NATIONAL MUSEUM OF MAN Mt1SEE NATIONAL DE L'HOMME AND NATIONAL MUSEUM OF SCIENCE ET MUSEE NATIONAL DES SCIENCI:S AND TECHNOLOGY ET DE LA TECHNOLOGIE

Material History Bulletin Bulletin d'histoire de la culture materielle 2 3

01-FAVIA. SPKiwcaF>Ri ;vTi:nIPS 1986

National Museums of Canada

Musees nationaux du Canada

Board of Trustees/ Conseil d'administration

L'honorable Gerard Pelletier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . President Mr . Richard M .H . Alway . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Member Mr . George K . Campbell . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Member M. Laurent Cyr . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Membre Mrs . G . Joan Goldfarb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Member Mme Claudette Hould . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Membre M. Yvon Pageau . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Membre Mr . C . Alexander Pincombe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Member Mrs . Mira Spivak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Member Mrs . Rosita L . Tovell . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Member M. Rodrigue A . Tremblay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Membre Dr . Larkin Kerwin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Member (ex officio) Mr . Peter Roberts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Member (ex officio)

Secretary General/ Secretaire general

Dr . Leo A . Dorais

Director National Museum of Man/ Directeur du Musee national de 1'Homme

Dr . George P . MacDonald

Chief History Division/ Chef de la Division de 1'Histoire

Dr . F .J . Thorhe

EDITORIAL BOARD/COMITE DE REDACTION

Editor/Redactrice

Barbara Riley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . National Museum of Man

Guest Editor/ Redacteur invite

Gerald L . Pocius . . . . . Memorial University of Newfoundland

History Division,

Advisory Board/ Comite consultatif

Gerald L . Pocius . . . . . Memorial University of NewfoUlidland Jean-Pierre Hardy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Musee national de I'Flornme Peter E . Rider . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . National Muscum of Man James Wardrop . . . . . . . British Columbia Provincial N1useum Pierre Lessard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (lucbec Geoff Rider . . . . National Museum of Science and Technology

Cover Illustration/Illustration de la couverture

Memorial marking burial mound of German labourers on the road between Cobourg and Peterborough

(Archives of Ontario, S901)

Published by/Publie par National Museum of Man/Division d'histoire, Musee national de I'Homme

and/et National Museum of Science and Tech nology/Musee national des sciences et de la technologic

ISSN 0703-+89X

National Museums of Canada/ 11+1 Musees nationaux du Canada 1986

Material History Bulletin Bulletin d'histoire de la culture materielle 23

SPRING-PRINTEMPS, 1986

TABLE OF CONTENTS - TABLE DES MATIERES

Introduction Gerald L. Pocius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Articles

Dying and Rising in the Kingdom of God : The Ritual Incarnation .

of the "Ultimate" in Eastern Christian Culture

David J . Goa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Beautifying the Boneyard : The Changing Image of the

Cemetery in Nineteenth-Century Ontario

Roger Hall and Bruce Bowden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

The Transformation of the Traditional Newfoundland Cemetery :

Institutionalizing the Secular Dead

Gerald L . Pocius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .~ 2 5

Research Reports - Rapports de recherche

Carved in Stone: Material Evidence in the Graveyards

of Kings County, Nova Scotia Deborah Trask and Debra McNabb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

Open Secrets: Fifteen Masonic and Orange Lodge Gravemarkers

in Waterloo and Wellington Counties, Ontario (1862-1983)

Nancy-Lou Patterson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42

Research Note - Note de recherche

In Mourning Valerie Evans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49

Bibliographies

An Introductory Bibliography on Cultural Studies Relating to Death and Dying in Canada Gerald L . Pocius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

Mort et religion traditionnelle au Quebec : Bibliographie Madeleine Grammond et Benoit Lacroix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ., . . . . . . . �� . �� , . . . . . ., . . . . . 5(,

Reviews - Comptes rendus

Provincial Museum of Alberta, "Spiritual Life - Sacred Ritual" Earl Waugh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

DesBrisay Museum National Exhibition Centre, "The Ox in Nova-Scotia" Eric J . Ruff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

Thomas J. Schlereth, U.S . 40: A Roadscape of the American Experience John van Nostrand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72

Books received - Ouvrages requs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74

Contributors - Collaborateurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

Notice - Avis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

Errata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

Introduction

Gerald L. Pocius

In the past few decades, scholars in the humanities and

social sciences have realized that what is ordinary and

everyday is, perhaps, as important as what is unique and

uncommon . Spurred on in part by the availability of

university education for an increasing percentage of the

population - rather than being a privilege of the economic and social elite-more and more attention is being paid to those common groups and experiences neglected or taken for granted in the past . Scholars saw the rapid develop-

ment of new fields and areas of research : women, children, ethnic and racial minorities, and the working class suddenly came under a scrutiny that had been largely absent in decades past . Canadians, often labouring under

the traditions of a colonial past, finally realized that the national and regional cultures within their own country

were every bit as important as the outside models that for

so many years were considered the only standards . Thus,

we have the birth of interest in things Canadian -

Canadian Studies, Canadiana, and numerous regional programs, institutes and courses .

Depuis quelques dizaines d'annees, les specialistes en

sciences humaines et sociales se rendent compte que le

banal et le quotidien sont sans doute aussi importants que 1'exceptionnel et 1'inusite . Qu'un pourcentage accru de la population air maintenant acces a I'universite, qui n'est plus reservee a Line e1ite economique et sociale, explique partiellement cet interet croissant pour les categories sociales et les plienomenes ordinaires, autrefois negliges

ou consideres comme banals . De nouveaux champs

d etude firent rapidement leur apparition : femmes, enfants, minorites ethniques et raciales, classe ouvriere, autant de sujets pratiquement jamais abordes voici quel-ques dizaines d'annees . Les Canadiens, marques par leur passe colonial, s'aper~urent enfin que les cultures nationales et regionales de leur propre pays etaient tout aussi importantes que les modeles etrangers auxquels ils avaient si longtemps tente de se conformer . C'est ainsi qu'apparurent les etudes canadiennes, les collections

d'oeuvres canadiennes, et un grand nombre de pro-grammes, d'etablissements et de cours .

And finally, those areas of our daily lives that had been taken for granted or that were taboo made their way into academics. The relations between the sexes, the reasons for poverty amidst affluence, or boredom in the age of mass communication - these and more began to receive serious attention . One major theme was a concern with death and dying, a topic perhaps once as taboo as sex, but now of interest in a world that has had to daily contend with incurable diseases, famine, and nuclear disasters . Even a cursory look at the published literature will indi-cate that more has been written on death as a topic in the past decade or so than the previous fifty years. Researchers from all disciplines in the humanities and social sciences are writing from their own perspectives, with entire courses, conference panels and seminars being devoted to this topic.

The interest in assembling a number of papers on death and dying goes back to my own research in Newfoundland during the mid-1970s relating to gravestones and cemeteries . My M.A . thesis was the formal statement of several years of field-work and archival research focusing on local gravestones and their spatial context. I think it was David Newlands who first suggested to Barbara Riley that I might edit a special issue of the Material History Bulletin on death and dying, and I agreed to do so with Barbara's help .

Les sujets banals ou tabous furent enfin inscrits au programme scolaire . On commenqa a s'interesser serieuse-ment aux relations entre hommes et femmes, aux causes de la pauvrete qui voisine 1'opulence ou de 1'ennui qui resiste aux communications de masse . La mort, peut-etre aussi taboue que le sexe 1'etait autrefois, devint un sujet d'interet majeur dans un monde ou l'on doit compter quotidiennement avec les maladies incurables, la famine et les catastrophes nucleaires . Un regard rapide sur le monde de 1'edition revele qu'on a davantage ecrit sur la mort ces dix dernieres annees que durant les cinquante annees precedentes . Les differents specialistes des sciences humaines et sociales traitent ce sujet selon leur perspective propre, consacrant des cours entiers, des tables rondes et des seminaires a la question .

L'idee de compiler des articles sur la mort m'est venue au milieu des annees 70, tandis que j'effectuais des re-cherches sur les tombes et les cimetieres de Terre-Neuve. Ma these de maitrise etait un bilan formel de plusieurs annees de recherches sur le terrain et de recherches archivistiques concernant les tombes et leur contexte spatial . Je crois que 1'idee de consacrer un numero special du Bulletin d'histoire de la culture nzaterielle au theme de la mort fut suggeree a Barbara Riley par David Newlands . J'acceptai de realiser ce projet avec 1'aide de Barbara .

Assembling the papers was a somewhat laborious process . I soon realized that unlike the United States, where hundreds of publications on topics like gravestones had appeared in recent years, there were few researchers actually working on material here in Canada who were ready to publish their findings . Several names were suggested, I was aware of some preliminary essays, and I contacted various friends around the country who, I felt, might know people currently researching this topic. The essays, then, were assembled through all of these channels . Their diverse content, however, is not just a product of this ad hoc collecting process; rather, I feel they represent the broad range of the kinds of studies that are being produced today .

Most of the work on this topic has been devoted to gravestones, and the several research reports reflect this continued trend . Patterson's work in Ontario, together with Trask and McNabb's in Nova Scotia, are part of larger ongoing projects aimed at documenting specific makers of objects and their works . Bowden and Hall's essay indicates the increasing concern that historians have demonstrated in the study of death generally and the social trends leading to the development of institutions outside the small community context - like cemeteries -that enabled industrialized society to deal with death . Goa's work shows how the museum researcher is attempt-ing to understand the broad cultural basis for death-related objects found in our collections ; the worldview of religious minority groups must be thoroughly presented, so that these artifacts are not seen as mere curiosities of an archaic belief system . My own essay comes from a long-standing concern by folklorists in rites of passage, includ-ing death and burial ; as well, my interests in cultural landscapes led me to look not just at objects, but also at the changing spatial attitudes that reflect deeper concerns .

This collection of essays, then, is an initial step in investigating the vast number of topics related to death and dying throughout the country . Little is still known about Victorian gravestone traditions in most regions ; we often feel that these nineteenth-century markers are less worthy of attention than the older forms that dominate American and British scholarship . The institutionaliza-tion of death still awaits examination : the establishment of urban cemeteries, the development of the funeral industry, the manufLCture of a wide range of objects used in mourning rituals . The studies in this volume are meant to be examples of what still needs to be done in order to adequately understand a cultural issue, which is, finally, of central concern to the life of all peoples .

La compilation des exposes s'avera passablement ardue. Je me suis vite rendu compte que contrairement aux Americains, qui ont publie des centaines d'ecrits sur des sujets comme les tombes ces dernieres annees, peu de cher-cheurs canadiens etaient prets A publier le resultat de leur travail . On me suggera plusieurs noms, je connaissais quelques essais preliminaires et je contactai divers amis susceptibles de connaitre des chercheurs s'interessant ~i cette question . C'est ainsi que je reussis 1 recueillir les essais . Toutefois, leur contenu varie ne tient pas seule-ment a la fa~on anarchique dont ils ont ete reunis ; j'estime plutot qu'il represente la diversite des etudes menees aujourd'hui .

La plupart des travaux dans ce domaine ont ete consacres aux tombes et plusieurs rapports de recherche refletent cette tendance. Les travaux de Patterson en Ontario, de meme que ceux de Trask et de McNabb en Nouvelle- Ecosse, font partie de projets ii long terme visant a documenter des fabricants d'objets particuliers et leurs ceuvres. L'essai de Bowden et de Hall revele l'interet croissant des historiens pour la mort en general et pour les tendances sociales qui entrainerent la creation d'institu-tions en marge des petites communautes, comme les cimetieres, ce qui allait permettre a la societe indus-trialisee de composer avec la mort . Le travail de Goa montre que le chercheur du musee s'efforce de comprendre le vaste fondement culture] des objets relies a la mort qui composent nos collections ; la vision du monde des minorites religieuses dolt etre decrite avec minutie afin que ces objets ne soient pas per~us comme de vulg.ures curiosites appartenant a un systeme de croyances archa'ique . Mon propre essai reflete 1'interet de longue date des folkloristes pour les rites de passage- y compris la mort et 1'inhumation; de meme, mon interer pour les paysages culturels ne concerne pas seulement les objets, mais egalement 1 evolution des conceptions spatiales qui refletent des questions plus fondamentales.

Ce recueil d'essais est donc Line introduction a 1'erude d'un grand nombre de sujets 1ies a la mort au Canada . On sait encore peu de chose sur la tradition des tombes victoriennes de la plupart des regions ; on a souvent l'impression que ces pierres tombales du XIX° siecle meritent moins d'attention que les formes plus vieilles qui ont la faveur des chercheurs americains et britanniques . L'institutionnalisation de la mort est encore un sujet d'etude neuf, de meme que la creation de cimetieres urbains, le developpement de I'industrie des pompes funebres et la fabrication d'une multitude c1'objets servant dans les rituels . Les etudes reunies dans le present volume illustrent ce qui reste a faire pour comprendre Line question culturelle d'un interet fondamental pour tout etre humain .

Dying and Rising in the Kingdom of God: The Ritual Incarnation of the "Ultimate" in Eastern Christian Culture

David J . Goa

RestrnelAbstract

Cet article trace le tableatl des differezts ritttels religieux destines a reveler le royattrne de Dien atrx adeptes des comnttinatttes ehretienrres

orientales . L 'atrtettr s'interesse particulierentent all rapport etroit qui existe entre les ritttels entourant la ntort, l'inhttntation . le ctrlte de.r

nrort.r, et le cycle de fetes de la sentaine sainte et de la pascha (Pirqttes) qui commentorent la mort dru Christ . D'apres 1'atrteur, la senlalne

sainte et la pascha constitttent tin rnodele rnythiqtte qtii strttctttre et traduit le sens de la ntort pour les fideles, pottr cetcx qtii portent le dettil et

pornr la collectivite . Le caractere nzythico-poetiqrte des derux cycles rituels (sernaine sainte et pascha ainsi qtte les rites observes par les fideles)

fait appel r la parole, r 1'objet et au geste sac r& pour identifier 1'adepte arc Christ cosntique. C'est ainsi qtre l'experiern'e de la ntort c%chappe au

chaos et que le fidele est initie ~t tnt cosmos charge d'tine signification sacree .

This paper maps the rituals throtqh which devotees in Eastern Christian communities are initiated into the Kingdom of God. Its primary

focns is the intimate relationship betzueen the rituals surrounding dying, death, burial . and the memory of the dead. with the festive cycle of

Holy Week and pascha (Easter) . in which Christ's dying and death are contemplated. The paper argues that the mythic pattern of Holy

Week and pascha structures and informs the meaning of dying and death for the devotees . the mourners . and the community. The ntytho-

poetic character of both ritual cycles (Holy Week and pascha . and, the rites for the devotee) irses sacred word, object, and gesture to identify

the devotee with the cosmic Christ . In this manner, the experience of death is wrested from chaos. and the devotee is initiated into ct cosmos

laden with sacred meaning .

Now is life's artful triumph of vanities destroyed . For the spirit hath vanished from its tabernacle ; its clay groweth black . The vessel is shattered, voice-less, bereft of feeling, motionless, dead : Commit-ting which unto the grave, let us beseech the lord that he will give him (her) eternal rest .

(Order for the Burial of the Dead, p . i89)'

O God of spirits, and of all flesh, who hast tram-pled down Death, and overthrown the Devil, and given life unto thy world : Do thou, the same Lord, give rest to the soul of thy departed servant, N., in a place of brightness, a place of verdure, a place of repose, whence all sickness, sorrow and sighing have fled away .

(p . 369)

Introduction

sion (image) of dying, death, burial, and resurrection known in the religious imagination is thoroughly formed in that cycle which stands at the apex of the church calen-dar: pascha, or Easter .' With its various rites and ceremonies, the mythic drama of human beings, a drama celebrated at pascha and in the rites associated with the experience of dying and death, is played out . In paschcr the human experience is seen in its universality as a form of Christ's passion (suffering and death) . The rites of initia-tion associated with dying, death, burial and the memory of the loved one are experienced with the immediate force of what is unavoidably at hand .4 The individual's experi-ence is taken up into the universal action of Christ . What devotees contemplate through Great Lent and pascha in the life of Christ, they experience "in the flesh" in their own dying, and in the death of their loved ones . In pascha the rituals are mythic ; in the initiation of the devotee to the mystery of dying and death the mythic pattern takes on the most direct human proportions .

The concern of this paper is to explore the pattern of meaning formed by the ritual actions associated with dying and death in the liturgical tradition of Eastern Christian culture :' its movement from mythic image in

pascha (Easter), that grand universal paradigm of under-standing provided by the tradition, to the ritual action in which the devotee identifies with the myth and comes to understand (to know) the meaning of the experience of death in the "fullness of its mystery ." The mythic dimen-

The ritual action associated with dying and death will be examined, with an emphasis on the interplay of form and image between the mythic rites of Great Lent and paschct, on the one hand, and the rites of initiation for the dying, on the other. The way the mystery ofdeath is incar-nated in word, gesture and object will be the focus of this study .

The Sanctification of "the Horror"

When we plunge into the question of the meaning of death and dying for Eastern Christian culture, we are faced with a world view and a form of cultural making very different from what we in the West are accustomed to considering Christian . The definition of Christian has been largely appropriated by the Western Church and, most recently in North America, by Protestant culture and its secular variants . Nevertheless, we are discussing a culture, profoundly Christian, which shares with the West common patristic roots for its theological ideas. Its sensibility, its understanding of the notion or concept of creation, and its ritual embodiment of these matters are, however, so dissimilar that one is inclined to suggest that a different god is active on this cultural playground .

What is the meaning of death for Eastern Christian Culture, How does the terrible existential reality of-death Inform the believer's understanding of creation, the status of the human, and, ultimately, the course of human destiny'

Death, the Ahrtnrntal Condition of Life

Death enters the world through sin . Sin is not, like "mortality," a structure of creation . Human beings are creatures, and thus share with the rest of creation the mortal status of creatures . They are not God, though deification is the goal of human life . What humans experience of the divine, the church fathers are fond of suggesting, is the energy of God (not his essence), a chief characteristic of which is consciousness of their creature-hood . In fact, it is through the recognition of their finitude that they "recover" the fullness of created being and step onto the path to deification . This is beautifully summed up by a favourite phrase of St . John Chrysostom : "God has become man so that man may become god ." This is not a simple return to the primordial status of consciousness in which innocence is recovered - a restora-tion of the state before the Fall, before sin entered the world . On the contrary : it is an initiation through death, and through identification with the death of Christ, to a life in which death itself is transfigured . Death's power to destroy, to "trample down," has been redeemed, and human beings are freed to experience even their dying in the light of Christ . This is "imaged" by the tradition in the icon 5 of Christ's resurrection, also called "the descent into hell," which shows his salvific action for the release of all who are enslaved to death (fig . 1) . Both in the icon and in the specific ritual act prescribed in the liturgical calendar (especially in parchu, but also in the Feast of the Elevation of the Cross and others), we see the process of the redemption of death - its redemption, in fact, to the status of mortality . Mortality can be sanctified through Christ's action . Death, the curse, is transfigured when the devotee is taken up into the universality of Christ's action

in the passion . Once his circumstances are identified with Christ's passion, the devotee can give himself to the experience of dying .

Fig . 1 . Icon of the resurrection . Also called the "descent into Hell," this icon was recently painted by Heiko Schleiper, Ottawa, Canada . It is in the Novgorodian style . All photographs were taken by the author and are drawn from research done at St . Mary's Romanian Orthodox Church, Boian, Alta . (Folk Life Collection, Provincial Museum of Alberta, neg . no . 85 . I?0? .2)

Man's mortal life is identified with that of the Christ . In this manner it is sanctified : taken, as it were, into the Body of Christ . Those participating in the various rituuls under discussion, both the dying person and those drawn to the bedside, funeral, grave or table of memory, are taken into and identified with Christ . It is "in Christ" that the fullness of human existence is realized .

The Christian myth is primarily about the restoring of God's creation to himself. Creation is understood to realize its completeness, the "abundant life," when un-selfish love predicates experience and the destiny of life in union with God is actualized in time . This does not lead the believer to a petition about heaven or the afterlife . The myth is not understood as being about immortality of the body and soul in any sense current in popular Western Christian thinking . Rather, it is a precise way of identify-ing how human beings, giving up their presumed status as "immortal" beings (demi-gods), recover all that is

good, true and beautiful in life through recognition of their own finitude and through identifying with the death of God in the crucifixion of Christ . There is no sentimen-tality here - just a cool eye on the reality of mortal life .

Here man undergoes a growing identification with the myth in which Christ, the God-man ("fully man," as the great creeds proclaim), takes on the life of all humans, its agony, its dying and death and, finally, its fullness, which is proclaimed by the tradition as his "glorious reign eternal" and is memorialized in the Divine Liturgy and explicitly enacted at pascha . The human status is restored because Christ has "taken it on Himself." Through "flesh" sin entered the world (in the sin of Adam), the tradition proclaims, and, through flesh, the flesh of Christ (the second Adam), the bondage to sin and death is lifted for those who enter into the Body of Christ . How this is accomplished is described in the next section .

The Myth and Ritual of Dying

The ritual of Holy Unction begins when the priest is

called to the bedside of an Orthodox Christian . He comes

in a flowing black cassock armed with a stole (the insignia

of office) and with flasks of oil like that used in ancient

times to anoint warriors prior to the "last" battle . The

priest also brings chalice and paten, containing the Body and Blood of Christ . All is laid out on a table close to the suffering devotee . Here we are looking the grim reaper in

the eye, armed for battle though not for victory (at least not in the conventional sense) . But it is the body and

blood of the devotee that focus this contemplation, that

are offered up on this occasion to the Creator for what "will

[most assuredly] be done." The words come quietly like

distant thunder, hanging in the air for all to hear . The words are to the warrior lying unable to move, lying in wait for "the end," the end, which as T .S . Eliot says, "is my beginning ." 6

Hear my prayer, O Lord, and consider my desire ; hearken unto me for thy truth and righteousness' sake . And enter not into judgment with thy servant ; for in thy sight shall no man living be justified . For the enemy hath persecuted my soul ; he hath smitten my life down to the ground ; he hath laid me in the darkness, as the men that have been long dead . Therefore is my spirit vexed within me; and my heart within me is desolate . Yet do I remember the time past ; I muse upon all thy works ; yea, I exercise myself in the works of thy hands . I stretch forth my hands unto thee ; my soul gaspeth unto thee as a thirsty land . . . . for my spirit waxeth faint : hide not thy face from me, lest I be like unto them that go down into the pit . . . .

(p . 333) Hold this image in mind : the bed of the dying with

those who surround it, the priest presiding and the medical professionals scurrying about on the periphery . A small table is prepared, covered with a linen cloth

reminiscent of that swaddling Christ at his birth or bind-ing his corpse in the tomb . A vessel is set on the table . It contains wheat, the embryo of life, specifically of that life which, having fallen into the ground, has given birth to life - a "natural" resurrection of sorts (John 12 .24 ; 1 Cor. 15 .36-38). Holy oil is placed on the table. A token of the grace of healing (Mark 16 . 18), holy oil is the focus for this service. A gospel book, lighted tapers and seven wands wrapped with cotton for the anointing are thrust into the wheat. The priest, vested in his chasuble, begins the ser-vice by censing around the table of the holy oil and the room in which the dying person lies . He comes to stand before the table, his face to the east .

Through psalm, canticle, scripture reading and a kind

of expository prayer the service moves from a direct con-

frontation with the experience of suffering to one in which

the typology of the oil is developed . Hymns (tropari)

punctuate each of the readings, bringing home the theme

and specifying the "image" of the oil as discussed in the

readings of the scripture .

Recognition of the trauma, the horror of death, is the point from which the service begins, the initiation of consciousness into the experience at hand . The question as to why death exists in the very midst of life is addressed in the chanting of Psalm 51 .

Have mercy upon me, O God, after thy great good-ness ; according to the multitude of thy mercies do away mine offences . Wash me thoroughly from my wickedness, and cleanse me from my sin . For I acknowledge my faults, and my sin is ever before me. Against thee only have I sinned, and done this evil in thy sight ; that thou mightest be justified in thy saying, and clear when thou art judged . Behold, I was shapen in wickedness, and in sin hath my mother conceived me . But lo, thou requirest truth in the inward parts, and shalt make me to understand wisdom secretly . Thou shalt purge me with hyssop, and I shall be clean ; thou shalt wash me, and I shall be whiter than snow . . . .

(p . 334)

Here we have the significance of all suffering. All that is destructive of life is brought into the world by sin. It is not the wish or act of God, the creator of life, for this to be . Yet life is filled with death. This cannot be denied . The ritual moves from the encounter with the suffering of the devotee and identifying its origin in the fall of man from grace, to the "image" of the oil. The image of hyssop, the healing substance (interpreted here as the holy oil), about to be applied to the sufferer is invoked for the first of many times .

The breadth of the images is worth brief consideration . They will return again and again throughout the set of rituals we are considering. It is, in fact, these images that

3

marry the experience of the individual with the meaning of the cosmos .

In a troparion (hymn) God is invoked as he who "makest glad the soul and preservest also thy faithful by oil." He is asked to "show compassion also unto those who draw near unto thee through the Oil" (p . 335) . The oil is a pledge of salvation . A reference to the "olive-branch unto the abating of the Flood," evokes the escape of Noah and his kin from universal destruction . Oil as the fuel, the "lamp of the light divine," is invoked. The salvific action of Christ is brought into the typology as the "chrism incor-ruptible [which cloth] empty itself utterly in grace and purify the world" (p . 336) . The anointing of warriors is noted in a "Hymn to the Birth-giver of God" (p . 336), as is the anointing of kings "by the hands of the High Priests." The Birth-giver of God, Mary, is seen as "a fruit-ful olive-tree, in the abode of thy God, O Mother of the Creator, and thereby the world is seen to be filled with mercy ." "Thy seal is a sword against demons."

An additional list of images is given: that of saints who in their struggle for union with God have shown a way through the awfulness of death. Each is invoked with specific reference to his or her genius in this regard : the Great Martyr Demetrius (died at Thessalonica, A.D . 306) whose bones still exude chrism and are famous for their healing powers ; and Nestor, a young Christian who con-quered the Emperor's favourite gladiator, an accomplish-ment for which he was duly martyred ; St . Panteleimon of Nicomedia, an early Christian physician and miracle worker (martyred A.D . 296) ; the "Unmercenaries," so titled as disinterested benefactors who alleviate the pangs of soul and body, most of whom were physicians of the early Church . St . Nicholas the miracle worker, perhaps the most popular of saints, is invoked as well .

Images of biblical and sacred tradition are all brought to bear on the situation facing the suffering servant . In a concrete sense the sufferer is placed at the centre of scripture and tradition. He and his experience are "offered up," like Christ and the saints . The experience of suffering is informed by, and through identification with, these grand images of meaning . They are "saint and martyr ." All the images offered in the rituals are images with which the devotee can possibly identify . All can be drawn on as sources of meaning in the midst of the utterly meaningless circumstance of one's suffering and possible death. All can be identified with as a kind of sanctification of one's pain and sorrow . And this is true for all those who are present, the dying and'those who mourn .

The entrance of suffering into the world is a conse-quence of sin, and the identification of the sufferer with Christ and the saints of the tradition suggests not that he or she is "personally" suffering for sins committed, though the personal-sins too must be offered up, but that like

Christ and the saints who died because of sin and for its redemption, the sufferer too is a victim, its crucible of redemption . How is this initiation into Christ and his triumphant Kingdom accomplished in the ritual action?

The Oil of Gladness

O Lord who, in thy mercies and bounties, healest the disorders of our souls and bodies : Do thou, the same Master, sanctify this Oil, that it may be effec-tual for those who shall be anointed therewith, unto healing, and unto relief from every passion, every malady of the flesh and of the spirit, and every ill ; and that therein maybe glorified thy most holy Name, of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, now, and ever, and unto ages of ages . Amen .

