Merging Identities

Running head: MERGING MUSICIAN IDENTITIES 1

Merging Musician Identities: Personal, Social, and Stage

Skip Spoerke

Southern New Hampshire University

ENG-200-14522 Sophomore Seminar

MERGING MUSICIAN IDENTITIES 2

Table of Contents

Abstract ............................................................................................................................... 4

Merging Musician Identities: Personal, Social, and Stage ................................................. 5

Self-Destructing Musicians ................................................................................................. 5

Character Sustainability .................................................................................................. 6

Drug and Alcohol Abuse ................................................................................................. 7

A New Music Industry ........................................................................................................ 7

Professional Transparency .............................................................................................. 8

Intentional reduction. .................................................................................................. 9

Unintentional reduction. ............................................................................................. 9

Death of the Character .................................................................................................. 10

Merging Quantifiable Factors ........................................................................................... 10

Five Development Stages of the Musician’s Identity ....................................................... 12

Stage One: Naïve .......................................................................................................... 12

Stage Two: Acceptance ................................................................................................. 13

Stage Three: Resistance ................................................................................................ 13

Stage Four: Redefinition ............................................................................................... 14

Stage Five: Internalization ............................................................................................ 14

Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 14

References ......................................................................................................................... 17


Tables ................................................................................................................................ 20

Figures............................................................................................................................... 21

Appendix A ....................................................................................................................... 23

Appendix B ....................................................................................................................... 27


Abstract

Through personal interviews and surveys, and analysis of scholarly articles, documentaries, and

books on the music industry and identity, research demonstrates that the goal of many musicians

today is to develop one perception of self, both on and off stage, resulting in the musician

merging stage identity and previously defined self. Identity is often researched as two

categories—personal and social. There is, however, an often overlooked third category that may

cause disruption to the previously defined personal and social identities: stage identity. Between

the 1950s and mid-1990s, many musicians developed characters represent self while performing

on stage. Numerous musicians found conflict with these characters in relation to their previously

defined self, which led to self-destructive behavior. The Internet helped pave the way for

musicians to merge identities and redefine self to include their onstage and offstage self, and

there are two ways this may happen: an intentional or unintentional reduction of the separation

between stage identity and the previously defined self. Using Jackson and Hardiman’s “Five

Stages of Racial Identity Development” as a guide, a preliminary model illustrates the five

development stages of the musician’s identity, including naïve, acceptance, resistance,

redefinition, and internalization. The purpose is to demonstrate how merging identities to

establish one perception of self results in musicians becoming less likely to experience conflict

within the defined self.

Keywords: band, identities, music identity, musician, performer, personal identity, social

identity, stage identity.


Merging Musician Identities: Personal, Social, and Stage

Identity is often divided into two broad categories—personal and social—that are then

dissected to describe the physical characteristics, personality traits, genetic inheritance, cultural

and religious affiliations, gender, sexual orientation, clothing preferences, and other quantifiable

factors of the individual. The resulting labels represent the differences and similarities of the

individual in relation to social norms. With exception to stereotypes, which often have negative

connotations, the contrived labels arguably provide a fair and accurate representation for

identifying self. For musicians, however, a relatively unexplored third category exists that may

cause disruption of the previously defined self: stage identity. A musician’s stage identity is the

public identity developed to represent self while performing. Stage identity could be a developed

character, an extension of the previously defined self, a blend of social and personal identities, or

any combination thereof. Experienced musicians will often strive to collapse the separation

between the previously defined self and the stage identity in order to identify as one self, both on

and off stage. Merging a musician’s identities to develop one perception of self, both on and off

stage, results in the musician being less likely to experience conflict within the defined self.

Self-Destructing Musicians

The music industry was booming between the 1950s and the mid-1990s (Owsinski,

2014). Record labels controlled nearly every aspect of the industry, musicians were eager to sign

recording contracts, and fans rarely knew the musician beyond the stage. Record labels and

musicians were in control to develop a character for stage identity, and by the late 1960s,

character development was a common theme of the music industry. The industry didn’t prepare

for, nor acknowledge that sustaining these characters would likely cause significant conflict for


identifying self—resulting in identity turmoil that would contribute to the self-destruction of

numerous musicians and bands.

