    E. Sand, Woman Rulers: Woman Rule. (Lincoln: iUniverse Ebooks, 2001), 128. B. S. Chandrababuand L. Thilagavati, Woman: Her History and Emancipation, (Teynampet: Barathi Puthakalayam, 2009),121.

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    killing women, Pramila, in the Jaimini Bhrata. 83 The name of the country isprefigured in the Mahbhrata84and later sited beside Huns (Hephthalites?), Gold-Scythians and similar in the direction of Inner Asia in the Bhat Samhta. 85However,this does not answer whether peoples and myths located closer to India have simply

    been collapsed together with myths and observations on the roles played by women

    amongst Inner Asia nomads.Perhaps the integral factor in determining this is the detail that within the

    myths of the peoples of Inner Asia we have no records of anything resembling an

    entire kingdom of women. The only exception is perhaps the Kyrgyz epic tale ofKyrkKyz(The Forty Women) in which the female warrior Gulaim rejects her suitors, trains

    forty women warriors, undertakes a series of conquests, and even after marriage

    retains her warrior nature.86However, this still does not indicate anything that could

    perhaps be stretched as far as the concept of an endemic kingdom. Rather what wedo find instead is a number of important, recurrent, singular, female warrior

    characters throughout Inner Asian history. Some of these have been well detailed by

    Mayor including the Mongol princess Ai-yurac, mentioned in Marco Polo,87and the

    Lady Chickek with whom one of the heroes must compete in masculine contests suchas archery and wrestling in order to win her in the AzerbaijaniKitab-i Dede Korkut.88

    In spite of this, one key figure who has not been mentioned by Mayor at all is thedaughter of the Naga king and wife to the hero Geser, Au/Alu/Alma Mergen, foundin the Khalkh Mongolian and Buriat Geser Khan cycles. This figure has had a

    profound effect on comparative approaches to mythology in the past in relation to

    similarities with Brunhilda in the legends of Sigurd and the stealing of the girdle of

    the Amazon Hippolyta by Heracles.89Au/Alu/Alma/Ana Mergen is not found in anyof the Tibetan versions of Geser and appears to be a Mongolic creation, an archer

    heroine and shamaness, described as being as a man and a protectress of the heroskingdom during his nine year absence.90 In the Khalkh Geser she later rescues the

    hero from the clutches of some monsters who transform him into a donkey and hold

    him captive in an episode reminiscent of Apuleius Metamorphoses (The Golden

    83Lakshmisha, Jaimini Bhrata, edited by B.S. Sannaiah et al. (University of Mysore: Prasaranga,1993), ch. XXIV; E. Sand, Woman Rulers: Woman Rule, 128; B. S. Chandrababu and L. Thilagavati,Woman: Her History and Emancipation, 121; A. Mayor. The Amazons, 409.84Mahbhrata, III. 5185Bhat SamhitaXIV. 22.86, . . -, .. - 30(1958): 110-120; G.M.H. Shoolbraid, The Oral Epic of Siberia, (Bloomington: Indian University Press,

    1975), 83-84. Curiously Mayor does not make any mention of this epic at all.87 M. Polo, The Travels, translated and annotated by R.E. Latham, (Richmond: Penguin Classics,Penguin Books), 317-319.88Book of Dede Korkut, translated by G. Lewis, (Ringwood: Penguin Classics, Penguin Books), 117-131. cf. 35 on which A. Mayor, The Amazons, 365-366 says that the wife of Dirse Khan leads forty

    other women warriors. This exaggerates what is merely an attempt to find her wounded son that is inno way militaristic in intention. Strangely, the Kyrk Kyz epic, which is not mentioned at all by Mayordoes contain forty such women.89. . . (-, 1962), 103-106; L. Lrincz,Heracles in Mongolia? in Jubilee Volume of the Oriental Collection 1851-1976, (Budapest, 1978),156-157; W. Heissig, Westlische Motivparallelen in zentrelasiatischen Epen (Munich: Verlag derBayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1983), 9-24.90S. Odigon, Wife, Mother, Shamaness, Warrior Woman: The Role of Women in Mongolian and

    Siberian Epic Tales, Continuity and Change in Central and Inner Asia: Papers presented at theCentral and Inner Asian Seminar University of Toronto, March 24 & 25, 2000 and May 4 & 5, 2001,Edited by M. Gervers and W. Schlepp, (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 2002), 316-318.

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    Ass).91As well as this there are also a number of folktale structures found amongst the

    Buriats and Tuvans, such as Alamji Mergen, Bora Sheeli or Sagaadai Mergen in

    which a female figure has to pretend to be male in order to win a wife or cure for her

    brother by engaging in traditionally masculine challenges such as archery, horse-

    racing and wrestling.92 There is for that matter no mention made by Mayor of the

    powerful female figures of the Secret History of the Mongols, such as Temins(Chingis Khans)wife Brte or his mother Heln, who brings up her children in thewilderness after having been disowned and guides Chingis path closely throughouthis life.93It is curious that Mayor has not noted these figures or delved into a possibleScythic inheritance immanent in mediaeval and living Mongolic mythology, which

    could have been equally productive in rounding off her connections between Inner

    Asian gender roles and the bases of the Amazon myth.