(pp. 340-41)

With this the priest blesses the oil, pouring it and wine into the shrine lamp on the table by the devotee . The deacon and priest read the Epistles and gospel, which are drawn from biblical texts that develop the typology of oil : James 5 .10-17, Luke 10.25-28 . James instructs the early Christian elders to anoint the sick with "oil in the name of the Lord : and the prayer of faith shall save the sick and the Lord shall raise him up ; and if he has committed sins, they shall be forgiven him ." The gospel reading gives an instruction, not to the sick but to those gathered to anoint . Typically of this ritual tradition, its focus is cosmic, touching on all aspects of reality presented by the existential situation . The gospel is the parable of the good samaritan . It is the response of Jesus of Nazareth to a lawyer who questions him about what to do to inherit eternal life . Unsatisfied with the answer Jesus gives (the classical Jewish answer), "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy strength, and with all thy mind ; and thy neighbour as thyself," he queries, "who is my neighbour?" To this Jesus replies with the parable, which paints a rather rude picture of the priest and Levites, leaving the salvific action to the "untouchable" samaritan who "had compassion on him, and went to him, and bound up his wounds, pouring in oil and wine, and set him on his own beast, and brought him to an inn, and took care of him" (p . 343) .

The priests are gathered around to anoint a sick and suffering devotee . The gospel reading indicts priests and points out that "one's neighbour" is in fact anyone who responds to the tragic circumstances of life . The priest presiding does so as "neighbour" ; indeed, it is as neigh-bour that the priestly function, the sacramental life of healing is lived . To the extent that their action is neigh-bourly, the priests fulfill the gospel .

In a prayer that follows the gospel reading the priest invokes the sanctification of the holy oil .

4

The priest then takes one of the wands, and dipping it into the holy oil, anoints the sick person, in cross-form (in exactly the form used in baptism) on the brow, the nostrils, the cheeks, the lips, the breast, and both sides of the hands. This action is accompanied with a prayer that summons all those servants of God, apostles, saints and martyrs, who have been invoked throughout the service; now, they are all, in one crisp prayer, brought to bear on the situation . This prayer calls on a range of figures from the Bible and the tradition, each of which has embodied the sacred in the midst of their own dying. It ends by proclaiming the Creator as the "fountain of healing" in the midst of life, in the midst of dying (p . 345) .

A further gospel is read, that of Jesus' call and visit to the house of Zaccheus, the publican, which typifies the openness to the healing presence of Christ . The prayer calls to the named servant (the sufferer) to open himself to Christ through confession and invokes God, "who lovest mankind," to impart his good gifts to the penitent (pp. 347-48) .

The office of Holy Unction is structured to be sung by seven priests . Seven gospels fill out the service, with each priest reading one and anointing the supplicant with holy oil . The gospels, punctuated by long expository prayers, give a typology of sin and of the forgiveness and healing that come through the Spirit of God, symbolized by the anointing with oil .

Prior to the benediction, the final distinct ritual gesture occurs . If the sick person is able to rise from the bed he joins the circle of priests . If not, the priests gather around . They take the gospel book, open it, and with the text side down, place it on the head of the sick person . This little ritual action of placing the gospel on the head of the devotee is also done at the initiation to the ministries of the church . In the rubric for this action, explicit instructions are given that the priest not lay his hands on the sick . The priests pray :

I lay not my sinful hand upon the head of him (her) who is come unto thee in iniquities, and asketh of thee, through us, the pardon of his (her) sins, but thy strong and mighty hand, which is in this, the Holy Gospels, that is now held by my fellow-ministers, upon the head of thy servant, N .

(p . 358)

The prayer beseeches the Creator for mercy and com-passion, invoking the typology of such blessings and linking this circumstance to the biblical narratives of Nathan, the penitent David, and Manasse, all of whom suffered greatly .

The gospel book is then taken from the head of the sick person where the priests held it and given to the sick

person to kiss and adore . The gospel, where the life, suffering and death of Christ, the God-man, is proclaimed, and through which the devotee learned that all of God's creation is holy and through His grace can be transfigured, is adored . It speaks of the redemption of death itself, the snatching from the darkness of that horror death, and the restoration of the mystery of mortality to the mystery of the Creator.

The Office of Holy Unction has been discussed in some detail . This office illustrates the marvelous way the ritual of St . John Chrysostom weaves sacred word, gesture and object around the experience of suffering and draws the devotee into the Body of Christ, thus sanctifying creation and redeeming the horror of dying . The ritual pattern, far from merely providing an abstract set of ideas about the meaning of life and death, provides the dying and those who stand in the presence of death with language and gesture-indeed, with the necessary world through which to experience the movement of what is occurring . By "trampling down death by death," the Christ has freed the devotee to enter into the mortality that characterizes creation in all its sacredness .

The Ritual of the Parting of the Sou1 from the Body, the Burial and the cycle of memorials through which the devotee is initiated into the cosmos will be briefly dealt with next . The connection each has with the cycle of pascha liturgies, deepening the identification of the deceased with the cosmic Christ . In all cases the rhythm of the ritual, like that of Unction, is woven of word, gesture and sacred object, binding the dead with the living Christ of all creation .

The Agony of Calvary

In the various rites and liturgies 7 that make up Holy Week we see how the Eastern Christian imagination and tradition have seen fit to contemplate the mystery ofdeath as it was experienced by Christ . Here the myth is given ritual form, a pattern that carries over and structures the rituals surrounding the death and burial of the devotee.

Holy Friday begins on Thursday evening (liturgical time, taking its cue from the creation story in Genesis, begins with the creation out of darkness) with the service of "the twelve gospels ." The name is taken from the jux-taposition of gospel texts ordered into twelve parts and read throughout this moving and mournful service. An account of the passion is formed out of every detail given in scripture . It takes up the agony of the arrest of Jesus in the Garden of Olives, the proceedings against him, the scourging, the crowning with thorns, his bearing of the cross, the crucifixion, death and burial . Each "gospel" is punctuated with the response, "Glory to Thy longsuffer-ing, 0 Lord, glory to Thee" (p . 154) . Following the fifth

11 gospel" a remarkable antiphon is sung . While it is sung, a cross, often life size, is assembled in the middle of the church in place of the lesser altar, the usual site ofdevotion for the Orthodox devotee upon entering church . The people come and adore (contemplate) and kiss the cross with its corpse .

Today hangs from the Cross Hc who hung the earth over the waters . He who is King of Angels is crowncd with thorns . Vain Purple is thrown over Him who casts the sky over tile CIOUds .8

In some Eastern Christian churches, Romanian Orthodox for example, the teue%rac (fig . 2) model is used : the twelve candles that glow, at the start of the liturgy are extinguished, one by one, after each of the gospel readings .

Fig . 2 . Ta-nebrae service, in which the candles are blown out one by one, signifying the movement through the cruci-fixion to the death of Christ (neg . no . H2 .-'l . 185) .

The lengthy readings that structure this service con-template the way consciousness of his impending doom dawns on the Saviour . The texts narrate the behaviour and response of those close at hand, and slowly, with unfailing step, record the journey in coming to grips with dying : the struggle to carry the cross, the agony of the cross-all the pathetic elements . The crucifix (fig . 3) with its life-size corpus moves to centre stage in the imagination and hearts of the devotee . All are invited to adore it, to claim it . For the devotees the death of Christ, in all its agony, is to be absorbed and identified with . All humankind will most assuredly find themselves at the same gate . Death, the death of God himself, is engaged as one's own .

Throughout the canonical hours of Holy Friday there

are readings and prayers about various aspects of suffering and death . They describe the circumstances of death; they call out about the experiencc of dying . Each liturgical hour has readings from three psalms (except Terce, which has two), a reading from the Old Testament, and an epistle and a gospel . The whole typology of dying and death is built, as noted in the previous section on Unction, in this tapestry fashion, invoking the world of biblical images and ideas related to the experience .

As in the study of all rituals, it is important to note what has been left out of the general pattern . Indeed, Holy Friday is a unique day for Eastern Christians in that it is the only day of the liturgical year when no eucharistic liturgy is celebrated .

During the afternoon of this day of sorrows a "burial service," the Vesper of Holy Friday, is celebrated . Three ()Id Testament readings develop the typology of the death . In the first one (Exodus i i . 11-2 3) God is saying to Moses: "While my glory passeth by . . . I will put thee in a cleft of the rock, and will cover thee with my hand while I pass by ." This is a curious INassage, Which the Church has taken as a comment on the entombment of Christ . God's glory remains, and in some sense is, incarnate in his servant's descent into the darkness . There is a reading from Job as well . It is a portion of scripture, perhaps the most poignant of all biblical literature, in which the agony of human suffering at the hands of the inexplicable is described . The passion according to Isaiah, referred to also as the "suffering servant psalm," is the final reading : "despised and rejected of men ; a man of sorrows, and acquainted with grief. . . . Surely he hath borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows . . . . But he was wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities . . . and with his stripes we are healed . . .he is brought as a lamb to the slaughter, and as a sheep before her shearers is dumb so

Fig . 3 . The adoration of the cross, at which the faithful prostrate and kiss the cross as part of the contemplation of the death of the Christ (neg . no . 82 .4 . 193) .

lie upeneth not his Mouth . . . he bears the sins of many, and made intercession fur the transgressors .'*

In the epistle reading that follows Paul claims that the only thing he is determined to know is "Christ crUC-fiICd-(Cor . l . l8-?2), suggesting a kind of reorientation of the very centre of how we know the world and the meaning of creation . It is the death of god in Christ that illuminates the meaning of the creation . The gospel picks up on this theme with a composite reading, which narrates the path to the cross and the "actions" of divinc love even unto death pointing to the meaning of the creation and how it is redeemed .

Fig . 4 . The procession with the epitu/rhiou, a tapestry with a painting of the corpus of Christ, proceeds around the church and culminates with the faithful passing under it back into the church (neg . no . )i? .4.280) .

The rite of the burial takes place next . The devoted form a procession and are led around the church by the priest and the bearers of an epita/rhirrn, a rectangular cloth with the image of the dead Christ painted or embroidered on it . The procession is flanked by the banners of the church bearing the image of the saints . The procession moves out of the church and around it counterclockwise

Fig . 5 . The epita/rlurm is adored by the f:urhful just as the corpus is given its final kiss prior to burial (neg . no . 8?.4 .?r)U) .

three times . In a number of communities the epitaphion (fig . 4) is held high at the door of the church and the faith-ful re-enter the church by passing under it . The church has become the tomb, the place of the burial of the Christ and the place of the descent . The people are to pass, with Christ, into the darkness, into the agony of God's death . While the circumambulation takes place outside the church, the cross with its corpus is replaced with a sarcophagus . The sarcophagus sits in the same place as the coffin of the deceased at the funeral service . The priest is the last to enter the church, and with the assistance of the bearers of the icon of the dead Saviour, lie moves into place beside the sarcophagus and places the "corpse" In its resting place . Incense abounds as the "body" is prepared for the journey, in the ritual of the initiation of the God-man into the eternal .

The Song of Simeon, used in many liturgies of the Church as a bridge from worship into the mundane world, is the final benediction : "Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in Peace ." A fascinating shift in the use of this text can be noted . The Song of Simeon is intoned around the sarcophagus, a litany to the release of the clead God . A tr-opnriorr, "The noble Joseph takes Thy immacu-late Body down from the Cross, lie wraps it in white linen with spices . . . and places it in a new tomb, "9 completes the hymns and the development of the imagery and ethos of the service . Along with the adoration and kissing of the image of the dead Christ (fig . 5), the priest anoints (fig . G) the "corpse" just as one would see him do at a funeral and burial service . The mythic pattern is complete . "On this day, the Lord of creation stood before Pilate, and the creator of the universe is handed over to be crucified . So it is with the devotee . The time of dying, of death, of being handed over destroys not only the body, but in a profound way, the world and cosmos that one's life shaped and shared in . The ritual pattern is complete . The King of All Creation is entombed .

Within the mythic pattern of Eastern Christian

Fig. G. The priest anoints the epitnlrhiart just as the corpus is

anointed prior to burial (neg . no . 82 .-'F .3 I?).

Culture, the sanctification of time is accomplished in the

feasts of the Church, of which pa.rrha is the pinnacle . The experience of dying, death, and burial is "formed" by the journey of the God-man, Christ . The model for the devotees is not Peter, the apostle who followed afar off, but Christ's mother, the beloved Apostle John, and the holy women, who in the gospel narrative went step by step, down the Via Dulorosa (the Way of Sorrows), up Golgotha (the Hill of the Skull) and stood, as the iconog-raphy depicts, at the foot of the cross completely present to the dcath of the beloved one .

The pattern, form and material, both gesture and object, of pa.rcha is brought to bear in the rituals for the dying, death and burial of the devotee.

The Passion of the Devotee: The OJjice of the Parting -~fthc Sonl Jroa the (3,ul)

The Office of the Parting of the Soul from the Body begins with the inyuiry as to the spiritual state of the dying person . Is there any word or deed, any baseness or

wrath that still bears upon the mind or heart of the dying, anything unconfessed or-and note this -unforgiven? The priest's invocation begins, "Blessed is our God always, now and ever, and unto ages of ages . " Psalm 51 (quoted in part at the beginning of this paper) is prayed, and a series of canticles are sung to God the Creator and to the Birth-giver of God, Mary . The pattern woven by the canticles focuses with singular clarity on the experience of dying, its alienation and horror .

The night of death, gloomy and moonless, hath overtaken me, still unready, sending me forth on that long and dreadful journey unprepared . But let thy mercy accompany me, O Lady .

Lo, all my days are vanished, of a truth, in vanity, as it is written, and my years also in vain ; and now the snares of death, which of a truth are bitter, have entangled my soul, and have compassed me round about .

(Canticle 7, p . 16,11)

The struggle for life, the struggle not to be humiliated in death, not to be vanquished at the end of life, is firrmed by the canticles . The Mother of God is invoked amidst the reality of this eternal moment . "As the mother loving mankind of the God who loveth mankind, look thtru with calm and merciful eye when my soul from its body shall part ; and I will glorify thee forever, O holy Birth-giver of God" (p . 3G4) . The holy Birth-giver of God is central to this petitionary ritual . The movement across the bound-ary of life into the mystery ofdeath, the initiation into the eternal, falls into the hands of her who gives birth to God . Curiously, she was the one to clothe God in flesh, in the person of the Christ ; and at the time of dying, it is she, the mother of incarnation, who is called upon to ease the movement of the soul from the body . She, the Birth-giver of God, is asked to watch over and assist at the journey to the eternal . So it ends : no resolution, no panacea . A simple extended conternplation of the agony of the final giving over all graphically depicted and offered up to the Creator . Mary, the channel of the incarnation of (rod, is asked to assist in the reverse process : the giving up of the forms of the world and the claiming of mortality . She is the guardian of this strange and horrid journey, this initi-ation into the mvsterv of death .

trtitiatiurt into the Chri,vl

It is still quite common in rural communities in Western Canada fur the deceased to be laid out at home . A vigil is kept throughout the night, and on the morning of the funeral the coffin is brought outside to the waiting hearse . The procession moves in it direct way to the final resting place fur the body . This path, however, is deter-mined by the life of the deceased . Mourners linger outside the home, move slowly throughout the neighbourhood

stopping at places in the vicinity meaningful in the deceased's life, such as the fields in which he worked or the ancestral home (fig . 7) where childhood was spent . One senses a kind of in-gathering of experience, a collecting of the particulars of this person's life . The door of the hearse is opened, the lid of tile coffin is lifted, bread and a candle are placed on tile road at the foot of the deceased, and prayers of blessing are said . A final glance at the play-ground of life is offered to all .

Fig . 7 . During the procession from the home of the deceased to the church the hearse stops by the homestead of his childhood for a final "glance," a final blessing (neg . no . 8? .-1 .11 I ) .

When the procession arrives at the church, the body is taken through the gathering and placed as a kind of "lesser altar" in front of the iconostasis, forming an axis with the Great Altar . The Order for the Burial of the Dead gives structure to the ritual initiation . It notes that when an Orthodox believer has died tile priest comes into the place in which the "remains of the dead man lie, and hath put on his priestly stole (epztrakbil), and hath placed incense in the censer, censeth the body of the dead, and those present ; and Gegiuneth as usual : Blessed is our God always, now and ever, and unto ages of ages" (p . 368 emphasis added) . The temporal is within the eternal . "The reference throughout this ritual calls upon God tile "Holy Immortal One" in counterpoint to tile mortality that lies before tile devotees .

The ritual begins by invoking God to bring the deceased to eternal rest . It is apparent from examining such rituals that this invocation is for tile bereaved as well . All wish the memory of the deceased to bring peace and

resolution to their lives . The great Psalms of God's majesty and of his faithful servants are chanted in respon-sory style (Psalms )1, 119) .

The voice of tile deceased then enters the ritual . The devotees gathered for the funeral form a chorus giving the refrain . It is a long series of reflections on human experi-ence, on its folly and on its redemption in faith:

I have gone astray like a sheep that is lost ; O seek thy servant . . .The Choir of tile Saints have lound the Fountain of Life and the Door of Paradise . May I also find the right way, through repentance . I am a lost sheep . . . . Ye who preached the Lamb of God, and like unto lambs were slain . . . . Ye who have trod the narrow way most sad . . .I am an image of thy glory inefftble, though I bear the brands of rrans-gressions: Show thy conlhassions Upon thy crea-ture, O Master, and purify him (her) by thy loving-kindness . . .make me again a citizen of Paradise . . . . 0 thou who of old didst call me into being from nothingness, and didst honour me with thine image divine . . . . restore thou me to that image, and to my pristine beauty .

(p . 379)

The central issue in the anthropology of Eastern Christian culture is focused on in this final call of the voice of the deceased : man as tile image of' God . In death the final petition is that He "who of old didst call tile into being from nothingness . . . restore thou me to that image, and to my pristine beauty" (p . 379) .

The Church takes up the cause of tile deceased, not in any juridical sense, but rather as a type and model of the human condition itself, requesting forgiveness for all shortcomings and asking that rest be given to tile soul of the departed . This, of course, is a plea as much for those who live as for tile dead . In the ritual surrounding death tile community prays for the redemption of the memory of the deceased and freedom from any taint of tile tragic circumstances of life . They pray that it be healed even now as they contemplate the mortality of life in him who has died . Along with this plea tile ritual goes on building the full spectrum of human feelings and thoughts that flood into the midst of death . In canticle after canticle the existential reality is offered up :

What earthly sweetness renl:rineth unmixed w~ith grief% What .glory shrrl(lerh In1n1lItAbII' on earth' All things are but shadoWs most teeblc, hut most deluding dreams : yet one moment only, and Death Shall Supplant Cht'rll all . But in tile light of rhy countenancc, O Christ, and in the sweetness uf thy beauty, give rest unto him (her) whorll thou h:ast chosen : forasmuch as thou lovest mankind .

(n . ~}i51

This anthem by John, the Monk of Damascus, con-tinues to immerse consciousness in the spectrum of human agony . Again we find the voice of the deceased speaking as for all mankind :

Woe is me! What manner of ordeal doth tile SOLII endure wliun from tile body it is parted' All mort,tl things are vanity and exist not after death . Where is the hornh 4 the ehhcrneral creatures of'a day, All dust, all ashes, all shadows . . . What is this mystery which rluth befall us' VG'h) have .ve been given over unto corrul)tion, and svhy have tie been wedded unto (leath' (pp . 3R5-8G)

The Beatitudes, hart of the Divine Liturgy, follow . They note that the INath to the Beauty of Holiness is through a kind ot giving-up.

The epistle and gospel readings speak directly about death ( I Thess . 1 . Ii-lh, John 5 .21- i()) . Both claim the (lead fur Christ, identifying them with the Christ who took death into himself, redeeming all the righteous to the "resurrection of lite ."

With the final invocation of God's mercy, the priest moves close to the deceased lying in the coffin . In most

churches tile body is laid Out \ahere the sarcophagus is on Holy Friday all(] Saturday . It is open throughout the ritual, a stark tell ninclcr Of the human image created in the image of' Gud, of currul,tiun in death, and of the redemp-tion of the creation in Christ's body .

Standing near the head of the deceased with .t cross in hand the priest prays, "O God of-spirits, " the prayer given at the beginning of this paper . This prayer runs through all the rituals under consideration as it kind of- quiet priestly Counterpoint to the "Ilublic" actions of the ritual . He concludes the prayer Nvith the proclamation, "for thou art the resurrection and the Life ." He then leans forward and gives the "last kiss" to tile deceased .

Come brethren, let us give the last kiss unto ill(' dead, rendering thanks unto Gox1 . For he (shr) hath vanished frorn aniong his (hcr) kin, and hresseth

onward to the );rave, and vexeth himself (herself)

no longer cuncernin) ; v.utiueti . and concerning the

flcsh . %\ 'hich suftcrcth sorc di,trc,s . . .

Now is life's artful triwnhh of vanities destroyed . For the spirit hath vanished from its w1mmucle ; its clay groweth black .

'..5 J

Fig . 8 . The community gathers for para_rtas, the Blessing of the Graves . Following the blessing of each grave, the invoking of the names of the deceased, a feast takes place in the rnidst of the graves (ne); . no . 82 .4 . 10()) .

The vessel is shattered, voiceless, bereft of feeling, motionless, dead : Committing which unto the grave, let us beseech the Lord that lie will give him eternal rest .

(p . j59)

The Birth-giver of God and the prayers of Cltrist, the forerunners, apostles, hierarchs, holy ones, and saints are called upon to grant rest to the deceased and to those who stand in the vigil .

A final benediction marking Christ's resurrection and redemption of all creation, even in its mortal state, is given, reminding us of God's love for all mankind .

A Prayer of Absolution printed on a separate sheet of paper is said and every type of sin and shortcoming is for-given . The page is laid on the hands of the deceased in preparation for the burial . All join in singing, "The earth is the Lord's and the fullness there of: The round world, and they that dwell therein ." The priest anoints the body with oil from the shrine lamp ; he takes ashes from the censer and spreads them on the corpse . The coffin is closed and with processional cross and banners the deceased is "led" to the cemetery and lowered into the grave . The faithful assist in placing earth on the coffin as the final hymn is sung :

With the souls of the righteous dead, give rest, O Saviour, to the soul of thy servant, preserving it unto the life of blessedness which is with thee, O thou who lovest mankind . . . . 0 Virgin alone Pure and Undefiled, who without seed dicdst bring forth God, pray thou unto him that his soul may be saved .

(p . 393)

Fig . 9 . Processional cross and banners lead the faithful through the graveyard . Bishop and priest bless the graves invoking the name of each person who is buried (neg . no . 82 .4 . 101) .

ll'lenaory Eterucrl

A cycle of memorials titled "The Requiem Office for the Dead," or Panikf.udl, is prayed on it sequence Of memorial days dating from the death of the beloved . This ritual is also used for the blessing of the graveyard, an annual "feast" (fig . S) in the liturgical calendar which falls between pasrh<< and the feast of~Ascension . In many of the Slavic and Romanian communities in Canada this "village feast" constitutes an in-gathering of friends and relatives to the graveyard (fig . 9) ; after the service at the altar in the cemetery, each grave is blessed and the name of the deceased is read into the blessing . A linen cloth covers a portion of the grave . A basket of fruit, usually with grapes, bread, a candle and perhaps a favourite sweet of the deceased, is placed on the grave for the blessing (fig . 10) . All identify the deceased with the body of Christ and with his gospel . The service follows a form very similar to those noted above : petitions for God's grace, the contem-plation of human mortality, adoration of the Creator and the cosmic nature of the Christ .

Fig . (0 . A linen cloth, symbolic of tile cloth in which the body of Christ was wrapped after the crucifixiun, is laid on the grave . The baskets are blessed along with the grave . The food is eaten during the feast following the ritual . Often a favourite candy bar of the deceased is included and shared with a child, a kind of "sweet link" with the death (neg . no . H2 .=i . lU2) .

t>nclusion

Far from the parlour ritual characteristic of burial from funeral homes, I i the Orthodox ritual for the suffering, the dying and the dead, and in memory of the deceased, contemplates death, first by anointing the body in its suffering, then at its death and just prior to burial . The human form, corruptible as it is, is adored, just as the epit,aphiort is adored at pa.a6ra . Loved in life, the "broken vessel" is loved in death. The raw material of life, bread and wine, which in Holy Week comes to be understood as the Body and Blood of Christ, who "trampled down death

11

by death," is identified with the beloved dead . Their body and blood, their suffering and death, are as those of Christ . To the degree that they share in Christ, they are redeemed . They are victorious over the bondage of sin and guilt, and their memory participates in the Eternal .

Here we find no screening of the bereaved from the community, no "dressing" of the body as if death was any-thing but a horror . The circle of identification is

NOTES

1 . All quotations followed by a page number are from Service Book of the Holy Orthodox-Catholic Apostolic Church, rev . ed . (Englewood, N.J . : Antiochian Orthodox Christian Archdiocese, 1975) .

2. See Mircea Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol . 2 : Front Gautanta Buddha to the Triumph of Christianity (Chicago : The Uni-versity of Chicago Press, 1982), for a consideration of the religious structure of Eastern Christianity . Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition, Vol. 2: The Spirit of Eastern Christendom (600-1700), is a fine historical study of the theology of the tradition . For Orthodox theological studies pertinent to this paper see Boris Bobrinskoy, "Old Age and Death: Tragedy or Blessing'," St . Vladinrir'r Theological Quarterly 28, no . 4 (1984) : 237-244 ; Veselin Kesich, The First Day of the New Creation, the Resurrection and the Christian Faith (Crestwood, N.Y . : St . Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1982); Vladimir Lossky, Orthodox Theology . An Introduction (Crestwood, N.Y . : St . Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1978); John Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology . Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes (New York : Fordham University Press, 1974); Alexander Schmemann, For the Life of the World. Sacraments and Orthodoxy (Crestwood, N.Y . : St . Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1973); l.ars Thunderg, Alan and Cosmos . The Vision of St . Alcrximct the Confessor (Crestwood, N.Y . : St . Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1985) . See Alexander Schmemann, Great Lent, rev. ed . (Crestwood, N.Y . : St . Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1974) for a discussion of

3 .

pascha (Easter) from an Orthodox theological perspective. The liturgical and sacramental structure of the Orthodox tradition are given thorough consideration in Casimir Kucharek, TheByzantine-Slav Liturgy of St . John Chrytottom, Its Origins and Evolution (Allen-dale, N.J . : Alleluia Press, 1971), and his The Sacramental Mysteries : A Byzantine Approach (Allendale, N.J . : Alleluia Press, 197G) .

complete : the bereaved with the deceased, the deceased with the Christ of pascha, all with the God of all creation who set the world in the firmament. The earth from which mortal flesh is made and to which it returns is sanctified in the Body of Christ . Deification, the perfection and return of the human form to the Creator, is complete . Suffering and mortality are sanctified, are part of the mythic struc-ture of meaning made concrete in the cosmic Christ . The death of God at pascha and the death of the devotee are one .

4. See Lev Puhalo, TheSoul. The Body, and Death (Sardis, B.C . : Saints Cyril and Methody Society, 1981), and Alexander Schmemann, "Trampling Down Death by Death," in For the Life of the World (Crestwood, N.Y . : St . Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1973), pp . 95-106. Thomas Hopko, The Lenten Spring, Readings for Great Lent (Crestwood, N.Y . : St . Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1983), is a devotional meditation on the liturgical readings of the feast.

5. There are numerous studies of the tradition of iconography central to Eastern Christian Culture. Of primary importance to this study see Constantine Cavarnos, Orthodox Iconography (Bclmont, Mass . : Institute for Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 1977); Anthony Cutter, Transfigurations . Studies in the Dynamics of Byzan-tine Iconography (Philadelphia : The Pennsylvania State University, 1975); George Galavaris, The Icon in the Life of the Church (Leiden: E.J . Brill, 1981); Andre Grabar, Christian Iconography. A Study of Its Origins (Princeton, N.J . : Princeton University Press, 1968); Leonide Ouspensky, Theology of the Icon (Crestwood, N.Y . : St . Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1978) .