Character Sustainability

The record label typically assumed complete control of a musician’s career after signing a

recording contract, to include managing their day-to-day schedule and creating, or at least

approving the character portrayed by the musician. The musician was required to think and act as

the character when performing, writing and recording, conducting interviews, and meeting fans.

Many musicians ultimately lost a sense of the original self due to the demanding schedule acting

in character—forced to either accept or reject the character as a new definition of self. Both

options led to the musician’s self-destruction, as later realized by many musicians, including

Glenn Frey of the Eagles: “We made it, and it ate us” (Gibney & Ellwood, 2013).

Some musicians took very aggressive approaches to their assigned characters. For

example, Aerosmith’s bassist, Tom Hamilton, said in an interview for VH1 Behind the Music,

“we cultivated the bad boys of Boston thing, so in a way we were rewarded for being

irresponsible” (Castino, 2002), and Joe Walsh from the Eagles caused $28,000 of damage to a

hotel room one night with John Belushi (Gibney & Ellwood, 2013).

Many other musicians took less aggressive, but equally destructive approaches to their

assigned characters. For instance, Elton John attempted suicide in 1975, “claiming he was

overcome by the attention and pressures of fame” (O’Neal, 2014); people closest to Madonna in

1990 described her as “a little girl lost in the storm” (Clawson & Keshishian, 1991); and long

after the Monkees disbanded in 1971, Davy Jones claimed, “I was depressed about not being on

the charts, about not going to the studio every day … I didn't know how to live” (“Tales from a

Monkee,” 1992). There are hundreds of examples of destructive behavior by musicians that


projected all of their aggression inward at themselves, some of who turned to drugs and alcohol

to ease the pressure.

Drug and Alcohol Abuse

Drugs and alcohol helped fuel the musicians’ destructive nature and often led to making

choices that resulted in conflict within bands. Joey Kramer of Aerosmith said during an interview

for VH1 Behind the Music, “I was a drug addict dabbling in music [in the 1970s], as opposed to

a musician dabbling in drugs” (Castino, 2002)—a common theme among musicians at that time.

Steven Adler, was fired as the drummer for Guns N’ Roses because of his drug addiction and

later admitted in a VH1 Behind the Music interview, “I did everything I could to try to kill

myself” (Castino & Himmelsbach, 2004).

It would be inaccurate only to find fault with the musicians for their drug and alcohol

addictions, however. As Jack Douglas, producer for Aerosmith, said in the band’s VH1 Behind

the Music episode, “drugs were so acceptable that the labels would bury in their budgets all the

coke we wanted because they wanted the record done” (Castino, 2002). Whether to enhance

productivity, lower inhibitions or increase creativity, drugs and alcohol were a problem for the

entire music industry.

A New Music Industry

In the mid-1990s, the music industry began the transition toward a digital era (Owsinski,

2014). Along with digital music formats, like MP3 and WAV, came a new way for musicians to

reach fans that didn't require the professional connections of a record label. By the early 2000s,

musicians had found themselves capable of selling music, booking performances,

communicating with fans, and recruiting new fans without a recording contract and without

spending a lot of money on publicists, managers, or promoters. The Internet and its do-it-


yourself solutions made relatively easy work of what had been a difficult and expensive industry

to join. Musicians that harness the digital services available for music distribution, merchandise

sales, fundraising, booking, business management, and marketing, are able to maintain

streamlined operations at significantly lower costs than what was possible twenty years ago.

Likewise, with the success of social media websites like MySpace and YouTube pioneering an

even easier way for musicians to reach fans, the adopters can use those platforms to propel their

careers forward.

There are drawbacks to the digital music industry, however. For example, pirated music

through peer-to-peer file sharing and the option to purchase individual tracks instead of the full

album reduce the amount of money made from music sales; music streaming services like

Spotify and iTunes Radio also limit revenue from music sales; competition for music sale

revenue has been steadily increasing every year; and the digital services available to musicians

are always changing. Musicians must, therefore, remain vigilant to the industry changes and be

creative in their approach to benefit from those changes.

