Chapter 2

Methodology

Conceptual framework of the problem

Based on the discussion in the previous chapter, our concern is to develop

a comprehensive understanding of the social dynamics of health and the life of

women workers in the cashew processing industry of Kilikolloor in Kerala.

This study focuses on the linkages between gender relations, work, and the

health of cashew processing women workers in order to get an idea of the

complex realities of their life. The way we conceptualise gender relations, health

and the work of women workers is borne out by our understanding of the existing

literature. In the ·previous chapter we have seen that the health of a person is

intrinsically related with the social, economic, political and cultural dimensions of

the society in which she/he lives and works and can not be explained within a

medical paradigm alone. In the case of women, their family situation, the

relationships within, and the caring role that they are expected to perform add to

the complexity of the social dynamics of their health. An adequate understanding

of such complexities of life indeed needs an interdisciplinary research, which

includes methods and concepts from various discourses of social science

disciplines. It is of paramount importance to analyse the interlinkages and

associatiol)s of various levels of complex interactions in the lives of women which

ultimately shape their health.

We have identified the following key dimensions that need to be studied to

understand how women's health and their subjective perceptions o{ it are

determined.

Women's work in the cashew industry

In order to study women's work in the cashew industry we have to focus on

the structure and organisation of the industry since its inception during mid 1920s.

This would enable us to get an understanding of the transformations that have

taken place in the industry with respect to its structure, technology, labour process

and organisation and the impact of these changes on the lives of women workers.

Focus on the industry will help us to have an idea of the prospects of this industry

51

- the problems in the availability of raw nuts, the level of underemployment and

the variations in various sectors of the industry like public, cooperative and private

factories.

The physical conditions of work in the work units are appallingly poor and

have a pervasive impact on the health of women workers. The work environment,

adequate wage rate and the production and social relations the workers are

subjected to are key factors in determining the health of workers. Highly

exploitative terms and conditions of work which take advantage of caste, class

and gender composition of the worker~exists at various levels. Therefore it is .... essential to understand the various aspects of work such .as women's control over

timing of work, the product of their work and work conditions, the wage and non­

wage benefits enjoyed by them, leisure time of the workers, the nature of

surveillance by employers and women workers' understanding of the production

process, marketing and profit distribution. The interpersonal relations of workers

and the management, workers' perception about these relations, their work,

working conditions provided to them and their rights at work and the ways in which

they are exploited by the employers also need to be analysed to gain an insight

into the real problems faced by them at factories. In addition to this the

perceptions of employers, managers, and supervisors regarding the nature of

work, women workers, technology, and the changes taking place in the industry

also will be explored.

Political and trade union participation of women workers

Kerala is well known for the politicisation of the people and the economic

gains attained through trade union activities. As majority of the workers in this

industry are women, it is pertinent to analyse the quality of politicisation of women

and its impact on their lives. This can be analysed by exploring their participation

in political issues and the quality of such participation, including trade union

struggles and other larger political activities in the society. The women workers'

role in the leadership and decision making bodies of the political parties and trade

unions will be explored to see how much these activities helped them enjoy

52

important positions in politics and enabled them to assert their rights at their

work place and at home.

Access to health care facilities

Health care services are an organic part of community life and it is one of

the important determinants of the health of workers. The workers are provided

with ESI services for their health problems but the facility is restricted only to the

permanent workers in the factory sector. Apart from ESI, the villagers are provided

with other government and private health care institutions in the village. The

accessibility and availability of the health care services will be explored to get an

idea of the quality of services as well aswomen's use of them for tackling their

health problems.

Women's work at home

Working women also have to be studied within the complexities of their

households and villages to get a comprehensive understanding of their lives and

health. The burden of household drudgery falls on women irrespective of their

outside work in the factory from morning to late evening. Most often, working

women shoulder the household drudgery single-handedly especially in nuclear

families. The dominant patriarchal relations prevailing in society has its cultural

manifestations in the day to day life of women workers .The overburden of work at

factory and household level work such as cooking, caring of children and the

elderly, coupled with lack of adequate food and rest due to poverty and unequal

gender relations adversely affects the health of women workers. Women are

forced to bear the brunt of overwork without much rest and leisure time, at the

cost of their health. But the inadequacies in the conceptualisation of work in the

economic theories leave the household work of women outside the arena of

productive work. However, quite often the overwork of women both in the

productive and reproductive (household) realms contribute to the sustenance of

family and they become the substantial bread winners of the families. Therefore, it

53

is essential to understand women's household work and her economic

contributions to the household in detail. '

Intra-household relations

Intra-household dynamics is of central importance in understanding the

complexities of women's lives, which has a direct impact on the health of workers.

The aspects that are critical in the interactions at home are their role in the

decision making process in familial matters, control over their own earnings and

household resources, access to health services, education and food, hours of

work, sharing of housework, leisure time, etc. The unequal interpersonal relations

at home, their subordinated role in _pontrol of resources, the control exerted by

men in various aspects of women's life including over their body and sexuality, the

pains undergone because of their oppressive relations with men, etc., play a

greater role in determining health or ill health of women workers. The intricacies of

the interactions, including violence on the part of men causes both mental torture

and physical ill health to the women workers and a deeper understanding of the

intra-household relations would help us to ascertain the impact of unequal gender

relations in the life of women workers in its reality.

Caste, class, gender and access to facilities

Majority of the cashew processing workers come from the lowest rungs of

society with high levels of social backwardness like illiteracy and indebtedness.

The status of the family in terms of caste, education, employment, landholdings,

number of household members and their earnings, livestock, and other resources

plays a crucial role in the overall living conditions and access to facilities of the

women workers. As women are the main actors in running a household these

factors determine th_e level of drudgery she has to deal with and all these factors

influence the health of the workers. In a highly hierarchical society, the class,

caste and gender component of the workers influence and determine their access

to types of employment, incomes earned, education, health services, better living

conditions and other facilities which help them to achieve a vertical mobility in the

54

social structure. Most of the cashew workers are in an underprivileged position in

terms of education, employment, etc. Apart from their social backwardness, the

employers take advantage of the subordinated position of women prevailing in

society and exploit them through various means. This is then rationarised on the

basis of the social perceptions of women's work being unskilled, less productive

and secondary. An understanding of various dimensions of women's experiences

at work and at home in relation to their class, caste and gender enables us to

understand the intricacies of their real life in totality.