6 . T.S . Eliot, "The Four Quartets" in The Complete Poems and Plays, 1909-1950 [by) T.S . Eliot (New York : Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1971), p. 129.

7 . The cycle of Great Lent services is contained in The Lenten Triodion, transl . Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware (London: Faber and Faber, 1977) .

8. Quoted in The Year of Grace of the Lord, by a monk of the Eastern Church (Crestwood, N.Y . : St . Vladimir's Seminary Press, 1980), p. 154.

9 . Ibid ., p . 157 . 10 . Ibid ., p . 157 . I1 . The Orthodox burial service requires a church with its rich

symbolic significance . Burial from a funeral home, bereft of the cosmic symbolism appropriate to the actual rite, is simply a prayer service .

Beautifying the Boneyard : The Changing Image of the Cemetery in Nineteenth-Century Ontario

Roger Hall and Bruce Bowden

R estanael Abstract

Les historiens canadiens n'ont gnere effectaae jttsqaa'ici d'ettades historiqties star la ntort. Les cittretieres, notatntnent, qaai sont s~aas doacte les niartifestations tangibles les plus cbarables de la ntort et des coutaames liees a la tnort, ont airtsi ete negliges .

Des recherches anericaines et hritanniqaaes donnent ei entendre qtae la creation, a l'epoqaae victorierane, de grandr c inretieres non c onfes.rion-

nel.r naqaait de considerations sanitaires et fiat aan phenonrene exclrtsiventent aarhain . Des anontaanents conrane le cinieNre Mount Auburn, it Boston . etaient d'intportantes institutions culttarelles et notas apprennent beatccoaap sur lea societe victorienne . Ces -clinetl6vs ruraux, . qui

-onstriti i 1'extirieur des villes, devinrent dans les grands centres des « jardins» oaa des « parcs» paysagers, e-onzane en tentoigrne It, t 'teiieiit ~ 'is i cintetiere Mount Pleasant de Toronto .

Nous savors, d'apres les archives qaai noaas sont parvennes, que clans des petites villes . conanre Norwich . en Ontario, sont nes des cianetieres

non confessionnels, nzais sotavent encore protestants, qtai, grdce ei lenr entretien et a leur etnplacetnent . conservent trne place irnportante dcans ces

localites. Dans les centres urhains, la tendance a faire de «bearux» c-irnetieres a elirnine en grande partie les barrieres corafessionnelles et a

catutitue aan pas vers line certaine secularisation. Dans ces nouveaux e intetieres, constanrtttent entretenus et dotes de jolies chapelles. l'enterre-

naent avait lieu dans aan cadre ronrantiqtae it caractere «rural, . Les synaboles de la ntort ayant disparai, le «citaaetier-e-parc-» contr'abaaa atnst, a 1'c%poque de la Prentiere Guerre nzotdiale, a -lei »tort de la rnort» .

Scant attention has been paid by Canadian historians to the historical study of death . One neglected area is scholarly study of cetneteries -arguably the rno.rt durable artifacts of death and death-ctastorrr .

British and Arnerican research suggests that the Victorian creation of large, non-sectarian c0nmaainity ceaneteries resnlted fi~oan health considerations and was entirely an urban phenovienon . Nlonurnents like Boston's Mount Auburn were substantial cultural institutions and tell Its anuch about Victorian society . These so-called "ratral cenreteries" tvere built beyond city lianits and evolved in large centres into architec-turally designed '''garden" or "park" cemeteries, as -well illatstrated by Toronto's Mount Pleasant Cenietery .

Surviving records of .rrnall-town cemeteries, such as in Nortuich, Ontario, show the developrnent of non-sectarian. although often still Protestant . cerneteries which, by upkeep and location, remained an integral part of the contntunity . In urban centres, the beautification tnovenrent challenged the sectarian aspect of burial and represented a degree of secularization . These neru ceineteries featured the concept of perpetaaal care and built picturesque chapels so that the entire process of burial could be catered in the setting of a rontantic rural sepulchre . Diurnal interaction it vth death's synrbols was thereby ended, with the result that the cernetery park ntovernent contributed to "the dyi»g of death" by the First World War.

Scant attention has been paid by Canadian historians to the historical study of death . Although British, American and especially French scholars have explored the topic in multidisciplinary detail, Canadian interest has largely been either genealogical or antiquarian .

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries . It is hoped that

this discussion will convey something of the broad scope

of this uncharted topic, reveal the difficulties in con-

ducting research, and suggest some of the benefits which

perseverance can produce .

The study of death in the past offers considerable oppor-

tunities for the cultural and social historian of Canada . I

One obvious and almost entirely neglected area is scholar-

ly study of cemeteries - arguably the most durable artifacts of death and death-custom . What follows are

some preliminary ideas relating to discernible trends in

the establishment of Ontario burying-grounds in the

As with so many other aspects of Canadian life, cemetery planning and establishment have been largely derivative . The historical literature suggests that in England and the United States early Victorian trends to-ward the establishment of large, non-sectarian cemeteries were almost exclusively urban impulses; the bourgeoning population created a variety of pressures which could not

be met by sectarian burying-grounds within city limits . A further, equally bourgeois, consideration was the matter of health : British and American journals of the period are filled with references to the dangers of disease-ridden and crowded "boneyards," where visible rot, vandalism, stray dogs and insufficient coverage of remains combined to create severe health hazards. To these very practical matters might be added the less tangible but intense psychological and emotional preoccupation with death and mourning that developed in the Victorian age . Romanticism, combined with an appreciation of the naturalness of death and a renewed spiritual emphasis upon its implications, created new attitudes towards the subject . Burial-grounds were no longer cast-off, melan-choly boneyards, but were dignified with names from the classical lexicon like necropolis or cenretery . They were to be planned places of beauty where the dead and the living might mingle in restful reflection .

The classic prototype of such a cemetery in the United States was Boston's Mount Auburn, opened first in 1831 . Good British examples were the Glasgow Necropolis, London's Kensal Green or the better-known Highgate Cemetery . All reflected a change in attitude towards death, but they also conveyed certain other attributes . From the beginning they were celebrated for their beauty, both contrived and natural . They were, in today's parlance, "showcases" for the aesthetic arts of the time . They pre-dated the enthusiasm for massive public parks and may have had something to do with generating that enthusiasm . They reinforced, indeed celebrated, the bourgeois fabric of nineteenth-century life, providing an opportunity for discreet pride and restrained boastfulness in achievement to be paraded by successful Victorians . In North America they were strong declarations of coming of age and sophistication, and confidently declared to Europe's older civilization that civilization was well and truly entrenched in the New World too . They were, in short, substantial cultural institutions and much can be learned of Victorian society through their study .'-

The name accorded to these new types of burial-grounds was "rural" cemetery . The adjective is misleading for they were rural only in the sense that they tended to be somewhat larger than the typical churchyard and were placed on the outskirts of the community ; they certainly did not reflect the contemporary state of most country burying-grounds . Early Ontario models of what might more appropriately be termed "garden" cemeteries were Kingston's Cataraqui Cemetery and Toronto's Necropolis, and late nineteenth-century examples abound in such Ontario towns and smaller cities as Durham, Paris, Brantford, and Belleville .

By the time garden cemeteries became common in southern Ontario the cemetery movement in the United

States had evolved further towards a philosophy of cemetery design which might most appropriately be called a "park" cemetery . The new "cemetery beautiful" exponents wished to curtail the use of iron-railed plots (such as the joint Strachan-Robinson site at Toronto's St . James) and the tall headstones which so characterized the garden cemetery . Preferring name plates embedded flat into the ground, these planners designed sweeping park-like vistas . A somewhat unconvinced public, not to mention monument manufacturers, resisted the demise of upstanding monuments and therefore the complete realization of a "natural" scene, but the general design features sought by these landscape architects are well laid out in parts of Toronto's Mount Pleasant Cemetery . The entire park movement was, in fact, wrapped up with the growth of professionalism in cemetery superintendence and wedded as well to the nineteenth-century paradigms of efficiency and progress . Strong links with the "city beautiful" movement in the period 1880-1920 might be suggested . ;

New Canadian cemeteries were behind, but not fu behind, British and American rural cemetery models . Canadians faced similar problems . The cities of mid-nineteenth-century Ontario, for example, might not have rivalled the number and sizes of their American or British counterparts, but places like Toronto, Kingston and London also faced difficulties of overcrowding, commer-cial clamour for land, and public concern over the health hazard . Canadians, as well, read British and American literature on the subject ; in addition, because the garden and park cemeteries were considered showpieces, many Canadians had visited celebrated American and British cemeteries when travelling abroad .`'

In fact, changing modes and attitudes toward burial in Ontario can be considered as a reflection of the province's degree of urbanization . In the cemeteries of Ontario one sees an evolution from the predominance of religious and "communal" cemeteries, towards the ascendency of the cemetery beautiful as an ideal . Originally the burying-ground was organically part of the social and geographic landscape in early Ontario communities, rural and urban . From the growing cities, however, emerged the beautifi-cation movement, which at core and from both private and public inspiration, encouraged the formation of non-denominational, well-planned and strictly kept-up cemeteries . Disgust or dismay was often expressed over the state of existing country burying-grounds by those who expounded the establishment of more of the "beautyspots that mark our non-sectarian cities of the dead . . . . . . 5 Although the creation of a cemetery park, to which mid-Victorians often would walk for a Sunday outing or picnic, provided another amenity for the town, and certainly helped to sustain local florists in business, not everyone thought that the change had enhanced a sense of community :

Since it has become the custom in Kingston to desert the city cemeteries and to carry the honoured dead to the far-off Cataraqui Cemetary [sic] beyond Waterloo, it has become quite an irksome task for persons, and relatives, wishing to pay respect to the family of the deceased, to follow the funeral cortege so far - more particularly as it envolves [sic] the expense of a hired carriage . The consequence is that funerals are not now so generally well attended as heretofore ; but were it the universal etiquette, as it is the partial practice, to accompany the corpse as far as the limits of the city only, and were such an accompaniment considered fully satisfactory, the Canadian custom of large and long walking funerals would again be in vogue . We threw out this hint, hoping to see it followed up by obser-vance . Let friends and acquaintance follow the dead on foot to the limits of the city, and thence let blood relations and intimate friends of the deceased carry his body to the distant Grave Yard and see it decently interred .6

By their very nature, early Ontario burying-grounds left few records . Documentation of them is in part depen-dent on critical perceptions by the exponents of garden cemeteries and by public health officials . Nonetheless, records of at least two rural cemetery companies of Old Ontario have survived .7 These records reveal that although the winds of change did blow through rural Ontario, they had little impact on small communities . Not surprisingly it would only really be in the larger cities that fresh ideas about cemeteries took firm hold.

The Burgoyne Cemetery Company of Arran Township in Bruce County was founded in 1877, during the middle stages of the beautification movement; still, it remained immune therefrom and may be regarded as a traditional communal burying-ground . There was a friendly quality to the activities of those who participated in the running and upkeep of places like the Burgoyne Cemetery . When the original sale of stock in 1877 raised insufficient working capital,

[$250] was borrowed on the personal security of the Directors . . . It was found that the normal receipts of the company would not be sufficient to wipe out this liability[ .] at the commencement of 1885 the Barrowed [sic] liability was $124 inclu-sive of interest[ .] it was resolved to hold a Swoiree [sic] in Knoxs [tic] Church and it proved to be most successful[,] sufficient money being raised not only only to wipe out the Borrowed liability but also to redeem the Stock unrepresented by Land . . ."

The Burgoyne Cemetery was kept by a traditional rural means, the bee, as the company's 1909 minutes tell us :

Moved by Alex Esplen seconded by Geo Esplen that a bee be called for the 25th day of June for the

purpose of straightening up stones in cemetery and repairing fence . . . . 9

Indeed, as late as 1942 the Burgoyne Cemetery was still very different from the "groomed" cemeteries which had sprung up around the cities ; in that year "A bee was held in cemetery and grass cut after which Annual meeting was held ."' o

The Norwich Cemetery Company, located in a larger, more settled community, sheds further light on the nature and limits of the beautification movement's impact . Although its directors were aware that the ideal cemetery was cultivated, planned and attractive, they had only mixed success in achieving these goals. In 1882, they attempted to control the location and types of trees that might be planted in cemetery plots ." In 1889 they made the first arrangements for regular grass cutting, ' Z and in 1898 they "inserted in the local paper, a notice forbiding [sic] bicycle riding in the Cemetery ."' 3 Despite their partial awareness that the ideal cemetery was aesthetically appealing, they still decided to raise a barbed wire fence around the grounds in 1896.'4

The directors were scarcely less successful as business managers . The interment of bodies in lots not wholly paid for was at first permitted, resulting in many disputes . On 1 February 1869 it was resolved and carried

. . .that all persons having taken up Lots in the Cemetery grounds and [having] used them and not having paid for them that they be duly notified that unless paid within three months from the twen-tieth instant that the bodies which are interred will be removed to the potters field and the lots re-sold . ls

Twenty-four years later, on 12 May 1893, the directors were still threatening to "evict" some lot owners and several bodies, but by January 1894 they had retreated from their socially unacceptable threats and were arranging schedules for repayment . 16 In January 1915, the directors were informed by a local undertaker that the caretaker was incompetent and "crooked," trying often to "soak" people for more than the regulation price for digging a grave. 17 Although the need for a perpetuity fund, an essential factor in maintaining a cemetery's appearance, had been recognized as early as the 1880s, it still did not exist in 1915 . The Norwich Cemetery at the opening of the First World War remained a fairly typical, haphazardly maintained, small-town burial-ground .

The country and small-town cemeteries of Old Ontario tended to have a strong denominational element. Even major cemeteries in cities and towns often were connected to a church . Burgoyne Cemetery was in all likelihood an outgrowth of the Presbyterian community of Arran

Township, as evidenced by frequent references in the records to Knox Church . Mount Pleasant Cemetery in London was begun by prominent businessmen from St . Andrew's Presbyterian Church . London's Woodland Cemetery is actually run by St . Paul's Cathedral; the Board of Directors includes elected members from the cathedral as well as a church warden, the rector and the dean . The Norwich Cemetery had at least strong informal ties to the Anglican community ; after 1877, those buried in the "Episcopal burying-ground" were allowed to be re-interred at no charge in the potter's field of the new cemetery . 18

Useful in determining the religiosity surrounding death in Ontario is a document in the Board of Health's records . 19 This report by a district officer of health, dating from March 1922, enumerates the number, size, and ownership of nearly all cemeteries in District V, compris-ing the eleven eastern Ontario counties of Frontenac, Carleton, Prescott and Russell, Renfrew, Stormont, Dundas, Glengarry, Lennox and Addington, Leeds, Grenville, and Lanark . The following table, compiled from this report, demonstrates the extent to which death and burial remained an overwhelmingly religious event :

Type

Attached Family Secular to a and and

Size (acres) church private non-private'" Total

0-2 304 33 68 405 2+-5 71 1 22 94 5+- IO 13 0 8 21 10+-50 11 0 7 18 50+ 2 0 I 3 Nosizegiven 24 7 10 41

Total 425 41 116 582

* Community, public, cemetery co ., etc.

Fully five per cent of the cemeteries mentioned in this report were religious and of a size less than two acres ; seventy-three per cent were connected to a church . By far the majority therefore must have been in churchyards . While this statistic might not be entirely representative of the province as a whole, because of the above-average Catholic population of the district and because of the propensity of Catholics to avoid non-denominational burying-grounds (any perusal of burial registers will con-firm this), it is still sufficiently representative to permit the conclusion that the movement for non-sectarian, beautiful cemeteries must have been a relatively recent addition to Ontario's culture of death . Only twenty per cent of the burial-grounds were of the extra-religious types : public, municipal, owned by a cemetery company, or a "community" ground . Thus one cannot argue that the

non-sectarian cemeteries were always larger and had a greater net acreage: twenty-eight per cent of the religious cemeteries and forty-one per cent of the non-sectarian cemeteries were larger than two acres. Even among cemeteries over ten acres, only eight of twenty-one were not attached to a church . Two things should be kept in mind : first, the region in question had only four substan-tial urban areas, Ottawa, Kingston, Cornwall and Brockville, and second, even those who might have moved to a city would still often choose to be buried in the country churchyard in the rural community that still represented the "family home."

Nevertheless, while death and the act of interment were strongly religious, the beautification movement challenged the sectarian aspect of burial . This was perhaps an outgrowth of the greater degree of "rational" city planning increasingly present from the mid-nineteenth century on . Rather than having dozens, if not hundreds, of small churchyards spread throughout and around the city, taking up valuable land and presenting a serious public health problem, what could have made more sense than to bury all denominations in one spacious location outside the populated area? This desire, combined with the Christian spiritual need and social impulse to assert the eternity of the soul when that became threatened by "scientism," found expression in Ontario just as it did in Boston or England .

While the garden cemetery represented a degree of secularization in that it discouraged burial in the ill-kept churchyards, the new, beautiful cemeteries were not without religious backing, a factor that might indicate adaptation by Ontario's churches both to the changing religious nature of the province and to Victorian sen-sibilities about the place of death in life . In Brockville, the degrees and progression of community adaptation are singularly visible . The "Old Catholic Cemetery" became enclosed first by a Protestant, and then, on the north side of present-day Highway 2, by a large non-sectarian cemetery ; in 1893 a new Catholic cemetery was created near these three cemeteries and not on the grounds at the host parish of St . Francis Xavier Church . Ontario's first truly beautiful cemetery, the Cataraqui cemetery, com-menced in 1850 near Kingston, with its sweeping, well laid out paths and roads marked by such picturesque names as Fern Path and Clover Path, was labelled as "Protestant" in the 1922 Board of Health inventory of all cemeteries in District V.Z° Above all, whatever anti-sectarian claims are to be found for the beautification movement, it can be safely stated that it arose from Protes-tant Ontario.

London's Mount Pleasant is an excellent example of how the beautification movement was functional in permitting the principle of church involvement in death

16

and burial to adapt itself to the growing cities . As a 1955 pamphlet tells us,

By 1875 the needs of the growing city of London for burial space could no longer be met by the churchyard cemeteries . A group of citizens, repre-senting nearly all the Protestant churches in the city, decided that a large cemetery was necessary to provide burial facilities for all faiths . In July, 1875, they picked a beautiful height of land over-looking the city as the most desirable location in the area . 21

Woodland and Mount Pleasant Cemeteries in London,

like most beautiful cemeteries, embodied this transitional

religious aspect : they had formal and informal links with

churches, but labelled themselves as non-denominational .

Although Woodland was controlled by St . Paul's Cathe-

dral (Anglican) in London, all faiths were allowed to bury

there.ZZ Mount Pleasant, while integrated into the

general Protestant community (as Cataraqui must have

been in Kingston), proclaimed itself as non-denomina-

tional :

The Mount Pleasant Cemetery Company of London . . .was organized in July, 1875, with the object of providing for the public a suitable and attractive burial place, free from any denomina-tional or sectarian character, where friends of the departed might feel at liberty to use any form of burial service they may choose, and where all clergymen would be equally free to officiate .2i

Toronto was more denominationally diverse than other Ontario cities and had larger problems regarding ques-tions of the death of paupers, indigents and travellers . The establishment of potter's field, or the "Stranger's Burial-Ground" as it was called by Toronto businessman Thomas Carfrae and others, was a giant step towards seculariza-tion . Interments here, at the northwest corner of what is now Bloor and Yonge streets, began in 1826 and nearly seven thousand were made before the press of population forced re-interment elsewhere by 1855 . Potter's field was

a civic-minded project, a non-sectarian and non-profit organization, but, although graced with a fence, a small mortuary and a decorated entrance, it was little more than a field bordering on the city limits . It did, however, act as a forerunner for the establishment of the first real garden cemeteries of Toronto - those of the Toronto General Burying Grounds Trust- the Necropolis (1850), with its serene and shady view of the Don Valley, and Mount Pleasant (1871), skilfully laid out and superintended by the Cincinatti-trained and experienced landscape gardener H . A. Engelhardt . A sectarian claim to an early beautiful cemetery in the city, however, might be made by the Anglican-affiliated St . James Cemetery, designed by Toronto architect John G. Howard in 1844 . Toronto,

without question, would be the enduring focus of the garden cemetery for Ontario, and because of the city's size, its cemeteries would exhibit the cultural manifesta-tions shown in large American and British centres. 24

The maintenance of an attractive and pleasant physical appearance was, of course, a central theme in the beautifi-cation movement. Dismay over the run-down churchyard or the less than beautiful rural burying-ground was general . As was declared in a 1925 promotional pamphlet for the Toronto General Burying Grounds,

One of the problems which the management of any cemetery has to consider is that of the proper up-keep of it after it is filled, or after revenue for any reason ceases to be received from it . Nothing is more melancholy than the sight of some cemeteries, neglected and decaying, and unfortu-nately this sight is by no means rare . 25

There is ample evidence that cemeteries pre-dating the beautification movement were becoming eyesores and the objects of public concern and disgust . As D.A . McClenohan, District Officer of Health for District V, informed Ontario's Chief Medical Officer of Health in 1922,

. . .rougly one-third of the cemeteries are in bad condition, and there would be many more in like condition were it not for the activities of the Women's Institute particularly in the rural districts . It is difficult in many cases to locate the owners of cemeteries[ .116

London's Mount Pleasant sought to remove the fear that one's own remains or those of loved ones would go neglected after a few years. A perpetual-care scheme was discussed and adopted as early as 1878, "to make provi-sion for the care of. . .lots for all future time, so that all sections might be uniform in neatness and beauty ." Five dollars would buy perpetual care, and an obligatory fifty cents annual charge was Imposed on all lot holders who did not opt into the scheme. 27 Toronto's Necropolis, while "not originally laid out [in the 1850s} under the perpetual care plan," adopted one as its necessity for the maintenance of an attractive cemetery became evident . 28

London's Woodland established a sinking fund into which all permanent-care charges were deposited . This fund provided for grass cutting and cleaning up of plots "for all time." 29

Important in the beautification movement was the notion of a rural sepulchre-burial beyond the city limits . This expressed both the romantic streak in the Victorian celebration of death and the more simple desire not to have the dead on one's doorstep . In 1876 those in charge of Toronto's Mount Pleasant announced that

During the last few years . . .a great change has taken place in the public sentiment of our commu-nity . It is not now necessary to urge the manifold evils of intramural interment, or to present and portray the immense advantages of rural sepul-ture .

Although many of these early beautiful cemeteries have now been swallowed up by the cities that created them, they were all originally situated just outside the cities . Not only was this viewed as desirable, it was required by law . 3 1

By the First World War attitudes towards cemeteries were changing again. The park movement, which had seen the creation of a few new cemeteries before the war and the park-like development of new sections of older, established cemeteries, was now firmly favoured by professional cemetery supervisors . But the park move-ment could also be considered to have contributed to what some scholars have called the dying of death in the period of the First World War. The physical evidences of death, such as they were, in the form of headstones for example, were missing from the park cemetery, the design of which presented an elaborately contrived visage which served to heighten the conflicting tensions inherent in the Victorian attraction to and repulsion from death . There was supposedly little to remind the visitor of death at all. Clearly the modern attitude towards death, an event more to be endured than celebrated and usually an occurrence entirely removed from the home into the impersonal settings of hospital rooms and old age homes, followed by funeral parlour rather than parish church services, was taking hold .

Although rural sepulchre might have been in part a romantic Victorian vision, by the twentieth century there was also a nascent dislike of living near cemeteries that must have contributed to the exile of the burying-grounds to the city limits . They were health hazards, but they also depressed the value of surrounding real estate . Such senti-ments evidently formed the basis of opposition to the establishment of a cemetery in Britannia Heights, just outside Ottawa, but too close for the liking of the wealthy suburbanites in whose midst the cemetery was to be placed . A petition in opposition was submitted to the District Officer of Health, who was legally required to advise on the suitability of the location for the purposes of interment. One sheet was even reserved for objectors, who, in 1922, possessed over $75,000 in real estate . In all, there were eighty objectors . 32 The President of the Britannia Ratepayers' Association sought the Chief Medical Officer of Health's support in preventing the establishment of the cemetery :

We sincerely trust that you will refuse to sanction

the proposal . To the people of the district, it sounds outrageous to even suggest locating a cemetery anywhere in the vicinity of the Britannia Height district, as it is a beautiful residential locality in which hundreds have invested for home sites . You can readily understand, therefore, how seriously the property would be affected if a cemetery were located rhere."

At a public meeting, the major objections to the proposed cemetery were aired : funerals taking place near one's residence, depreciation of property by up to one third, the hazard to health, and the fact that children would have to pass the cemetery on the way to school .34 What a stark contrast this represents to the earlier attitudes towards burial and death, as exemplified so simply in the Burgoyne Cemetery Company, where the burying-ground was an organic aspect of the community, it being the duty of all to see to its upkeep .

In the Christian tradition, the soul never dies, only the body . At a time when this was generally accepted, the immortality of the soul was seldom asserted . But once the dominance of this Christian theology was questioned, as happened as the province industrialized and urbanized, the ideology was asserted more and more aggressively .

What distinguishes the beautification movement from the cemeteries of Old Ontario is not the degree to which death was seen as a religious event, but the general socio-economic context in which the culture of death was unrolling . In the pre-beautiful burying-grounds, it was not as necessary to assert one's presumed immortality with one of the ten-foot obelisk headstones which can still be seen today in the province's early beautiful cemeteries ; rather, the immortality of the soul was never challenged . The assertion of death and of immortality emerged only as the province secularized ; but one must never accuse the beautiful cemeteries of being secular, only of being non-sectarian.

Sectarian religion was not necessarily the dominant context for death in the nineteenth century . Changes in attitude towards death resulted, as is shown by the evolu-tion of cemetery design, even more substantially from the impact of growing urbanization . It is this urban context, the early development of the anonymous industrial and multi-service city, and the threats therein contained for established familial and social patterns, that should reveal the real relationship of death to Victorian Ontario society . Likewise, because of the enormous intrinsic and symbolic importance of death to Victorian society, no study of urban industrialization can be considered complete with-out addressing questions of death, including, through cemetery study, the disposal of its detritus and the creation of its public reminders .

18

Evolving Cemeteries : A Portfolio

St . Peter's Cemetery Photo : B . I3owden

The mid-Victorian ideal remained the parish churchyard within sight of the place of worship . St . Peter's Cemetery in the

Talbot Settlement at Tyrconnell overlooking Lake Erie is a good example, showing extended family plots, changing styles

in monuments, and the adjacent interments of three generations . (Col . Thomas Talbot lies beneath the prominent flat

stone in the foreground .)

Frequently the small rural cemetery became a forelorn and desolate remainder by the roadside . Fate was even less kind to Toronto's first civic burial place, potter's field, at the corner of Bloor and Yonge streets. An evocative reminder of both fates is shown in this 1948 picture of a memorial, taking its name from Toronto's potter's field, which marked the burial mound of German labourers on the road between Cobourg and Peterborough .

Photo : Archives of Ontario, S90 I

St . Thomas's Church

St . Michael's Cemetery Photo : B . Bowden

Photo : R . liuwclen

In smaller, well-settled towns, the trans-Planted English churchyard exemplified the integral role Of the church in the community . Local residents still term this Anglican Church in St . Thomas "the old English church ." It dates from 1822 and was altered in 1824 . Although more crowded than St . Peter's, Tyrconnell, new burials still occur .

In the cities, however, land pressure inade the I 'deal of the parish Churchyard Unreal Izable . St . Michael's Cemetery, established in 1856 near Yonge Street and St . Clair Avenue in Toronto, is far from the downtown cathedral .The parish cemetery, built outside the city, has the charm of age but not of tile churchyard . Its spikey verticality in irregular rows is an excellent example of the visage which litter garden and park cemeteries wished to transform .