Professional Transparency

Prior to the digital music industry, musicians were able to provide complete separation of

their on-stage identity and their off-stage identity if they chose, and many did. From hobbyist

through the full-time professional musician, it was common to find a different person off-stage

than the character the musician portrayed on-stage. Mia Tyler, daughter of Aerosmith’s Steven

Tyler, even insisted in 2002 "there's two Stevens; there’s Steven Tallarico, the dad, and then

there's Steven Tyler, the worker. It's really hard to get a balance on that" (Castino, 2002).

Since the beginning of the digital music industry, however, separating their on-stage

identity from their off-stage identity has become increasingly difficult for musicians. Interactions


with fans happen in numerous settings every week, whether in-person or online, and the majority

of musicians surveyed early in this research have found it best to reduce the separation between

their on-stage identity and off-stage identity (See Figures 1, 2, and 3 for detailed results of the

survey; see Appendix A for the list of survey questions). Likewise, many of the musicians who

experienced identity turmoil early in their careers, like Steven Tyler and Joe Walsh, have also

changed their identities to diminish the separation between stage identity and self. As Matthew

McDonald of Perpetual Groove and Ghost Owl further described during an interview, “everyone

continues to grow and evolve. What I've learned is to try to blur any lines between [stage identity

and self,] so that there is just me, both on and off stage” (personal communication, February 27,

2015; see Appendix B for complete interview transcript).

Intentional reduction. Musicians that change their identities to reduce the separation

between on-stage and off-stage identities do so because of an intentional strategy like Matthew

McDonald’s. The strategy typically includes reducing stage behavior that doesn’t feel natural and

methodically maximizing transparency with fans. The complete merging of identities might not

be the result, but at a minimum the strategy will end with the musician’s ability to view on and

off stage identities as extensions of each other.

Unintentional reduction. Not all musicians intentionally develop a strategy to reduce the

separation; for them, reducing the separation happens naturally. For instance, Gunther, another

professional musician interviewed, said that although he couldn’t think of any characteristics that

might define his stage identity differently, what he believes might cause stage identity and self to

merge is “the desire to be myself” (personal communication, March 6, 2015; see Appendix B for

complete interview transcript). Christopher Hanson of Helena Handbasket’s response to the same

question was “because music is my life, and they are one in the same" (personal communication,


March 6, 2015; see Appendix B for complete interview transcript). The unintentional reduction

of separation between stage and self is becoming a common trend with young musicians. There

have not been any studies that specifically indicate a contributing cause for this trend; however,

an educated guess could be that the majority of young musicians were raised in a music industry

that does not create nor support characters for musicians that are separate identities than self.

Death of the Character

The characters that were once created to establish the musician's stage identity as

something other than self have, for the most part, disappeared from the music industry. Whether

decided by the fans, the musicians or the music industry, the disappearance of these characters is

a moot point that only speculations can support. The important thing to know is that the majority

of musicians today have made the effort to view the same self on and off stage—a concept

supported by numerous music business books, music documentaries, and personal

communication with professional musicians. For more information about the role of the Internet

in the music industry transition for musicians to view the same self on and off stage, the book

“Music 4.0: A Survival Guide for Making Music in the Internet Age” by Bobby Owsinski offers

a significant amount of information.

Merging Quantifiable Factors

Through the broad examination of stage, social, and personal identities, the need to

include elements of these three identities in the merged identity of a musician is easily

understood. The quantifiable factors of the musician’s identities like religious and cultural

beliefs, however, also affect the view of self and contribute to shaping the merged identity. An

example of how culture becomes part of the merged identity of a musician comes from Tsonga

music, where in the early twentieth century urban black popular music was divided by specific


ethnic groups (Madalane, 2014). These ethnic groups were separated by language and location,

which were not to be mixed with music without the risk of offending the ethnic group from the

musician’s home location. “Woza Friday” is a 1976 Tsonga Disco song that mixed the English

language with the Zulu language; subsequently, the song was banned from radio for its insult to

the Zulu language (Madalane). Musicians were often classified as “specific ethnic group”

musicians, rather than musicians of broad music genres like the labels of most cultures, such as

jazz or folk.

