migraciones contemporaneas

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Contemporary Patterns of Migration in the Central AndesAuthor(s): Gabriel Escobar M. and Cynthia M. BeallSource: Mountain Research and Development, Vol. 2, No. 1, State of Knowledge Report onAndean Ecosystems. Vol. 2: Human Population and Biosphere Interactions in the Central Ande(Feb., 1982), pp. 63-80Published by: International Mountain SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3672934

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64 / MOUNTAIN RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT

terns with greater societal impact have developed follow-ing the trends of urbanization and long-distance andmore permanent migration.This new migration has similarities to migration else-where, yet it also has some uniquely Andean character-istics. While population growth is a consequence of in-corporationinto the world economy and the concomitantmodernization and urbanization, these processes in theAndes occur within the context of a vertically-orienteddistribution of population and resources.Until recently, the majority of the Andean peopleswere highlanders. However, economic development isoccurring at rapid rates in the lowlands; thus, migrantsare leaving their relatively traditional highland ecosys-tems and social structures for lowland ecosystems andwestern-orientedcommunities. While an exchange of re-sources between altitudinal belts is an old phenomenon,the vast redistribution of populations between them isnew. The migrants encounter contrasting physical andsocial environments and face a potentiallyhighly stressfulsituation demanding considerable biological and socialadjustment. This must take place smoothly if the popula-tion is to remain viable. In addition, the human-environ-ment interaction pattern is inevitably changed as newand largerdemands for resourcesare made. Many natu-ral environments in the Central Andean region are es-pecially susceptible to human mismanagement and over-exploitation: these include sloping terrain, desert, andtropical forest. Becauseof this susceptibility, the ecologi-cal consequencesof massive populationredistribution re-quire special consideration. Inappropriate technologies

and land-use practices, and perhaps excessive demandsof a vastly larger population, may degrade resourcesbe-yond economic usefulness.Thus, a congeries of relatedfactorshas brought abouta very high migration level which threatensto exceed theaccommodating capacity of the modernizing nations.The impactof the processon the health and well-beingofthe populationsand their environments is a seriousques-tion with long-term implications. Thus, existing infor-mation on the migration phenomenon in the CentralAndes will be presentedhere and areasof specialconcernwill be highlighted in the context of Martine's comment(opening quotation)on this situation. Three inter-relatedhuman-environmental systems are considered: donor,recipient, and migrant. The flows of migration in theCentralAndes, the causes and patternsof migration, andthe characteristicsof migrants are described. The effectof migration on the populationsof origin and destinationand on the migrants themselves is reviewed, and the roleof the three broad ecozones in the Central Andes (alti-plano, coastal, and tropical)in affectingthese processesisdiscussed. When possible, general models explaining thephenomena and presentingdiverse observationsare pre-sented.Two levels of information are generallyavailable:cen-sus materialsat the national and regional levels, and sur-vey materials at the regional and local levels. The moredetailed information comes from Peru; that for Boliviaand Central Andean Argentina and Chile is more super-ficial.

VOLUME OF MIGRATIONThe migration has now reached the point at whichonce isolated rural villages have become integrated intothe western economy (Skeldon, 1977). Whereas in 1940,only 6 percent of all Peruvians were living in a Depart-ment other than their Department of birth, in 1961 thisfigure had risen to 12 percent and in 1972 19 percent(ONEC, 1974; Salazar, 1972). This is a minimum esti-mate of movement since migrants within Departmentsare not counted. Table 1 and Figure 1 present thetwenty-four Departments of Peru grouped by geographi-cal location: Pacific coastal, highland, or easterntropical,using data from the 1972 Peruvian census (ONEC,1974). The highland Departments consistently have thesmallest percentages of immigrant residents (3.0 to 9.1percent of all residents) with the exception of the twomining Departments of Junin and Pasco. No generalpatternof immigration into the tropical Departments ap-pears. Loreto and San Martin contain less than 10 per-cent migrants compared to Amazonas and Madre deDios with about 30 percent. The Pacific coastal Depart-ments (excluding Lima-Callao) range from an extremelow of 4.8 percent in Piura to a high of 38.1 percent im-

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G. ESCOBARM. ANDC. M. BEALL / 65

TABLE 1Residentpopulation sizes, native and migrant inhabitants or departmentsn eachmajorecologicalarea

Total % Inhabitants % Immigrants % NativesNumber who are from Single whoDepartment Inhabitants Immigrants Largest Donor EmigratedPacificCoastTumbes 76,515 18.6 61.2 Piura 23.3Piura 854,972 4.8 19.1 Lima 17.0Lambayeque 514,602 19.4 50.1 Cajamarca 18.6Libertad 783,728 14.7 54.7 Cajamarca 20.2Ancash 726,215 13.0 40.4 Libertad 26.5Lima 3,472,564 41.4 12.8 Libertad 8.8Callao 321,231 50.3 10.7 Piura 33.7Ica 357,247 24.1 26.2 Ayacucho 26.0Arequipa 529,566 26.2 47.1 Puno 26.3Moquegua 74,470 32.1 36.8 Puno 28.3Tacna 95,440 38.1 56.6 Puno 21.5AltiplanoApurimac 308,613 4.6 31.3 Lima 30.3Ayacucho 457,441 5.8 35.2 Lima 29.8Cajamarca 919,161 5.6 41.8 Piura 23.0Cuzco 715,237 6.6 30.4 Apurimac 14.8Huancavelica 331,629 5.9 34.0 Junin 27.6Huanuco 414,468 9.1 20.9 San Martin 20.1Junin 696,641 14.6 34.1 Huancavelica 20.1Puno 776,173 3.0 29.4 Arequipa 17.4Pasco 176,580 18.6 30.4 Junin 26.6SelvaLoreto 495,508 8.7 44.4 San Martin 10.2Amazonas 194,472 29.7 72.2 Cajamarca 19.8San Martin 224,427 9.6 26.8 Loreto 20.3Madre de Dios 21,304 34.4 54.0 Cuzco 25.5From ONEC, 1974.

migrants in Tacna. Lima-Callao contain the highest pro-portion of immigrant inhabitants, 41.4 and 50.0 percent.Clearly, the nearly three million inter-departmental mi-grants are not evenly distributed throughout Peru.If it were possible to analyze migration streams by pro-vince within each Department, the volume of flow wouldbe greater. High-altitude sectors of Departments such asLa Libertad, Lima, Huanuco, and Puno supply mi-grants to low-altitude coastal and tropical areas of thesame Departments (Bradfield, 1963; Stycos and

Richards de Dobyns, 1963; Matos Mar, 1963; Soler,1963; Cheng and Portugal, 1963; Alers and Appelbaum,1968; Martinez, 1969; Dutt and Baker, in press). In onePeruvian coastal province, 22.8 percent of the immi-grants came from other provinces in the same Depart-ment (see Baker and Beall, this issue). In the Departmentof Cuzco, between 21.3 and 86.1 percent of all emigrantsmove to other provinces within the Department(Skeldon, 1977). The general picture is one of consider-able population movement.