Social perceptions about women

Societal perceptions regarding women, their work, and position in the

household and society, have a pervasive impact in shaping their lives including

work and health. The conceptualisation of women as subordinates at home and in

the community is reflected in their absorption into the secondary labour market

with exploitative terms and conditions. Women are · conceived as suited for

repetitive, more precision requiring and back breaking kinds of employment with

low technological inputs. Household tasks are considered as their primary

responsibility. Their work is often termed as unskilled though it need special skills

and therefore the remuneration is also invariably low. Capital takes advantage of

such notions prevailing in society which helps it to accumulate the profit. Thus,

the social perceptions and cultural values underrate women's work and economic

contributions which in a way legitimises their oppressions in subtle ways and

therefore, it is inevitable to explore the societal perceptions about women.

Women's own perceptions

The women workers' perceptions regarding her work conditions, wages,

interactions at work, health and illness, control of income, interpersonal relations

at home, their dreams and aspirations about themselves, children and married life,

etc., are closely interlinked with the sqcial structure and the cultural milieu in which

they live and work. The social perceptions to a great extent influences and shapes

women's own self image. The formation of the self identity of woman is associated

55

with the interaction of her self and her struggles of day to day life at home and

society. Therefore it is essential to identify and explore interlinkages of various

dimensions structuring women's lives not only at the material level but also at the

ideological level. The interactions of all these domains condition and control

women's lives.

Health and illness

In our conceptualisation the dynamics of the above discussed dimensions

influence and shape the perceived health and ill health of women workers. Thus,

the linkages between women's work in the industry and their interactions at home

and in society have a direct and subtle role in determining the health of workers.

Their occupation causes direct health hazards like severe dermatitis and allergic

reactions because of direct contact with the cashew nut shell liquid, while many

other conditions and terms of work also indirectly contribute to their ill health. In

our study, the focus is on the work-related and other perceived illnesses of the

women workers. The cultural perceptions of various kinds of disease and the

ways they seek remedies also are very important in analysing the health of

women workers.

Social milieu

The community life and social perceptions of women, their work,

responsibilities, the role of women in and outside the home, etc. to a great extent

determine women's position in societY. This societal perception in turn often

sanctions and legitimises many of the oppressions towards women at the work

place a~d in their personal life. Therefore, it is inevitable to understand the social

milieu in which women are located and what people in general think about various

roles and dos and don'ts of women. The social circumstances are important

mechanisms in structuring the life, work, and health of women workers.

The different spheres discussed above are interrelated and have a direct

as well as subtle impact on the life and especially on the health of the workers.

Thus the conceptualisation of the social dynamics of the life of women workers

56

taking into account various dimensions of community life of women including their

work will enable us to get an idea of the complexities experienced by them. This

conceptual framework leads us to hypothesise that social factors are a major

determinant of women workers' health in the cashew processing industry. Our

study explores th~ scope and relevance of these various factors.

Objectives

The main objective of our study is to explore the linkages between gender,

work and perceived health of women workers in the cashew processing industry.

To fully bring in the gender perspective, its main objective has been divided into

the following sub-objectives.

1. Study of the structure and organisation of the cashew processing industry in

Kerala and its conditions of work.

2. Class, caste background of workers, their living and working conditions at home

and the gender roles within and outside the family.

3. Perceived health problems of the women workers and services available.

Design-of the study

For a comprehensive understanding of the life of women wo·rkers in all its

complexities, we need a research design which addresses the linkages between

various spheres shaping the lives of the workers. It was impossible for the

researcher by herself to take a representative sample and therefore this study is

limited to a village where the maximum number of factories are concentrated in

Kollam district. For a holistic comprehension of women workers' lives including

their interactions and conditions in the industry, life at home and social milieu,

which provide an opportunity to look at all sources of women's health and ill

health, we located our study in one village. This is possible through the analysis of

their lives in totality taking into account both the quantitative and qualitative

dimensions.

57

The locale of the study: The district

Review of literature regarding cashew industry has shown that the industry

has been concentrated in Kallam district of Kerala which_enabled us to choose the

study village from Kallam district. Kallam district is situated in the southern part of

Kerala with an area of 2491 sq.km. The district is bound in the north by taluks of

Alapuzha, in the south by Thiruvananthapuram, east by Tirunelveli district of Tamil

Nadu, and west by Lakshadweep. For administrative purposes the district is

divided into 5 taluks, 13 blocks, 71 panchayats and 103 villages.

Natural resources

The district has 3 natural divisions: lowland, middle land, and highland. The

seacoast of Kallam is about 37.3 kms. which is 6% of the total seacoast of the

state. Among the rivers, Kallada and lthikkara rivers flow through the entire Kallam

district while rivers like Pamba and Achancovil cover a distance of 40 and 50 kms.

respectively in the district. Other important water resources are Ashtamudi lake,

Paravoor lake, Edava lake, and Nadayara lake. The rich water sources in the

district help sustain agriculture and industries like coir, and maintain the greenery

of the district

Demography

According to the 1991 census the district has 8.27 % of the total population

of the state. Population density in Kallam has doubled during the past four

decades, which became 963 in 1991 against 446 in 1951. Total population in

Kallam according to the Handbook of statistics for 1995 is 2407,566 in which male

population is 118,2810 (49.1%) and female population is 1224756 (50.9%). Sex

ratio in the district is 1035 and the number of houses constitute nearly 4.5 lakhs.