20

Norwich Cemetery Photo : B . Qowden

Many small towns were not endowed with large churchyards . Such was the case for the 1810 Quaker settlement at Norwich in Oxford County . The initial gravesite was replaced by the Quakers with a picturesque country burial-ground and meeting-house (demolished in 1946) . The solution for the rest of the town was the Norwich Cemetery Company, located on the south bank of a stream, two blocks from the main intersection . The town has spread around the commodius burial-ground ; the barbed wire fence is gone, and large monuments, although present, do not assault the horizon . Whereas St . Michael's Cemetery is given a claustrophobic, Iiemmed-in atmosphere by its monuments (let alone by the city's nearby towers) and became too small almost in one generation, this community plot suggests continuity, security, space and a relaxed atmosphere . The picture also suggests why this intermediate stage between the churchyard and the garden cemetery was aesthetically wanting to Victorian cemetery designers .

Woodland Cemetery Photo : Regional Room, D.B . Wcldon Library, University of Western Ontario, Postcard Collection, 1912 .

London's Woodland Cemetery (at times mistakenly called Woodlawn) is more formal, possesses burial sections, a crernatorium and chapel, and at one time this attractive gate, featured on postcards, through which visitors entered when arriving by boat along the Thames River. (The gate has since been demolished and the river entrance blocked off.)

I~I~III'III~I

Necropolis view, c . 1900 Photo : Archives of Ontario, ST I i i

Toronto's Necropolis still possesses the handsomest cemetery gate and chapel in the province . Although not designed by a landscape architect, the interior views are in keeping with the churchyard atmosphere which the chapel's architect, Henry Langley, in 1B7?, had sought to evoke . Not only do modern photos show the continuing success of this goal, but this turn-of-the-century view demonstrates how the Necropolis was the perfect restful and romantic garden with a horse-drawn, plumed hearse in attendance .

Gateway to the Necropolis Photo : B . Bowden

The garden cemetery was the place where Victorian Ontario's celebration of death was most perfectly portrayed - where the living and the dead co-mingled comfortably as exemplified by a striking 1890s photograph from St . James' Cemetery in Toronto .

St . James' Cemetery, c . 1900

WuMn AncF nl All

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INVITES INSPECTION

MIRROR LAKE LUND()h' MEF9OR1 .1L PARK

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Photo : Archives of Ontario, ST 97

London Memorial Park

Photo : Regional Room, CJniversitv of Western Ontario, Pamphlet Collection

The Necropolis and St . James did not adopt the rigid decorative artificiality of the American park cemeteries . However, the proposed fountains, ponds, memorial walls and temples which were displayed and extolled in the advertising for the London Memorial Park in 193() offer a glimpse of the elaborate denial of death which was an intrinsic component of the cemetery park conception .

NOTES

l . This article is based upon research funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council . The authors wish to thank David Fraser and Janet Trimble for their invaluable assistance in the preparation of this paper. See also the authors' article "The Impact of Death : An Historical Archival Reconnaissance into Victorian Ontario," Archivaria, 14 (Summer 1982), pp . 93-105 .

2 . A good introduction to this topic is provided in Stanley French, "The Cemetery as Cultural Institution : The Establishment of Mount Auburn and the'Rural Cemetery' Movement," in David E . Stannard, ed ., Death in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1975), pp. 69-97 .

3 . See James J. Farrell, Inventing the American T'cry of Death, 1530-1920 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1982), pp . 99 ff.

4 . See "An Act to Authorize the Formation of Companies for the Establishment and Management of Cemeteries in Upper Canada," Provincial Statutes of Canada, 13 & 14 Vic., Chap . 76, p. 1414 .

5 . Augustus Bridle, "The Veterans' Burial Plot, Prospect Cemetery, Toronto" (Toronto : Trustees of the Toronto General Burying Grounds, 1921), p. 7, Archives of Ontario, (hereafter AO), Pamphlets, 1921, no . 21 .

6 . The Weekly British Whig, Kingston, 27 April 1860, p . 1 . 7. The Burgoyne Cemetery Company of Arran Township in Bruce

County, and the Norwich Cemetery Company, in the Regional Room, D.B . Weldon Library, University of Western Ontario, (hereafter UWO) .

8 . Records, "Minutes Burgoyne Cemetery Co.," Introduction, UWO. 9 . Ibid ., I June 1909 . 10 . Ibid ., 17 June 1942 . 11 . Norwich Cemetery Company, "Minutes," 16 January 1882,

UWO. 12 . Ibid ., 28 June 1889 . 13 . Ibid ., 16 June 1898 . 14 . Ibid ., 30 June 1896 . 15 . Ibid ., I February 1869 . 16 . Ibid ., 12 May 1893 ; 15 January 1894 . 17 . Ibid ., 14 June 1915 ; 18 January 1915 . 18 . Ibid ., 15 January 1877 . 19 . Department of Health (DOH) Reporrs, P.J . Moloney, District V,

no . 264, AO, RG 10, 1-B-2-a .

20 . Ibid ., "The Act of Incorporation of the Cataraqui Cemetery Co.," AO, Pamphlets, 1854, no . 21 .

21 . "Regulations : Mount Pleasant Cemetery," 1955, UWO. 22 . "Rules & Regulations . . . of Woodland Cemetery," St . Paul's

Anglican Cathedral's Cemetery Register, intro. sheet, UWO. 23 . "The Mount Pleasant Cemetery Company of London, Ontario,"

leaflet, microfilm, 1877, UWO. 24 . York Commercial Directory, Street Guide, and Register, 1833-4 (York :

1833), p~ 131, AO, Microfilm B-70 Series D-S, Reel 2. See also Elizabeth Hancocks, ed ., Potter's FieldCenietery (Agincourt, Ont. : Generation Press, 1983), intro., and Pleasance Crawford, "1-I .A . Engelhardt (1830-1897): Landscape Designer," in Landscape Architectural Review (July 1984), pp . 30-38 .

25 . "Public Cemeteries of Toronto," p . 25, AO, Pamphlets, 1925, no . 66 .

26 . DOH Reports, D.A . McClenohan, no . 159, March 1922, and J .J . Fraser, DOH District 11, no . 25, 7 March 1922, AO, RG I(l, 1-B-2-a, Box 455.

27 . Notice, "Mount Pleasant Cemetery Company of London, Ontario," 2 May 1878, UWO.

28 . The Trustees of the Toronto General Burying Grounds, Rules and Regulations pp . 5, ff, AO, Pamphlets, 1914, no . 55 .

29 . "Rules & Regulations . . . of Woodland Cemetery," p. 18, UWO. 30 . "Rules and Regulations of the Mount Pleasant Cemetery,

Toronto, . Ontario," p . 4, AO, Pamphlets, 1876, no . 12 . 31 . "An Act to Authorize the Formation of Companies for the

Establishment and Management of Cemeteries in Upper Canada," 13 & 14 Vic., Chap . 76, no . 1414, Provincial Statutes (if Canada, 1850, Vol. 111 . "Whereas it has become necessary to the health of many towns in Upper Canada that Public Cemeteries should be established near to, but without the limits of the said towns upon the plan now adopted by the Inhabitants of many of the cities in Europe and America. . . ."

32 . "Petition against a Cemetery on Britannia Heights," DOI-I Reports, P.J Maloney, District V, no . 261, 25 March 1922, AO, RG 10, I-B-2-a, Box 456 .

33 . Ibid ., President of the Britannia Ratepayers' Association to J.W.S . McCullough, Chief MOH, 15 February 1922 .

34 . Ibid ., "Meeting held March 3, 1922 ."

24

The Transformation of the Traditional Newfoundland Cemetery: Institutionalizing the Secular Dead

Gerald L. Pocius

ResumelAbstract

Le choix de l'enplacemett des premiers cimetieres crees ia Terre-Neuve obeissait a diffirentes traditions locales, notamment: qtte le mort soit inhume sur tene colline sttrplombant la mer et sitttee au sein du village . Avec l'arrivee du clerge au XIX` siecle et sous l'inflnence des monve-ntents de reforme des cimetieres dans les grands centres urbains, les villages de pecheurs ntodifierent l'enaplacentettt des lietix d'inhttntatiott . De nouveaux cimetieres fitrent cries, a l'Wart de l'eglise nettve ou en ntarge des lieux habites . Par aillettrs, certaines confessions consacrerent les lieux d'inhtentation, inrposant des regles strictes quant a lettr usage. Mais, plutot qtre de placer les cintetieres sons la domination totale de 1'Eglise, ces interdits donnerent naissance a de nouvelles traditions locales esoteriques . Qrroiqire d'irn point de vne spatial, les morts aient ete mis a l'icart de la commuttattti et soient passes sotu l'atttorite institutionnelle de l'tglise, les habitants rettssirent a considerer le cinretiere de jaf on a conserver des liens personnels avec leurs morts.

The siting of the earliest cemeteries in Newfoundland communities was influenced by a number of local traditions : that the dead be buried on a hill, overlook the ocean, and be located in the midst of the community itself. With the arrival of clergy in the nineteenth century, and influenced by the cemetery refornz movement in major urban centres, the location of the place of burial in the outport community changed. Netu cemeteries were created, either outside the immediate vicinity of the recently constructed church, or beyond the bounds of the living spaces ojthe community. As avell, some denominations designated these spaces as sacred by consecrating then, thereby initiating strict rules as to who could be buried there. instead of bringing the place of burial under complete church control, however, these requirements fostered a netv set of esoteric local traditions . While spatially the dead had been removed from the community and placed under religious institutional control, local residents still managed to regard the cemetery in ways that maintained a personal link with the dead.

During the summer of 1848 the Anglican bishop of Newfoundland, Edward Field, visited many of the scattered communities that lay within his charge, sailing along the south and west coasts of the island, as well as coastal Labrador . ' Field preached, distributed Holy Communion, and celebrated Confirmation for these resi-dents, who at the time rarely saw a clergyman, let alone a church leader . As well, he performed one other important religious function - he consecrated community cemeteries . Z Field's desire to officially sanction the places for the burial of the dead was not an isolated concern ; indeed, the early nineteenth century in western Europe and other parts of North America saw an increasing obsession with the entire issue of planning and regulation of cemeteries . Religious and civic leaders became more and more desirous of imposing some kind of spatial order on the places where people were buried, wrestling with local practices and attitudes, until the norms of rationality would hopefully prevail over local custom and belief. Such a trend seems to be the case in rural Newfoundland .

Throughout the many small communities of outport Newfoundland, the cemetery has seen a change in what were considered the norms of spatial appropriateness that governed it since the earliest years of use. Residents of European origin, either summer fishermen or permanent

settlers, obviously buried their dead in this New World outpost as early as the seventeenth century, yet documented places of burial usually date - using the sur-viving gravestones as evidence-from not much before the mid-eighteenth century .' A series of cemeteries is still evident today in most communities, a group that in its spatial chronology mirrors the transformation of social attitudes toward burial spaces in each place . The basis for the comments in this study on spatial chronology come primarily from a survey of cemeteries conducted during the summer of 1974 in two areas of the province : the Southern Shore South of St . John's, which includes com-munities between Petty Harbour and Cappahayden; and the communities of western Conception Bay between Harbour Grace and Holyrood . Both areas had seen settle-ment from the early seventeenth century, with Europeans migrating from southwest England and Southeast Ireland . This geographic sample has been supplemented by field work over the last twelve years on the Bonavista °Penin-sula," Codroy Valley, and Southern Labrador, as well as by documentary materials from the Newfoundland Archives" and the Memorial University of Newfoundland Folklore and Language Arch ive.5 The same spatial transformations that occurred in these surveyed communities obviously went on in urban centres like St . John's ; in these centres documentary sources are richer, but actual landscape

v' to find because the need for e ideilce is rriore difficult living space has often obliterated early traces of cemetery patterns .

The changing forms of the traditional cemetery in the Newfoundland community are moulded by one very important factor . Although most outport communities examined in this current study had settlers living there since at least the seventeenth century, most did not have resident clergymen until the nineteenth century . Thus, the form that earlier cemeteries took was strictly deter-mined by local practices, rather than by the powerful persuasion of any theologically tinged clergy . Early cemeteries that can still be seen today, therefore, were burial places spatially situated without the hand of organized religion to point the way .

The earliest cemeteries, used roughly from around 1750 to 1850, were influenced in their spatial location by attention to three concerns : they be situated on a higher level of ground ; they be in sight of some important locus of human activity ; and they be near the community .

Early cemeteries were situated attentive to a belief that the dead ultimately retain some personal concerns that they had while living . In most instances, this meant burial in a cemetery that overlooked the sea . Certainly, in many cases, it would almost be impossible that anything other than this might be the case, since the entire outport was oriented towards the water (figs . 1 and Z) . However, there are certainly reports that the selection of such a cemetery site was intentional, and that the wishes of the dead were quite clear in this regard . For example, a resi-dent of Branch, St . Mary's Bay, reported that :

Many older people say the graveyard must be where the dead can see the boats come in from fishing . The old graveyard is situated within sight and

sound of the sea - just across from the 'pond' when the boats dock . Most of the older people were fishermen and would have liked to remain near th(

c sea .

Women who spent long hours working in the fishery had a similar desire, according to several reports, to be buried where thev could see the water.

Fig . ? . Witless Bay cemeter)

' i 3' I It. '100 ;' f , \ "-

Fig . 1 . Early cemetery in Tors Cove, located on a high cliff at Fig . 3 . Early nineteenth-century cemetery in Brigus the edge of the harbour .

Besides this desire to locate a cemetery in view of the ocean, many early cemeteries were also situated on hills. This may simply be explained by the fact that Newfound-land communities are often located on hilly ground (fig . 3) . As well, such land was possibly not considered useful for ordinary purposes such as for gardens or to dry fish . Yet, the cemetery was often put on a point of ground that was high even in relation to the rest of the land in the community . Obviously, this practice draws on the long Western tradition of a preference for hilltop burials' and may also have had more local influences .

Cemeteries in Newfoundland were likely placed on hilltops because of the damp climate; the grave could become filled with water even after burial was completed . There are reports of graves having to be bailed out before they were used," and placing a coffin in a grave filled with water was certainly considered a sign of disrespect .

Of all the values and concerns revealed by the study of older cemeteries one stands out : burial was believed to most appropriately take place in the midst of the living . In all the surveyed communities, the earliest site for burials was almost always in a cemetery contiguous to the actual living spaces (figs . 4 and 5) . In certain instances, this involved a series of scattered family or neighbourhood burial plots (fig . G) . More frequently, however, it took the form of a single cemetery, in some cases, where people of different denominations were buried . The cemetery usually was in full view of daily community activity, situated in a prominent place that visually spoke of the on-going presence of the dead in normal life ."

Fig . 4 . Tors Cove cemetery, overlooking both the ocean and the community . The upright of a cemetery cross is at the left .

These centrally located cemeteries, often on a hill over-looking the water, obviously had become the accepted spatial locus for burial in the early years of Newfoundland permanent settlement . Local traditions report burial

Fig . 5 . Early Roman Catholic burial-ground in H,u Grace

Fig . 6 . Burial-ground in Sandy Cove, neai

places in atiomalous spaces, places not in the midst of community file . These "cemeteries," whether thev were reall)? used for burials is often unclear, are not considered as an appropriate location for the dead ; they are said to contain the remains of those who died under unusual circumstances - ship\vreck or epidemic - or to be Indian burial-grounds . '' Located in remote coves or on hillsides quite removed from the community, these cemeteries have no markers to give evidence of burials ; depressions in the earth are often pointed out as proof of burials .

The first half of the nineteenth century, the time when the early cemeteries in outport communities were being used, saw a movement throughout the British Isles and North America of what is often referred to as the "rural cemetery movement ." Spurred on by landscape reformers like J .C . Loudon, and an increasing compulsion for hygiene in all areas of life, there was a growing concern that cemeteries were becoming overcrowded, that they were endangering the health of residents who lived nearby, and that they should be more closely regulated in spaces away from residential areas .'' Largely an urban

phenomenon, cities such as London, Boston and Toronto developed new burying-grounds that could follow what were considered these more hygienic norms. ' -

Newfoundland certainly was not untouched by this movement . A growing concern over the state of cemeteries in St . John's is evident in a series of articles Published in local newspapers that described the reform measures taken by some cities to eliminate burying-grounds from the midst of the living . Excerpts of accounts from British publications describing the major reforms that transformed a Glasgow cemetery into a park-like setting, or the new cemetery built in Liverpool, obviously were aimed at convincing St . John's readers to push for similar reforms ." This movement in St . John's finally culminated in "An Act to Prohibit Interments within the Town of St . John's," which was passed in 1849, 1 -' for-bidding burials within the city's limits and establishing tour new cemeteries - two Roman Catholic establish-ments (Mount Carmel and Belvedere), one Anglican (Forest Road), and one Dissenter (General Protestant) (fig . 7) - outside the inhabited spaces . These new park-like settings were certainly quite Popular, for some city residents obviously moved burials from their older cemeteries to these spaces .

Fig. 7 . General Protestant Cernetery, St . ./ohn's .

The reform movement that transformed the (cinctery landsathe Of' St . John's, the I-)ushint ; of the Visible Iitnd-scal>es of death beyond the daily life of ordinary citizens, coincided ~~~ith another major shift in Newfoundland society, a shift that v~as Occurring primarily in the rural areas outside the city . As the nincteenth centurv wore on,

clergymen became permanently established in many com-munities, and all aspects of daily life became increasingly under the purview of the representatives of official reli-gion . Part of this regularization involved beliefs regarding death and the burial place .

The St . John's landscape gradually evolved until the early cemetery patterns disappeared ; today many early

cemeteries have been built over and are largely forgotten . But the outport landscape still clearly shows the changes burial places underwent through the nineteenth century . The arrival of the permanent clergyman had a major impact on the burial pattern in the outhort community . Partly fueled by the rural cemetery movement, and partly through a desire to impose order on all aspects of cornmu-nity life, in outport after outport this representative of the church usually made sure that sorne control was Impose(] on local mores . Numerous accounts remark on the life-styles that offended the sensibilities of the educated I:uro-Pean . " One of the easiest aspects to bring tinder yuick control was norms relating to the burial of the dead . With Anglican and Methodist denominations, cemeteries were usually created that surrottuded it newly built church building . In most outhort communities, the time of church construction can be determined quite readily from the dates of the earliest gravestones located in the churchyard outside . The establishment of the church was linked with the creation of a churchyard ; the church building surrounded by place of burial became one spatial unit .

In Roman Catholic communities, a new burial-ground was often situated at some distance from the settled areas of the community . In the case of Petty Harbour, for example, Bishop Fleming established a cemetery a mile or so from the community, in Part out of concern for the per-ceived health hazards of a cemetery in the midst of the living . "' All along the Southern Shore, ,I predominantly Roman Catholic region, church-organized cemeteries are

found removed from the community, while the older places of burial can still be seen nestled within living areas .

However not only tile Roman Catholic denomination, which obviously had less a concern about having a church-churchyard shatial unit, created cemeteries away from tile community . As the nineteenth century progressed, some Anglican and Methodist churches (It(] not continually expand their churchyard, in some cases, no doubt, because contiguous land was not available . In these instances, cemeteries were also created at the fringes of the commu-

nity, again moving the dead Out of the realm ofdaily life .

This change in location was probably at times met with

some resistance, for it no longer permitted residents to

address the concerns of the dead, such as the desire to be buried on a hilltop overlooking the water . One example

may be typical of many . In Pouch Cove, an Anglican

church was built around 1840, and burial in the church-yard replaced burial on a nearby hill overlooking the water. In 1914, the clergyman decided to stop burials in the churchyard since it was almost full, and started a new burial-ground on a high hill overlooking the community . Even before the churchyard was completely filled, some residents were expressing a desire to be buried on this hill rather than around the church . When questioned about this, a resident recently explained :

But I'll tell you this much, that when they put the cemetery up on the hill there's lots of people made their wish before they died that if they, ah, that when they died they wanted to be buried up on that hill .

This feeling, hearkening back to the earlier spatial pattern, was so intense that one woman decided she wanted to be buried on this hill rather than with her husband who had been interred several years before in the churchyard .

The arrival of clergy meant one other important element of regulation with regard to the burial of many of the dead . The organized churches, following a long tradi-tion, dictated that the actual place where people were buried was sacred space, and a specific ritual was actually conducted to consecrate the place of burial, conferring on it this special status . Thus, cemeteries could be trans-formed only by a church official into this special category, and once buried, the departed faithful would be incorpo-rated into a sacred community of the dead under this institutional control . 17

Along with this necessity to have officially sanctioned places of sacred burial came an important corollary. Since only the church had the power to consecrate the cemetery, and thus had control over it, officials could determine who would be permitted burial within its boundaries . The unsanctified dead - those who had died in some socially unacceptable way, such as suicides, murderers or un-baptized children, or those who were not considered members of the particular religious group - were usually prohibited from being buried in this consecrated ground, denying them the necesai"y rites of incorporation into the community of the dead . 1°'

A report from the Bonavista Peninsula is a common one:

Suicides or unbaptized children were not granted burial in consecrated ground in the older days . I learnt recently that our meadow in Maberly con-tains the grave of a tiny still-born child . In a garden in Sandy Cove rests a poor Catholic woman . She became insane and in her disturbed state slit her wrists . In spite of the circumstances of her death and the loneliness of the location of her grave, I

have never heard of anyone having "seen" her . Many people hated to pass that way alone at night . 1 9

A resident of Portugal Cove, just outside of St . John's, noting recent changes regarding burial in consecrated ground remarked :

Till a decade or so ago {mid-1960s], children dying before receiving baptismal rites were buried just outside the fences of the R.C . cemetery . It is estimated that 50 children are buried outside the fences and on the lands formerly held by John Travers who apparently took no objection to such children "limbo-ing" in his horse pasture . 20

In short, such unsanctified dead were often placed in graves not only outside the community, but also outside the community of the dead as well, the extreme form of ostracism by religious officials .

Yet, because of this insistence on the need for burial in consecrated ground by local chuch officials, incidents sometimes occurred that revealed the tensions between the persistent desire to have residents buried with the others of the community of the deceased, and the official desire to regulate the space of the dead . Several reports point to the kinds of conflicts that were typical .

A local resident of Pouch Cove related that when he was young, a fisherman from the community was drowned one fall, and his body could not be located before the harbour froze. In the spring, a body was discovered floating in the bay . A canvas sail was slipped under it, and it was lifted from the water . Church officials had decided that it should be buried outside the churchyard, since it could not be properly identified to determine whether, indeed, it was the suspected member of the church's congregation . The widow of the drowned fisherman, however, was convinced that this was her husband's body, and that it should be buried in consecrated ground . No positive identification could be made, but officials finally decided to yield to the widow's pleadings, and the body was buried in a corner of the churchyard . The grave, however, was to remain unmarked, a compromise to church officials that would maintain the sacred nature of the space.

In a more extreme case, however, there was a clearly felt need to include the deceased with the other members of the community of the dead, ignoring the fact that only the specific area of ground had been designated as sacred :

Another suicide, an old man who tied two fifty-six pound weights around himself and then jumped over his own stage-head, was not granted burial in the graveyard . Later his relatives surreptitiously altered the line of the fence to include his grave inside the yard . ~ Z

Local belief obviously considered the inclusion with other of the community's dead more important than whether or not the exact piece of ground had been designated sacred -boundaries of inclusion winning out over theological transformations of space.

The churches sometimes placed objects in these new cemeteries to underline their connection with official beliefs, to signify their sacred character and to emphasize their institutional control. In some cases, as in the cemetery at Bay Bulls, a type of large ornamental gate marked the entrance, and actually gave the space a religious name (fig . 8) . Naming per se was a linguistic manifestation of institutional control, for the earlier cemeteries in each community had no names.-- Large crosses were often placed in Roman Catholic cemeteries, usually at some central location (fig . 9) .2 Although the church had theological reasons why such crosses added to the sanctity of this space, local explanations often developed to explain their presence . For example:

Every graveyard in the area of Merasheen had a prominent six toot wooden cross . The belief goes that Christ was exactly six feet tall, and the only man who ever attained this exactlv .-'

Indeed, the increasing control exercised over cemeteries by local churches - removing them from the community, designating their space as sacred, and excluding the socially unacceptable - did not mean that local practices were obliterated . Local beliefs persisted, although obviously not encouraged by official church teachings, and some components of local practices relating to the cemetery still remained governed by community tradi-tions .

Fig . 8 . Cemetery gate in the Roman Catholic burial-ground, Bay Bulls .

l~ . iFK:K~..,~~'`~t~iR .

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Fig . 9 . Cemetery cross in the Roman Catholic burial-ground, Bay Bulls .

Designating the place of burial as sacred ground by church officials encouraged people to consider the actual objects in that space as potentially sacred, with a wide range of attendant beliefs . The soil of the cemetery might be considered powerful,-5 and thus the actual vegetation in this space as sacred as well . Things found in that space, because of their sacred nature, should remain where they are, and their removal might cause potential harm . Ironi-cally, while the rural cemetery reformers might have emphasized that the sacred nature of the cemetery re-quired that it be kept free from uncontrolled growth, local traditions often considered such feelings in ways quite opposite, and many sections of cemeteries are still charac-terized by an overgrowth of weeds and brush (fig . 10) . Disturbing plants, for some residents, would be paramount to disturbing sacred ground, and therefore they were not to be touched . Primary among the kinds of vegetation that must be left undisturbed were blueberries ; a report from a Bishop's Falls resident is typical:

When we were children, we often times went berry picking on the hill on which the cemetery is located and heeding our grandparents' words, we would never attempt to pick the blueberries that grew within close range of the cemetery . We figured

30

Fig . 10 . Family burial plot, surrounded by overgrown areas, Bishop's Cove cemetery .

that these berries were blessed and sacred and if we picked them we would surely meet with some disaster during the year . Most of us believed that we would lose some member of our family . I often went berry picking from the ages of eight until about fourteen (1956-C4) and never once would I attempt to venture near the graveyard to pick berries . 26

The removal of any object from a cemetery was taboo; a resident of Grand Falls, for example, reported that as a child he once picked flowers from a cemetery and brought them home with him . His father became very upset when he noticed this, and angrily demanded that the child throw them away ." A resident of Bishop's Falls also mentioned that "my grandfather always told me it is bad luck to carry anything out of a graveyard . "'"

If church officials could gradually bring the spatial location of the outport cemetery under their control, local traditions still held sway with more specific spatial issues such as grave orientation . In the British, Irish and Newfoundland traditions, graves have usually been oriented on an east-west axis, connected to the general belief in the resurrection of the body on judgement Day . The dead are customarily buried facing the east, and

Walter Johnson cites several early church leaders who commented on this practice . Durandas claimed that the "eastward position is properly assumed in prayer." Bede stated that the "Sun of Righteousness" will come on the last day, and therefore the dead should face the sunrise. Reference was also made to 7.echariah's prophecy, which refers to Christ's coming on the last day, standing "upon the Mount of Olives, which is before Jerusalem on the East . "'9 The tradition of burying the dead facing eastward is much older than Christianity, however, and it is the proper orientational form reported for most of the British Isles and North America . "'

Most Newfoundland burials followed this east-west orientation, but often not for the reasons offered by official church theology . In Western Bay, for example, a man re-ported that the corpse must face the east because this was "where Our Lord was born ."" In Hermitage Bay, a man stated that burial had to take place with feet pointing to the entrance to the cemetery . In this way, "when the dead rise again they will be facing the entrance ." ;-' In Twillin-gate, a resident explained that the graves face east because "Christ rose facing east (His tomb being toward the east) . Also when you are alive you walk feet first as you do on earth so vou should do in death ." ;'

In the British Isles, the maintenance of this proper east-west orientation was considered essential to the salvation of the dead . Only those who were facing the east would hear Christ's call to arise on judgement Day . Burials along other axes were reserved for those who would be excluded from future heavenly reward . Thus, graves with a north-south orientation were sometimes used in England and other parts of North America for suicides, murderers and dissenters . 34 Like the prohibition of interment in con-secrated ground, this form of burial was used for those considered unworthy of being a part of the normal community of the dead .