FLOWS AND PATTERNS OF MIGRATIONThe flows and patterns of migration may also beexamined at several levels. At the national level the most

complete information on migration flow is available forPeru and northern Chile.The percentage of Peruvians who have emigrated fromtheir Department of birth ranges from 20 to 30 percent inthe highland and the Pacific coastal Departments, withthe exception of Lima which experienced little outmigra-tion (8.8 percent). The tropical Departments experience

less outmigration by natives (10.2 to 25.5 percent).While most Departments are experiencing considerableoutmigration, only those of the coast and a few highlandand tropical Departments are experiencing considerableimmigration.In order to examine the sources of the migrants, theDepartments which provided the single largest percent-age of migrants to each Departmental resident popula-tion are identified (see Table 1). In most cases, a con-


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FIGURE 2. Peru: Net migration to Lima, 1961 (from Smith,1971).tiguous Department is the single largest source of mi-grants. The flow is from the interior toward the coast. Atleast half the Departments in the coastal and tropicalareas are receiving large proportions of migrants fromhighland Departments. The flow is not into the high-lands, but out of them. Smaller-scale data sets dealingwith the colonizers of the Peruvian high tropical forest(Wesche, 1971; Stewart, 1965; Martinez, 1969) and themigrants to the haciendas, plantations, and cities alongthe Pacific coast confirm this direction of flow.An indirect national-level estimate of migration flowderives from the growth of cities. Between 1960 and1965, the urban population increased by 28 percent inPeru, 25 percent in Bolivia, andl 9 percent in Chile(Harris and Rodriguez-Cam, 1971). In the case of Peru,it is well documented that while there has been con-siderable growth in cities that were over 20,000 in 1940,the growth of Lima has by far surpassed other cities dueto migration (Martinez, 1968; Dobyns and Doughty,1976). While similar growth is reported for Bolivia, al-though more moderate than Peru, it is not characterizedby such outstanding dominance by a single city and it isprobable that a greater proportion of the movements arerural.A rural-to-urban flow is another predominant featureof Andean migration. Lima, Peru, grew from 0.6 to 3.9million inhabitants between 1950 and 1975 (Turner,

1976); and nearlyhalfof the residentsof Lima-Callao aremigrants (ONEC, 1972).Figure 2 presents net migration to Lima in 1961 interms of the source of migrants (Smith, 1971). Coastaland highland Departments contribute to Lima'sgrowth.Other surveys have found that the cities of Trujillo,Piura, and Chiclayo on the north coast, and Arequipa inthe southern sierra contribute a large proportion ofLima'smigrants(Stycos and Richards de Dobyns, 1963).Migrants to the urban areas contributed greatly to thegrowth of pueblosovenes,or young towns, as they areeuphemistically called, surrounding large and medium-sized cities in Peru. The majorcoastalcitieshave sizeablepueblosovenes. n Lima, 26 percentof the populationlivesin pueblosovenesand over one-third of the population ofmany major cities including Trujillo, Arequipa, TacnaNazca, and Piura also live in these new towns. The roleof migration in establishing these settlements is illus-trated by the migrant status of pueblosovenesresidentsover the age of 15 in 1970. In Lima, 75 percentwere mi-grants. A survey of twenty-two pueblosovenes n Peruduring 1970 found thatan average of 66 percentof adultswere migrants (Boletin de Analises Demografico, No.13, 1972). About half of these migrants are urban-born.A sample who had migrated to Lima after the age of 14contained 25 percent individuals from cities of 20,000 ormore inhabitants and 33.8 percent from towns of lessthan 1,000 or from rural areas(de Villacorte, 1971). It isdifficult to extrapolate from Lima statistics to the rest ofPeru since Lima dominates the nation so completely. Interms of absolute size, percentage of immigrant resi-dents, and percentage of immigrants dwelling in pueblosjovenes, t presents an extreme example. Unfortunately,fewer data are available for other cities. For example,data on the rural-urbanand agricultural-nonagriculturabackgroundof migrantsto cities other than Lima are notavailable. That the volume of inter-regionalmigration isconsiderableis demonstratedby Figure3, which presentsmovements excluding Lima (Smith, 1971).A comparison of the 1940 and 1961 censuses showsthat there have been some changes in the pattern of"inter-regionaldominance" n migration between the two(Cossio, 1965). Of the eight divisions in 1940 (Table 2),only regions I (metropolitan Lima and Callao), V(Huanuco, Junin, Pasco, and the Department of Lima),and VI (Ayacucho, Huancavelica, and Ica) exerteddominance on more than three regions. Furtherexami-nation shows that, in general, the migration fromAyacucho and Huancavelica is to Junin and Ica, whilethe migration fromJunin, the highland of Ancash, andLima is to metropolitanLima. This presentsa pictureofstep by step migration (Table 3).In 1961, the main change appears to be that region I(metropolitan Lima) exerts the highest dominance (7)and is still followedby region V (Huanuco, Junin, Pasco,and the Department of Lima) in volume (6), while all ofthe other regions have diminished in their dominance ofother areas. This trend of dominance continues today.


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G. ESCOBARM. ANDC. M. BEALL 67

FIGURE. Peru: Net migration, excluding movement to Lima,1961 (from Smith, 1971).

While comparable data are not available from Bolivia,information on the growth of the capital cities of Bolivianprovinces between 1950 and a series of census dates ispresented in Table 4. The growth rate of capital cities onthe eastern slopes, especially Cochabamba (91 percentbetween 1950 and 1967) and Santa Cruz (129 percent be-tween 1950 and 1966) was notable and rivals that of LaPaz (110 percent) (Llano, 1972). At the annual growthrate of 2.4 percent for Bolivia (Gonzales, 1976), it wouldrequire nearly thirty years for the population to double insize. As these cities increased at a much faster rate it ap-pears that immigration was responsible. These figuresare for the capital cities only, and may reflect arrivalsfrom nearby as well as distant sources. The source of themigrants is not clear. A map plotting direction ofmigration movements but not the size of flow (Figure 4)indicates that the migrants to La Paz come from thatprovince, and that other altiplano provinces sendmigrants to Cochabamba from which a large stream ofmigration flows to Santa Cruz and Beni (Alegre, 1974).Ethnographic studies report emigration of rural altiplanoresidents to La Paz (Buechler and Buechler, 1971).There is also evidence of agricultural emigration fromthe altiplano to the eastern lowlands (Jorgenson, 1972;Edelman, 1967; Sariola, 1960; Stearman, 1973) al-though the size of the migration flow in unknown. In

TABLE2Geographicaldivisions of Peru in 1940

Region RegionNumber Name Departments within RegionI Metropolitan 1. Province of Callao

2. Province of LimaII North 1. Lambayeque2. Piura3. TumbesIII North central 1. Amazonas2. Ancash3. Cajamarca4. La Libertad5. San MartinIV Northeast 1. Loreto (not including the Provinceof Coronel Portillo)V Central 1. Huanuco2. Junin3. Pasco

4. Lima (not including the Provinceof Lima)5. Province of Coronel PortilloVI South central 1. Ayacucho2. Huancavelica3. IcaVII Southeast 1. Apurimac2. Cuzco3. Madre de DiosVIII South 1. Arequipa2. Moquegua3. Puno4. Tacna

From Cossio, 1965.TABLE 3

Relation of dominantregionsto sub-dominantregionsincluding indices of dominance n 1940

Dominant Sub-Dominant Regions TotalRegions 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Total General1 - 1 1 1 0 1 1 1 62 0 - 1 0 0 0 0 0 13 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 04 0 0 1 - 0 0 0 0 15 1 1 1 0 - 1 1 1 66 0 0 1 0 0 - 1 1 37 0 0 0 0 0 0 - 1 18 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 - 0