The percentage of main workers in Kallam district comprises only 28.1 % of

the total population while non-workers constitute 67.4%. The remaining 4.5 % of

the population are marginal workers. Of the total, 28% main workers women

constitute only 22.59% while 77.41% of men are main workers. The proportion of

58

women marginal workers is also higher (58.89%) when compared with that of men

(41.11 %). In the category of non-workers the percentage of women is as high as

62.11% while for men it is 37.89%. Literacy rate in the district is 90.47%, in which

male literacy is 94.09 while female literacy is only 87%. There is not much rural

urban disparity in terms of literacy in the district.

Scheduled caste population according to the 1-991 census in the district is

305727 which is 12.69 % of the total population of the district, and the scheduled

tribe population is only 0.16% of the total population numbering 3884. Scheduled

caste population of Kallam is 13.63% of the total Scheduled caste population of

Kerala state and 91.9% of them are living in rural areas.

Economic profile

The economy of the district is mainly dependent on agriculture and

industry. The total land available for cultivation and the net area cultivated during

the period 1977-78 in the district are 2.11 lakh hectare and 2.06 lakh hectare

respectively. The important food crops cultivated are paddy, sugarcane, and

tapioca while the non-food crops in the district are arecanut, coconut, rubber, etc.

The area under paddy cultivation is 15.5% of the total area under cultivation

during the period 1977-78. Other crops like cashew, banana, pulses, etc. are also

cultivated in the district.

Fisheries is one of the important traditional industries in the district. Kallam

has got 22 marine fishing villages and 24 inland fishing villages. Neendakara in

the district is one of the important fishing villages in the south-west coast where an

Indo-Norwegian project was set up in1952. There are 16 other large and medium

industries in Kallam including two government of India undertakings and 6 govt. of

Kerala undertakings during 1977-78. The district accounted for 1 0% of the

factories and 42% of the workers of the state in1978.

The cashew industry occupies the most important place in terms of number

of factories and employment in the district, followed by saw mills and the tile

industry. More than 90% of the total workers in the district are employed in

59

I I

~Lv! IAJ-vK _J

/ /

lt.CttALA

QUJLON IALUK qc.JIL-01--J ~TR\L.T . ,,..

.... .-{·

\ ~.

I

~:..-::-:.--:--· -:. .. 'i / ·-/

'-)

' ' I ,· .,

' {

I

l

r

KIUKOl~ f~N(.tfYAT ('t<onPRAKKAKA TAL\J(.

\ ., -- ,, 11

""""'"'- - .I

DfSP£NSAAY

MArrRNfTJ J CJIILD WElr:A

I -«"' (f

VILLAL£ MARt:::fr

59. CL

"\ t (

--~ .J

<. \......

\. ; ·--~-')'

I L..

\ ·-.,

, . . ....

2.2-7-94 5C.P.LE.- Ni,S

.... , ........ •:-• .. ,..-:

- 'oo"·-"'1~ I I

/ ltAttlcop"'·"' I '

··-

&.,1.. lt0'\17

"·"· lltOAI7 'll\.'f. \..IU WACP I!IDIMIAIUI:.'f

MAP-:1

cashew factories. In 1981, 84% of the cashew workers and 81% of the cashew

factories were concentrated in Kallam district. Now the district has 266 cashew

factories, including the co-operative and public sector firms. Within the district,

maximum number of factories are concentrated in Kallam taluk. The natural

resources in the district ensure the facilities for development of the coir industry.

The water resources provide extensive facilities for retting of coconut husks which

is the raw material for coir products. Apart from this, large number of small scale

industries are also functioning in the district.

Our preliminary interviews with the officers in the cashew special office,

trade union leaders and an examination of the records show that Kilikolloor

panchayat in Kallam taluk had the maximum number of cashew processing

factories. Therefore, we decided to choose the study village from this panchayat.

The panchayat and its industries

History

Kilikolloor panchayat was formed in 1953. It is located in Anchalummood

block of the district and has an area of 11.24 sq.km. The panchayat, is situated 3

kms. east of Kallam town, the district capital and has two villages Kilikolloor and

Mangad. For administrative purposes it is divided into. 15 wards. Broadly the

geographical division is such that the villages are on both sides of the national

highway . Kilikolloor has a long history mainly because of its proximity to Kallam

town which was one of the major ancient commercial cities in South India even

prior to 851 AD. The presence of Ashtamudi lake in the panchayat facilitated

transportation facilities for the development of trade and commerce. This is one of

the reasons for the development of industries like cashew and coir in the

panchayat.

It has been argued that the centuries old trade relations caused the place

to be called as Kilikolloor which means small Kallam (killi means small). Another

version of the origin of the name Kilikolloor is that during the reign of Veluthampi

Dalava, his military attacked the British regiment at this place which resulted in the

60

death of few people. To commemorate the incident the place has been named as

Kilikolloor. However, the panchayat has a historic importance due to the trade and

commerce transactions with foreign countries and the rebellion here against the

British rule.

In addition to this the place is known for its archaeological importance.

Archaeological evidences like earthern pots, jars, implements, ornaments, etc.

from Mangad village probably dates back to the neolithic period. The panchayat

has an important role in the socio-political, cultural and industrial history of the

district and state. Many of the people were active participants in the various social

reform movements initiated by Chattambi Swamikal, Narayana Guru, and

Ayyankali. Besides, they have a long tradition of active involvement in national

movement and trade union activities from the early phase of these movements.

Kilikolloor has got historic importance in relation with the political and trade

union movements not only in the district but also in the state. As many of the

industrial enterprises were concentrated in and around the panchayat, the place

has become the centre of political and trade union activities. Many pioneering

political leaders from other parts of the state used to visit and stay in Kilikolloor to

politically educate the people and to lead the trade union struggles against the

exploitation of the workers in the cashew and tiles industries during the early

phase of the union activities. Many of the workers in the cashew industry were

active and leading participants in the political struggles and many worker's houses

provided shelter to the communist leaders during periods of ban and political

repression.