In an attempt to revive a sense of cross-cultural ethnic pride modern musicians, like

Shirinda, have incorporated various musical choices in choreography, lyrics, language, and

stories within their songs; however, numerous minority groups are attempting to use the ethnic

language as a “cultural project of self-assertion and self-preservation” (Madalane, 2014). The

indication then is that while musicians, like Shirinda, may have great musical success in other

parts of the world, they are unlikely to achieve the goal of reviving cross-cultural, ethnic pride

through music.

Similar to the influence of culture, religion can impress specific identity behavior on

musicians. Worship bands have replaced traditional religious music in many churches around the

world—primarily of Christian religions. These bands typically perform uplifting music for

church services and other religious events, but it's highly unlikely that a worship band would

perform on a Saturday night at the local bar. The reason is that musicians that only wish to

perform in praise of God comprise the typical worship band, and rarely do people view bars as

the "right place" for praising God. For these musicians, religion overshadows the thought of

building a fan base outside of the church, and their merged identities will reflect that

overshadow.


As demonstrated, the quantifiable factors of identities are influential to the final product

of the musician’s merged identity. These quantifiable factors may include considerations such as

culture, location, language, religion, gender, sexual orientation, clothing preferences, ethnicity,

race, political beliefs, and numerous other factors. Musicians may choose to classify themselves

or society may classify them based on these quantifiable factors; however, the merged identity of

the musician will automatically reflect any quantifiable factor that is of substantial importance to

the musician.

Five Development Stages of the Musician’s Identity

In comparison, identity development for musicians is not very different than racial

identity development in that there are specific stages to both, ranging from naïve through

internalization. “The transition from one stage to another usually occurs when an individual

recognizes that his or her current worldview is either illogical or contradicted by new experience

and information, detrimental to a healthy self-concept or no longer serving some important self-

interest” (Hardiman & Jackson, 2006). Bear in mind that this model is a preliminary developed

using Jackson and Hardiman’s “Five Stages of Racial Identity Development” as a guide. See

Table 1 for a condensed version of the “Five Development Stages of the Musician’s Identity.”

Stage One: Naïve

Stage One musicians typically have very limited experience with music and are unsure

about what to expect from the music industry. Most students fall into this stage by default

because their experience is limited to school and other supportive ensemble performances. Many

garage bands fall into this category also because they attempt to imitate their idols, rather than

develop their identities.


Musicians at this stage become aware of the differences between their musical abilities

and the musical abilities of others. They may not feel completely comfortable performing;

however, “they generally do not feel fearful, hostile, or either inferior or superior” (Hardiman &

Jackson, 2006) to other musicians. They are curious about the music industry and eager to learn.

The musician enters Stage Two usually after having performed for compensation several times,

although some musicians may enter Stage Two sooner.

Stage Two: Acceptance

In this stage, musicians tend to keep a significant separation between their stage identity

and the previously defined self. The musician likely has some compensation-based performance

experience as a freelance musician or as a member of a local band.

A musician at this stage has accepted their rank in the music industry. They have also

accepted the “superiority of the dominant [musicians] and the [culture of the music industry]”

(Hardiman & Jackson, 2006). These musicians will begin recruiting fans, which will lead to the

early stages of the merging of identities. As the separation between stage identity and the

previously defined self begins to collapse, the musician will progress to Stage Three.

Stage Three: Resistance

Musicians that reach Stage Three typically experience some discomfort regarding how

narrow the separation between their stage and previously defined self has become. Some

musicians attempt to alter their stage identity to retain separation of identities; others accept the

discomfort as part of the development process. Stage Three is the cap for most hobbyists and

part-time musicians, who willingly drop back to Stage Two and remain there for as long as

possible. The musicians that wish to proceed to Stage Four will likely do so quickly by becoming


increasingly transparent in communications with fans, in an effort to avoid the discomfort of

resistance.