Total 1 2 5 1 0 2 3 4 - -Grand Total - - - - - - - - - 18

From Cossio, 1965.

areas of Bolivia bordering on the Argentine provinces ofJujuy and Salta, there is considerable emigration ofyoung adult Bolivians. Almost 70,000 Bolivians were liv-


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TABLE 4Population size, density, andpopulation growthin threeareasof Bolivia

Growth of CapitalPopulation Size City Between 1950Area (1964 estimate)* Density* and Date Listed**High AltitudeLa Paz 1,169,948 8.7 1970 - 11%Oruro 247,478 4.6 1972 - 73%Potosi 624,439 5.2 1972 - 66%MiddleAltitudeCochabamba 560,092 10.1 1967 - 91%

Chuquisaca 323,500 6.3 1972 - 38%Tarija 145,179 3.9 1970 - 69%LowAltitudePando 24,624 0.4 1970 - 63%Beni 101,800 0.5 1970- 79%Santa Cruz 322,472 0.8 1966 - 129%Total 3,589,532 3.2

*From Statistical Abstractsof Latin America, 1972.**From Llano. 1972.

ing in these two Argentine provinces in 1960 (Morales,1972). Most of the Bolivians were natives of the borderprovinces, although a large number were natives of themid-altitude Department of Cochabamba. Boliviansfrom border provinces also emigrate to Chile.

Figure 5 illustrates the flow of migrants in the northernChilean portion of the Central Andes. The coastal townsof Arica and Antofagasta and the mining centres receivemigrants. The migrants come primarily from theAndean cordillera to the east, from the mining areas andcities further south, or from the nitrate extraction dis-tricts further north (Bahr, 1972). A relatively small popu-lation lives in the Chilean Andes and its slopes. MostChileans live in oases, mining centres and coastal towns,and therefore migration out of the Andes into the coastalareas is probably not a large-scale phenomenon.These analyses provide general overviews, yet obscurethe dynamics of the migration process. One importantfeature is the mode of articulation between regional andnational flows. Regional level data obtained at points oforigin and destination provide insight into the process.Two studies of migration from the perspective of thedonor community are available from Peru. The aim ofthis research was to analyze the evolution of spatial pat-terns of migration at the lower end of the urban hier-archy, to gain perspective on the migrants, destinations,and the integration of the local pattern into wider re-gional and national systems (Skeldon, 1977). The analy-sis relates types of migration to the hierarchy of urbanPeruvian settlements in the order of annex, district cap-ital, provincial capital, department capital, and finally,Lima. Using data from a field survey of over 500 heads ofhouseholds in 26 communities in Cuzco, a general modelof migration in terms of the temporal and structural char-

acteristics of migrant movement was developed. Thetemporal divisions are pendular (short absences, usuallyless than three months), semi-permanent (several years),and permanent. The spatial divisions are short-distance(movement within the sphere of influence of the nearestdepartmental capital) and long-distance (to points out-side that area). Within this, the further spatial distinctionof stage migration (series of movements through urbanhierarchy by different groups of migrants) and step mi-gration (series of movements of a single individualthrough the urban hierarchy) is made (Skeldon, 1977).The developmental stages are: 1) no migration andpendular migration, 2) semi-permanent local migration,and 3) permanent local, semi-permanent long-distance,and permanent long-distance migration. Figure 6 pre-sents the evolution of the various stages of migration be-tween and among the various levels of the urban hier-archy. All types of migration movement may be found inany particular village at a given time. However, in eachcommunity there is a trend toward a diminution in theproportion of non-migrants and an increase in the pro-portion of permanent long-distance migrants.This model is useful as it demonstrates the articulationof local and national movements and the various chang-ing patterns of movement from a single donor commun-ity. For example, the structural sequence of migrationpostulated does not occur simultaneously for all socio-economic groups, but develops initially at the higherlevels and then diffuses downward.

Applying this model to Figures 2 and 3, it appears thatthe immediate hinterland of Lima, including most of theDepartments of Ancash, Junin, and Ica represent phaseE. Departments more isolated from Lima, such as Aya-cucho, Arequipa, or Cajamarca, represent phases C and


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G. ESCOBARM. ANDC. M. BEALL / 69

FIGURE4. Flow of migrants in Bolivia.

D while the most isolated highland Departments such asCuzco or Puno represent phases B and C. Phase A haspassed into history throughoutPeru, although not yet inBolivia. Isolation perse is not always the best criterion ofstage in migration history, and long-distance patternswere established early in some remote areas.A study of migration to Lima from the MantaroValley in the central highlands of Junin examines pro-cesses which started during the last years of the nine-teenth century (Long and Roberts, 1978). This comple-ments the earlier scheme in that the migration process isexamined from the perspective of the organization of so-cial and economic relations with the city and in the im-pact of migration both at the level of origin and of desti-nation. A sequence of migration types analogous toSkeldon's is identified. Labour migration (analogous toSkeldon's pendular and semi-permanent migration) ismade for purposes and goals relevant to the integrationof the individual into his local village and does not implyacculturationor social mobility. Urban migration(analo-gous to Skeldon's ong-distancepermanentmigration)re-moves resourcesfrom the village for the purposeof weak-ening the ties of the migrant with his village, social mo-bility by education, and permanent settlement in thecity. Migration is interpreted as "a continuous strategyby means of which individualsand families attempt, for acertain time, to maximize their collective opportunities"

FIGURE5. Flow of migrants in northern Chile.

(Roberts, 1973). Some of these strategiesinclude:acquir-ing an education, friendsor relativesthat will help in theinitial steps, access to capital and other resources in theoften unstable urban milieu. Although individuals mi-grate, there are aggregate effects on socio-economicstructuresof places of origin and destination. In the cen-tral highlands, pendular migration has given way tolong-distance migration to Lima, and has developed to astage of permanentreturnmigration (Long and Roberts,1978). This change has affectedthe local communities ofthe higher punas and in the Mantaro Valley.Historically, pendular migration of the peasants of theMantaro Valley, working for payment in the mines andin the cotton plantationsof the coast, was a notable addi-tion to the local village and valley economy. This contrib-uted in turn to the development of a market economyand became the economic basis forthe massive urban mi-grationto Lima after 1945 (Roberts, 1974;Adams, 1959;Tschopik, 1947). Education plays an important catalyticrole in influencing migration. Mining and textile indus-

Secondary bMovements Departmental .................Boundaries


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PHASE A B C D E_~~ ~ ~~~~~ ~i i lLIMA

PROVINCIAL CAPITAL

DISTRICT CAPITAL

Pendular Semipermanent Permanentmigration migration with migrationreturn migration-............* --. -_

FIGURE 6. Migration schema: Urban hierarchy (From Skeldon, 1977).