Now all the leading political parties exist in the panchayat like CPM, CPI,

Congress, RSP, Muslim League, etc. The panchayat is governed by the coalition

parties of Left Democratic Front and the administrative body consists of 15

members including the president who is a woman. Among the 15 members, 6 are

from Congress, 3 each from CPM and CPI, 2 from RSP and the one remaining

member is an independent with CPM support. Four women are represented in the

administrative body from various wards of the panchayat. The experiences of the

61

panchayat president and other female ward members reveal that there is a strong

gender bias in the functioning of panchayat administration. As head of the

administration, the president suffers disrespect and humiliation from other male

members as they think that she is inexperienced and doesn't know anything about

administration. In fact she does not see any problems in heading the panchayat

body, except for the initial period when inexperience was a factor. Many men think

that women are inefficient and it is not necessary to confer power on them. But the

reservation policies forced them to share power with women. According to the

president, the decision making in the panchayat is done by the male members of

the party and she is not given the chance to use her discretionary power on many

occasions. One of the women members also explained that the relationship in the

day to day functioning of the administration is not of equals and the women have

to fight for their due share such as the allotment of developmental schemes to

various wards in the panchayat.

Demographic profile

Kilikolloor is a densely populated area with a population density of 5050.

Based on the 1991 census, the panchayat has got a population of 56773 in which

27841 are males (49.04%) and 28932 are females (50.96%). Out of the 6028

scheduled caste population, males are 2929 (48.59%) and females account for

3099 (51.41%). In 1996, according to the ICDS report, the population increased to

61079 which comprises 49.14% males and 50.86% females.

The number of households in the panchayat in 1996 was 11389 in which

the scheduled caste families constituted 1173. According to a survey conducted

by ICDS in1992, the total number of households living below the poverty line is

4917 in which scheduled caste families are 365. Based on applications received

for inclusion in this category (of below poverty line) during 1996 the total number

of households living under the poverty line comprised 5113 including 392

scheduled caste families. This shows that in this panchayat among the 10.3% of

the total scheduled caste families, more than 33% are living below the poverty line

62

while the total percentage of families who are living under poverty line accounts

for only 4.5%.

Literacy rate in the panchayat is 79% while male literacy is 83% and female

literacy is 75%. The panchayat has 43 Anganvadis, but none of the Anganvadis

are provided with facilities for the proper care of children. Generally children are

provided food in Anganvadis but on the days I visited the children were not given

food .The reason cited by the Anganvadi teacher was the lack of availability of

food articles in the ICDS office. The common practice if food items are not

available in the ICDS office is to buy from ration shops. This was not allowed at

that time despite some of the Anganvadis have highly undernourished children.

Education, health and transport facilities

The proximity of the panchayat to Kallam municipality ensures better

educational, transport and other facilities. The panchayat has century old primary

schools. During the years1904 and 1905 two primary schools were started in the

area. By 1958, an Engineering college and an Arts college were started in the

private sector by the leading cashew industrialist, A. Thangalkunju Musaliyar. Now

the panchayat consists of 4 primary schools, 1 middle school, 3 high schools, 1

engineering college and an arts college. In addition to this, one pharmacy college

is functioning in the panchayat. All 3 high schools have middle school facilities

while 2 have primary schools also. 2 high schools and one lower primary school

are in the government sector while all . the other schools are under private

management.

Kilikolloor has public and private health care institutions for tackling the

health problems of the people. Kallam district hospital is 5 kms. away from the

village. For major illnesses which need hospitalisation, prolonged treatment and

deliveries the worker's families generally rely on government sector. The village

has an ESI dispensary and majority of the workers and their family members are

utilising this facility in spite of the problems regarding working time, occasional

lack of medicine and other corrupt practices. A mini PHC in the panchayat has

63

started functioning in 1991 and is located in Mangad village almost one km away

from the national highway. Under the PHC, there are 11 sub centres distributed all

over the panchayat. The private sector is also rendering allopathic, ayurvedic and

homeopathic services and includes 5 allopathic hospitals and 5 each of ayurvedic

and homeopathic institutions.

People in the panchayat are provided with comparatively better transport

facilities except for the interior parts. The national highway linking Kallam and

other districts help the people to get frequent bus services to the district capital.

Few roads constructed by the panchayat connect the villages to the national

highway. But in the interiors, the condition of roads are dilapidated and they are

mainly lanes which is very difficult to traverse. Kilikolloor has a small railway

station (metergauge) for the Kollam-Shencotta train which facilitates trade

relations with Tamil Nadu. Besides this, the main railway line linking south and

north of the state also passes through the village.

Alongside of the national highway, three moderate sized and three small

markets function in the panchayat. Of this, 2 are owned by the panchayat and the

remaining four are private markets. Most of the things for day to day life are

available in these markets including food articles, clothes, mediCine, electric

goods, stationary items, etc.. Besides the main markets, interior parts of the

village also have petty businesses of tea, vegetables, stationery items, etc., which

enables the workers to procure things while coming back from work. In addition to

this, 2 post offices, one co-operative bank, few cinema halls and one theatre and

public library are also there in the panchayat. Temples, kavu (place of worship of

the Hindus ), mosques and churches exist in the village catering to the varied

religious needs of the people. For communication, few public telephone booths

are available in the markets alongside of national highway.

The main water sources in the panchayat are Ashtamudi lake and

Kilikolloorriver. Apart from this, the wells, tube wells, wells associated with temples

and mosques are the other sources of water in the panchayat. In addition to the

wells made by the people in their own plots, in the panchayat there are 5 tube

64

wells 7 public wells and 310 public water taps. Of this, 3 tube wells and 160 taps

are not functioning since the time of installation. The water availability in public

water sources is very erratic and only for short duration. For drinking water, most

of the people depend on their own wells. 98% of them are using well-water in

which 3% rely on neighbours' wells while 2% are getting water from public water

supply schemes. Despite these available sources of water the water scarcity in

the panchayat is acute especially during summer.