In contrast to these other regions, the use of this north-south orientation for undesirables has not been reported in Newfoundland . In fact, there have been several accounts that north-south orientation was the accepted burial mode in various communities . A comment from a resident of Old Perlican is typical:

It is the custom in Old Perlican for the person to be buried with his head toward the north . I asked several people why this was done and it seems no-body really knows . All that is know [sic} is that it has been done for hundreds of years, and perhaps the people who did it then had some reason for it, but now it is just done out of habit or custom . 35

The use of north-south orientation as the burial norm has been reported from all parts of the island .'6

Obviously, local orientational traditions could be much stronger than official church positions . Clergymen could spatially regulate where the actual cemetery should be located, conferring on it a sacred status which permitted officials to decide ultimately who gained entry and who did not . But local traditions obviously were still strong enough to guide what was considered the proper burial orientation of the individual . While church officials were granted a say in the spatial regulating of the community of the dead, local people still maintained control over the fate of the individual .

Throughout the nineteenth century, then, a spatial dichotomization occurred in community after communi-ty, '7 removing the dead from places of daily visibility to areas outside the realm of everyday life . Regularization by institutional mandates led to this major transformation of the cemetery as cultural landscape. The early cemeteries in

each community, now no longer used, functioned more as historic sites relating to the general past than as burial-grounds having a connection with actual living relatives ; they were now places of the collective dead rather than individual loved ones . 38

The creation of the later cemeteries, in their new loca-tions, with various religious rules and regulations, was fostered, it seems by an increasing concern to bring aspects of outport life under religious control . Like missionary efforts in far-off lands, visiting clergy found many local customs bordering on a state of "primitivism," 39 in need of drastic and major change . The regimentation of the death space was part of this crusading effort to eliminate what were considered elements of the irrational in the outport community.

Ironically, however, this regimentation spawned a new set of attitudes and beliefs that was equally beyond the scope of institutional control. Before the arrival of the local clergy and the pleas of Victorian cemetery reformers, no theological guidelines existed, and cemeteries were shaped largely by non-religious concerns . However, with official theology, which espoused the need for burial in consecrated ground, came an entirely new set of concerns, and ironically just as many were beyond the reach of complete regulation . Official teaching did not eliminate the local and idiosyncratic ; it merely replaced one set of concerns with another, a trend not unknown in the general history of Western cemetery development."

This spatial dichotomization, then, did not lead to a cultural dichotomization when it came to the community of the dead . Although the dead had been removed from the living spaces of the community, they were still of prime concern . Removing and regularizing the dead did not eliminate local belief traditions ; rather, a new set of concerns was added to those already existing . The move-ment to transform what were originally merely secular dead into dead deemed sacred by religious institiutions contributed to increased beliefs relating to the cemetery landscape, even if it had now been removed from a central spatial focus . While removal of the place of burial from the midst of the community indicates the general reform-ing tendencies of clergy and landscape planners in the mid-nineteenth century, the local beliefs, some surviving from before this era of reform, that are still widespread show how much a part of daily life the dead in a New-foundland community continue to be .

32

NOTES

I . 1 would like to thank Violetta Halpert, John Widdowson and Raymond Lahey, who assisted in the preliminary stages of research for this essay. Shane O'Dea offered suggestions on an earlier draft. Richard Mackinnon provided documentary materials while work-ing as my research assistant .

2 . See Edward Field, Journal of the Bishop of Nete foundland't Voyage of Visitation and Discovery (London: Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge, 1849), p. 121, for a list of the cemeteries that were consecrated . Individual descriptions can be found on pp . 44-45, 47-48, 50, 55, 73, 79, 81, 87, 97 and 101 .

3 . For a chronological discussion of Newfoundland gravestones, see Gerald L. Pocius, "Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Newfoundland Gravestones : Self-Sufficiency, Economic Speciali-zation and the Creation of Artifacts," Material History Bulletin 12 (1981) : 1-16 .

4 . While funding another project, the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada provided support for a research assistant, who located a number of sources dealing with Newfoundland cemeteries . 1 would like to thank the council for this support .

5 . References from the Memorial University of Newfoundland Folklore and Language Archive (MUNFLA) are quoted by accession number . 1 thank the Director of MUNFLA for per-mission to use these materials.

6. MUNFLA 71-26/51-52 MS ; MUNFLA 71-13/43 MSC . For an account of a riverboat captain asking to be buried overlooking a river "so he could see the riverboats passing by," see Larry W. Price, "Some Results and Implications of a Cemetery Study," Professional Geographer 18 (1966) : 201 ; cf . Alexander Ross, "The Burying of Suicides in the Highlands," Inverness Scientific Society and Field Cluh . Transactions 3 (1887) : 286-89 .

7 . For a discussion of the beliefs concerning hills and mountains, see Cora Linn Daniels and C.M . Stevans, eds., Encyclopaedia ofSnperrti-tioUJ . Folklore and the Occult Sciences of the World (Chicago : Yewdale, 1903), 11, pp . 968-71 ; J.A . MacCulloch, "Mountains, Mountain-Gods," in James Hastings, ed ., Encyclopaedia of Religion a» d Ethirs (New York : Scribner's, 1908), V111, pp . 863-68 . For the tradition of hilltop burials, see Thomas J . Hannon, Jr ., "Nineteenth Cen-tury Cemeteries in Central-West Pennsylvania," Pioneer America Society Proceedings 2 (1973) : 27 and 29 (table 1) ; Richard W. Brown, "Graveyards," Vermont Life28, no . 3 (Spring, 1974): 44 ; Mrs. Elizabeth Stone, God's Acre: or . Historical Notices Relating to Chur'(l)yardJ (1-ontlon : Parker, 1858), p. 6; D. Gregory Jeane, "The Upland South Cemetery : An American Type," Journal of Popular Culture 1 1 (1978) : 896 ; David B. Knight, Cemeteries at Living I-andfailles (Ottawa: Ontario Genealogical Society, 1973), pp . 7-8; Anita Pitchford, "The Material Culture of the Traditional East Texas Graveyard," Southern Folklore Quarterly 43 (1979) : 278.

8. An account of the bailing of a grave at Chance Cove, Trinity Bay, is found in MUNFLA 69-16/78-79 MS . In Illinois, people believed that water in a grave would cause the dead to haunt the living ; as well, water was thought to petrify the body ; see Harry Middleton Hyatt, Folk-Lore froru Adcruct County Illinois (Hannibal, MO : Alma Egan Hyatt Foundation, 1965), p . 7 12, nos . 15379 and 15380.

9 . In Hungary, the dead were buried overlooking the village so that they could observe the living and ensure proper behaviour; see Erno Kunt, Folk Art in Hungarian Cemeteries (Budapest: Corvina Kiado, 1983), p. 22 .

10 . For a report of similar unmarked burial places in Pennsylvania explained as being of Indian origin, see: Theodore K. Long, Tales of the Corolrasiis (New Bloomfield, PA : Carson Long Institute, 1936), p. 64 ; for a discussion of unmarked burial places for disease victims in England, see Mrs . Basil Holmes, The London Burial Grounds: Notes on Their History front the Earliest Times to the Present Day (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1896), pp . I17-32 ; also see MUNFLA 75-153/23 MSC .

11 . The most influential work was J .C . Loudon, On the Laying Out, Planting . and Managing of Cemeteries and on the Improvement of Churchyards (1843 ; reprint, Redhill, Surrey : Ivelet Books, 1981); also see G.A . Walker, Gatherings from Graveyards (1839; reprint, New York : Arno Press, 1977) . For Loudon and his work, see James Stevens Curl, A Celebration of Death: An Introduction to Some of the Buildings . Monuments. and Settings of Funerary Architecture i» the Western European Tradition (London: Constable, 1980), chap . 8 . Cemetery manuals continued to be published into the twentieth century advocating reforms championed by Loudon ; see Edwin Austin, Burial Grounds and Cemeteries : A Practical Guide to Their Administration by Local Authorities (London: Butterworth, 1907); Frederick L. Hoffman, Pauper BnrialtarrdtheInterment ofthe Dead irrLarge Cities (Newark, NJ : Prudential Press, 1919) .

12 . For London, see Curl, Celehratiorr of Death, chap . 7 ; for Boston, Stanley French, "The Cemetery as Cultural Institution : The Establishment of Mount Auburn and the'Rural Cemetery' Move-ment," in David E . Stannard, ed ., Death in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1975), pp . 69-7 l ; for Toronto, Hall and Bowden in this volume .

13 . The discussions of the Glasgow cemetery appeared in Public Ledger, 23 March 1849, 3 April 1849 ; the Liverpool cemetery, in Royal Gazette, 9 November 1830 . The Glasgow cemetery under discussion is depicted in Curl, Celebration of Death, pp . 21(1-11 ; the Liverpool cemetery, p . 209.

14 . Pnhlic Ledger, 27 April 1849 . 15 . Typical comments can be found in Edward Wix, Six Months ofa

Neu foundland A9itsionary't Jrwrrtal . front February to August . 1835 (London : Smith, Elder, 1836), pp . 30-31, 75, 81, 120-23, 158, 168-73 ; J .G . Mountain, Some Account of a Sorrirr,r; Time oil the Rugged Shores of Neufomrdlarrd (London : Society for the Propaga-tion of Christian Knowledge, 1857), pp . xiv-xv .

16 . M.F . Howley, Ecclesiastical History of Newfoundland (Boston: Doyle and Whittle, 1888), p. 333.

17 . For a historical discussion of this concept of consecrated ground, see Raymond W.L . Muncey, A History of the Consecration of Churches and Chtcrchyardr (Cambridge : W. Heffer, 1930), pp . 124-53 ; a description of the Roman Catholic consecration ritual can be found in Benedictine Monks, "The Consecration of a Cemetery," Homiletic and Pastoral Review 30 (1929-30): 979-82 ; Herbert Thurston, "Consecration of Cemeteries," Catholic Encyclopaedia (1908), vol . 3, 508. For the theological reasons why the dead were expected to be interred in consecrated ground, see Rev. Cornelius M. Power, The Blessing ofCemeteries : An Historical Synopsis and Commentary, Catholic University of America Canon Law Studies No . 185 (Washington: Catholic University of America Press, 1943), p. 25 ; Rev. Msgr . Thomas E . Simons, "Cemeteries and the Canon Law," American Cemetery (October 1961): 44-45 .

18 . For a Roman Catholic statement about these exclusions, see James H. Murphy, "Parish Priests and Christian Burial," American Ecclesiastical Review 67 (1922) : 12-25; for the practice in modern Spain, see William Douglas, Death in R4urelaga : Funerary Ritualin a Spanish Basque Village (Seattle : University of Washington Press, 1969), pp . 72-75.

19 . MUNFLA 70-21/22 MS . 20 . MUNFLA Q74B-17-3 . 21 . MUNFLA 70-21/22 MS . Also see the official discussion of such

practices in "Enlarging of Cemeteries and Consecration," Homiletic and Pastoral Review 36 (1936) : 971-72 .

22 . On this point see Wilbur Zelinsky, "Unearthly Delights : Cemetery Names and the Map of the Changing American After-world," in David Lowenthal and Martyn J . Bowden, eds., Geographier of the Mind: Essays in Historical Geography i» Horror of John Kirtland Wright (New York : Oxford University Press, 1976), pp . 171-95 .

23 . The absence of churchyard crosses in Anglican burial grounds in Newfoundland may be due in part to an anti-Catholic sentiment that would associate the cross with Roman Catholic beliefs . Churchyard crosses were common in Anglican burial grounds in England; see Pamela Gover, "Country Churchyards: Some Glimpses into the Past," Commemorative Art 33 (1966) : 188; Florence Peacock, "Concerning Crosses," in Wiliam Andrews, ed ., Curious Church Gleanings (Hull : William Andrews, 1896), pp . 65-91 ; Church of England, Central Council for the Care of Churches, The Care of Churchyards (Westminster : Press and Publi-cations Board of the Church Assembly, 1930), ppo. 15-17 .

24 . MUNFLA 69-8/104 MS . 25 . For the powers of cemetery soil, see George D. Henricks, comp.,

Mirrors. Mice and Mustaches: A Sampling of Superstition and Popular Beliefs in Texas, Paisano Books 1 (Dallas : Southern Methodist University Press, 1966), p. 56 ; Hyatt, Folk-Lore front Adams County Illinois, p. 302, no . 6576 ; Rev. J . Edward Vaux, Church Folklore: A Record of Some Post-Reforntatioa Usages in the English Church . Now Mostly Obsolete (London: Griffith Farran, 1894), p. 308 ; Rev. R. Wilkins Rees, "Church and Churchyard Charms and Cures," in William Andrews, ed ., Antiquities and Curiosities of the Church (London : William Andrews, 1897), pp . 236-55 ; E . Estyn Evans, Irish Heritage: The Landscape . the People and Their Work (Dundalk : Dundalgan Press, 1967), p. 166; Mimi Clar, "Graveyard Dirt Cure," Western Folklore 16 (1957) : 21 1 .

26 . MUNFLA 71-32/92 MS . 27 . MUNFLA 71-12/24 MSC . 28 . MUNFLA 71-32/92 MS . A writer in nineteenth-century

Cornwall reported that "to pluck branches or blooms from any shrubs or flowers planted in a churchyard is considered unlucky; and it is alleged that ghosts from the despoiled ground will haunt the house of the depredator"; George S . Tyack, Lore and Legend of theEnglish Church (London: William Andrews, 1899), p . 57 . Also see Newman Ivey White, ed ., The Frank C . Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, vol. 7 : Popular Belief and Superrtitiaau fronr North Carolina, ed . Wayland D. Hand (Durham: Duke University Press, 1964), p . 94, no . 5496 ; Paul Geiger, "Grabblumer," in E. Hoffmann-Krayer and Harms Bachtold-Stauble, Hartdworterbuc'h det Deutscheu Aberglaubens (Berlin : Walter de Gruyter, 1930-31), vol . 3, pp . 1103-1106; Hendricks, Mirrors, Mice, p. 80 ; Hyatt, Folk-Lore from Adanrs County Illinois, p. 713, no . 15402 ; Daniel Lindsey Thomas and Lucy Blayney Thomas, Kentucky Superstitions (Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1920), p. 74, no . 773 ; Earl J . Stout, Folklore from locua, Memoirs of the American Folk-

Lore Society 29 (New York : American Folk-Lore Society, 1936), p. 151, no . 169.

29 . Walter Johnson, Byways in British Archaeology (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1912), pp . 243-44, 246-67 .

30 . For examples of east-west burials, see Vaux, Church Folklore, p. 154; Bertram S. Puckle, Fnnercrl Ciatonu: TheirOrigirc and Develop-nrent (London : T. Werner Laurie, 1926), pp . 148-49 ; Kenneth Lindley, Of Graves arrd F_pitaphs (London: Hutchinson, 1965), pp . 86-87 ; England Howlett, "Burial Customs," in William Andrews, ed ., Curious Church Customs (London : William Andrews, 1898), pp . 136-37 ; Stone, God's Acre, pp . 391-92 ; John Aubrey, Rentai»es of Gentilisnte and fndaitnce, ed . James Britten, Publications of the Folk-Lore Society, no . 4 (1881 ; re-print, Nendeln : Kraus, 1967), p. 166 ; E. E. Jarrett, Lessons on the Churchyard and the Fabric of the Church (London: Masters, 1880), pp . 8-9; White, Frank C. Brown Collection, V11, p. 91, no . 5482 ; see this last citation for a sampling of references from North America; also see Terry Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legao, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982), pp . 30-33 .

31 . MUNFLA 67-6/22 MS . 32 . MUNFLA 68-20/36 MS . 33 . MUNFLA 68-21/170 MS . 34 . See Vaux, Church Folklore, p. 154 ; Ora L. Jones, Peculiarities of the

Appalachian Mountaineers (Detroit : Harlo Press, 1967), p. 78 . 35 . MUNFLA 7I-60/20-2I MS . 36 . Other communities include: Conception Harbour, 66-3/36 MSC;

Merasheen, 69-8/104 MS ; Holyrood, 72-106/13 MS ; Lawn, Q74B-9-7 ; Stephenville, Q74B-8-7 ; Mary's Harbour, Labrador, Q7413- 1-7; Dunville, Q74B-20-7 ; Seal Cove, Q74B-10-7. Non east-west orientations were also reported in Trepassey, Q74B-23-7 ; Croque, Q7413- 15-7 .

37 . Charles O. Jackson, "Death Shall Have No Dominion : The Passing of the World of the Dead in America," in Richard A. Kalish, ed ., Death and Dying: Views from Many Cultures, Perspec-tives on Death and Dying Series no . I (Farmingtlale, NY : Baywood Publishing, 1980), pp . 50-51 .

38 . W. Lloyd Warner, The Living crud the Dead: A Study of the Symbolic Life ofAnterirarzr, Yankee City Series (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959), p. 319 .

39 . Ruth M. Christensen, "The Establishment of the S. P.G . Missions in Newfoundland, 1703-1783," Historical Magazine of the Protes-tant Episcopal Chnrrh 20 (1951) : 228.

40 . Peter J . Ucko, "Ethnography and Archaeological Interpretation of Funerary Remains," IKiorld Anhcreology 1 (1969-70): 277.

Research Reports / Rapports de recherche

Carved in Stone: Material Evidence of Kings County, Nova

Although gravestones reveal much information to the trained eye, they have received little recognition as artifacts of Canada's past . ' In addition to presenting genealogical information and quaint epitaphs, grave-stones reveal clues to the cultural background of and influences on both the decedents and the craftsmen who fashioned their stones . As well, these artifacts hold par-ticular significance to the study of material culture in that those surviving are in their original settings and continue to function as intended . In Nova Scotia most of what is known about life in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries has been gleaned from documents -diaries, newspapers, correspondence, wills, deeds - and the story they tell is far from complete . To understand more of this period, we have begun to investigate Nova Scotia gravestones, combining artifact information with historical records, thereby relating material, maker and location of the stones with what is known about the people they memorialize and the communities in which those people lived . This report discusses the findings of research to date .

A cursory examination of the old graveyards of Nova Scotia reveals that gravestones pre-dating 1780 are generally made of state, ornately carved in the style common around Massachusetts Bay, and in fact, imported from there . Z Between 1780 and 1840 most stones were made locally by Nova Scotian craftsmen and can be grouped by area, according to common characteristics of material and style . For the most part, Halifax stones were carved in sandstone in very high relief by Scottish stonemasons who originally came to the capital to con-struct public buildings. A few stones of this style can also be found in the nearest major towns to Halifax- Windsor and Lunenburg - where they stand alongside more primi-tive local carving of the same period . From Liverpool to Yarmouth there are imported New England slates (more common and of later date), a few Halifax sandstones, and an obvious "south shore" style of crude carving on local scaly schist . 3 Throughout Cape Breton, as well as Pictou and Antigonish counties, eighteenth- and very early nineteenth-century stones are uncommon, but those that survive are usually sandstone and of formal design . In Cumberland and Colchester counties there are also few early gravestones, and their style is more folksy . Around the Annapolis River, the old stones tend to be sandstone carved in a style popular along the Saint John River, just across the Bay of Fundy . In Kings County, Nova Scotia, another distinctly identifiable carving style can be found .

in the Graveyards Scotia

There are more than a hundred stones in this style, a re-markable number compared with other rural areas . This concentration is due perhaps not so much to survival as to the fact that this was one of the first English-speaking areas of the province to develop a local economy capable of supporting a resident gravestone carver .

Our research to date has focussed on the area of Kings County that was set off in the 1750s as the townships of Horton and Cornwallis . These townships were settled in the early 1760s as part of a campaign by the Nova Scotia government to attract New Englanders to the colony . Just a few years before, and after almost one hundred and fifty years of habitation, the colony's resident French Acadian population had been forcibly deported and the land lay empty. Between 1760 and 1764 more than five thousand New Englanders took up grants of free land ranging from 250 to 1000 acres in eleven townships of approximately 100,000 acres each, located along Nova Scotia's south-western shore, the Annapolis Valley, the Minas Basin and the Chignecto Isthmus.

Prospective immigrants from the land-hungry agricul-tural areas of New England were especially interested in the fertile alluvial farmland in the heart of Acadia at Les Mines (Minas). The Nova Scotia government partitioned this land as the townships of Cornwallis, Horton and Falmouth . These townships were to be colonized as block settlements, i .e ., each was granted to a group of families and individuals who were expected to move from New England to Nova Scotia as a community, and to occupy the land, at least initially, in common . But as the coloni-zation proceeded, forfeitures, vacancies and the influx of non-grantees led to the settlements of the Minas townships by a diverse group of proprietors . In Horton, for example, three components can be recognized in the final selection of grantees : 177 New Englanders, 14 soldiers and 11 placemen .4 Still, most of the grantees, perhaps 88 per cent, were New Englanders . Male grantees ranged in age between 15 and 66, more than two-thirds were married and brought between one and ten, but most often four, children under age 21 to the new land . Many families included one or two sons aged 16 to 21 who were not grantees and could labour on family farms.

Little of the economic backgrounds of the New England settlers can be known without reconstructing their lives before emigration . While it is very unlikely that the extremely rich or the very poor came to Kings

35

County, the sparse evidence suggests that the grantees represented a broad economic spectrum . For instance, such men as prominent Connecticut landowner Robert Denison, Yale-educated lawyer Nathan Dewolf, and Col . Charles Dickson (who personally financed a military com-pany for the siege of Beausejour) came to Horton, but other settlers could not survive the first few years without food and grain subsidies from the Nova Scotia govern-ment . Although almost every man called himself a yeoman farmer when he claimed a Horton share, the New Englanders brought a variety of skills to the new land . A small number identified themselves as blacksmiths, car-penters, cordwainers, weavers and traders, while others relied on informal training to build their houses and pro-vide their families with the basic possessions they had not brought with them .

If the origins of the 79 New Englanders who settled in Horton for whom we have data are typical, members of this largest group of grantees came from a compact area of southeastern Connecticut focussing on the port of New London and including the towns of Lebanon, Colchester, Norwich, East Haddam, Lyme and Stonington . A few others came from communities along the Connecticut River .

The gravestones that still stand in Horton as memorials to these New Englanders are different from those found in their hearth areas . In southeastern Connecticut, mid-eighteenth century gravestones are mainly granite, with shallow carved angel-head motifs (soul effigies), predo-minantly the work of Benjamin Collins, the Manning family and their imitators .' This style of carving contrasts sharply with the ornate and deeply incised sandstones of the Connecticut River Valley . Both major Connecticut carving styles differ considerably from the slate carving styles of Massachusetts and Rhode Island . ~' In fact, the gravestones of Kings County bear little resemblance to those found anywhere in New England from the mid-eighteenth century . 7

The oldest Kings County gravestones date from about 1770 to 1820 . The earliest are probably "backdated" -carved some time later than the date indicated on the stone . From the evidence of the stones, there does not appear to have been anyone carving gravestones in Horton before the 1780s . The oldest markers appear to be primarily the creation of two stonecarvers, working exclu-sively in sandstone . The first is referred to as the "Second Horton Carver" because his name is unknown and he succeeded an earlier carver who worked only briefly in the area .8 The second has been identified as Abraham Seaman . These attributions have been made following a systematic investigation of the older burial grounds in Nova Scotia . Pre-1830 stones were closely scrutinized and grouped in terms of material, shape, lettering, image, border, word

groupings, and any other visibly identifiable characteris-tics . Probate records were then studied for any reference to individuals being paid to carve gravestones . This kind of information is rarely noted in estate settlement papers . Not every death involved an estate settlement (especially those of young men, children and many women), and not all probate records have survived . Thus the identity of the Second Horton Carver remains a mystery.

Stones attributed to the Second Horton Carver date from 1798 to 1805 (Appendix A) ." He carved crude, sad faces with an elaborate carved "rope" edge and vining or "bird-track" border . His earliest stones have deep outlines around the winged-head image, or no image at all and a plain curved shape at the top edge (fig . 1) . Later the top edge shape became more elaborate and he added a plain or beaded bracket around the "Here Lyeth" part of the inscription (fig . 2) . There is also a further cutting away above the head, and often the epitaph "Death is a debt that is nature's due/Which I have paid and so must you." He never mastered the depiction of hair . A curious distin-guishing mark of the Second Horton carver is a tail on the cross bar of the 'f' in "Here lyeth the body of. " Stones with these characteristics are found in all the old burial grounds of Cornwallis and Horton, with some at nearby Falrnouth and Windsor. A few stones for former residents of Horton have been discovered outside the area . There is one for Charles Dickson at St . Paul's Cemetery in Halifax, and another for Susannah, wife of Nathan Harris, at Liverpool .

Fig . l . Benjamin Peck stone, sandstone, 1801, Kentville, Kings County, N .S . Attributed carver : Second Horton Carver, first style . (Nova Scotia Museum collection : P133/8-i.8-a.80 [N-13309] . Photo : Dan andJessie Lie Farbcr .)

Fig . 2 . Eunice Harris stone, sandstone, 1803, Upper Canard, Kings County, N .S . Attributed carver : Second Horton Carver, second style . (Nova Scotia Museum collection : P133 .29.26 . Photo : Deborah Trask.)

Field investigation has revealed a second style of carving in stones dated from 1805 to 1821 (Appendix B) . tt' This carver also used the elaborate carved "rope" edge, the vining or "bird-track" border, and added a swirl to the cross bar on the "f " in "in Memory of," but he executed these decorations with greater dexterity (figs . 3 and 4) . He generally carved the name of the deceased in capital letters . His technique is undoubtedly derived from the earlier style, as there is a clear visible link between the two. He may have learned the trade of stone carving from the Second Horton Carver . It is quite possible that this carver and the Second Horton Carver are the same person, and these stylistic variations show the evolution of carving skill in one craftsman . t t

Documentary evidence identifies this carving as the work of Abraham Seaman . Probate estate papers for three decedents whose stones have these characteristics record a payment to Abraham Seaman for gravestones . t ~ Seaman is also mentioned in the journal of Edward Manning, minis-ter of the First Baptist Church in Cornwallis . On April 30, 1818, six weeks after his daughter Eunice died, Manning recorded : "Saw Mr . Abraham Seamans, presented bill for Eunice "s gravestone, C pounds, 4 shil-lings, but he deducted 1 pound 4 shillings ." Ij

Abraham Seaman was the son of Jacomiah Seaman of Westchester, New York . t' During the American Revolu-tion, Jacomiah's four sons joined Col . Lowther Pennington's Regiment of Kings Guards, and so became members of the group known as the Westchester

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Loyalists." After the war many Westchester Loyalists received land grants in Cumberland County, Nova Scotia . Jacomiah and his son Stephen each received a 500-acre grant at "Cobequid Road," Cumberland County, and later were granted a second tract near River Philip . 16 Jacomiah probably settled in the township of Fanningsborough (now North Wallace) . " In 1788 his son Abraham "of the township of Westchester, County of Cumberland, yeoman" bought 50 acres on the north side of the main road leading from Amherst to Cobequid (Truro), which he sold less than two years later."' In October 1794, at the age of twenty-four, Abraham Seaman of Westmoreland, Cumberland County, bought a house and a one-acre lot in Horton . 19 The following year he married into a promi-nent Horton family and lived there until 1821, when he moved back to Cumberland County . 20

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considerable land holdings in Cumberland County . In 1802, Abraham Seaman "of Horton, Kings County, merchant," bought some land at River Philip . In September of 1806 he bought an additional 100() acres at River Philip, and the next month, listed now as a mason, he bought some more land in Horton . Years later, while helping his brother Stephen settle a land dispute at River Philip (now Pugwash), he swore that " . . .in 1806 1 went from Horton to Pugwash Built a House on the West side of Pugwash harbour the first there ever . . ." ̀' 1 But, as tar as we know, he continued to live at Horton . In March 1811 he bought dyke land at Horton; in October of the same year he bought five tracts of land including a half interest in a sawmill at River Philip from his brother Hezekiah . On all of these deeds he is listed as being "of Horton . r'`Z

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the time he lived in Horton . One of his most enduring was making distinctive gravestones for his neighbours . In part, Seaman's stones have survived because of the material he used . His stones are a high-quality, dense brown sandstone that seems out of place in a settlement bordering the Bay of Fundy . It bears little resemblance to the material used by his son, Thomas Lewis Seaman, when he made gravestones in Kings County during the 1830s and 40s . z ; The younger Seaman relied on a more porous, reddish sandstone which seems to be characteristic of the Minas Basin area . This stone has succumbed over time to water damage, and has become very crumbly . The superior material used by Abraham Seaman is more like the stone found at Remsheg (Wallace), Cumberland County. Stone from the Remsheg quarry was used to build Province House in Halifax, which was finished before 1819 . The architect, Richard Scott, bought the land on the Remsheg River that included the stone quarries in 1814 .2" The deed implies that the quarries had been worked previously, but precisely when sandstone was first quarried there is unknown . If sandstone was being trans-ported from Remsheg to Halifax, could it also have gone to the Horton-Cornwallis district? We know that the

house built for Charles Ramage Prescott in Cornwallis Township, completed before 1817, has a sandstone foun-dation and lintels . Although the brick for the house was made nearby, 25 the source for the sandstone has not been ascertained . We do not know if Seaman had access to Wallace sandstone . Until the early Kings County grave-stones are analyzed by a geologist, conclusions about the source of Seaman's sandstone are tenuous at best .