tries provided employment and stimulated semi-perma-nent migration. The Mantaro case illustrates anothervariant in Skeldon's scheme by documenting the con-siderable return migration of these white collar and pro-fessional workers who return to their native villages ornearby towns and cities after a few years in Lima (Longand Roberts, 1978). This suggests that the evolution ofmigration flows has not ended. Changes in economic fac-tors may produce further developments in donor com-munities.Studies of the receiving community further demon-strate migration flows. Several surveys conducted inSanta Cruz in the eastern Bolivian lowlands (Stearman,1979) show that there is both urban and rural migrationinto the area. One urban samplefound that 16 percentofthe heads of households in Santa Cruz were from otherDepartments with the majority from the altiplano. Asurvey of migrants in five locales in Santa Cruz identifieda number of important patterns (see Figure 6). Two pri-mary flows into the Departmentwere: 1) people with pre-vious urban experience, often engaged in commercial ac-tivities, and 2) people with rural backgroundswho cameinitially into a valley to harvestcotton and eventually set-tled in the cities. Secondary flows of migration are thosewhich occur after migrants'initial arrival in the lowlandsas cotton harvesters. Frequently migrants move toMontero, a smaller city than Santa Cruz itself which is

growing at a rate of 9.1 percent per annum (Stearman,1979) and has become a central location for ruralmigrants from the altiplano and high valley areas. Mi-grants may also relocate after cotton harvestingin an ag-ricultural colony or in a small village. There may beadditionalmoves by migrantsto cities or to smallersettle-ments or by people owning land in several areas (Stear-man, 1979).The Area Handbook for Bolivia for 1974 reports thatmigration from Bolivia to Argentina is considerable,anddescribesthe situation as "alarming".An official study in1970 reported that, during the 1952-66 period, therewere 279,831 officiallyrecordeddeparturesfrom Bolivia,and only 168,000 official returns from Argentina (Weil etal., 1974). Furthermore, this study probablygreatly un-derestimated the flow because a large number of Boliv-ians left unofficially, permanently, or on a long-termbasis, in responseto the promise of betterjob opportuni-ties and higher standards of living in Brazil, Chile, andespecially Argentina. One estimate is that in the late1960s, there were as many as 700,000 Bolivians in Ar-gentina alone (Weil etal., 1974). It appearsthat much ofthe migration within Bolivia is pendularor semi-perma-nent, with very little permanent migration. Some of thepatterns observed by Roberts (1974) in the central high-lands of Peru seem to be found in the area of La Paz(Buechler and Buechler, 1971).


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G. ESCOBARM. ANDC. M. BEALL/ 71

CAUSES OF MIGRATIONIt is difficult to generalize about causes of migration.

"Traditional explanations of migration have put muchweight on factors that cause expulsion (push) from the areaoforigin (population pressure on land, boredom with villagelife, lack of employment opportunities, and so on), and ofthose that cause attraction toward areas of destination (edu-cational and employment opportunities, and the vague'bright lights' attraction of the city), these individual 'factor'explanations conceal the fact that the benefits of modern de-velopment are concentratedin the urban areas and usually inthe principal city."(Skeldon, 1977).Migration is influenced by an awareness of urban bene-fits, interpreted within the frame of reference of a specificpopulation. The amount of information and its interpre-tation are, in part, a function of the relationship of thatpopulation to the urban hierarchy and the stage in themigration transition. Distance from the major urbancentre is one of the more important factors, for proximityto the cities and the routes of access provide a pull factor.While this may explain a large proportion of urbangrowth in Peru and Bolivia, it may not explain why cer-tain places like Apurimac and Cajamarca in Peru, orOruro in Bolivia may send large numbers of migrants onlong-distance permanent migrations. In Peru, some tra-ditional routes of traffic (for example, those of Ayacucho,Apurimac, and Sicuani) are still open and may be usedby many migrants as those using the newly openingroutes, such as the roads from departmental capitals inthe highlands either to the coast (as from Ayacucho toIca) or to the eastern lowlands (Huanta, Tingo Maria,and La Convencion). While a large amount of migrationto Lima has been from other provincial cities, many com-munities of the Mantaro Valley, Ollantai-Tambo, andApurimac have become involved in long-distance migra-tion because of easy access to a route of transportationenabling circumvention of the departmental and provin-cial capitals. Diffusion of information may be anotherimportant factor, and some of the phases in the migrationtransition appear to be omitted when information isavailable.

The data available about pendular or short-distancemigration (Cheng and Portugal, 1963; Ghersi, 1963;Soberon, 1973; Thomas, 1973; Long and Roberts, 1978)show that this type of labour migration is a way for villag-ers to supplement income to attain ends that are centredin the community.The need for cash is often cited as a reason for tempor-ary emigration and is frequently a step toward perma-nent emigration, since it introduces an individual to theoutside world. These temporary emigrations are fre-quently to coastal haciendas, guano islands, or mines(Cheng and Portugal, 1963; Ghersi, 1963; Soberon,1973). Temporary emigration during seasons of agricul-tural inactivity also occur in altiplano communities(Thomas, 1973). While the need for cash is a "push" fac-tor, the existence and knowledge of outside means of sat-

isfying the need may be a "pull"factor. While at this leveleducation has no bearing on migration, no matter howshort the involvement of the villager has been, he is grad-ually exposed to more information about the advantagesof the city. In other words, he becomes gradually accul-turated and changes from a subsistence labourer with nopay into a rural proletarian who works for a wage and be-comes aware of a variety of real or imagined choices. Asthe extensive information from the Mantaro Valley indi-cated (Adams, 1959; Escobar, 1973; Long and Roberts,1978), it is at this point that the levels of mobility aspira-tions increase and education becomes an important fac-tor in explaining migration. It is when semi-permanentand permanent long-distance migration are well ad-vanced that people in the villages become interested ineducation and may demand schools from the governmentor invest their resources in sending their children toschools in the nearest cities; and children who migrate foreducational purposes generally do so when they are surethat there will be relatives or friends from the village al-ready settled in the city of destination.PUSH

One frequently mentioned cause for migration is pop-ulation pressure on limited land resources. Scarcity ofland on the altiplano of Bolivia and Peru has been citedas a reason for emigration (Edelman, 1967; Martinez,1969). Several community studies have demonstratedthis. In Huaylas, a small community in the sierras of theDepartment of Ancash in northern Peru, the natural in-crease in population has been absorbed by migrationrather than by increased population density. Some, butnot all, migrants perceived themselves as pushed (Brad-field, 1963). A more extreme example is provided by thevillage of Lampian in the sierras of the Chancay Valley,Department of Lima, where a number of people were ex-pelled from the village. Lampian is an indigenous com-munity where communally-held land was distributed foruse as families were established. By 1930, the populationhad grown to the point where 25 percent of the house-holds, most of which were headed by younger adults, hadno land. These individuals were expelled by the oldermembers of the community. Of the 25 percent who wereexpelled, 15 percent migrated to Lima and 10 percent tocoastal haciendas in the Chancay Valley (Celestino,1972).Two other rural sierra communities in the ChancayValley, Huayopampa and Pacaraos, have lost 40 and 30percent, respectively, of their native population to emi-gration. Huayopampa experienced the most emigration,had less arable land, and depended upon a single ecologi-cal belt for agriculture. Most emigrants from this areawent to the larger town of Huaral, to nearby mines, or toLima (Soberon, 1973). These examples illustrate thatland shortage in the community of origin may indeed bea powerful "push" factor to migration.


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While population pressure on land and cattle resourcesmay be related to migration, objective measures of suchpressures may not correlate well with migration statistics.A survey in Cuzco found that the better-endowed villageshad proceeded further in the migration transition. In thebetter-off communities, villagers were generally moreaware of the resource pressures and of their relative dep-rivation because they had greater experience in the widerworld and, thus, were more acculturated to "modern"value systems (Skeldon, 1977).