Economy

The economy of the panchayat mainly depends on industry and agriculture.

Agriculture in this area is in a declining phase, especially paddy cultivation,

because of the change in land use patterns. The shift in cultivation from food

crops to cash crops and division of land into small size paved the way for decline

in agriculture. According to the old settlement register, there were 230 hectares of

paddy fields in the panchayat which is reduced to 133 hectares in 1985 and 105

hectares in 1995. During 1906 the agricultural land in the panchayat was owned

by 1545 patta holders which now turned to the hands of 22489 patta owners. This

shows the change in land ownership and division of land into small sizes which

makes paddy cultivation difficult.

Industries

The presence of Ashtamudi lake which provides facilities for transporting

commodities and the proximity of the place to the Kellam town which had

commercial relations with many foreign countries even prior to 91h century

(Bhaskaranunni, 1994) enhanced the industrial prospects of the panchayat.

Cashew, coir, fishing and handloom were tl:le main industrial enterprises existing

in the panchayat. The coir from Mangad village was famous for its quality even in

foreign markets. Retting facilities in the backwaters of Ashtamudi provided a good

base for coir industry in Mangad village. However, with the development of the

cashew industry other industrial enterprises began to decline.

65

The distribution of variou~ industries and of the work force in the panchayat

shows that cashew alone accommodates more than 10,000 workers (Table 1).

Other enterprises like coir, saw mill, tin, matchbox, furniture, etc., contribute to

only a small percentage of employment.

· Table 1: Distribution of industries and employment in the panchayat

Sl. no. Industries No. of Units No. of Workers

1 Cashew factories 26 9725

2 Cashew packing centre 72 1650

3 Saw mill 59 265

4 Match box 5 90

5 Match stick 3 48

6 Furniture 26 126

7 Paint 3 18

8 Rubber chappal 2 7

9 Cement pipe 2 10

10 Milk products 1 10

11 Cable factory 2 8

12 PVC pipe 7 92

13 Tin 4 12

14 Soap 3 5

15 Metal unit 23 50

16 Bakery 20 30

17 Soda 3 6

18 Aluminium utensil 1 3

19 Rubberband 1 2

20 Ply wood 2 40

21 Printing press 4 10

22 Oil mill 8 20

23 Flour mill 23 50

24 Brick 1 15

25 Beedi 1 -

Source : Samagravikasana Report, Kilikolloor panchayat, 1996.

66

I

Only a negligible proportion of people work in other industrial units when

compared to the cashew industry. Saw mill industry is in a declining phase

because of the scarcity of wood, and it employs only 265 workers. All other units

except furniture employ less than 100 workers and many units function with less

than 10 workers.

Kilikolloor panchayat has more than 85 cashew associated working units

including processing factories, packing centers and rejection shops according to

the panchayat register in June 1995. There are 22 cashew processing factories,

15 packing centers, 8 storing centers and 40 cashew rejection units registered in

the panchayat. The processing factories include 2 public sector units, 2 co­

operative sector factories, the rest being private factories. The number of workers

in the public sector and cooperative sector factories was more than 600 and 450

respectively in each unit. Few private sector factories also employ more than 500

workers. However, most of the private sector factories employ on an average 400

to 450 workers.

Study village

In Kilikolloor panchayat, Kilikolloor village has maximum concentration of

cashew factories and workers. Since the panchayat has only 2 villages, selection

of the village was mainly based on the availability of workers and factories. In

addition to this, the choice was related to the structure of the industry where

factories with a different nature of ownership such as public, co-operative and

private sectors are available. Given the fact that both the number of processing

factories and workers are more in Kilikolloor village and it had all types of

industries, of the two villages we chose Kilikolloor village. The village has 15

cashew processing factories out of the 22 factories in the panchayat with one

each in the public and cooperative sector and the remaining 13 are owned by

private employers.

67

Demography and infrastructure facilities

The total population in the village according to the I CDS records in January

1996 is 31,767, of which 15888 (50.1%) are males and 15879 (49.9%) are

females. The number of children in the age group of 0-6 years in the village

constitute 2511. At the end of 1995, the village has a total number of 5761 houses

according to the same record. Among these, 498 houses belong to Scheduled

caste families.

The area of the village is 5.3 sq.km. and it is diyided into 7 wards named

Kilikolloor a, Kilikolloor b, Kilikolloor c, College ward and Kannimel b, Kannimel c,

and Kannimel d for administrative purposes. The presence of the national highway

and railway station (metre guage) helps the people to reach the district capital by

frequent bus services and train. From the interior parts, however, people have to

walk through lanes for at least 25-30 minutes to reach the national highway, which

is very difficult during rainy season.

Water resources in the village are mainly Kilikolloor river, wells (including

few wells associated with temples, mosques, and panchayat wells) and a few tube

wells. Majority of the people in the village rely on their own wells for drinking water

and water for other day to day use while a small percentage depend on their

neighbours' wells. A small proportion of them use pipe water, in which few own

pipe connections at their homes while others rely on panchayat pipe water.

Despite all these sources of water, water scarcity in some parts of the village is

acute especially during summer. Scenes of large groups of people waiting for the

water supply from the panchayat is not uncommon. Those who depend on the

panchayat tap water are in a more disadvantaged position as the water supply is

very irregular. As it is mainly the responsibility of the women to fetch water, few

older women sleep near the water tap while waiting in the queue for getting water,

which comes around 2a.m., 3a.m., etc .. The villagers who live near Kilikolloor river

get highly contaminated and salty water all through the year.

68

Educational facilities in the village are comparatively better. There are 2

primary schools, one high school and an engineering and an arts college in the

village. Other institutions like 21 Anganvadis and 6 sub-centres are also available

in Kilikolloor. In all the sub-centres ANMs are posted and two of them stay in the

sub-centres itself. For tackling health problems, in addition to the sub-centres,

villagers are provided with an ESI and an ayurvedic dispensary in the government

sector. Various private medical care institutions from different systems of

medicine, including hospitals, are available in Kilikolloor. This will enable us to

understand the availability and accessibility of the health care institutions to the

workers especially those who are from the poorest sections in the social strata.