Still, if Seaman transported his raw material from north Cumberland County, this would reveal patterns of trade and perceptions of distance and travel in turn-of-the-nineteenth-century Nova Scotia . Undoubtedly Seaman himself travelled this route regularly to maintain his family and business connections in Cumberland County.

In addition to material, maker, and origins of the people for whom the markers were made, the gravestones were examined in the context of the lives these people lived in Horton. An analysis of the stones according to origin, religion and place of residence of the decedents, their economic standing within the group of founding settlers, and kinship ties to each other and to Abraham

Seaman reveals that the only connection most share is the timing of their arrival in Horton . Almost all extant stones for the period 1770 to 1820 for this area of Kings County commemorate the township's grantees . Few exist for those who took up residence after all the land in the township had been granted, even though this group represented a significant component of the population . Between 1770 and 1791 at least 177 men and their families became residents of Horton.z6

In that time, restricted access to land resulting from land granting policies, the accumulative impulses of a handful of the largest landowners, rising prices and increased pressure of population lessened everyman's opportunity to own a farm . As a result, few latecomers ever acquired land . For the most part they rented property or laboured on someone else's farm . There were few alter-natives in this subsistence farming community. Almost immediately, society stratified on the basis of land owner-ship . Thus when Hortonians were finally laid to rest, it was those who had taken part in the initial settling and had obtained free land grants who were in a position to have gravestones erected in their memory .

The carver of these gravestones was a native of Westchester, New York, and not a native of New England, and thus his cultural traditions may have been

different from those of the people whose memorials he carved . He did not settle immediately in Kings County when he came to Nova Scotia, and the fact that he may have transported the material for his work from the area where he first lived (and continued to own property) raises

some questions about why he moved to Horton . In eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century New England, carvers usually lived near the stone quarry. 27 When Abraham Seaman began carving in Horton, it was the shire town of the most populated county in the colony (except Halifax) and the first generation of settlers was dying . Had he located close to his market ?28

Like the Cape Cod cottages and Georgian houses that dot the countryside, the old gravestones of Kings County seem to be part of the New England cultural traditions that

are stamped on the landscape . As we begin to examine these artifacts more closely, it is clear that the story they tell is more complex than it purports to be . Memorials in one area of Nova Scotia for pre-Loyalist settlers from southeastern Connecticut were carved here by a Loyalist stone carver from New York, but bear little resemblance to markers in those areas. Although more research has to be done in this regard, these gravestones were apparently carved by Abraham Seaman in a style distinctive to Nova Scotia .

APPENDIX A

Gravestones attributed to the Second Horton Carver

First style

Jane Chipman Nathaniel Thomas Asa Wickwire

Charles Dickson Ann Blackmore Lucy Haliburton Hannah Best Joseph Chase Jr . Charlotte Curry Handley Chipman Eliza Wells Joseph Chase Nathan Rand Lucretia Rogers Benjamin Peck Sabra Peck

1775 1787 1795

1796 1797 1797 1798 1798 1799 1799 1800 1801 1801 1801 1801 1801

Chipman's Corner Windsor "Factory Cemetery," near Jawbone Corner St . Paul's Cemetery, Halifax Onslow Windsor Kentville Upper Canard Chipman's Corner Chipman's Corner Upper Canard Upper Canard Wolfville Wolfville Kentville Kentville

Second style

Stephen Post Margaret Ratchford Mary Forsyth Lydia Fitch William Northup

William Freeman Anna Fitch

Martha Harris Nancy Chipman Gilbert Forsyth James Duncanson Eunice Harris Ann Bishop Caroline Bishop Susannah Harris Perry Borden Samuel Reed

1768 1794 1796 1797 1800 1801 1802 1802 1802 1802 1802 1803 1803 1803 1803 1805 1805

Chipman's Corner Parrsboro Wolfville Simpson's Bridge, Maple Street Falmouth West Amherst Simpson's Bridge, Maple Street Upper Canard Chipman's Corner Wolfville Wolfville Upper Canard Wolfville Wolfville Liverpool Upper Canard Wolfville

40

APPENDIX B

Stones attributed to Abraham Seaman

Simeon Porter Mercy Bishop John Bishop Mary Benjamin Silas Woodworth George Oxley Silvanus Miner Thomas Watson William Alline Thomas Miner William Giffin

Margaret Brown Mathew Dickie Edward Church Stephen Sheffield Elizabeth Tonge Isaac Deschamps Joshua T . De St . Croix Obed Benjamin Henry Magee Patrick Murray John Dickie Mary Peck Rachel Fitch Rebecca Alline Mary Bishop

Sarah Woodworth James C./Thomas Giffin William Skene

Barnabus Lord Jarusha Dickie Elias Tupper Jonathan Shearman Betsy Morton William/Ann Dunkin Catherine Simpson

*Cyrus Peck

1779 1783 1785 1786 1790 179? 1794 1796 1799 1801 1802

1803 1803 1804 1805 1805 1805 1805 1806 1806 1806 1807 1808 1808 1808 1808

1808 1810 1810

1810 1810 1810 1810 1810 1811/07 1811

1812

Chipman's Corner Wolfville Wolfville Wolfville Chipman's Corner River Philip (broken) Wolfville West Amherst Wolfville Wolfville Fox Hill Cemetery, Cornwallis Wolfville Chipman's Corner Windsor Upper Canard Windsor Windsor Bridgetown Wolfville Kentville Kentville Chipman's Corner Kentville Wolfville Wolfville Simpson's Bridge, Maple Street Chipman's Corner Kentville Fox Hill Cemetery, Cornwallis Chipman's Corner Chipman's Corner Chipman's Corner Upper Canard Gagetown, N.B . River Philip St . Paul's Cemetery, Halifax Kentville

* Stones known to have been carved by Abraham Seaman .

NOTES

I . Graveyards are specifically exempted from historic site status by the Historic Sites and Monument Board, Parks Canada . Although it is a felony to desecrate a grave, monuments on a grave are con-sidered to be private property . Other than vague references to "maintenance," gravestones as artifacts are not protected underany legislation in Canada, to the best of our knowledge.

2. Deborah E. Trask, Life How Short, Eternity How Long: Gravestone Carving and Carvers in Nova Scotia (Halifax : Nova Scotia Museum, 1978), p. 10-14 .

Samuel Gore "Ezekiel Woodworth Benjamin Jarvis

John/Elizabeth Burbidge

John Palmeter

Daniel Wood Polly Chipman Thomas Ratchford Dester Ratchford Hannah Chase Mercury Cumming *John Bishop

Thomas H. Woodward Holmes Cogswell Henry Burbidge

Captain Mason Cogswell Levena Bishop Susannah Starr Samuel Tupper John Turner Thomas Woodworth *Eunice Manning Elizabeth Barnaby Eunice Forsyth George Reid Abijah Pearson *Timothy Barnaby Eunice Hamilton John/Cynthy Moss Deborah Cottnam Ann Miner Mary Calkin

Jeremiah Calkin

Isaac Graham

1812 1812 1812

1812

1812

1813 1813 1813 1813 1815 1815 1815

1815 1815 1815?

1816 1816 1817 1817 1817 1817 1818 1818 1819 1820 1820 1820 1820 1821/20 n . d . n . d . n . d .

n . d .

n. d.

Wolfville Chipman's Corner Church ofSt . John, Church Street Fox Hill Cemetery, Cornwallis "Factory Cemetery", nearJaw Bone Corner Upper Canard Chipman's Corner Wolfville Wolfville Upper Canard Chipman's Corner Simpson's Bridge, Maple Street Wolfville Upper Canard Fox Hill Cemetery, Cornwall is Chipman's Corner Wolfville Starr's Point Chipman's Corner Wolfville Upper Canard Upper Canard Chipman's Corner Wolfville Wolfville Upper Canard Chipman's Corner Grand Pre Wolfville Windsor Wolfville Simpson's Bridge, Maple Street Simpson's Bridge, Maple Street Wolfville

3. Deborah E . Trask. "The South Shore Carver," The Occasional 9, no . 2 (Halifax : Nova Scotia Museum, 1985).

4. For information on the settlement of Horton, see Debra A. McNabb, "Land and Families in Horton Township" (M . A. thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986).

5 . We are indebted to Dr . James Slater, of Mansfield, Connecticut, and the Association for Gravestone Studies (AGS), for identifying carving styles in southeastern Connecticut, and to Susan Kelly and Anne Williams, also of AGS, for their assistance in checking

gravestones in Old Lyme and New London . In relation to this project, the authors have investigated graveyards in Mansfield Center, Lebanon (Trumbull), Columbia and Windham, Connec-ticut. For specific information on Connecticut gravestone carving, see a series of articles by Dr . Ernest Caulfield published in the

Connecticut Historical Society Bulletin between 1951 and 1967, continued by Peter Benes and James Slarer from Dr . Caulfield's re-search, 1975-1983, particularly : "Connecticut Gravestones V111" (27, no . 3, July 1962) on the Manning family ; "Connecticut Gravestone IX" (28, no . 1, January 1963) on the Collins family ; "Connecticut Gravestone XIII" (40, no . 2, April 1975) on the Kimball family ; and "Connecticut Gravestone XV" (43, no . l, January 1978) on three Manning imitators .

6 . To reduce the stylistic trends of gravestone carving in eighteenth-century New England to three regional styles is a gross over-simplification . For purposes of this paper, this is adequate, but for more information on New England gravestone carving, the main texts are: Harriet M . Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England and the Men IVho tllrrde Them, /660-1815 (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1927); Alan 1 . Ludwig, Graven Images (Middletown, Conn . : Wesleyan University Press, 1968); Dickran and Anne Tashjian, Memorials for Children of Change (Middletown, Corm . : Wesleyan University Press, 1975) ; Peter Benes, The Masks of Orthodoxy (Amherst, Mass . : University of Massachusetts Press, 1977).

7 . A comparison of Connecticut and Kings County carving styles can be found in the old Cornwallis Township burial ground at Chipman's Corner, Kings County, where there stands a signed Connecticut sandstone (Chester Kimball, New London) dated 1785, among the locally carved stones .

8. Trask, Life How Short, "The Horton Carver," p. 18-19 . 9. Ibid ., "The Second Horton Carver," p . 20-2 I . 10 . Ibid ., "The Seaman Family," p . 71-73 . 11 . We have considered that Abraham Seaman's father, Jacomiah,

who was a mason (see note 17), might have been the Second Horton Carver, but there is no evidence that he ever carved grave-stones, nor any indication that he was ever in Horton .

12 . Kings County Probate Records, Public Archives of Nova Scotia, RG 48 . Estates of Timothy Barnaby, 1821 ("pd Abr°' Simmons for Grave Stones £5") ; John Bishop, 1815 ("paid Abram Seamans 7.0 .0") ; Cyrus Peck, 1812 ("paid Mr . Abraham Seaman Acct in full £4 . 14 .-"); Ezekiel Woodworth, 1812 ("To Abraham Seamans for Grave Stones l:3 . 10 .-") .

13 . Journal of Edward Manning, in Special Collections, Vaughan Memorial Library, Acadia University, Wolfville, Nova Scotia, courtesy of Dr . B. M . Moody.

14 . A.W.H . Eaton, History of Kings County (Salem, Mass . : Salem Press, 1910), p. 814-15 .

15 . James F. Smith, The History of Pugteash (Pugwash, N.S . : North Cumberland Historical Society, publication no . 8, 1978), p . 3 .

16 . Marion Gilroy, Loyalists and Land Settlement in Nova Scotia (Halifax : Public Archives of Nova Scotia, publication no . 4,

1937), p. 41 . 17 . "1, Jacomiah Seaman of the township of Fannings Burrow and

County of Cumberland, Mason . . . ." Cumberland County Estate Papers, Public Archives of Nova Scotia (PANS) RG 48, estate of Jacomiah Seaman, probated August 8, 1808 .

18 . Cumberland County Deeds (PANS RG 47), Book D, p . 80 and 193 .

19 . Kings County Deeds (PANS RG 47), Book 4, p . 265 . 20 . Day Book of Timothy Bishop (1740-1827, Abraham Seaman's

father-in-law) covering 1775-1824 (PANS MG 3), "Abraham Seaman moved to Pugwash November 27, 1821 ."

21 . Sworn statement of Abraham Seaman, 1827, quoted in Smith, History of Pugwash, p . 9.

22 . Cumberland County Deeds (PANS RG 47), Book F, P. 44, 190, and 334; Kings County Deeds Book 5, p. 218; Book 6, p. 223.

23 . For more on the work of Thomas Lewis Seaman, see Trask, Life HowShort, p. 73 .

24 . Cumberland County Deeds (PANS RG 47), Book 1, p . 86 . 25 . C.J . Stewart, "Brick Investigation, Prescott House, Nova Scotia"

Historic Materials Research, Restoration Services Division, Parks Canada, n.d ., c. 1974, unpublished report .

26 . McNabb, "Land and Families," chap . 3 . 27 . Harley J . McKee, "Early Ways of Quarrying and Working Stone

in the United States," Bulletin of the Association for Preservation Technology 111, no . l (1971), p. 44-58.

28 . Most of Seaman's stones are located in Kings County, in the area of the old Horton and Cornwallis townships. A few can be found around the old townships of Amherst, Granville, Londonderry and Halifax, although none of his stones is in the Newport or Falmouth township areas. Nor are there any gravestones in his style of carving found in all of north Cumberland, except for two in the present village of River Phillip .

Deborah Trask Debra McNabb

Open Secrets : Fifteen Masonic and Orange Lodge Gravemarkers in Waterloo and Wellington Counties, Ontario (1862-1983)

Nearly all gravemarkers contain a didactic element, if only to inform the passerby of the deceased's identity . In addition, cautionary, instructive, and religious verses are common, and most specific visual motifs suggest the religious and emotional response of those who have erected the markers. A special case is the use of motifs in-dicating membership in a secret society or lodge, such as the Grand Lodge of Ancient Free and Accepted Masons of Canada, and the Loyal Orange Lodge .

Gravemarkers that signify lodge membership are not

common in most Waterloo and Wellington County cemeteries, but their occasional appearance creates a distinct category of imagery . Most decorated stones display representations that have at least some symbolic resonance: lambs to indicate that the deceased was a child; hands pointed heavenward or clasped in friendship ; flowers as images of life ; birds as images of the soul ; willow trees drooping to symbolize mourning ; funereal urns; inverted torches to show a life snuffed out. But the symbol that reveals lodge membership conceals a secret meaning.

An unusually large deposit of such stones is found in Rushes Cemetery near Crosshill, Ontario. Seven stones -four for members of the Orange Lodge, two for Free-masons, and one for a man whose stone declares his membership in both groups - are found in this small cemetery .' Eight other stones from four other regional cemeteries, six Masonic and two Orangeist, will be dis-cussed together with these, for the sake of comparison .

The stones found in Rushes Cemetery near Crosshill, Ontario, Wellesley Township, Waterloo County (com-munity founded in 1842), are for the following : Richison Johnson (no date), Orangeist (fig . 1) ; Samuel A . Waugh (1827-1864), Orangeist,, James McCutcheon ( 1825-1874), Masonic; George Oakley (1818-1877), Masonic ; William A . Bryan (1873-1893), Orangeist ; Adam Mc Kee Crookshanks (1893-1916), Orangeisr; and Thomas Oscar Wilford (1891-1983), Masonic and Oran f;eist .

Comparative stones in Wanner Cemetery near Hespeler, Ontario, Waterloo Township, Waterloo County (community founded in 1858), are Ralph M. Hinds (1845-1862), Masonic (fig . 2) ; and Amos S. Clemens (1852-1878), Masonic ; and in Preston, Ontario, Waterloo Township, Waterloo County (community

Fig . 2 . Ralph M. Hinds, d . 1867., Masonic, Wanner Cemetery, near Hespeler (Cambridge), Ont .

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Fig . 1 . Richison Johnson, c . 1850, Orangeist, Rushes Cemetery, near Crosshill, Ont . (Photo : all taken by the author .)

founded in 1806), are Otto Klotz (1817-1892) and Robert G . McIntosh (1883-1917) (fig . 3) . Others, in Elora Cemetery, Elora, Ontario, Nichols Township, Wellington County (community founded in 1832), are William McConnell (1817-1881), Orangeist (fig . 4) ; John MacDonald (1826-1908), Masonic ; and D . B . Miller (1852-1924), Masonic ; and in Erin, Ontario, Erin Township, Wellington County (community founded in 1821), James McCaig (1856-1930) (fig . 5) .

All fifteen men were born in the nineteenth century: although Richison Johnson's dates are unknown, his stone closely resembles another in the same cemetery bearing death dates for a married couple of 1848 and 1853 . Nine died in the nineteenth century and six in the twentieth. While the distribution of births is relatively consistent throughout the nineteenth century, the pattern of deaths has a striking hiatus : all but one occurred with relative regularity during an approximately sixty-five-year period (1862-1930), yet there is a gap of almost the same length before the next and last death in 1983 .

Those whose place of origin is known were born in Ireland (1817) and Germany (1817), England (1818), Scotland (1826, 1852), and Canada (1827, 1891, 1893). Of the latter, the parents of Thomas Wilford (b . 1891) were born in England, and of Adam Crookshanks (b .

Fig . 3 . Robert G . McIntosh, d . 1917, Masonic, Preston Cemetery, Preston (Cambridge), Ont .

1893) in Ireland . The ethnic distribution of lodge membership is as follows : of the above eight men, those

born in Ireland and Canada were Orangeists, and those in

England, Germany, and Scotland were Freemasons . All

were buried in Protestant cemeteries (Wanner and

Rushes) or in the Protestant section of ci cernetery

(Preston, Elora, and Erin) . This distribution accords with

the historical development of their respective lodges .

In 1717, a Grand Lodge was created in England, followed by the Grand Lodge of Ireland (c . 1725) and of Scotland (1716) .' An alternative "Grand Lodge of England" was created in 1751 by the separation of the "Ancients" and the "Moderns." Ireland, Scotland, and England's Ancients and Moderns were the four sources from which Canadian Freemasonry was formed . The first Provincial Grand Lodge of Ontario was created in 1802 : a complex sequence of foundations and re-foundations, including a decline which ended in the 1840s, produced the Grand Lodge of Ancient Free and Accepted Masons of Canada in 1858 . A number of the Masonic Lodges in Waterloo, Wellington, and Perth counties were founded in the 1860s, and it is notable that the dates of the Masonic stones in this study begin in 1862 .

The Orange Lodge came into being about 78 years after the official appearance of organized Freemasonry and

quickly spread to England and its colonies : Ogle R . Gowan, the founder of Canadian Orangeism, arrived in Canada in 1829, and in 1830 he founded the Grand Lodge of British Noth America. ; A rapid spread, a decline in the 1840s, and a strong recovery between 1854 and 1864 offer a rough parallel with the vicissitudes of Ontario Freemasonry . Notably, the Orangeist stones of this study begin with 1864 . Orangeism has been closely associated with Protestant Irish settlement, and its concentration in Wellesley Township is congruent with the Irish commu-nity there, though Germanic Waterloo County was noted for its resistance to Orangeism . i

The nineteenth-century funerals of Freemasons and Orangeists can be reconstructed from their respective manuals of that era . An Ontario Masonic Constitution of 18925 declares that Freemasons can display their regalia publicly and participate in public processions only upon the occasion of a Masonic funeral . The scroll, apron, and emblem of the deceased were placed in his grave where his surviving brethren also solemnly deposited evergreen sprays . The ceremony concluded with a touching sentence which reveals the central metaphor of Masonic symbolism : "At last when the gavel of death shall call us from our labours we may obtain a blessed and everlasting rest in that spiritual edifice not made with hands, eternal in the heavens ." In a similar manner, according to an Orange Lodge manual of 1873," the mourning brethren of the deceased, wearing their ceremonial regalia including black crepe and orange ribbon, walked in procession to the cemetery and there laid these ornaments in the grave .

Clearly the general characteristics of the stones erected after such funerals were determined by popular culture, and major changes were caused by forces outside of any lodge-related considerations : all the stones dated in the nineteenth century are white quartzite slabs with carved, curved, flat, or undulating upper contours ; all those dated in the twentieth century are of red granite in a wide variety of shapes including a tall urn-topped stele . Evidently the change of medium occasioned a change of form, while at the same time the lodge motifs became smaller and simpler, shrinking eventually into mere tokens .

There is one striking distinction between the lodge motifs : all but one of those of Masonic declaration display only the symbol known as the Square and Compasses, while the Orangeist stones exhibit a dramatic variety of arcane motifs . This is in keeping with their different capabilities for public expression . The Orange Lodge parades, associated with the "Twelfth of July," were used not only to celebrate an event but to display publicly the Orangeists' personal adherence . As we have seen, such dis-plays were no longer permitted to Masons in the second half of the nineteenth cenniry, VVith thc sOlc exrcptiun of the tiineral .

Despite their repetition, the Square and Compasses are accorded a varied treatment. On the Hinds stone (1862), the Compasses, displayed on a circular field, are provided with a curved scale, while one leg is before and the other behind the Square, which is made of two overlapped parts with blunt ends (fig . 2) . The McCutcheon stone (1874) and the Oakley stone (1R77) may be by the same hand or from the sarne shop : both emblems are strikingly similar, with a circular ground upon which a graceful pair of Compasses surmounts a slender Square with eroded ends and an even more eroded letter G. On the Clemens stone ( IH79), the image, enclosed in a floral wreath, shows simple Compasses fully superimposed upon a carefully ruled Square . All four faces of the MacDonald stone ( 1908) display the same figure, slender Compasses straddling a Square with one oblique and one square end . The elegant Compasses of the Miller stone (192~4) and the McIntosh stone (1917), the latter of which shows the motif in a diamond field on the side of an uptilted block, are superimposed upon a Square with concave ends ; the tiny Compasses of the Wilford stone (19H3) surmount a minute Square with sharply oblique ends . The central G, present in every case, varies in relative size and style as well as in legibility . The only Masonic stone with another symbolic motif is that of Otto Klotz (1892), an extrava-gant structure that has, in addition to a large recumbent scroll with a Square and Compasses placed on top, a large six-pointed star on the side .

All the Masonic markers possess some ornament in addition to their emblems . The Hinds stone (1H62) dis-plays its inscription within a shield, and the Clemens stone (157-+) features an elegant wreath of flowers and leaves . The MCCutcheon stone (1874) is richly adorned with Gothic finials and the Oakley stone (1877) displays delicate calligraphic scrollwork . The McIntosh stone (1917) supports its up-tilted block with a rich display of scrollwork ; the Miller stone (1924) uses leaf forms as space-fillers, while the MacDonald stone (190t;) includes a three-dimensional urn . Tile Wilford stone (1953), though simplest of all, possesses rusticated sides . In every case, the impression is one of dignity and restraint, ranr:ine from the severe to the refined .

In contrast, most of the Orangeist stones are more densely packed with emblems and more complexly adorned . The exceptions are the twentieth-century stones : the Crookshanks market (191r;) is bold and massive but its shield-shaped emblem is miniscule, while the McCaig stone (19i0) flanks its small shield on a circular ground with slender palm branches . "The much smaller Wilford marker ( 1985) shows only two tiny circular emblems. The nineteenth-century Orangeist stones, however, are strikingly declamatory, filling their compositional fields with esoteric imagery .

All of the Orangcist stones at Rushes Cemetery include

an Arch, that of the Waugh stone (1864) being simplest . The Richison Johnson stone clearly owes its imagery to a source like the panel displayed in a Courier and Ives print which vw~as found in Bruce County (now in the author's collection) or the membership certificate from the Loyal Orange Lodge No . 369 now preserved by the Waterloo Historical Society . ~ Similar imagery was used on banners carried on the "Twelfth" and on badges worn by members . The Arch and the Bible dominating the W<tugh stone are even more forcefully expressed on the Bryan stone (1893), where the mottoes used elsewhere are replaced by a tribute to the deceased . In addition, the Arch is encased by a com-plex band of flowers, leaves, and scrollwork . The stylistic sequence of these emblematic displays, from the modest to the esoteric to the ostentatious, is concluded by the speedy diminution of the twentieth century .

The Orangeist's central icon, the figure of King William, makes only one appearance, on the stone of William McConnell ( 188 1) at Elora, where, inside a trilo-bate arch, he rides his prancing mount uphi11, gesturing with a slightly curved sword, his sash billowing behind him (fig . 4) . This iconography, too, can be traced to typical depictions in contemporary prints .

Fig . 4 . William McConnell, d . 1881, Orangeist, Elora Cemeterv, Elora, Ont .

Certainly the most elegant presentation and perhaps the most beautiful stone of this series is that of Richison Johnson (fig . 1) . The stone is small and delicate, and the refined cutting of its surface has survived remarkably well, although perhaps a quarter of the stone is hidden beneath the ground . This stone has evidently been sinking slowly for a long time ; in 1921 enough of its inscription could still be read to identify "RICHISON" as "son of Jane and Robert Johnson. " Presumably the stone once stood tall enough to declare his dates as well .

The symbolism of this stone can be, at least to a degree, identified, although it cannot be interpreted completely by the uninitiated . Two great columns, reminiscent of Jachin and Boaz which stood before the Temple at Jerusalem, flank an Arch, bearing the motto "God is our Guide ." The keystone bears the phrase "Fear God" beneath the date, 1690, of the Battle of the Boyne. Under the Arch is the Eye of God looking down upon the Sun and Moon flanking a flambeau or lampstand . Three candle-sticks and three tabernacles form a central register . The lower register contains a Serpent upon a Standard, re-calling the brazen serpent lifted up by Moses, a Ladder of Virtue (representing the cardinal virtues, Faith, Hope, and Charity), the Crossed Swords of Justice tempered by the Heart of Mercy, and an Open Bible upon a coffin, suggesting the Word of Life coupled with faithfulness unto death . The organization of the Lodge, the foci of its loyalty, and certain of its principal moral teachings are figured here .

It is the purpose of a gravemarker to mark a grave, to reveal to the viewer what is hidden beneath the earth. The names of the dead are needed to show who lies buried where. But a gravemarker is also a brief biography, the record ofa life . It nearly always includes not only the name of the deceased but the date of birth and death. Sometimes the information is more copious : the places of birth and death, the profession of the deceased (in particular the military rank), even the cause of the demise may be recorded . These capsule biographies contain two simul-taneous declarations : that a life has been lived from begin-ning to end, and that this life was that of a specific person . Framing these matters may be references to family relationships: father, mother, son, daughter, husband, wife . If an additional element is present, it often refers to the central theme or feature of the life of the deceased ; in the present study, this is lodge membership .