PULLMost pull factors are economic or educational. Peoplesee few opportunities in their communities and more pos-sibilities for work and education elsewhere (Bradfield,1963; Soberon, 1973). Residents of pueblos ovenes statethat they emigrated to take advantage of the economicopportunities of the cities. These are convenient and ac-

ceptable replies to the question, "Why did youemigrate?", but do not indicate specifically whatcharacteristics of the community of destination wereattractive. For example, it is not known whether peoplemigrate to take specific jobs or types of jobs, to be withfamily, or because they had skills or capital which theycould not employ effectively in their native communities.

These factors may vary with age as well as with stage inthe migration transition.Colonization schemes frequently offer land, loans,technical assistance, and medical facilities to prospectivesettlers. Such inducements are widely advertised (Stear-man, 1973), and act as a "pull" factor to migration.Another factor cited is the opportunity for upward socialmobility in a less traditional social environment (Alersand Appelbaum, 1968).External pressure, or push factors, which affect migra-tion may be the consequence of modernization processes.Urbanization and modernization in relation to migrationare seen by some as parts of a larger dynamic systemwhich should be analyzed at the higher level (Margolies,1978). Events such as the Bolivian Revolution of 1952and the extensive drought during the late 1950s and early1960s pushed many peasants from the altiplano to theeastern lowlands. Very intensive sanitation campaignsduring the 1950s and 1960s increased population pres-sures in the Ica Valley on the coast. In the provinces ofSicuani, Anta, and La Convencion in Cuzco, these in-creased pressures led to a relatively widespread move-ment to the city of Cuzco, and launched the Departmentinto long-distance migration (personal observation). Thiswas one of the contributing factors to general social un-rest during the 1960s and 1970s.

CHARACTERISTICS OF MIGRANTSMost descriptions of the characteristics of migrantshave been made on the basis of census counts or surveysat the place of destination. No attempt has yet been madeto relate these characteristics to the phases of migrationand urbanization. Migrants in Bolivia and Peru are most

likely to be young adults, as is seen when comparing themigrant population of Peruvian pueblos jovenes with thesedente populations (ONEC, 1972) and when comparingBolivian migrants to the Argentine population (Morales,1972). The age structure of small Peruvian highland vil-lages experiencing continuous emigration is usually onewith few young adults (Preston, 1969; Soberon, 1973).Nearly one-third of the migrants in a Lima sample of in-dividuals over 14 had migrated when they were between15 and 19 years of age. Rural migrants also tend to beyoung adults (see Baker and Beall's paper in this issue).The relationship between education and migration iscomplex. In general, the level of education of migrants isrelated to the phase of migration with which they are in-volved. Most pendular migrants remain illiterate but in-vest their resources in the education of their children (Es-cobar, 1973). Most migrants engaged in long-distancesemi-permanent migration invest more of their resourcesin education as part of the migration process. Informalobservation suggests that the level of education outsidecities declines according to the urban hierarchy of settle-ments; apparently those migrating from provincial to de-

partmental to national centres invest in education as astrategy of social mobility.

Migrants from a small sierra town, Huaylas, in theDepartment of Ancash, had slightly more education thantheir non-migrant brothers and those migrants who re-mained away from Huaylas were the best educated. Sev-enty-five percent of those who completed primary schoolbetween 1940 and 1961 had emigrated (Bradfield, 1963).Education may have an initial role in stimulating migra-tion by providing information about, and skills to inter-act with, the national culture.In the Cuzco region, the complexities of the migration-education interaction are further demonstrated. In villageswhere little emigration occurs, contacts with urban cen-tres were poorly developed. However, as semi-perma-nent and permanent long-distance emigration develop,the relationship appears direct, and virtually every childwho finishes school emigrates. As the migration patternbecomes established, education has less influence on emi-gration since individuals have families and friends in theplace of destination (Skeldon, 1977). Immigrants toLima tend to have lower educational levels and socio-eco-nomic status than Lima natives, although the larger theplace of origin, the closer are the levels of education(Weller, 1974). This is to be expected since some individ-uals may migrate from one large city to another. In somecases, migrants acquire additional schooling after emi-


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G. ESCOBARM. AND C. M. BEALL / 73

grating (Bradfield, 1963), and in other instances mi-grants leave for the express purpose of obtaining educa-tion unavailable in their native communities (Soberon,1973). The pattern of leaving to obtain an education isone of the earliest to appear in some areas (Long andRoberts, 1978).In one rural sierra town in the Department of Ancash,emigration was predominantlyfrom the middle or upperlocal socio-economic group, comparable to the workingor middle socio-economic group in the receiving cities ofChimbote and Lima (Bradfield, 1963). A survey of heads

of households in a pueblojovenf Lima in 1967 found that86 percent were migrants who usually had primaryschool education and blue collar obs (Andrewsand Phil-lips, 1970).In general, migrants tend to be young adultswho maybe slightly better educated than the norm in their com-munities and not of the lowest socio-economic status.However, a general characterizationof all migrants de-picts an artificially homogeneous population rather thanone that is very diverse.

EFFECTS OF MIGRATION ON POPULATION OF ORIGINThe effects of migration on the populations of originare varied. In general, their age gradients tend to show apredominance of older over younger people, and this hasaffected the traditional patterns of labour and reciprocityin most of highland Peru and Bolivia. The impact of emi-

gration upon the communities of origin can be better un-derstood by relating the process of migration to the levelof urbanization of the migrants. Most observations madein the Mantaro Valley (Adams, 1959; Escobar, 1973;Roberts, 1973) indicate that the effect of pendular orlabour migration has been beneficial to those communi-ties because the resources acquired by labour in themines and cotton and sugar plantations have been in-vested in the acquisition of land, building of houses, andestablishment of small commercial enterprises. The mostsuccessful of those migrants also invested in the"progress" of their communities by donating some oftheir earnings to build parks, reconstruct churches, andsometimes improve agricultural production, social serv-ices, and education (Sabogal, 1961; Maynard, 1964).During early stages, migrant associations in major citiescontribute money for development to their communitiesof origin (Mangin, 1973; Skeldon, 1976).In Huaylas, the steady emigration apparently counter-acted the high birth rate to maintain a constant popula-tion size (Bradfield, 1963). Another community, Lamp-ian, which expelled one quarter of its young adults, wasforced to recall the same individuals seven years later be-cause the remaining villagers were unable to perform anumber of essential subsistence tasks (Celestino, 1972).Those who returned used expertise and capital gained inthe urban centres to substantially transform the economyand structure of their indigenous community. This illus-trates another important point: return migrants mayhave profound effects on the original population. In Pu-cara, a town in the Department of Junin in the centralhighlands, the young men returning from school in Limahave changed the pattern of agriculture (Sabogal, 1961).There is, therefore, potential benefit as well as harm inthis process. The introduction and adoption of the newtechniques, crops, and strategies may be made on thebasis of national cultural values to the exclusion of localtraditional ones. Traditional adaptive strategies may be