Stage Four: Redefinition

“Having experienced a period of conflict at the resistance stage, [musicians] are now

beginning to move beyond this conflict toward a resolution and a new [merged] identity. They

begin to refocus or redirect their energy in order to define [self] in a way that is not dependent on

[separate identities]” (Hardiman & Jackson, 2006). At this stage, musicians include some of their

previously defined self on stage and lose some stage behavior that doesn't feel natural. Often,

they will also have genuine interactions with fans. Many semi-professional and professional

musicians are perfectly content being at Stage Four.

Stage Five: Internalization

“The transition from the redefinition stage to the internalization stage occurs when an

individual begins to integrate some of the newly defined values, beliefs, and behaviors into all

aspects of life” (Hardiman & Jackson, 2006). Musicians at Stage Five have completely

developed their stage and previously defined self into one identity. Maintaining the developed

identity feels completely natural because it is natural. While it may be possible for a musician to

reach Stage Five without fully recognizing that they have, it would become easily recognizable if

any piece of the identity is abandoned or significantly altered.

Conclusion

The music industry is always changing, but the most notable change in recent history in

relation to identity has been the near impossibility for musicians to retain separation between

stage identity and the previously defined self. The Internet is largely responsible for this change

in the music industry, and while there are drawbacks to the digital era for the music industry, the


benefits of this era are significant. The inability to establish the musician’s stage identity as

something other than self is one of the most significant benefits to the new music industry.

Without the creation of characters that represent something other than self, musicians are

less likely to experience identity conflict within their perception of self. The modern day music

industry rewards musicians for being genuine with fans, both on and off stage, and many

musicians have developed strategies to reduce the separation between the identity they portray

on stage and the previously defined self. Other musicians do not develop a strategy, but rather

experience a natural reduction in the separation.

Musicians that created or were assigned characters to portray on stage between the 1950s

and mid-1990s often struggled with identity due to the demands on the musician to frequently act

in character—bands broke up, drugs and alcohol were prevalent in the industry, and musicians

were on a path to self-destruction. While there have not been any studies that specifically

indicate a contributing cause, the unintentional reduction of separation between stage and self is

becoming a common trend with young musicians. It is this observation that explains why

merging a musician’s identities to develop one perception of self, both on and off stage, results in

the musician being less likely to experience conflict within the defined self.

To help illustrate the development process of a musician’s identity, a preliminary model

based on Jackson and Hardiman’s “Five Stages of Racial Identity Development” has been

created. Through these five stages, a musician becomes more comfortable with the merging of

identities and ultimately develops a single identity that defines self, both on and off stage. The

preliminary development stages are, of course, subject to change based on future musician

identity studies. As this research shows, the reinstatement of a character-driven music industry is


not likely; instead a continued development of single identities that define self for musicians

should be expected.


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Tables

Table 1

Five Development Stages of the Musician’s Identity

Stage Description Stage 1: Naïve Typically have very limited experience and don’t know what to

expect. Attempt to imitate their idols, rather than develop their identities.

Stage 2: Acceptance Recognize stage identity, but maintain separation between their stage and personal identities. Likely to have some part-‐time experience working as a musician.

Stage 3: Resistance Typically experience some discomfort regarding how narrow the separation between their stage and personal identities has become. Most hobbyists and part-‐time musicians will drop back to Stage 2.

Stage 4: Redefinition Deliberately adopt a strategy to include more of their personal identity on stage and lose some stage behavior that doesn’t feel natural. Most common stage for professional musicians.

Stage 5: Internalization Fully developed identity from merging stage and personal identities. Maintaining the developed identity feels completely natural because it is natural.

Note: Table 1 illustrates the five development stages of the musician’s identity, modeled after

Jackson and Hardiman’s Five Stages of Racial Identity Development.


Figures

Figure 1. Musician identity survey results –

career level. This figure illustrates the career

level of 35 surveyed musicians, ranging

from hobbyists to full-time professional

musicians.