The villagers have facilities like markets, co-operative bank, post offices, public

telephone booths and other facilities (mentioned earlier in the section on the

panchayat) since most of these facilities in the panchayat are common for both

villages. Availability of all these facilities help us to get an idea of day to day life of

the workers and the accessibility of these services.

Data required for research

The conceptual frame of the problem requires both qualitative and

quantitative data on various aspects at the industrial level and on workers' life at

the household level for a detailed study. For this we need primary and secondary

data.

(1) Industry: Secondary data: The following informations regarding the_ industry

collected from the secondary sources like 'trade union publications, government

repqrts and other publications, journals, books, newspaper reports, records in the

panchayat office and other offices like KSCDC, CAPEX , ESI and cashew special

office.

(a). Historical information about the growth, structure and organisation, and·

technology of the industry. Distribution of factories and employment since its

inception.

69

(b). Historical background of the formation of trade unions in the industry, its

demands and struggles for the rights of workers.

(c). Legislative measures like Factories Act, Minimum wage and other non wage

benefits like provident fund, maternity and ESI benefits, and other welfare inputs,

monopoly procurement, marketing of raw materials and finished products.

The information collected from the primary sources regarding the industry are

(a). Distribution of firms and employment in the village, production process,

worker's skill requirement, physical conditions of the factories, interactions of the

workers, managerial and supervisory staff, and the surveillance and control

exerted by the supervi~ory staff.

(b). Perceptions of owners, managers, and supervisors about the changes in the

industry and the position of women workers

(2). Data regarding the women workers at the industrial level and at the household

level. collected only through the primary sources.

(a) Women workers' age, and caste composition in various processing sections in

different factories.

(b) Wage rate and nature of payment, DA, level of underemployment, number of

work days, hours of work per day, leisure time at factory, other options of

employment during no-work season.

(c) Allocation of welfare measures such as leave with allowance, maternity leave,

provident fund, ESI benefits and information on provision of amenities suggested

in the Factories Act like creche, canteen, drinking water, toilet facilities, sitting

facilities and safety measures to avoid direct contact with corrosive nut shell liquid.

(d)Employer-manager(supervisors) -worker relations and the gender compositions

at various levels.

(3). Women workers in the household

70

(a). Data on the life conditions of workers such as type of house, household

facilities including electricity, latrine, water supply, fuel, etc., and size of land

holding. Other information is family size, educati.onal background of the workers

and household members, employment and income sources of the household

members, indebtedness, and the caste differences in all these spheres.

(b) Hours of work, leisure time, newspaper reading habit, availability of food,

sharing of housework.

(c). Role in decision making of familial matters, property rights, dowry, control of

resources and role of gender in day to day activities.

(d) The interactions with household members and the gender inequalities in it.

(e) Women's perceptions regarding their work, interactions with supervisors and

managers at work, terms and conditions of work, life at home, interpersonal

relations with their men and other family members, sharing of household

responsibility, their children's education and employment, property rights, and

dowry.

(f) The social perceptions of women and their community life.

(4) Health problems and health care provisions.

(a) Perceived health problems of the women workers, the ways they cope with it,

and women's own perceptions of illness, its relation with work and the services

provided to them.

(b). Health care institutions provided to them like PHC, ESI and other government

and private institutions, accessibility of the services, availability of drugs,

behaviour of health personnel.

(c). Knowledge and adoption of family planning methods and priorities of services

provided through the sub-centres.

(5) Impact of trade union movement in the life of women workers.

71

(a). Quality of political participation: Membership in trade union, its impact on

factory work and the private life of women workers, activities of the union, women

workers' role in leadership and decision making, involvement in union struggles,

types of demands, gains due to organised activity.

(b). Discriminations against women in union activities, women's own perceptions

regarding the union activities and leaders, their visualisation of politics, and caste

bias in union activities.

To incorporate all these dimensions the requirement of the design was to

mix both quantitative and qualitative dimensions. This was done at the level of the

study of the industry as well as village of life of the women workers. For

systematic collection of data the study was divided into different phases as

follows.

Phases of study

A prel_iminary exploration was done in June 1994 to get a broader idea of

the distribution of factories and workers in the district and production process. To

gather the required information we visited the Cashew Special Office, national

informatic centre, and trade union office at the district capital. Apart from collecting

secondary materials, a visit to one of the public sector factories enabled us to

understand more about the industry and- production process. This helped us to

choose Kilikolloor village as the area of study in Kallam district.

Following the preliminary exploration, a pilot study was conducted in the

village for a period of two and a half months from May 1995, to get a broad idea of

the structure and organisation of the industry, identification of cashew processing

workers' households and the socio-economic life of the cashew workers and other

sections of people in the village. This was mainly a qualitative exploration of the

life of the workers with special emphasis on the problems of industrial work. The

discussions with the trade union leaders enabled us to identify the cashew

processing worker families with the help of a house list gathered from the

panchayat office. In addition to this, visits to houses of other sections of people in

72

the village helped us in ascertaining the hierarchical social structure of the village

life. Above all, this period helped us to make a rapport with the women workers

and other villagers, which enabled an easy access for the in-depth study.

Amongst a small population, the interview schedule was also tested.

The third phase of our study conducted over a period of 13 months from

October 1995 in two parts. This period has been to used to collect qualitative as

well as quantitative data on the lives of women workers mainly based on their

perceptions and experiences. In the first phase, in the baseline survey, emphasis

was given on collecting inform~tion regarding the socio-economic conditions of

women workers, their demographic profile and occupational details. The informal

discussions gave us an idea of the way of their life, levels of exploitation at work

and the inequalities at home. Information gathered from other sections of people

in the village through house visits and discussions helped us to have an overall

idea of the village life and its history.