replaced by inappropriate strategies based on moderntechnology. Some investigators report that return mi-grants to rural areas who are skilled and resourcefulmaywell become effective leaders in their original communi-ties (Weller, 1974). There are cases in Bolivia where anindividual has been recalled from La Paz to his old hometo take up the duties of mayor when no suitable individ-uals remained (Buechler and Buechler, 1971). In theMantaro Valley, return migration of professionals andwhite collar workers appears substantial. As more gov-ernment services and programmes are introduced, theindividuals often return to their native villages and com-mute to nearby urban centres to staff the government-run projects (Long and Roberts, 1978). Instances mayalso be cited where returned migrants do not appear tohave benefited by their stay away (Bradfield, 1963). Fac-tors which influence the decision to return and thosewhich distinguish a successful return migrant from anunchanged return migrant are of interest. However, in-creased involvement in the market economy and aspira-tions of social mobility have pushed these villagers intosemi-permanent and permanent migration to Lima. Aspermanent migration becomes more frequentand urbaninvolvement more intense, migration begins to drain theresourcesof the community to supportthe migrants. Mi-grants seldom give up their rights to land or cattle, andthey use the rental income to support themselves untilthey make an adequateadjustmentto the city. As long asthe adjustmentof the migrant to the city remains precar-ious, he does not cut his ties to his village of origin, andmay even contribute to the "progress" f his communityby investing in non-productive public works and thesponsorship of fiestas. However, these investments arenot for the benefit of the community, but for the en-hancement of the chances of the migrant in the city. Thenet result of this is that villages which at one time appearto be flourishingand progressive years later may appearto have deterioratedand even become more rural. Twogood examples of this are the villages of Mito (Castillo,1954), which during the twenties was very progressive,but now has lost more than half its populationby emigra-tion and is in rapiddecline, and Sicaya, which during the1930s and 1940s (Escobar, 1973) was progressive and


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vigorous, but is now probablyin danger of losing its via-bility as a working community because of factionalproblems between new immigrants and older residents(Roberts, 1973).With some variations, similar examples could befound in many partsof Peru and Bolivia. Any superficialobservation in the highlands tends to show that the onsetof direct migration has ultimately tended to deplete the

resources of the rural areas and that the quality of rurallife in the highlands has deterioratedconsiderablyin thelast thirty years. A good study of this process in Cuzcohas been made by Orlove (1976). In some cases, as thelast old people have died or emigrated, entire hamlets orvillages have become dilapidated ghost towns, such asSalinas, Saman, and Vilque Grande in Puno (personalobservation).EFFECTS OF MIGRATION ON RECEIVING POPULATION

Most available information refersto the impactsof mi-grants on cities, although there is some information onsmall-scale urbanization produced by migrants to ruralcoastal and highland areas. Pendular migrants to localmarketshave contributedto the urbanization of strategicsites following the development of new routes of trans-portation. The best known examples of these are thetowns of Izcuchaca in Cuzco and Estacion Pucara inPuno, along the railroad routes between Arequipa,Puno, and Cuzco. The structureof these towns is one ofchaotic settlement patternsand populationswith fluid so-cial stratification and intensive social and spatial mobil-ity, for their livelihood depends on the commercial traf-fic. Similar towns have been observed in Ayacucho, Ica,and other places of Peru and Bolivia.Most data on the impact of migrants on urbanizationrelate to cities which were not equipped to handle thehigh influx of migrants. "Spontaneous"urbanization iscreated by migrants who leave the traditional areas ofinitial settlement in city centres and organize the vacantlands on the city fringes. This phenomenon has beenstudied extensively in Lima, and the pattern has alreadyspreadto other cities on the coast and in the highlandsofPeru. The pueblosovenesof Lima accounted for 9.9 per-cent of Lima's population in 1956 and 76 percent in1970. Those of Arequipa, Peru, represented13.5 percentin 1956 and 63.8 percent in 1970 (Matos Mar, 1968;ONEC, 1972). A 1970 survey of some 22 pueblosovenesscattered throughout Peru found that nearly 66 percentof all residents over the age of 15 were migrants. In Peru,only two cities in the tropical forest and six in the sierrahad pueblosovenes,while fourteen in the coastal areas hadsuch communities.A brief description of the characteristicsof puebloso-venes in Peru may serve to identify some of theirproblems. They appear by organized invasion of unoccu-pied lands (private or public) on the outskirts of cities,frequently on desert land, mountain slopes, or othermarginal areas. This may be spontaneous or manipu-lated by political groups (Collier, 1976). Individuals donot pay rents and build homes on land to which they pre-tend title. Usually, they are relatively low on the socio-economic scale in the city and organize themselves to re-sist eviction, and secure recognition. Pressure is exertedon the national government to provide urban servicessuch as water, electricity, police, drainage, medical facil-ities, schools, markets, and transportation(Matos Mar,

1968). The resourcefulness and ingenuity of the migrantsto organize themselves into self-help and voluntary orga-nizations and to manipulate the political and legal struc-ture of the country has protected them against eviction byforce or encroachment by other migrants (Mangin,1973).

Early in the development of pueblos jovenes, youngadults predominate. As the immigrants settle and raisefamilies the age structure changes. On the average inPeru, 45.1 percent of the population of the pueblos ovenesare younger than 15 years (ONEC, 1972). This strainsthe education facilities, transportation systems, and thelabour force.

There are varying reports about the effect of migrationon the urban labour pool and the rate of unemployment.Some studies report high rates (90 percent) of male em-ployment and some female employment (25 percent) inLima's pueblos jovenes (Andrews and Phillips, 1970).Another study reports that the economic participation ofadult males over 15 years is around 25 percent in thepueblos ovenes and is lower than in the cities which theysurround (ONEC, 1972). Although theoretically the re-cipient population may benefit from the large pool ofcheap labour provided by the migrants, they add to thepressure on limited resources such as water and sanita-tion, medical, and educational facilities. There is alsoample reason to believe that the continued influx of mi-grants from the highlands may outstrip the capacity foremployment provided by government projects and by theincipient manufacturing industry. According to Smith(1971), "In spite of substantial industrial growth, manu-facturing industry is employing a steadily decreasingproportion of labor force (from 20 percent between 1955and 1960 to an average of 14 percent between 1960 and1965) . . . Underemployment is widespread, and, al-though very difficult to calculate, the estimate has beenmade that 19 percent of those employed in commerce inLima are Cnderemployed, 25 percent of those in indus-try, and as many as 49 percent in services." Since 1975,the economic situation of Peru has deteriorated consider-ably and these percentages are now probably muchhigher. According to Andrews (personnal communica-tion), many migrants are now returning to their places oforigin, and there are some reports that the re-incorpora-tion of numerous returned migrants may produce visiblesocial and political changes in the villages (Isbell, 1974;Guillet, 1974).


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EFFECTS OF MIGRATION ON MIGRANTS THEMSELVESChanges in location, frequently from high to low alti-tude in the Central Andes, as well as in culturalcontext,frequently from small to large urban centres, may havenumerous effects on the migrant. A random sample ofmigrants to Lima in the late 1960s answered question-