Figure 2. Musician identity survey results –

perceived identity. This figure illustrates the

perceived identity of 35 surveyed musicians,

ranging from hobbyists to full-time

professional musicians, as they see

themselves on and off stage.

27%

26%

47%

Music is my...

Full-Time Job

Part-Time Job

Hobby

Strongly Agree22%

Agree39%

Disagree39%

Strongly Disagree0%

I see myself as the same person on stage as I am off stage.


Figure 3. Musician identity survey results - traits. This figure illustrates the traits chosen by 35

surveyed musicians, ranging from hobbyists to full-time professional musicians. The musicians

were asked to choose three traits from identical lists in two areas of the survey to identify how

musicians generally think of themselves compared to how they think of themselves while on

stage.

0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35%

Aggressive

Bold

Caring

Charming

Energetic

Friendly

Imaginative

Innovative

Inspiring

Intelligent

Perceptive

Practical

Quiet

Sociable

Spontaneous

Survey Results - Traits

I generally think of myself as... While on stage, I am...


Appendix A

This appendix contains the thirty-four survey questions from the musician identity survey used to

establish the current state of how musicians view self in relation to their stage identity. This

survey was completed between February 15, 2015 and March 18, 2015 by thirty-five musicians

at different career stages, ranging from hobbyist to full-time musician. Figures 1, 2, and 3 display

the results from this survey that were used.

I think of myself as... Select three (3) traits

Aggressive Bold Caring Charming Energetic Friendly Imaginative Innovative Inspiring Intelligent Perceptive Practical Quiet Sociable Spontaneous

Music is my... Hobby Part-Time Job Full-Time Job

I perform live shows Yes No

I typically perform live... 0-1 times per month 2-3 times per month 4-5 times per month 6-7 times per month 8 or more times per month

I see myself as the same person on stage as I am off stage. Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree

I perform live only so my original music can be heard.

Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree

While on stage, I am... Select three (3) traits



I compose music Yes No

I typically compose... 0-1 song per week 2-3 songs per week 4-5 songs per week 6-7 songs per week 8 or more songs per week

I would rather compose music than perform live.


I compose music strictly so that I may perform it live.


I want my compositions to be... Select three (3) traits


I record music. Yes No

I typically spend _____________ recording. 0-9 hours per week

10-19 hours per week 20-29 hours per week

30-39 hours per week 40 or more hours per week

I would rather record music than perform live.


I record music strictly to give to my fans at live shows.


I want my recordings to sound... Select three (3) traits


I teach music. Yes

No

I primarily teach... as a music educator for a school as a private instructor


I typically spend ______________ teaching music. 0-9 hours per week

10-19 hours per week 20-29 hours per week

30-39 hours per week 40 or more hours per week

Overall, my lessons are designed to encourage...

enrichment through experience future careers in music the mastery of music skills cultural and social growth

I try to keep my personal life private. Strongly Agree

Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree

My students likely see me as... Select three (3) traits


I have fans. Yes

No

I have about... 0-200 fans 201-400 fans

401-600 fans 601-800 fans 801 or more fans

I try to keep my personal life private. Strongly Agree


I personally know each of my fans. Strongly Agree


Some of my fans live outside my local area. Strongly Agree


Most of my fans come to all of my shows in their area.


My fans likely see me as... Select three (3) traits



I use social media to communicate with my fans. Yes

No

I share personal stories with fans through social media.


I encourage public feedback from fans. Strongly Agree


On social media I am... Select three (3) traits



Appendix B

This appendix contains the online interviews of three musicians to help establish the

connection or separation between stage and personal identities of today’s professional musician.

The interview with Matthew McDonald (MM) from Perpetual Groove and Ghost Owl took place

on February 27, 2015; the interview with Christopher Hanson (CH) from Helena Handbasket

took place on March 6, 2015; and the interview with Gunther (G), whose name has been changed

at his request to protect his identity, also took place on March 6, 2015.

SS: What motivated you to choose a career in music?

MM: I feel like it chose me. There was really nothing else that ever was on my radar as

far as a career is concerned.