In the second phase an in-depth exploration of the life of workers has been

done on a sub-sample based on the issues identified during the first phase.

Detailed case reports of the women workers highlighting various dimensions of

their life such as industrial work, health, and their personal and political life were

also done. For a comprehensive understanding of their life, thus, we collected

quantitative and qualitative dimensions of women workers' life in its detail.

Sampling

(a). Industry and its workers: In order to understand the structure,

organisation and physical conditions of work of the industry we need to take a

sample of the industries from public, co-operative and private sectors. For this

purpose we have collected a full list of factories in the village and information

regarding its ownership, type, size, technology and marketing mechanisms. The

village has fifteen cashew processing factories including one public sector and

one co-operative sector firm. For a Qetailed study we have taken a 50%

proportionate sample from all three categories we have identified. Since there is

73

only one each KSCDC (public sector) and CAPEX (co-operative sector) factory

we included both in our sample. Thus, we selected eight factories with six from

the private sector and one each from public and co-operative sector as our

sample for detailed study on the basis of ownership and number of workers.

Table: 2 Distribution of sample factories and employment based on the ownership

I Sl. no. I Name of factory I No. of workers.

I KSCDC I

I CAPEX

I Private

I Private

I Private

I Private

I Private

I Private

The number of workers in the factories were identified on the basis of

factory visits and from the trade .. union leaders. Apart from the factories in the

village few factories from the neighbouring taluk were also visited to understand

the work conditions provided to the workers.

In addition to the structure and organisation of the industry within each

factory emphasis was given to study the physical conditions. Apart from these

qualitative dimensions such as manager-supervisor-worker interactions and

perceptions of owners, managers and supervisors regarding women workers and

74

their work in these factories were also explored to get an understanding of

women's life at the work place.

(b). Households with women workers: For a detailed understanding of the life of

women workers in the industry we have done a household based study with in­

depth explorations into the qualitative and quantitative dimensions of their life. The

village has got nearly six thousand households in seven wards. In order to get an

idea of the households with cashew processing women workers, we first collected

the total house list numbering 5739 from the panchayat. Then with the help of

trade union leaders in the concerned wards, we identified the households of

cashew workers. The union activists' knowledge about the people in the village

and their occupational status was of great help to us. Of the 5739 households the

number of cashew processing households constitute 1983, which amount to

nearly 35% of the total number of households in the village. Thus, 35% of the

total number of households in the village depended upon cashew work for their

subsistence. Out of this we decided to take a 20% systematic random sample of

396 households for the baseline survey and every 5th house from the house list

was selected. Over a period of time we attempted to collect qualitative data on

various dimensions of the workers' life through discussions with them and this was

used for the purpose of cross-checking other sources of data.

Sub-sample

A sub-sample of 50% of the number of households (175) of the baseline

survey was taken to conduct an in-depth study and cross-check the issues

identified during the baseline survey.

Baseline survey

Two baseline surveys have been conducted, one at the industrial level and

the second at the household level to gather detailed information regarding industry

and life of women workers. Interview schedules are attached in appendix.

75

(a). Baseline survey of the industry :In the industrial level baseline survey, the

focus was on gathering information regarding the processing procedures, number

of workers, physical conditions of the factories and the number of work days. It

gave us an opportunity to observe the behaviour of managerial and supervisory

staff towards the workers and the control and surveillance exerted on them.

(b). Baseline survey of the cashew processing households: Baseline survey

among the worker households enabled us to get wide ranging of information

regarding the work, health and life of the workers. During the baseline survey we

identified few more households in which women were engaged in cashew work

and some workers on our list had stopped cashew work or retired. Though we

proposed to study 396 households the survey could be conducted only among

350 households as a few workers have sold out their residence and moved, and

the new occupants are not cashew workers. In some other houses, workers

retired from cashew work and others stopped industrial work. However, the

baseline survey enabled us to get an idea of the demographic profiles of the

cashew processing households, their caste, land ownership pattern, education,

occupation and income of the household members, housing conditions and

facilities provided, etc. The survey brought out the fact that though the village is

highly stratified in terms of class, the cashew workers are by and large belong to

the lower sections in the village hierarchy. Yet stratification based on land

ownership patterns among the workers shows that there are very few families

belonging to the upper strata with more than 30 cents of land and good housing

conditions.

Apart from the above mentioned information, we have collected details

regarding the industrial work of women workers and their perceptions about their

health and illness. Besides this, a wide range of qualitative information was

gathered regarding their exploitative interactions at work and their perceptions

regarding work conditions, union activities, interpersonal relations at home, levels

of poverty, consumption of alcohol among men, control exerted by men on the life

of women workers, etc .. In addition to the information of worker households, the

baseline survey helped us to get an overview of the village life of different sections

76

of_people through informal discussions. Thus based on the issues identified during

the baseline survey an interview schedule was prepared for the in-depth study of

a sub-sample, which is attached in appendix 1.

In-depth study of a sub sample

Based on the qualitative explorations during the pilot study and baseline

survey, and the discussions with women workers we developed a certain

understanding of their problems and to cross-check our understanding a detailed

schedule was prepared and applied to a sub-sample of the main sample. This

helped us to gain an understanding of the dynamics of their life in a holistic view.

In the in-depth exploration, we focused on qualitative and quantitative data

on various aspects of life of women workers such as their work conditions, the

employer's attitude towards the workers, the way owners exert control and

intimidate workers, erosion of monetary and other welfare benefits, political

participation of women, discriminatory attitude of trade union leaders, their

overburden of work in the industry and at home, caste discriminations in the

industry and society, interactions with men inside home, control of resources,

level of poverty, perceptions of women workers regarding themselves, their life,

work, children, health, illness, etc .. Detailed case reports have been developed to

get a comprehensive understanding off the day to day life of workers. This

information helped us to have an insight into the real lives of women workers in

the context of their caste, class and gender.