In addition to all this, there is the role of the marker as a visual form . Although this role may be cursory, it cannot be absent . The forms of all gravemarkers are intentional as well . If nothing else, all ornament implies value and declares significance . Indeed, in certain religious groups the absence of ornament contains an ideological import . Despite their stereotyped elements, or perhaps because of them, period, culture, style, religious or ideological

convictions, and even personal meanings are expressed in visual terms which the passerby is intended to decipher and receive .

The declaration of lodge membership on gravemarkers constitutes a very specific example of the expression of meaning through visual form . Only a lodge member would so declare such membership or have such member-ship so declared by his survivors. Thomas Wilford's stone stood awaiting him in Rushes Cemetery for several years before his death, while Samuel Waugh's inscription states that his stone was "Erected by Margaret Jane to the memory of her beloved husband ." In both cases the lodge symbolism must have been requested by the person who purchased the stone . The use of such images not only declares membership, but also declares the primary or ultimate importance of that membership . The Lodge has been a major fact of the life which the stone records. Clearly these motifs are not used as mere ornaments (if indeed any visual component on a gravemarker is so used).

But there is another dimension of meaning in the case of lodge symbols . Unlike other symbols, they are intention-ally or at least supposedly unreadable. A cross offers an unambiguous statement of religious affiliation . The Square and Compasses may likewise declare membership, but unlike standard religious symbols, in a powerful paradox, they conceal even as they reveal . To use the common oxymoron, they are an open secret .

The lodge symbol displays what is secret in two simul-taneous ways . Esoterically, publicly, the lodge symbol not only declares membership but declares that this membership entailed secret knowledge. Hidden from all but surviving lodge members, the symbol says something only to the initiated, while at the same time asserting the presence of this hidden message to every passerby .

Most of these images are symbols : they show one thing while referring to another . Only King William is repre-sented by an icon : a depiction of him truly refers to him, although his image also stands for the idea of a Protestant monarchy . He exemplifies the Orangeist motto, "Honour the King ." One may also nominate the Bible for this iconic category insofar as it becomes an object of venera-tion in itself: the degree of imagery borrowed by Orangeism from Freemasonry is large enough so that the Orange Lodge identity of Richison Johnson's stone was recognized by the presence of the Bible in it .9 But every-thing else is a metaphor, a symbol . Some of these are commonplaces of Western culture, like the Sword of Justice and the Ladder of Virtue . Justice must divide and discern as keenly as a sharp-edged sword, and the acquisi-tion of virtue can be compared to climbing a ladder one rung at a time .

Other images are more difficult to identify, let alone

46

interpret, without esoteric knowledge . The Arch, for instance, means one thing in Freemasonry and another in Orangeism . Another example is the formula "2'/_" which refers to the "two tribes and a half tribe" (Numbers 32 :17 and 34 : 15) who fought in the vanguard of the armies of Israel . This motif appears on the stone of James McCaig (1K56-193()) in Erin, Ontario (fig . 5) . Touchingly, it is also on the memorial of Adam Crookshanks, killed in battle at Courcellette, France, in 1916, and buried in Rushes Cemetery .

What is the meaning of this open secrecy? A secret is the personal possession, the true property of the one who knows it . Moreover, the initiated person is truly a member of the group of the knowledgeable . Those who are not initiated do not possess the secret and do not belong to the group. Therefore, to display the emblem declares membership, signals the secret to the initiated, and signals the possession of that secret to the uninitiated .

As reverberant structure of opposing and interlocking categories is evoked by the use of arcane symbols in a mortuary context . Gravemarkers bearing lodge emblems simultaneously disclose the lives of the hidden dead, and reveal the membership of the deceased in the society whose secrets thev conceal .

I . Nancy-Lou Patterson, "Be Thou Faithful Unto Death," Past and Present (October 1984), pp . 5-6, and "The Gavel of Death: Masonic and Orange Lodge Gravemarkers in Rushes Cemetery near Cross-hill, Ontario (1864-1983)," Waterloo Historical Soi-jet)r Annual Volume, 1984 (Kitchener, Ont . : Waterloo Historical Society, 1985), pp . 131-49 .

2 . Wallace McLeod, ed ., W'hence Come IY'e? Freeinasonry in Ontario (1764-l9M0) (Hamilton, Ont. : Masonic Holdings, 1980): this source has been used for the summary of Masonic history .

1 . Cecil J . Houston and William J . Smyth, The Sash Canada IK'ore: A HiJtoriral Geography of the Orange Lodge in Canada (Toronto : Univer-sity of Toronto Press, 1980): this source has been used for the summary of Orangeist history .

9 . C.J . Houston and W.J . Smyth, The Orange Order in Nineteenth Century Ontario: A Study in Institutional Culture Transfer (Toronto: Department of Geography, University of Toronto, 1977), Discus-sion Paper No . 22, p. 40 .

Fig . 5 . James McCaig, d . 1930, Orangeist, Erin Cemetery, Erin, Ont .

NOTES

5 . J .J . Mason, The Book of Cunttitutirnt of the Grand Lodge of -the Ancient Free and Accepted tylasons of Canada in the Province of Ontario (Toronto : Hunter, Rose, and Co ., 1892), pp . 129-30 .

6 . Cited in Houston and Smyth The Sash Canada Wore, p. 13 1 . 7 . Patterson, "The Gavel of Death," Illustration, p . 1=i2 . 8 . "Minute and Account Book of the Burying Ground Known as

Rushes," the hand-written register of this cemetery . 9 . 1 wish to thank Dr . J .J . Talman, ProfessorofHistory, University of

Western Ontario, and Grand Historian of the Grand Lodge of Ancient Free and Accepted Masons of Canada in the Province of Ontario, for all his gracious assistance in my research on these matters, not least for pointing out to me theOrangeist signification of the Open Bible.

Nancy-Lou Patterson

Research Note / Note de recherche

In Mourning

The practice of mourning symbolizes one of the most dramatic and major differences between this century and the last and is an integral aspect for the study of nineteenth-century women and children . From the hundreds of items that have been bequeathed and en-trusted to Canadian museums, we know the customs were widespread, but little has been written on the purely (;anadian tc .itures .

The New Brunswick Museum is especially rich in artifacts connected to mourning practices. Although these have been documented, the isolation of mourning artifacts is only a beginning . More research and study is necessary to determine the psychological effects on women who were obliged to wear unbecoming and even ugly clothes for what must have been literally years of their lives .

Was there a difference in the attitudes of young girls and boys to the prospect of dying' After all, boys did not have to work mourning samplers or labour over needlework verses that welcomed death . In addition, women alone faced the ultimate risk almost yearly during childbirth . Was this a factor in the seemingly calm accep-tance of their fate as illustrated in this inscription taken from a tombstone at Gagetown, New Brunswick,

Sarah Clark, Died 14 April 1803 Aged 25 years i mos & 28 days

My days and minutes rapidly did roll Death, pale death arrived without control Called me away in haste before t'was noon My Sav'our Jesus thot it not too soon . Of Gershom Clark, 1 was the lawful wife In childbed was forced to resign my life My still[?] born infant on my feet it lies In the cold grave till we are called to rise .

The following text presents aspects of mourning behaviour that would have been expected of New Brunswick women in the nineteenth century, as well as a sampling of the artifacts that were the outward signs of that behaviour . I

The realities of death in the nineteenth century were a constant and accepted aspect of everyday life . Rather than attempt to hide it away or shield themselves from the harsh facts, the Victorians especially confronted it, eulogized it, and finally, reduced it through mourning to a test of class.

Fig . I . This photograph of Julia C . (nee Fairweather) Perley shows her in mourning for her husband Henry Perley of Saint John, N.B ., who died in 1897 . She is in the second stage of mourning with white lace at her neck . The bodice is heavily trimmed with crape . The ear-rings and brooch at her neck appear to be made from bog oak . The hanging gold pendant probably contains hair . (Courtesy : New Brunswick Museum)

The rules for mourning conduct and dress were compli-cated, sometimes conflicting but always obligatory and expensive. It reached its zenith from the 1850s to the 1880s and affected not only the upper and middle classes but the poor as well . Ostentatious and public displays were necessary rites following death . Mothers who were facing financial disaster still had to expend money on mourning because non-compliance was regarded as a sign of disrespect and the result could be social ostracism. In a class-conscious society always searching for an upward move, this was catastrophic . Unlike today, grief was not considered a personal or private matter, nor was it meant to be quickly put away ; rather it was intended as a long-

lasting public spectacle .

These assertions are well supported in the book Canada Home : Jreliana Horatia Ewing'.r Fredericton Letters, 1867-1869 .2 In a letter to her mother dated 2 October 1868, Juliana, the wife of a British military officer stationed in Fredericton, describes going to the home of a family who had just lost their first-born child . She had never met this family before but went with a friend and obviously felt little compunction about intruding or sharing the funeral dinner .

Funerals here are very solemn affairs - We had such processions to see the poor wee waxen corpse-such arrivals of feminine friends, such perfect self possession & "capabilities" on their parts, such sympathetic solemnity & utter awkwardness among the male mourners who gradually thronged the passage, such unnatural repression mixed with conscious dignity in the boy mourners whose hats were carried off by a capable female to be banded with white tarlatan, & whose fingers were encased in white gloves which fitted the occasion but not them - (a country urchin gazing at the inch & a quarter of white glove beyond each finger tip was really a picture!) In the midst of it all the mother-in-law announced to the other ladies that Mrs . H . was so terribly grieved at having no photo . or memorial of any kind of the poor bairn - which gave me something to do, for I slipped into the room where the coffin was & made a sketch of the poor little face in its coffin & with flowers at its feet - it was not unlike - though it looked dead & I wrote under it-"But the Spirit unto God who gave it" & sent it to her . She was very much pleased I believe . Then they shut the coffin up, after an active lady had taken in all the boys in turn, who came out shuffling their feet, & sucking their fingers, & looking as if they had been saying their Catechisms! & so the little funeral set off in the rain, & as it wound up the hill we could hear the poor mother break out into moans & cries upstairs .

Some of the differences in dealing with death between the nineteenth and late twentieth centuries are self-evident in this account . Juliana's off-hand approach could be construed as mocking and almost unsympathetic . Her constant referral to the child as "it" sounds callous to modern ears, but in a time when almost one third of all children died, an arms-length treatment was perhaps the only way to live with reality . Women, who at this time, were generally relegated to the background of any impor-tant event, assumed a major role in overseeing the mainte-nance of proper etiquette and behaviour and honouring traditions and rituals . Hardly surprising, as all through the nineteenth century women were used to portray the family's respectability, Christian piety, social standing and wealth . Mourning and its accoutrements were the ultimate showpieces for these attributes .

For the death of a child or an older unmarried girl, the trappings at the funeral were white, but black was the primary colour of mourning . After the funeral, men needed only to wear a black armband to denote their loss . The width varied according to their relationship with the deceased - four inches wide was standard for a wife . How-ever, the burden of mourning was borne more heavily by women, especially widows . They had to go into deep mourning for a year and a day . This required being clothed, outwardly at least, from head to toe in dull black with the addition of crape as a trimming . The manufac-ture of crape, a transparent crimped silk gauze, was a major industry when mourning rites and rituals were at their height of popularity . It was used extensively as a trimming in the house and on clothing . It was sewn lavishly on the bodice and skirts ofdresses and in addition, bonnets were made from it and the long face veils were edged with it .

Although changing abruptly from deep mourning into part mourning on the day specified was frowned upon, the widow could gradually change from dull black to black silk or satin. Of course, it still had to be trimmed with the ubiquitous crape which could not be discarded until at least eighteen months after the death of her husband . It would be two long years before the addition of a shade other than black was permitted . When half-mourning commenced, white, grey or lilac could be included .

Mourning clothes were not just applicable upon the death of a husband. It was also mandatory for women to wear black and observe mourning for eighteen months after the death of a parent ; six months for a brother, sister or grandparent; and if she was married, mourning had to be observed in exactly the same manner for her husband's relatives as for her own .

The death of a child, so tragically common, meant mourning clothes for twelve months . Nor were more distant relatives ignored ; six weeks to three months mourning was customary for a first cousin or an aunt or uncle . Widowers were free to remarry as soon as they wished . However, if it was within two years, the new wife was expected to wear only black or shades of half-mourn-ing in memory of her predecessor .

Accessories, such as fans, gloves, handbags, and parasols, were also made in black . In some cases, women went so far as to have their underwear edged with black . But the colour restriction went beyond clothing and acces-sories . Calling cards, another aspect of the polite society, were edged in black, as were writing paper and envelopes . In some instances, families went so far as to have mourn-ing china .

The ban on glitter or shininess extended even to jewellery . Bog oak, with-its dull black finish, was carved

50

Fig. 2. Mourning china . The pitcher (cat . no . 15211) was made by S . Alcock & Co., Burslem, England, in 1855 to commemorate the Crimean War . The small plate (cat . no . A65 .24), possibly meant for calling cards, is also of English manufacture . Made of soft paste porce-lain, it has a black enamelled border and a black trans-fer print picture . (Courtesy : New Brunswick Museum)

Fig . 3 . Black lace fan with black wooden sticks and guards (Courtesy : New Brunswick Museum)

Fig . 4 . Black-edged letters and envelopes received by Lady Alice Tilley, wife of Sir Leonard Tilley, a pre-Confederation premier, a Father of Confederation, and Lieutenant-Governor of the province of New Brunswick . (Courtesy : New Brunswick Museum)

and shaped into brooches, earrings, pins and necklaces. Jet, originally a type of black slate, was extremely popular for the same purposes . Later, jet was copied in black glass .

Memorial wreaths and jewellery made from hair, often of the deceased, were ideal for the Victorian perception of, or obsession with, death . Often hair jewellery was set into gold, as this could be worn .

Preceding a long and complicated set of directions for weaving or plaiting hair, this foreword appears in an 1855 fancy needlework instruction book :

Hair, that most imperishable of all the component parts of our mortal bodies, has always been re-garded as a cherished memorial of the absent or lost . A lock of hair from the head of some beloved one is often prized above gold or gems, for it is not a mere purchasable gift, but actually a portion of themselves, present with us when they are absent, surviving while they are mouldering in the silent tomb . Impressed with this idea, it appears to us but natural that of all the various employments de-vised for the fingers of our fair country-women, the manufacture of ornaments in hair must be one of the most interesting .'

Fig . 5 . Cross-stitch mourning sampler ( 42 cm x 38 cm) made by Ruth Easterbrooke, in 18i9 at the age of fifteen years . It is inscribed "Sacred to the memory of Mary Ann Easterbrooke who died Dec . 4, 1836 . Aged G years ." The tombstone and the weeping willow are normal components of a mourning sampler . The Easterbrooke family was probably from Queens County, N .B . (Courtesy : New Brunswick Museum)

It must also have been one of the most frustrating, labori-ous and time-consuming crafts devised by anyone . Yet, the popularity of hairwork is shown by the many examples existing in museums today. Although some pieces were made by professionals, most were made by a female member of the family as a labour of love . Pictures of the deceased were often done when they were in their coffin . Hair wreaths and wax flowers were popularly used to surround these memorial pictures or an existing one, which would then hang in a place of honour on the parlour wall . If there was a portrait of the deceased already hanging, it was usually draped in crape.

Far from being shielded from the horrors of the grave, children were encouraged to accept their own and others mortality . A cross-stitch sampler made by a twelve-year-old girl in 185 1, has this morbid message:

On the death of a little brother How clay cold now these once warm lips Which mine so oft have prest And silent is that prattling tongue In everlasting rest

Mourning or memorial samplers with designs that usually included either a tombstone or a weeping willow were commonly made by schoolgirls with needleworking abilities that are the envy of adult women today. During the latter part of the last century, "In Memoriam" cards were mass produced and provided by the undertaking establishments .

The study of the lives of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century New Brunswick women and children is on-going at the New Brunswick Museum. Understanding the complex subtleties of their attitudes to death and mourning will inevitably lead to greater understanding of their total lifestyles .

NOTES

l . All artifacts are from the collections of the New Brunswick Museum .

2. Margaret Howard Blom and Thomas 8 . Blom, eds., Canada Home: .Juliarur Horatio Etvirtg't Fredericton Letters . /8G7-G9 (V".1ncouver : University of British Columbia Press, 1983).

3. Ann S. Stephens, ed ., Frartk Leslie's Portfolio of Fanq Needlework (New York : Stringer and Townsend, 1855).

Valerie Evans

Bibliographies

An Introductory Bibliography on Cultural Studies Relating to Death and Dying in Canada

Gerald L. Pocius

What follows is an introductory and obviously incom-plete bibliography of English-language works dealing with death and dying in Canada . To be more specific, these works are concerned primarily with the cultural practices and physical artifacts that relate to death and dying in this country . 1 have omitted works dealing with native peoples ; there is an enormous literature - often based on archaeological samples of actual burials -on this topic, and it merits a bibliography of its own . I have omitted strictly demographic studies of mortuary trends and the enormous amount of sociological material that is aimed at helping the bereaved cope with death in modern society . Finally, I have not included the numerous accounts of supernatural narratives that often have an obvious connection with the death phenomenon .

The material and cultural aspects of death have been extensively researched for over ten years now in both Europe and the United States, but the number of works devoted to this topic here in Canada is still small . Those interested in the range of research conducted in the United States should consult: Thomas A. Zaniello, "American Gravestone : An Annotated Bibliography," Folklore Forum 9 (1976) : 115-37 ; Nancy Buckeye, "Early American Gravestone Studies: The Structure of the Literature," pp . 130-36, and "Bibliography of Gravestone Studies," pp. 137-41, both in Peter Benes, ed., Puritan Gravestone Art, The Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife Annual Proceedings 1976 (Dublin: Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife, 1976) ; "Bibliography of Gravestone Studies," in Peter Benes, ed ., Puritan Gravestone Art II, Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife Annual Pro-ceedings 1978 (Dublin: Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife, 1979), pp . 149-58 . Two periodicals in North America now deal with this material : The Association for Gravestone Studies Newsletter and Markers. An extensive bibliography that includes a great deal of material on gravestones and cemeteries in the British Isles and Ireland can be found in my M.A . thesis (listed below), pp . 451-88 . The classic European work is Philippe Aries, The Hour of Our Death (New York : Alfred A . Knopf, 1981); also see John McManners, Death and the Enlightenment: Changing Attitudes to Death Among Christians and Unbelievers in Eighteenth-Century France (New York : Oxford University Press, 1981) . Anthropological introductions include Richard Huntington and Peter Metcalf, Celebrations of

Death: The Anthropology of Mortuary Rituals (New York : Cambridge University Press, 1979); Maurice Bloch and Jonathan Perry, eds., Death and the Regeneration of Life (New York : Cambridge University Press, 1982) .

AUGIMERI, Maria C. "Death and Funeral Customs." In Calabre.re Folklore, pp . 111-14 . Canadian Centre for Folk Culture Studies Paper 56 . National Museum of Man Mercury Series . Ottawa : National Museum of Man, 1985 . Brief comments on mourning, funerals, prayers and devotions relating to the dead .

BOWDEN, Bruce, and Roger Hall . "The Impact of Death: An Historical and Archival Reconnaissance into Victorian Ontario." Archivaria 14 (1982) : 93-105 . A survey of some of the thematic issues that provide possible directions for research on the Victorian attitudes in Ontario toward death, using various archival materials as the basis for sugges-tions. The wide range of primary source material detailed by the authors maps out a number of research areas as yet uninvestigated .

BUCKLEY, Anna-Kaye, with Christine Cartwright . "The Good Wake: A Newfoundland Case Study." Culture & Tradition 7 (1983) : 6-16 . A discussion of the functions of the typical Newfoundland wake and funeral, based largely on archival sources . Describes the activities that take place during the wake and funeral, relating them to the general community social pattern . Ritual activities lessen the disruptive nature of death, while social pressures ensure that all community members participate in providing what is considered an appropriate wake and burial .

BUTLER, Gary R. "Sacred and Profane Space: Ritual Interaction and Process in the Newfoundland House Wake ." Material History Bulletin 15 (Fall 1982) : 27-32 . An examination of the spatial relationships that develop within the context of the traditional Newfoundland wake, including both the physical deployment of space during the wake and the practice of ritual separation during the symbolic "distancing" of the dead . These features are examined through a comparative analysis of wakes

53

in both Catholic and Protestant communities.

CAPLAN, Ronald, ed . "How We Buried Our Dead." In Down North: The Book of Cape Breton's Magazine, pp. 231-39 . Toronto : Doubleday Canada, 1980 . Inter-views with various Cape Breton residents about practices relating to wakes, funerals and cemeteries .

CARNOCHAN, Janet . Inscriptions and Graves in the Niagara Peninsula. Niagara Historical Society, no . 19 . Niagara-on-the-Lake: Niagara Advance Print, 1910. Primarily a collection of epitaphs, with some comments about the cemeteries of the region .

CARTWRIGHT, Christine . "Death and Dying in Newfoundland ." Culture & Tradition 7 (1983) : 3-5 . A survey of research conducted in Newfoundland on death and dying .

COUMANS, Camilla C. "Ornamental Iron Grave Markers." Waterloo Historical Society Annual Volume 49 (1962) : 72-75 . A brief discussion of several iron gravemarkers found in Waterloo County cemeteries .

CREIGHTON, Helen . "Death." In Bluenose Magic: Popular Beliefs and Superstitions in Nova Scotia, pp . 147-50 . Toronto : Ryerson, 1968 . A listing of various beliefs connected to death, wakes and funerals .

FORDYCE, A.D . The Auld Kirk-Yard, Fergus : In It, and About It . Fergus : author, 1882 . Primarily a list of inscriptions with some cemetery data .

. Gleanings from the Chnrch-)'ard: A Selection of Old Inscriptions . Fergus : author, 1880 . Primarily a list of inscriptions .

. The Monumental Inscriptions in the Cemetery at Belleside, Fergus (Ontario) . Fergus: author, 1883 . Primarily a list of inscriptions .

HANKS, Carole . Early Ontario Gravestones . Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1974 . Mainly a pictorial survey of gravestones . Brief introductory chapters examine materials, craftsmen, forms, epitaphs and motifs .

HOWLEY, Michael Francis. "The Old Basque Tombstones of Placentia." Royal Society of Canada . Transactions, 2nd set ., 8, sec . 2 (1902) : 79-92. A description of the early Basque tombstones in Placentia, Newfoundland, their possible origins and dates .

KLYMASZ, Robert B . "Speaking At/About/With the Dead : Funerary Rhetoric Among Ukrainians in Western Canada." Canadian Ethnic Studies 7, no . 2 (1975) : 50-56. A discussion of three verbal genres used by Ukrainian-Canadians to communicate and maintain contact with the deceased : the traditional, oral funeral lament ; the obituary and/or com-memorative piece found in the pages of the press; the funeral sermon delivered by the priest officiating at the funeral service .

KNIGHT, David B . Cemeteries as Living Landscapes . Ottawa : Ontario Genealogical Society, 1973 . One of the few studies that examines the cemetery as a cultural artifact, addressing issues such as cemetery status and layout, and burial location as indicators of cultural values . Based primarily on Ontario materials .

. "Geographic Education and Field Exercises: Cemeteries as a Site for Analysis ." The Monograph (Ontario Geography Teachers Association) no . 2 (1970-71): 16-18 . Comments on cemeteries as a learning resource for local studies .

KOBAYASHI, Teruko . "Folk Art in Stone : Pennsylvania German Gravemarkers in Ontario." Waterloo His-torical Society Annual Volume 70 (1982) : 90-1 13 . A survey of the types of gravestones made by Pennsyl-vania-German immigrants to southern Ontario. The essay lists a series of cemeteries and discusses the major motifs found in each place .

MILLIGAN, Betty Ann, and Deborah Trask. A Cemetery Survey : Teacher's Manual . Halifax: Nova Scotia Museum, n.d . A student's guide on how to analyze cemeteries for a class project in order to learn about the history of a local community .

MORSE, William Inglis . "Gravestones of Acadie ." In Gravestones of Acadie, and Other Essays on Local History, Genealogy and Parish Records oAnnajolir f County, Nova Scotia, chap . 1, pp . 2-15 . London : Smith, 1929 . A listing of several cemeteries, with brief notes on origins, materials, and the evolution of gravestone form .

. "Monumental Art of Nova Scotia ." In The Land of the New Adventure: The Georgian Era in Nova Scotia, chap . 3, pp . 92-133 . London : Quaritch, 1932 . A survey of gravestone types and epitaphs, with comments on early craftsmen and their work . Provided are descriptions of various stones, their inscriptions, and some commentary on actual designs.

OSBORNE, Brian S. "The Cemeteries of the Midland District of Upper Canada : A Note on Mortality in a Frontier Society ." Pioneer America 6, no . 1 (1974) : 46-55 . A study of mortality using gravestones as a data source . The author examines the periodicity and seasonality of death and the age of the deceased . He finds that this frontier society was characterized by high infant and female mortality, pronounced seasonal differences in mortality, and peak years of mortality associated with outbreaks of epidemics .

PATTERSON, Nancy-Lou. "German-Alsatian Iron Gravemarkers in Southern Ontario Roman Catholic Cemeteries." Material History Bulletin 18 (Fall 1983): 35-36 . A brief discussion of cross-shaped iron gravemarkers made by local blacksmiths in the Waterloo region .

. "The Iron Cross and the Tree of Life : German-Alsatian Gravemarkers in Waterloo Region and Bruce County Roman Catholic Cemeteries." Ontario History 68 (1976) : 1-16 . A survey of the iron gravemarkers in this area of southern Ontario, con-centrating primarily on the typical symbols used . The author offers interpretations of the historical backgrounds for these images . Some mention is made, as well, of the cemeteries in which these markers are located .

POCIUS, Gerald . L . "Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Newfoundland Gravestones: Self-Suffi-ciency, Economic Specialization, and the Creation of Artifacts ." Material History Bulletin 12 (Fall 1981): 1-16 . A discussion of the origins of Newfoundland gravestones, an artifact tradition originally dominated by imported markers, but gradually replaced by locally made varieties by the mid-nineteenth century . The earliest gravestones used in Newfoundland came from England and Ireland ; when the economic base shifted to St . John's in the early 1800s, many trades, including gravestone carving, developed locally. Far from being an artifactually self-sufficient culture in earlier times, Newfoundland was marked by a high degree of division of labour .

. "The Place of Burial : Spatial Focus of Contact of the Living with the Dead in Eastern Areas of the Avalon Peninsula of Newfoundland ." M.A . thesis, Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1975 . An

examination of gravestones and cemeteries in eastern Newfoundland, looking at both historical and ethnographic factors that have shaped current patterns . Gravestones remained primarily a specialized artifact that had little input from local traditions . Other practices, however, such as the elaborate decoration of graves, enabled the living to maintain continued social bonds with deceased loved ones .

RUSSELL, Lynn, and Patricia Stone . "Gravestone Carvers of Early Ontario ." Material History Bulletin 18 (Fall 1983) : 37-39 . A discussion of the photographic survey of the province's gravestones which the authors are conducting . General comments on the initial findings dealing with symbols and style chronology are given, as well as some details on several carvers .

SALO, Matt T., and Sheila M.G . Salo . "Death ." In The Kaldera.r in Eastern Canada, pp. 162-74 . Canadian Centre for Folk Culture Studies Paper 21 . National Museum of Man Mercury Series . Ottawa : National Museum of Man, 1977 . A summary of beliefs about wakes, funerals and burial, as well as post-funeral memorial feasts, and customs relating to cemetery visits . .

SHIMABUKU, Daniel M., and Gary F. Hall . St . Paul's Cemetery, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada : Description and Interpretation of Gravestone Designs and Epitaphs . Occasional Papers in Anthropology No . 10 . Halifax: Department of Anthropology, Saint Mary's University, 1981 . Using archaeological theory and methods, the authors develop several typologies to analyze gravestones in St . Paul's Cemetery . Detailed analysis is provided by decade on gravestone ico-nography, form and epitaphs . Contains several extensive appendices listing demographic informa-tion, and a partial inventory of gravestone forms and epitaphs .