naires about difficulties in their reactions to the new sit-uations in Lima (Ponce, 1972). The responses variedgreatly among socio-economic status groups. Highersocio-economic status individualshad less troublefindinghomes and jobs and were less likely to have difficultiesgetting along with the natives. About one-thirdof the lowsocio-economic status migrants had difficulties findingjobs and nearly two-thirdssaid that most of their friendswere also migrants. Migrantsof all socio-economic statuslevels felt fatigued, depressed,and ill more often than thenatives. More migrants from the mountains respondedthat they were more often ill than migrantsfromthe coastor the jungle. Migrants from low socio-economic back-grounds and from rural areas suffered relatively morefrom anxiety and feelings of inadequacy than others(Ponce, 1972).Language barriersmay present a problem, especiallyfor migrants from the rural areas of the sierra whereQuechua and Aymara are spoken. In Lima and othermajor cities regional clubs or associations of migrantsfrom a particulararea often are helpful in aiding the mi-grant to adapt to city life (Mangin, 1960) by teachinghim the language and city customs, by giving assistancefinding jobs, and by providing access to bureaucrats.In the intermediate semi-permanent stages of migra-tion, these regional clubs may offer services, such as anillness, childbirth, or burial allowance, to new migrants.As a permanent pattern of migration develops and mi-grants disperse throughout the city, the clubs lose theirimportance as buffers between the old ways of the mi-grants and their new life in the city and become socialor-ganizations (Skeldon, 1976).Fertilityof migrantwomen has been measured in bothurban and ruralareas. A survey in 1965/66 comparedthefertilityof a sample of migrantwomen in Lima puebloso-veneswith a sample of middle class Lima residents. Con-sidering the results for women aged 45 to 54 (who haveprobablycompleted fertility), the migrantsaveraged5.59livebirths per married woman compared with 4.01 forLima middle class natives. Migrant women originallyfrom settlements of over 20,000 people had 5.08 live-births per marriedwoman comparedwith 5.96 for wom-en from a settlement of 1,000 or less (De Villacorte,1971).Another study of fertility in thepueblosovenesndirectlysuggested somewhat different results. This study foundthat the higher the percentage of economically activewomen in the population, the lower the fertility. Sincemigrant women were two or three times as likely to beeconomically active, it is possible that they have lowerfertilitythan non-migrantwomen (ONEC, 1972). This isnot necessarily true, however. The two tropical forest

communities of Pucallpa and Iquitos are exceptions tothis generalization; both have similar high proportions(30 and 27 percent) of economically active women anddiffering Gross Reproductive Rates of 3.75 and 2.92.The latter is close to the national average (without Lima)of 2.91. This study did not explicitly take into accountmigrant status or place of origin.The fertility of migrants to a rural low-altitude coastalcommunity was compared to that of permanent residentsof the coastal Tambo Valley, Department of Arequipa.Using reproductive histories, an estimated total fertilityof 8.46 for a high-altitude-born migrant group washigher than the 7.69 for a low-altitude-born migrantgroup. The permanent residents' estimated total fertilityis 8.04. Differences in age at marriage, age at migration,ethnic affiliation, and socio-economic status were not re-sponsible for any of the observed differences in fertility.It was concluded that the hypoxic stress of high altitudehad acted to reduce fertility in the high-altitude native athigh altitude, and that upon removal of the stress, thefertility rate increased (Abelson et al., 1974). Thesestudies suggest that, in the Andes, migrant status perse isnot a sufficiently fine distinction to make when de-scribing the effect of migration, and that the economy,size, and altitude of origin and destination of the migrantgroup may also be important criteria. This may be espe-cially true for parameters which are affected by high-alti-tude hypoxia or cold and aridity. Migration to the coastrelieves the hypoxic stress and, to some extent, the coldand aridity stress. Migration to the tropical forest relievesall three stresses and introduces tropical biological ones.Migration from small to large cities, from participationin local to national economies, also produces stress.

Migration from high to low altitudes and prolongedsojourn at altitudes other than the altitude of birth havebeen associated with poor health since Incan times(Monge, 1948). Numerous studies have demonstratedthat migration after childhood from low to high altitudein Peru results in a physiological work capacity and pul-monary function capacity wAhichis lower in migrantsthan in high-altitude natives (Frisancho et al., 1973; Bus-kirk, 1976). Migration from high altitude to low altitudealso has some detrimental effects to the high-altitude na-tive. Migrant clubs in Lima sometimes offer "changes ofclimate allowances while the migrant is susceptible to ill-ness due to the change of environment" (Skeldon, 1976).Monge (1963) reports that the rate of tuberculosis infec-tion of high-altitude native soldiers is higher than that oflow-altitude native soldiers living in the same low-alti-tude Peruvian environment. Another disease to whichhigh-altitude natives at low altitude may be particularlysusceptible is haemorrhagic exanthem, a disease of bleed-ing sores and haemorrhaging which was first described inBolivian high-altitude native soldiers who had recentlyarrived at a low-altitude tropical forest location (Noble etal., 1974). The cause of this disease remains unknown,but one hypothesis suggests that it is an exaggerated re-


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ponse to antigenic stimulationresultingfrom insectbites.This illustrates that in migration from high to low alti-tude involving a change of ecological belts the health ofmigrants is endangered by other effects as well as by thechange in partialpressureof oxygen. An epidemiologicalstudy of communities in four distinct Peruvian ecozonesfound distinct pathogenic flora in each (Buck et al.,1968).A health questionnairesurveyconductedin the low-al-titude Peruvian Tambo Valley, Department of Are-quipa, found that male and female migrants from highaltitudes reported more disease symptoms than thepermanent residents of the Valley, and that female, butnot male, low-altitude native migrants also reportedmore disease symptoms than their counterpartsperma-nently residing in Tambo. It is importantthat the num-ber of days ill and the numberof days unable to work be-cause of illness parallel the differences in symptoms. Itwas suggested that the populationdifferencesare primar-ily the resultsof changes in physicaland culturalenviron-ment related to migration;high-altitudemigrantsmay bemore afflicted than low-altitude migrants because of thegreater degree of change they experience. In particular,males from high altitude reportedmore gastro-intestinalsymptoms at low altitude, and both males and femalesreportedmore respiratorysymptomsat low altitude thanthe low-altitude natives, migrant and non-migrant. Thesource of the differencesin respiratorysymptoms may be

the biological adaptations to high altitude which are nolonger functional at low altitude (Dutt and Baker, 1978).Whether migration from high to low altitude affectshealth, and how it affects health, may vary dependingupon whether the individual migrates to the coast or tothe tropical forest. Haemorrhagicexanthem is an exam-ple reported from the tropics, but not the lowlands.Another example is the high incidence of malaria in agroup of high-altitude native colonizers of the Bolivianjungle (Sariola, 1960). Tuberculosismay be more preva-lent in the more densely settled coastal areas.The poor socio-economic conditions of many immi-grants to Lima is reflected in the high incidenceof infan-tile malnutrition (Graham and Adrianzen, 1972). Thehigh proportionof workingwomen and the introductionof bottle feeding have reduced the number of breast-feeding women. This is associated with more infant ill-ness and malnutrition which relates to the cost of milkand formulas, inadequate preparationof formulas, andinadequate sanitary precautions. These are problems ofpoverty rather than of migrationperse,but are frequentlyfound among migrants of low socio-economic status.The offspring of high-altitude native migrants to arural area did not differ in height and weight from theoffspring of low-altitude natives. This suggests that anydifferences in nutrition between the groups in this areaare not large enough to differentiallyaffect the growthofchildren (Beall etal., 1977).

GAPS IN KNOWLEDGE

There are considerable gaps in knowledge about mi-gration in the Central Andes.1. Knowledge of migration flows is inadequate. Whilea general pattern of migration is available for each coun-try, there is little information on the size of the migrationflow, its seasonality, or the amount of return migration.Information on urban-to-urban migrants is lacking, as isinformation on rural-to-rural migrants and step migra-tion. The factors which determine whether an individualwill migrate to an urban or a rural area are unknown.The distinctions between successful and unsuccessful mi-grants are unexplained. These data are important for theplanning and extension of urban facilities, and for publichealth planning, since new diseases may be transferredinto developing communities.2. The causes of migration are not fully understoodand are important factors in determining the optimumrates of emigration. Since land shortage is frequentlycited as a reason for emigration, the underlying causeshould be examined to determine if it is a land tenure,ecological, technological, or population growth problem.Information is particularly lacking in urban areas and forurban-to-urban migrants.Push factors in the community of origin which lead totemporary or permanent emigration or return migrationneed analysis.