    This said, Mayor has built a strong case for the great majority of Greek

    Amazon legends pointing towards Inner Asia and the Scythic peoples of antiquity

    who dwelt in the Caucasus and around the Black Sea. Yet in others she has merely

    added any matriarchal or female warrior tradition or folkloric figure that she has met

    with along the way from the Naga people of southern India to the Mosuo people ofChina.94On the other hand some of her broad-based approach is very commendable.

    Her analysis of Egyptian and classical myths that link Amazons with north Africa aspossibly influenced by slaves from the Caucasus is highly original, intriguing, and

    demands greater expansion.95Indeed, upon reflection, what we may have here is not

    perhaps as Mayor suspects that the material pointing towards Inner Asian womenwarriors in nearly all of these cases. Instead, what we most likely have is an ongoing

    series of parallel constructions of entire countries of women being imagined. It is

    most likely that the presence of some female warriors and matrilineal and matriarchal

    customs from diverse cultures have been condensed into traditions of lands of women

    in order for the geographers of India, China and Greece to understand them. What

    emerges from these geographers, story tellers and travellers is a hyperbolic creation of

    otherness- emphasising inverted cultures. As scholars we must be careful not tosimply assume that what appear to be similar constructs point universally towards a

    single reality of the original Scythic Amazonwomen and their cultural descendants.Yet to temper this, there would on the other hand seem little doubt now that much of

    the Greek Amazon myth had a basis in the perception of ancient Inner Asian female

    gender roles, echoes of which still remain to this day.

    4. Gold-Ants.

    In book three of Herodotus histories we hear thevery creative story of how in Bactria

    gold is acquired through having to steal it from gigantic ants that excavate it as part oftheir burrowing process:

    Here, in this desert, there live amid the sand great ants, in size somewhat lessthan dogs, but bigger than foxes. The Persian king has a number of them, which

    91 , . , ( : , ,1990), V. 11; VIII. 4-7; cf. W. Hessig, Westlische Motivparallen, 11ff.92-- in , Volume I, edited by L.E. Eliasov (Ulan Ude: BuryatBook Publishing, 1959), 120; , collected by Erika Taube(Moscow: Russian Academy of Sciences, 1994), 127-131; Sarangerel, Wife, Mother,316-318.93The Secret History of the Mongols,69-79. cf. Helns political powerover Chingis at 118, 242-

    244.94A. Mayor,Amazons, 409, 418-419.95Ibid. 278-294.

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    have been caught by the hunters in the land whereof we are speaking. Those antsmake their dwellings underground, and like the Greek ants, which they verymuch resemble in shape, throw up sand heaps as they burrow. Now the sandwhich they throw up is full of gold. The Indians, when they go into the desert to

    collect this sand, take three camels and harness them together, a female in themiddle and a male on either side, in a leading rein. The rider sits on the female,and they are particular to choose for the purpose one that has but just dropped heryoung; for their female camels can run as fast as horses, while they bear burdensvery much better.. When the Indians reach the place where the gold is, they filltheir bags with the sand, and ride away at their best speed: the ants, however,scenting them, as the Persians say, rush forth in pursuit. Now these animals are,

    they declare, so swift, that there is nothing in the world like them: if it were not,therefore, that the Indians get a start while the ants are mustering, not a single

    gold-gatherer could escape. During the flight the male camels, which are not sofleet as the females, grow tired, and begin to drag, first one, and then the other;

    but the females recollect the young which they have left behind, and never giveway or flag. Such, according to the Persians, is the manner in which the Indians

    get the greater part of their gold; some is dug out of the earth, but of this thesupply is scantier.96

    The most interesting aspect of this travellers taleis the fact that it has very particularprerequisites in the Indian imagination, which appear to have been carried not only

    into the Greek and Persian cultural spheres, but later also into Tibet and subsequentlyMongolia through the Geser Khan epic tradition. The earliest reference we have to

    such ants is in the Mahbhratawhere they are called piplika and are placed in thenorth alongside the one-eyed men.97 More than anything this myth would seem to

    concern simply the fact that there was some correlation between ants and gold-rich

    soil in the north of India in Bactria, as in Herodotus text,98and indeed the import of

    unwrought gold from Bactria in large amounts is mentioned in the Persian Great KingDarius Susa inscription.99However, amongst the Greeks following Herodotus, someconfusion takes hold regarding the ant-golds source. Megasthenes who travelled withAlexander gives them a definite placement amongst the Dardae, or modern Darades

    people of Kashmir; Pliny claims that a pair of pincers from one specimen had been

    preserved in a temple to Heracles at Erythrae; Philostratus calls them EthiopianandAelian puts them in the far northnear the Issedones.100