In the in-depth study, apart from caste and class, particular attention has

been given to the reflection of unequal gender relatioos prevailing in society,

reflected in the day to day life of the women workers. It highlights the exploitation

of workers through varieties of means at the work place and at home, taking

advantage of the social perceptions of women as inferior and secondary.

Discussions were held with women workers regarding their interactions at

the work place and within the home, their perceptions about men, sharing of

domestic responsibilities with men, experiences and tackling of difficult situations

77

in life, views regarding the function of trade union activities, and how the social

norms and mores controlled their activities in all aspects of life including politics

using their gender position. Apart from this 1 discussions with men related with

history and other various aspects of village life, industrial work and prospects, and

their perceptions about women's work and their responsibility, etc., were also

held. Thus, a wide range of qualitative dimensions of the women workers' lives

have been revealed by the in-depth study including case reports.

This qualitative study was further supported with quantitative data since our

sub-sample consisted of 245 workers from 175 houses and 38 case reports

besides the sub-sample.

Tools of data collection

A variety of tools were used for collecting data from different sources to get

a comprehensive understanding of the complexities of health and life of women

workers.

Quantitative tools

Interview schedule: Interview schedules were used for gathering quantitative

and qualitative information at the industrial and household levels. For this

purpose, unstructured schedules were used so that the respondents could answer

in their own way highlighting many related issues to the question. Three sets of

interview schedules were used. One for collecting data on the physical conditions,

ownership, manpower, technological details, and the ·production process in the

factory.

The second set of schedules were used for collecting data for the baseline

survey from cashew processing households. In this, the focus was on socio­

economic details and other qualitative information regarding their work and life.

Based on the issues emerging by the discussions on qualitative aspects the third

set of schedules were developed for quantification of the key issues brought out

by the baseline survey regarding the work details and exploitation at the factory,

78

including the interaction of employer-supervisor-worker, interrelations at home,

access to resource and food, health and health problems, quality of political

participation, etc ..

Qualitative tools

(a). Observation: Observation is one of the key tools in getting qualitative data in

research. The stay in the village and frequent house visits and factory visits

provided the means for observing the women workers' interaction with employers,

with other household members at home and their way of life in many micro

aspects. This helped us explore the possibilities of data collection focusing on

many aspects of their day to day life which otherwise we may not have noticed.

(b). Interviews: For getting the dynamics of the lives of women workers, detailed

interviews were conducted with workers, other sections of informants and key

persons at various levels.

Interviews were held with the employers to know their opinion regarding

industry, its structure, functioning, technology, marketing and the women workers.

Apart from this interview of the supervisory staff and managers was also done to

get their views on industry, women workers and their problems in managing the

industry.

Detailed interviews and discussions obtained views from the key informants

in the village regarding the history of the village, industrial employment,

socioeconomic life in the village, women workers' plight in the industry, political

activities in the village, etc.

Trade union leaders at village level, block level, and district level and the

chairmen and managers of KSCDC and CAPEX were also interviewed for

different types of information. Data regarding the history of trade unionism in

industry, political activities in the industry, women workers' participation, their

opinion about the functioning of unions and women's role in politics, their

interaction with employers, etc. have been discussed with the union leaders. The

79

interviews conducted with managers of public sector and co-operative sector

factories focused on the functioning of these factories and the problems that they

face at the industrial level.

Interviews with women workers brought out the problems they are facing at

various levels of life. Various exploitative terms in the personal and political life of

women have been brought out through this. The overtime work at the industry,

unhygienic work conditions, preference for casual labourers and various means of

exploitation, their burden of work at home, lack of rest, inadequate food intake,

violence and deceptive nature of men, their dissatisfaction over the neglect by

trade union leaders, caste discriminations in the social and political life, their

perceived health problems and opinion regarding the problems of the available

health care facilities like lack of drugs, problem of unsuitable timings, corrupt

practices of the health personnel, etc., were revealed.

Finally the interviews with ESI and PHC doctors, nurses and other health

staff including ANMs, ESI local office bearers and panchayat president and office

workers provided various kinds of information related with health and

administrative problems in the panchayat. The discussions with doctors and

health workers gave an idea of the kind of diseases prevalent in the area and the

seasonal variations, while the intervi~ws with the panchayat president, who is a

woman, highlighted problems of gender inequality she faces in administration.

(c). Group discussions: This is a rich source of collecting insights into the

perceptions regarding key issues of women in general. Group discussions brought

out their awareness and notions regarding inc:justrial work, their role in the families

in general, their interactions with the community and perceptions about health and

health services provided to them.

(d). Case reports: Case reports were an important tool in our study. Detailed case

reports from different sections of workers related with various dimensions of life

enabled us to get valuable insights into their public and private life. The frequent

interactions with the women provided us with an extensive account of their way of

80

life regarding relations with the supervisory and managerial workers in the factory,

poverty, the ways of tackling such situations, interpersonal relations at home

including sexual relations, their world-view about the public issues, neglect of

women by political parties and union activists, caste discriminations in the sociai

life, etc ..

Cross-checking

Since our study focuses on the complexities of the lives of women workers,

the qualitative data brought out by the study was cross-checked with the

quantitative data collected from a sub-sample. Thus the combination of the

qualitative and quantitative tools in analysing the life of women workers provided

us the mechanisms for cross checking the data collected from the larger sample.

Various sets of samples at the industrial and household level helped Lis analyse

and cross-check each set of data collected from the initial discussions and

interviews of workers, key informants and trade union leaders.

Limitations of the study

Cashew industry is wide spread in the state though maximum

concentration is in Kallam district. Even in the district it is distributed in many of

the panchayats unevenly. But our study is limited only to a village in Kilikolloor

panchayat. Maximum care has been given to locate our study where maximum

number of workers and factories from all sectors such as the public, private and

co-operative sectors are available. Taking a holistic perspective though we looked

into the complexities of the life the women workers in the village we could not

compare with the life of women in other villages except for making visits and

discussing generally with the workers.

81