CH: The ability to be employed doing something that I love to do, the chance to

educate others about the wonderful effects music has on our lives, and the opportunity to provide

the means to channel emotions and feelings through an art of communication.

G: It's fun.

SS: What other types of work had you tried before deciding on music?

MM: I was a musician in the Army so that was a mixed bag. I did work at an

Orthopedic Clinic for a bit as the Work Comp Coordinator when I took a break from the road. It

was a nice distraction for a bit, but ultimately unfulfilling.

CH: Everything has always been tied to music in one shape or form with the exception

of college work to support my education in music.

G: Just a few part time jobs in the early days. Been doing music more or less full

time since high school.


SS: Do you feel qualified to work in any other industry today?

MM: Yes

CH: Yes

G: Yes

SS: Which other industry are you most qualified for?

MM: Mass media (other than music)

CH: Mass media (other than music)

G: Financial services

SS: Have you ever had a backup plan in case music suddenly stops being profitable?

MM: No

CH: No

G: Yes

SS: Why do you think musicians should or should not have a backup plan?

MM: They definitely should. Music doesn't pay well nowadays. However, it depends on

what your needs or responsibilities are.

CH: Obviously music work is not a guarantee at all times and there are slow times and

busy times with no regard generally to consistency with the exception of seasonal work. If

performing is your primary focus, having a backup plan is a good idea. If one combines teaching

and performing, a backup plan is not as critical, but still not a bad idea.

G: It's very hard to maintain a career in music.


SS: My stage identity is best described as...

MM: an extension of my personal identity.

CH: an extension of my personal identity.

G: an extension of my personal identity.

SS: My personal identity is best described as...

MM: something I protect from the public.

CH: the foundation from which I built my stage identity.

G: the foundation from which I built my stage identity.

SS: What characteristics (traits) define your stage identity differently than your

personal identity?

MM: More outgoing and daring. It translates directly to my performance and being

influenced by the others on stage and especially the audience.

CH: I am much more reserved personally than I am on stage - my energy comes alive

through a live stage show. For instance, I hate dancing when I'm not performing. But on stage, a

whole new energy drives me to dance around and move during the show.

G: None really.

SS: What might you do to prevent certain personal identity traits from being portrayed

to fans?

MM: I tend to be pretty outside of myself by being completely tuned into the moment.

If that makes any sense at all.

CH: I don't know if I have any answers for that, I don't have any controls that I put in

place to protect anything on stage. I just kind of let it all happen and what happens that night


happens that night. I have never felt embarrassed after a show nor have I ever felt like I did or

said anything to reveal anything I didn't wish for people know about me.

G: Can't think of anything.

SS: What influences helped you create your stage identity?

MM: Becoming more aware of the moment and always working to improve my own

sense of self.

CH: The examples of others in how the music moved them. James Brown is the first

example that comes to mind. Chris LeDoux and Garth Brooks as well. Bruno Mars and his crew.

G: Certain musicians I admire, but otherwise, just try to be myself.

SS: Does it require effort to maintain separation between your personal and stage

identities?

MM: No

CH: No

G: No

SS: Can you provide an example of a time that a personal decision was influenced by

your stage identity?

MM: Many times, especially early on, I would let my own frustrations with my playing,

general frustrations with attendance, or just a bad day on the road interfere with the overall

experience with others on stage.

CH: No response recorded.

G: Haven't had one.


SS: How have your stage and personal identities evolved over the years?

MM: I think personally everyone continues to grow and evolve. What I've learned is to

try to blur any lines between the two. So that there is just me both on and off stage.

CH: The funny part about this is that I feel as I've gotten older moving on towards

being 40 in a few years, I think I've gotten more emotional and perhaps even rowdy on stage

with age. I was much more reserved as a younger man.

G: They have evolved together. Mainly a maturity.

SS: What do you think might cause your personal and stage identities to eventually

become one identity?

MM: It's a constant journey towards that oneness.

CH: Because music is my life and they are one in the same.

G: The desire to be myself.

Merging Identities

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