    Even more curiously, Strabo and Arrian even say that the admiral ()ofAlexander, Nearchus, was shown pelts ()of these ants.101One rather interestingidea that has been built upon these pelts is the theory that gold-ant is really the

    Tibetan marmot. Supposedly the Ancient Persian term for these animals was

    mountain mouse ants. Often this etymology is attributed to Peissel, the mainendorser of the marmot theory through his meetings with the Minaro people of Tibet,

    but it does not appear at all in his work.102At some point it has been invented, applied

    96Hdt. III. 103-105. Translated by G. Rawlinson, The History,(New York: Dutton & Co., 1862).97MahbhrataII.48.2.98Hdt. III. 102.99W. Woodthorpe-Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,[1951] 2010), 107.100Strabo XV.1.44; cf. Plin. H. N.XI.36; Arr.Ind.XV. 4-7; Philostrat. Vit. Apoll.VI.1; Ael. De Nat.An.III.4.101

    Strabo. XV. 1.44; Arr.Ind.XV. 3-7.102M. Peissel, The Ants' Gold: The Discovery of the Greek El Dorado in the Himalayas. (London:Harper Collins, 1984). Cf D. Warsh, Found: Mountain Mouse Ants, Armaco World, Sept-Oct 1997,

    http://www.livius.org/caa-can/camel/camel.htmlhttp://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/morph?l=dora%5Cs&la=greek&can=dora%5Cs0&prior=gh=%7Chttp://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/morph?l=dora%5Cs&la=greek&can=dora%5Cs0&prior=gh=%7Chttp://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/morph?l=dora%5Cs&la=greek&can=dora%5Cs0&prior=gh=%7Chttp://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/morph?l=dora%5Cs&la=greek&can=dora%5Cs0&prior=gh=%7Chttp://www.livius.org/caa-can/camel/camel.html
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    to Peissel, and no analysis of the supposed Persian terms involved has ever been given.

    Moreover, this creative, popular theory also fails to take into account that this

    legends hub is India, rather than an invention of the interplay between Greek andPersian or Greek and Inner Asian myth. More importantly, contrary to Peissel,

    Herodotus and Arrian describe the ants as being between a fox and a dog in size, not

    in any other aspect such as appearance, and they are in no way furry or spotted asPeissel imagines.103 Whatever the pelts were from, the ones shown to Nearchus, it

    does not say at all in Arrian that they were like that of a panther or a leopard, as

    Peissel also claims.104This is a mistake that appears to have come into existence dueto Strabos confused en passant claim that Nearchus compared the ants tobeing akinto leopards ().105As Druce pointed out long ago, this could wellmean that the hides of the two animals were of a similar size, at least to the Greeks

    who had received the myth of the existence of giant ants from Herodotus, and not

    necessarily a matter of their patterning.106Although Nearchus works have long sinceperished, if we inspect the passage in Arrian that includes Nearchusremnant accountin greater detail, an alternative appears to come to light. Nearchus in error in fact

    appears to claim that tigers are said to be just like dappled jackals().107Nearchus had only seen the skins of these tigers in India and hadlittle idea what the animals were like, so it seems. One should look closely at the text:

    . , : ,, : , . , , . ,

    ,.

    The Indians regard the tiger as much stronger than the elephant. Nearchus writesthat he had seen a tiger's skin, but no tiger; the Indians record that the tiger is insize as great as the largest horse, and its swiftness and strength without parallel,

    for a tiger, when it meets an elephant, leaps on to the head and easily throttles it.Those, however, which we see and call tigers are dappled jackals, but larger thanordinary jackals. Nay, about ants also Nearchus says that he himself saw no ant, ofthe sort which some writers have described as native of India; he saw, however,

    several of their skins brought into the Macedonian camp.108

    http://www.silk-road.com/artl/bigant.shtml; The Gold Digging Ants http://www.livius.org/he-hg/herodotus/hist06.htm (n.d.).103M. Peissel, The Ants' Gold, 75, 145-148.104Ibid.105Strabo XV.1.44.106G. C. Druce, Myrmekoleon or Ant-Lion, The Antiquaries Journal 3.4 (1923): 347-363, esp. 355.107Cf. indicating speckled in relation to a dog in Call. Dian.91 and blotchy skin in Soph. Ph.1157. Usually the word seems to indicate nimble, glittering, varied: H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, AGreek English Lexicon, revised by Sr. H. Stuart Jones, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, [1940] 2003), s.v.22.108

    Arr.Ind. XV.1-4. Translated by E.I. Robinson, Arrian, (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1929).For the earliest marmot link and illusion concerning the spotted, furry hides: S. Hedin, Transhimalaya:Discoveries and Adventures in Tibet (New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, [1913] 1999), 117.

    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