Pull factorsof rural and urban centres of immigrationshould be more fully understood. The relative impor-tance of employment, recruitment, friendship ties, andmodern amenities need to be determined. The effects ofnatural disasters, such as the El Nino current or earth-quakes are also little understood. Economic factors areprobablyan importantinfluenceon the size and directionof migration flows.3. The characteristicswhich distinguish migrantsfromnon-migrants are unclear, especially for urban-to-urbanmigrants. The relative importance of family ties, healthstatus, language andjob skills, capital, and education arefactors, in addition to age, which might distinguishthosewho migrate from those who do not, and which may alsodistinguish successfulfrom unsuccessfulmigrants.4. The effect of migration on the population of originshould be studied in terms of the maintenance of theoriginalcommunity. When does emigration permitmain-tenance of the "traditional"way of life, and when is thecommunity unable to performbasic subsistencetasks as aresult of emigration?Cash flow to the ruralcommunityasa result of seasonal emigration of residents and the con-tributions of natives living in other cities is an importantconsideration.5. The effect of migration on the receiving populationshould be examined in terms of competition for jobs,


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housing, and services. Suggested measures of well-beinginclude health, nutritional status, alcoholism, suicide, andcrime rate. The success of communities of destination inabsorbing migrants should be evaluated using thesemeasures.6. The effect of migration on the individuals themselvesmay be measured in several ways: one is socio-culturaland includes social and economic changes in status, andanother is biological and includes health, nutritionalstatus, and the physiological ability to work.7. Information on urban-to-urban migration is particu-larly needed since this flow is significant. The colonizationmigration flow is also poorly understood and mayincrease in importance as tropical forest resources becomeeconomically important. The principal concern iswhether or not the populations are able to perform workto fulfill their biological and social needs.8. There is no study of migration along an altitudinalgradient. The arrangement of the human environmentalsystems along these gradients suggests that the redis-tribution of population and production may have sig-nificant consequences. The system of exchange and, thus,the rate of migration may be modified.9. The cost to the receiving city in terms of services isnot known. Indicators that a community is reaching thelimits of its ability to absorb migrants should beidentified.

10. The environmental effects of population redistri-bution and changes in amount and type of productionrequire attention. In receiving areas, the pressure onnatural resources such as pure water, clean air, and newland for housing is great. In areas of depopulation orareas where return migrants are introducing new tech-nologies, the impact on the physical environment is un-known.

REFERENCESAbelson, A.E., Baker, T.S., and Baker, P.T., 1974: Altitude,migrationand fertilityin the Andes. SocialBiology,21: 12-27.Adams, R.N., 1959: A Communityn the Andes: Problems ndProgress n Muquivauyo.University of Washington Press,Seattle, WA. 251 pp.Alegre, L., 1974: Migration and the development of Bolivia.MigrationNews, 23: 12-16.Alers, J.O. and Appelbaum, R.P., 1968: La Migracion n elPeru: Un Inventario e Proposiciones. studios de Poblacion yDesarrollo, vol. 1, no. 4 (Serie Original No. 2), Centro deEstudios de Poblacion y Desarrollo, Lima.Andrews, F.M. and Phillips, G.W., 1970: The squatters ofLima: Who they are and what they want.JournalofDevelopingAreas,4: 211-224.Bahr,J., 1972: Bevolkerungsgeographischeuntersuchungen imGrossem Norden Chiles. ErdkundeBonn), 26: 283-293.Beall, C., Baker, P.T., Baker, T.S., and Haas, J.D., 1977:The effects of high altitude on adolescent growth in SouthernPeruvian Amerindians. HumanBiology,49: 109-124.BoletindeAnalisisDemograficoo. 13, 1972: Los PueblosJovenesen el Peru. Oficina Nacional de Estadisticasy Censos, Lima.

Answers to questions concerning migration in the Cen-tral Andes depend upon assembling the appropriate data.The first concern is to identify volume and channels ofmigration flow. This requires that countries conduct aregular census including questions about place of birth.Specialized surveys in areas of high emigration or im-migration, as well as stable areas, could provide in-formation on migration histories and the biological, cul-tural, and socio-economic characteristics of both migrantsand non-migrants; this should include as wide a range ofages, length of residence, and socio-economic status aspossible. Where census data are not available, a series ofsurveys in selected urban and rural areas would suffice asinterim measures. The distinctive characteristics ofAndean life and migration, which frequently entail adap-tation to high altitude and then an abrupt change of alti-tude by migration, require that special consideration begiven to the biological and health characteristics ofmigrants and non-migrants.An understanding is needed of the forces, such ashealth status, family obligations, income, or housing,which are perceived as factors in the individual decision tostay home, migrate, migrate again, or return home. Thelarger forces in a community which lead to, or resultfrom, changes in the migration pattern (whether in, out,or return) must also be defined. These are difficult data toobtain, especially in developing areas where documenta-tion of population size and structure, disease patterns,land holdings, production, trade, and environmental deg-radation may be entirely lacking or privately held. Never-theless, this information would document the changingrelationship between populations and their resources andthe potentially important factors for analysis of past andpresent changes and for projecting future changes inpopulation distribution.

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Crosby, E., 1972: The Colombian Exchange: Biological and Cul-tural Consequencesf 1492. Greenwood Press, Westport, CT.De Villacorte, V., 1971: Migracion, educacion y fecundidad enlos estratos sociales bajos de Lima Metropolitana. Boletin deAnalisis Demografico,11: 51-86.Dobyns, H.F. and Doughty, P.L., 1976: Peru.A CulturalHis-tory.Oxford University Press, New York, NY. 336 pp.Dutt, J.S. and Baker, P.T., 1978: Environment, migrationand health in southern Peru. Social Science and Medicine, 12:29-38.Edelman, A., 1967: Colonization in Bolivia: Progressand pros-pects. Inter-AmericanEconomicAffairs (Washington, D.C.), 20:39-54.Escobar M, G., 1973: Sicaya, cambiosculturalesen una comunidadmestizaAndina.Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima.Frisancho, A.R., Martinez, C., Velasquez, T., Sanchez, J.,and Montoye, H., 1973: Influence of developmental adap-tation on aerobic capacity at high altitude. Journalof AppliedPhysiology, 34: 176-180.Ghersi, B., 1963: Caracteristicasde la migracion en el distritoMarcara. In Dobyns, H.F. and Vazquez, M.C. (eds.), Mi-gracion e Integracionen el Peru. Editorial Estudios Andinos,Lima.Gonzales, A., 1976: Notes: Population, agriculture and foodsupply in Latin America. Cahiersde Geographiede Quebec, 13:423-434.

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A native thatchedstorage structurenestled under a rock-shelterand, on the left, a dung-coveredcorral. Photo by M.A. Little.

High puna Indian residents. This mother, her two sons, and her breastfeeding infant live at anelevation of 4,800 metres above sea level. Note the heavy wool clothing as protection against theintense wind-chill. Photo by M.A. Little.

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