TRASK, Deborah E. Life How Short, Eternity How Long: Gravestone Carving and Carvers in Nova Scotia . Halifax: Nova Scotia Museum, 1978 . A survey of gravestone types and carvers in Nova Scotia, with sections that deal with particular craftsmen, and specific styles and motifs . An extensive checklist is provided of stonecarvers and marble works found in the province .

55

Mort et religion traditionnelle au Quebec : Bibliographie

Madeleine Grammond Benoit Lacroix

On a dit d'elle, la mort, qu'elle etait une ,piece majeure d'une civilisation traditionnelle» . Jusqu'a quel degre peut-on discerner les attitudes populaires devant elle? Deja nous nous en doutons, la mort autrefois est un evene-ment normal et naturel, inevitable mais en quelque sorte apprivoise . Aujourd'hui, la mort devient plutot un incident, un accident de fin de semaine, un fait a eviter, a oublier, a renier . On voit ds lots apparaitre la mort sans paradis, sans cimetiere, sans rituel, loin des eglises, la mort etatisee, embaumee, fardee .

Comment en arriver a cerner les faits, les croyances, les ideologies en cause? Tout de suite, une bibliographie s'impose : c'est le present propos de la presenter.

Des methodes de recherche diversifiees, allant de 1'utilisation des instruments traditionnels de reference a l'interrogation des banques de donnees bibliographiques ordinolingues, ont revele une grande pauvrete de documentation ecrite sur le theme de la mort au Quebec . D'ou le souci d'operer parfois des depouillements qui n'ont pas cours dans les syntheses bibliographiques plus abondamment pourvues .

Les monographies, il va sans dire, sont plus qUe rates dans cet inventaire et c'est clans le but de susciter en meme temps que de favoriser les recherches sur la mort, les rites et coutumes funeraires au Quebec qu'une premiere exploration bibliographique a justement ete entreprise . Nous lui confions une double mission:

- deceler les aspects sous lesquels la mort et les coutumes qui 1'entouraient autrefois ont ete saisis par les auteurs d'aujourd'hui et par les ecrivains plus directement relies, de fa~on chronologique, a cette epoque qui nous interesse encore ;

- decouvrir les tendances selon lesquelles evoluent actue!-leinent les mentalites et la sensibilite religieuse quebecoise face a la mort .

La presente bibliographie se propose donc principale-ment un itineraire clans le temps. Elle cherche la souplesse et 1'adaptation du cadre de classement plutot que 1'exhaus-tivite des references . Sous chaque titre de chapitre, ces references sont introduites dans un seul ordre alphabetique d'auteurs et de titres .

I LA MORT AUTREFOIS

A. D'apres les auteurs contemporains (1950-1985)

1 . Etudes thematiques, historiques ou litteraires

BELISLE, Jean . «Les enclos paroissiaux quebecois», Decormag, 3, 5 (janvier 1975) : 18-19 . L'article est une illustration et une explication de ce qu'etaient les cimetieres quebecois au debut de la colonie. II fait ressortir les similitudes de ces derniers avec les enclos paroissiaux bretons.

BLACKBURN, Marthe . «Rites de la mort au debut de la colonie», Medium-Media, 13 : La mort : 5-6. L'auteure relate plutot comment mouraient les Amerindiens, premiers habitants du pays . Nos ancetres, dit-elle, ont observe «ethnographique-ment leur maniere de faire mais pour eux ces rites n'etaient que superstitions, sorcelleries et charmes» .

«Les cadavres, a la mer!», No .r racines: !'histoire vivante de.r Quebecois, 2 (1979) : 40 . Le titre specifique de ce numero, La traver.ree et .res perils, explique le recit d'une mort en met au debut de la colonie. Les rites religieux sont presents .

CHARBONNEAU, Hubert . Vie et mort de nos ancetret, Coll . «Demographie canadienne» n° 3 . Montreal, Les Presses de 1'Universite de Montreal, 1975 . 267 p. Une des premieres etudes resultant des travaux de l'auteur au Departement de demographie historique de 1'Universite de Montreal .

CLICHE, Marie-Aimee . «Les attitudes devant la mort d'apres les clauses testamentaires dans le gouverne-ment de Quebec sous le Regime fran~ais» , Revue

56

d'histoire de 1'Ameriqice franl~ai.re, 32, 1 ()'uin 1978): 57-94 . Apres une analyse de 799 testaments, I'auteure conclut que la presque totalite des testateurs, clans 1'espoir d'aller au ciel et d'abreger leur purgatoire, ordonnent des paiements de dettes, des legs charitables, des fondations de messes et affirment sans contredit leur foi catholique . Etude serieuse et bien documentee .

. «L'evolution des clauses religieuses tradition-nelles dans les testaments de la region de Quebec au XIX` siecle», Religion poprrlaire, religion de clercs?, Benoit Lacroix et Jean Simard, dir. Coll . ,Culture populaire» n° 2 (Quebec, Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1984): 365-388. Nom-breux tableaux . Evaluation des traditions .

DORION, Jacques . tbloyens de communication non verbaux. Coll . « Presence du passe» n° 21 . Montreal, Maison de Radio-Canada, Service des transcriptions et derives de la radio, 15 mars 1979 . Sont signales : la cloche, les crepes aux portes clans les cas de deces, le deuil. . .

DUSSAULT, Gabriel . La representation de.r fins dernieres dans la culture religieuse poprrlaire de 1900 au Quebec. These de licence en theologie, Faculte de theologie de la Compagnie de Jesus, 1971 . 77 p .

GENEST, Bernard . «Reflexion methodologique sur un corpus d'objets funeraires», Religion populaire, religion de clercs?, Benoit Lacroix et Jean Simard, dir. Coll . «Culture populaire» n° 2 (Quebec, Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1984): 339-363 . Tout le Quebec a ete parcouru a 1'exception des grandes villes . Approches historique, descriptive, iconologique, semiologique et symbolique . Nom-breuses photographies .

HUDON, Jean-Paul . «La veillee au mort» d'Albert Laberge et La guerre, yes, sir! de Roch Carrier, Co-Incidences, 3, 2 (mars-avril 1973): 46-53 . Etude litteraire comparative qui montre les eeuvres de Laberge et de Carrier comme des caricatures de la societe canadienne-fran~aise et comme une maniere pour eux de s'interroger sur la mort . La religion est davantage presente et attaquee clans 1'oeuvre de Carrier.

LAPORTE, Annie . Suffrages pour les defunts dans les commrenaretes religieuse.r canadiennes de 1870 It 1970 . Manuscrit de 33 f.

OLIVIER, Daniel . Des veillee.t au mort . . .a la mort . Manus-crit de 11 p. Inedit . Etude comparative de -La veillee au mort» d'Albert Laberge (Visages de la vie et de la mort, pp . 228-257) et de La guerre, yes, sir! de

Roch Carrier, pp . 44-124 .

PELLETIER-BAILLARGEON, Helene . «Autrefois, la mort etait une histoire de famille» , Ch~rtelaine, 18, 11 (novembre 1977): 49, 82, 84, 86 . Description de la mort « familiale» de nos ancetres et des coutumes, celle du deuil entre autres, qui leur rappelaient constamment les fins dernieres .

PORTER, John R . « Le chretien devant la mort» , L'Eglise catholiqice et le.r arts an Quebec - Le grand heritaq (Quebec, Musee du Quebec, 1984): 311-328. A partir d'une analyse detaillee des materiaux, codifies et souvent illustres, 1'auteur ecrit une histoire rituelle des mentalites .

RHEAUME, Yolande . Le.r revenants . These de licence, Universite Laval, 1969 . 277 p . Theme rattache a la mort, au culte des ancetres et a la devotion aux ames du purgatoire .

2 . Etudes regionales

Les etudes regionales sur la mort apparaissent ici vers 1950 . Nous les devons a :

BERUBE, Susan et Michel Rioux. Repertoire des croyance.t et pratiqtret populaires du Bas-Saint-Lanrent. Rimouski, College de Rimouski, 1974 . 177 p. Les auteurs abordent la mort dans une section intitulee «Evene-ments de la vie- et dans une autre partie qui regroupe des « Contes et legendes de notre region)). Leur texte est celui de collegiens integres a un projet interdisciplinaire et conscients d'avoir trouv6 clans la litterature orale de leur region «une sorte de miroir magique ou se reflete fidelement Fame de notre peuple» .

DES RUISSEAUX, Pierre . Croyancer et pratiques popnlaires au Canada franfais . 2e ed . Montreal, Editions du Jour, 1973 . xxii, 224 p. Le chapitre 9 de 1'ouvrage, un survol, rapporte surtout les presages qui ont trait a la mort et mentionne generalement la region ou circulent les croyances, au Quebec, au Nouveau-Brunswick ou a File-du-Prince-Edouard .

. Magie et sorcellerie populaires au Quebec. Montreal, Editions Triptyques, 1976 . 204 p. Le volume apporte un supplement d'information sur les presages qui sont deja inventories clans 1'ouvrage cite plus haut .

DORMS, Louis-Jacques . «La vie traditionnelle sur la cote de Beaupre, au debut du XXe siecle», Revrred'histoire de 1'Amerique franfaise, 19, 4 (mars 1966): 547-548. L'auteur decrit, tres sommairement, les coutumes funeraires de la population qui 1'interesse .

DOYON-FERLAND, Madeleine . «Rites de la mort dans la Beauce», Journal of American Folklore, 67, 264 (April-June 1954): 137-146. Cet article est un «classique» . Les chercheurs d'autres regions du Quebec doteraient leurs concitoyens d'un outil precieux pour la connaissance de leurs traditions en renouvelant pour leur compte la demarche de madame Doyon-Ferland.

FAVREAU, Bernard. R4onographie de la paroit.re de Saint-Hilaire. Etude de la natalite, de la nuptialite et de la mortalite a partir des regi.rtre.r de la parois.re et de la de.rserte: interpretation sociologiqtre de.r changements .urr-venrrs . These de M.A ., Universite de Montreal, 1965 . 140 f. L'influence de la religion est signalee dans 1'interpretation des faits .

FORTIER, Yvan . «La mort : le reel et l'imaginaire en Charlevoix», La vie qrrotidienne au Quebec: hi.rtoire, mitiers, techniques et traditions, Rene Bouchard, dir. (Sillery, Quebec, Presses de l'Universite du Quebec, 1983) : 135-158 . ,Melanges a la memoire de Robert-Lionel Seguin publies sous les auspices de la Societe quebecoise des ethnologues» . L'article resulte d'une enquete ethnographique qui a permis a l'auteur de recueillir des elements relatifs a la pensee populaire autour de la mort .

JACOB, Paul . Les revenants de la Beaurce . Montreal, Boreal Express, 1977 . 159 p . Cette monographie livre le fruit d'une recherche pour laquelle 1'auteur a recueilli, dans huit paroisses de la Beauce, des « recits et temoignages sur les connaissances que les trepasses communiquent aux vivants» . Descriptive, l'etude ambitionne aussi de degager les finalites des communications d'outre-tombe .

JAMMES, Fran~oise . L'e.rpace .racre et le .rens de la ntort au Quebec . Religiographie du cirnetiere de Terrebonne . These de maitrise en sciences religieuses, Universite du Quebec a Montreal, 1982 . vi, 1 10 f., ill .

MAILHOT, Jose . Description des pratiques frrneraires a Tete-a-la-Baleine . Manuscrit depose au Musee national de 1'Homme a Ottawa en 1969 . 108 p .

. Le.r relations entre le.r vivants et les mortt a Tete-a-la-Baleine, d'aprer une analyse de ligende.r . These de M.A., Universite de Montreal, 1965 . v, 136, 46 f. Le dernier chapitre degage a partir des legendes un systeme de croyances articule autour de la mort et de ses consequences, et ce systeme est mis en rapport avec le christianisme .

. «La mort et le salut des defunts a Tete-a-la-Baleine», Recherches sociographiques, 11, 1-2 (janvier-aout 1970): 15 1-166 . Article de synthese .

MARIE-URSULE, Soeur. « Derniere maladie et mort» , extrait de « Moeurs lavaloises» , Civilisation tradition-nelle des Lavalois . Coll . «Les Archives de folklore» nos. 5-6 . (Quebec, Les Presses de 1'Universite Laval, 1951): 131-135 . L'extrait se situe dans un projet plus vaste qui est de «presenter une monographie de Sainte-Brigitte-de-Laval au point de vue folklorique» . Bref et honnete, il est documente, semble-t-11, a partir de temoignages oraux.

ROY, Carmen . «Mort» et «1a legende de la mort» , Lea litteratrtre orale en Gaspe.rie (Ottawa, ministere du Nord canadien et des Ressources nationales, 1955): 103-105 ; 124-135 . Le premier extrait recueille les presages de la mort vehicules en Gaspesie par la tradition orale . Le contenu de second est clairement indique par son titre .

Si le present inventaire ne permet pas encore de conclu-sions, il autorise deja a poser, a la suite d'une constatation, quelques questions. Les etudes regionales Wont pas encore couvert tout le Quebec . Sont-elles indispensables a 1'avenement des grandes syntheses? Ont-elles actuelle-ment la faveur des ethnologues, sociologues, folkloristes et historiens? Pourquoi? Sur 25 auteurs deja cit6s, 12 ont accompli des recherches de ce genre . La regionalisation des Archives nationales du Quebec exercera-t-elle une influence sur l'orientation des travaux futurs en ce sens?

3 . Etudes sur les sources

11 faut aborder maintenant de pres I'archivistique par la mention d'auteurs qui ont etudie les sources de 1'histoire et, plus part iculierement, les registres paroissiaux . Si des etudes comme celles de Marie-Aimee Cliche ont et6 realisees A partir d'archives notariales, d'autres pourraient etre elaborees A partir des archives paroissiales : registres, cahiers de prones, sermons, etc . Une bibliographie sur la mort ne peut garder le silence sur ce materiel archivistique imposant par le nombre, l'anciennete, la continuite . Et comment 1'utiliser si on ignore le contexte qui a vu naitre cette immense documentation de meme que la reglemen-tation qui a regi la majorite de ces pieces? Citons, a titre d'indication :

BOUCHARD, Gerard et Andre Larose . «Sur 1'enregistre-ment civil et religieux au Quebec depuis le XVII` siecle : presentation de textes et commentaires», Andre Cote, Sources de l'hiatoire du Saguenety-Lac-Saint Jean, Tome l: Inventaire de.r archives paroissiales (Quebec, Direction generale des Archives nationales du Quebec, 1978): 12-31 . Cette etude preliminaire a I'Inventaire procure la connaissance de base indispensable pour aborder les registres paroissiaux et refere, pour un supplement d'informations, ih des

58

sources telles que les editions successives du Rituel de Quebec, le Code civil de la Province de Quebec, deux articles de Romeo Lemelin parus clans La Revue de l'Univerrite Laval, 1, 9-10 (mai-juin 1947), et d'autres encore .

LAROSE, Andre. Les registres paroissiaux au Quebec avant 1800: introduction a l'etude d'une institution eccle.ria.r-tique et civile . Coll .

-Etudes et recherches archivis-

tiques» n° 2 . Quebec, ministere des Affaires culturelles, Archives nationales du Quebec, 1980 . xix, 298 p. Texte base sur un memoire de maitrise en histoire depose par 1'auteur en 1976 a la Faculte des etudes superieures de 1'Universite de Montreal et intitule : Les registres paroissiaux au Quebecaux XVlle et XVIIIe siecles: introduction a l'etude d'une institution religieuse et civile .

LEMELIN, Romeo. Le.r registres parois.riaux de la province civile de Quebec. These de Ph.D . (droit canonique), Universite Laval, 1944 . 333 f.

Le Repertoire des actes de bapteme, mariage, sipulture et de.r recensements du Quebec ancien, Hubert Charbonneau et

Jacques Legare, dir . Montreal, Les Presses de 1'Universite de Montreal, 1980- v. Information contenue dans les registres plutot qu'information sur les registres . Remplacera avantageusement les repertoires nombreux et fragmentaires publies surrout en vue de la recherche genealogique .

ROY, Raymond et Hubert Charbonneau . «Le contenu des registres paroissiaux canadiens du XVII` siecle», Revue d'histoire de l'Amerique franfaite, 30, 1 (juin 1976) : 85-97 .

Signalons aussi, hors du cadre de cette bibliographie et a titre d'exemple: Bouchard, Gerard et Michel Bergeron, «Les rapports annuels des paroisses et l'histoire demographique saguenayenne : etude critique» , Archives, 10, 3 (decembre 1978) : 5-33 . Avec la parution d'inven-taires et de repertoires de plus en plus nombreux publies en collaboration avec les Archives nationales du Quebec, il faut regretter, en fonction de la recherche dans le domaine des traditions religieuses populaires, la penurie d'etudes critiques qui guideraient les chercheurs dans 1'interpreta-tion et 1'utilisation de masses documentaires desormais accessibles .

B. D'apres les auteurs anciens (. . .-1950)

1 . Narrations et/ou descriptions

Les auteurs plus anciens sont souvent temoins oculaires de ce qu'ils racontent, ou heritiers d'une tradition orale tres proche . Leurs ecrits sont descriptifs, empreints d'un realisme qui nous fait assister en quelque sorte aux evene-ments . Regroupons-les sous des themes distincts :

a) La criee pour le.r arnes

b) Le viatique et l'extreme-onction

FERLAND-ANGERS, Albertine . Essai stir la poisie religieuse canadienne . Montreal, 1'Auteur, 1923 . Cet ouvrage cite : Beauchemin, Neree, «Le viatique» , p. 20, et Galleze, Englebert, « Derniers sacrements» , extrait de Les chemins de l'dme (1910), p . 22, qui leguent A la posterite leur vision symbolique de 1'ultime ceremonie .

«Nos traditions nationales», Almanach du peuple (Montreal, Beauchemin, 1924): 289. La criee pour les ames est racontee et vue grace a une illustration de E .J . Massicotte .

RIVARD, Adjutor . °La criee pour les ames» , Chez nosgens (Montreal, Bibliotheque de 1'action fran~aise, 1923): 57-64.

ROY, Pierre-Georges . ,La criee pour les ames», extrait de «Nos coutumes et traditions franpises», Les Cahiers des Dix, 4 (1939) : 73-74 .

MASSICOTTE, Edmond-Joseph . Nos canadien.r d'autre-fois: 12 grandes compositions avec commentaires par des auteurs canadien.r . Montreal, Granger Freres, 1923 . «Le Saint Viatique a la campagne» y est commente par Albert Laberge.

MASSICOTTE, Edouard-Zotique . Anecdotes canadiennes suivies de Mceurs, coutumes et indtrstries d'autrefois . Montreal, Beauchemin, 1913 : 203-204 . «Le Saint-Viatique» de Charles Trudelle y est introduit.

ROY, Pierre-Georges . «Comment on portait le bon Dieu autrefois» , Les Cahiers de.r Dix, 4 (1939) : 71-72 .

TRUDELLE, Charles . « Nos traditions nationales», Almanach du peuple (Montreal, Beauchemin, 1927): 363 . En sous-titre : «1e Viatique» . Illustrateur de la scene: E .J . Massicotte .

. Paroisse de Charleshourg . Quebec, A. Cote, 1887 : 247-249 . L'auteur relate comment fut achetee a Charlesbourg one caleche pour transporter le pretre qiu devait porter le saint viatique aux malades et aux mourants . Le voyage entier est raconte.

c) La nzort

HEMON, Louis. Maria Chapdelaine: recit du Canada franfais . Montreal, J .A . Lefebvre, 1916 . 243 p. L'eeuvre est un roman et le romancier, un Fran~ais . Cependant les scenes sont vivantes et vraies autant qu'elles peuvent l'etre dans on «tableau a la plume» . Aux pages 190ss, la mort y est decrite telle que 1'ont connue les pionniers du Lac Saint-Jean .

SAVARD, Felix-Antoine . Menaud Maitre-draveur . Edition definitive . Montreal, Fides, 1937 . 153 p . Ch . IV, pp . 55ss : recit de la mort de Joson disparu « sans meme laisser les consolations que laissent presque tous les morts: les sacrements, les prieres, la derniere parole qu'on se repete, le soir, en famille» . Est-ce fiction ou realite?

d) Les funerailles et autre.c coutlnnes flrneraires

BECHARD, Auguste. Histoire de la paroi.rse de Saint-Alrgurtin (Portneuf) . Quebec, Impr . L . Brousseau, 1885 . 395 p . : 324-325 . On assiste a une sepulture d'autrefois sur la foi du temoignage oculaire de Jacques Jobin . La source est tout pres du visuel et de l'oral .

BOUCHARD, Georges. «Les funerailles du vieux terrien», Vieilles chose.r, vieille.c gens (Montreal, Librairie d'action canadienne-fran~aise, 1931) : 41-44 .

« Les chariots ou corbillards d'autrefois», Bulletin des recherches hi.rtoriques, 43, 12 (decembre 1937): 371-372 . II s'agit de 1'histoire et de la pre-histoire des corbillards .

FAUTEUX, Aegidius . « Le culte des morts», Bulletin des recherche.r historiques, 37, 4 (avril 1931) : 217 . L'auteur s'attaque a 1'ecrit d'un anglophone, John MacTaggart, qui suggere aux anatomistes de faire leurs dissections au Canada ou les morts reposent dans les eglises tout I'hiver en attendant le degel

printanier pour 1'inhumation. La coutwne a-t-elle existe, ou bien I'anglophone a-t-il confondu eglise et charnier?

MASSICOTTE, Edouard-Zotique. « Les ceremonies de la mort au temps passe», Bulletin des recherches historiques, 30, 5 (mai 1924): 153-155 .

ROY, Pierre-Georges . « Quant la mort passait» , Les Cahiers des Dix, 4 (1939) : 91-92 .

e) Le.r clntetiere.r

« L'ancien cimetiere de Quebec» , Bulletin des recherches historiques, 18, 7 (juillet 1912): 217-219 . Sont rapportes des extraits de la Gazette de Quebec, en date d'octobre 1764 et d'avril 1767 .

BECHARD, Auguste . Histoire de la pllrolJJeSaJnt-AllguJtln (Portnelrf) . Quebec, lmpr . L . Brousseau, 1885 . 395 p . Le cimetiere y est presente (352-355) et son regle-ment en 12 articles bien distincts (259-265) est donne. Remarquons 1'excellence de la source que constituent souvent les monographies paroissiales pour des etudes sur les traditions religieuses .

CREMAZIE, Octave . «Les morts» , CEuvres conrpletes d'Octave Crenzazie (Montreal, Beauchemin, 1882) : 117-123 . Ce poeme de novembre 1.856 permet de decouvrir les sentiments nobles et chretiens qu'inspirent aux croyants ceux qui, «dans leurs tombeaux, dorment solitaires,, .

LAPALICE, Ovide . « Les cimetieres de Notre-Dame de Montreal», Bulletin des recherches hi.rtoriqlre.r, 36, 5 (mai 1930): 307-313 . Article recapitulatif et surtout « correctif» des ecrits anterieurs sur le meme sujet .

MASSICOTTE, Edouard-Zotique. « Les anciens cimetieres de Montreal, 1648-1800», Bulletin de.c recherche.r historiques, 27, 11 (novembre 1921): 341-345 . L'auteur veut corriger, relativement aux infor-mations anterieures a 1800, des erreurs qu'il a decelees dans un article de septembre du Bulletin de la meme annee.

MAURAULT, Olivier. « Les cimeti~res» , La parot.rJe.' histoire de l'eglise Notre-Dame de Montreal (Montreal, L. Carrier, 1929): 274-290 .

MONDOU, Simeon. Etude sur le culte des mort.r chez les anciens et les peuples modernes et les Cimetieres catholiqrres de Montreal depuis la fondation de la colonie . 3' ed . Montreal, Imprimerie du Messager, 1911. 125 p.

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. Les premiers cimetieres catholiques de Montreal et 1'indicateur du cimetiere actuel . Montreal, E . Senecal & Fils, 1887 . 196 p. Montreal est privilegiee . Mais on retrouve quelques inexactitudes dans le texte.

Monuments du Mont-Royal : cimetiere Notre-Dame-des-Neiges . Montreal, A . Pelletier, 1901 . 67 p.

ROY, Pierre-Georges . «Cimetieres d'aujourd'hui et cimetieres d'autrefois», Les Cahiers des Dix, 4 (1939) : G8-G9 .

C'est donc une douzaine d'auteurs anciens environ qui, selon cette rapide exploration, ouvrent les premieres issues et prennent maintenant valeur de sources pour 1'etude de themes encore a developper par les chercheurs munis des savants moyens d'aujourdhui .

2 . Prieres et autres pratiques de piete

Pour penetrer dans 1'univers concret des devotions de nos ancetres, enumerons, en laissant parler les titres :

BENOIT de J ., M. Joseph Samuel . Livre d'or des dmes du purgatoire: prieres et pratiques de pieti les plus efficaces et les plrrs richement indulgenciees en faveur des ames du purgatoire : cent cinquante merveilleuses apparitions des dines du prrrgatoire . Quebec, (s.n .], 1925 . 286 p. L'edition de 1927 est consultable a la Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec .

Bouquet spiritrrel aux Ames du parrgatoire et Delivrons du purgatoire ceux que nous avons aimes. Deux opuscules de 64 p. chacun en vente vets 1897 a Montreal, chez M. de la Rousseliere, rue Sherbrooke, aujourd'hui deposes a la Bibliotheque nationale du Quebec .

GIBBONS, James. «Purgatoire - Priere pour les morts», Quelques points de doctrine contestes par nos freres separes (Montreal, Beauchemin, 1924): 25-38 . Le volume est traduit de 1'anglais par Adolphe Saurel, cure a New York, qui precise: «Nous nous sommes pro-poses de faire du bien aux canadiens-fran~ais . . . en propageant parmi eux de la bonne litterature . . . Ce nous est une grande consolation. . de songer que. . . dans un grand nombre de paroisses de la Province de Quebec, . . . on lit, dans notre belle langue, un ouvrage si universellement estime . » 30 000 exemplaires sont repandus gratuitement avant cette «nouvelle» edition .

Reglement de la confrerie de l'adoration perpituelle du S. Sacre-ment et de la bonne mort erigee dans 1'Eglise paroissiale de Ville-Marie, en Pile de Montreal, en Canada . Nouvelle edition revue, corrigee et augmentee . Montreal, Mesplet & Berger, 1776 . 40 p. «La fin principale de

cette association est de s'aider mutuellement a se procurer une bonne mort ; les diverses prieres et les pieuses pratiques que 1'on y fait sont pour l'obtenir a tous les associes en general, et en particulier a la premiere personne de la confrerie qui doit mourir» . (p~ 3) On y trouve, entre autres prieres: Litanies pour obtenir une bonne et sainte mort (13-16), Le chapelet des morts (17), Acte d'acceptation de la mort (17-18). L'opuscule est parmi les livres rates de la Collection Gagnon, Bibliotheque municipale, Montreal .

3 . Pastorale et enseignement religieux

La pastorale relative a la mort au XVIIIe siecle ne se traite pas sans reference a :

SAINT-VALLIER, Jean-Baptiste de la Croix de Chevrieres de . Rituel du diocese de Quebec publie par 1'ordre de Monseigneur de Saint- Valier, eveque de Quebec . Paris, Langlois, 1703 . 604 p . A partir de la page 180 jusqu'a la page 276, on trouve des rubriques telles que: Ordre pour la communion des malades, De la maniere dont un cure se dolt conduire pour recevoir un testament, Maniere d'assister les mourants, Ordre qu'on doit garder dans les fune-railles, etc. Tout est prevu.

Quant a 1'education religieuse donnee et re~ue a la meme epoque, elle se decouvre en consultant :

SAINT-VALLIER, Jean-Baptiste de la Croix de Chevrieres de . Catechisme du diocese de Quebec par Monseigneur 1'lllustrissime et reverendissime Jean de la Croix de Saint- Valier, eveque de Quebec. En faveur des Curez et des Fideles de son Diocese. Paris, Urbain Coustelier, 1702. 524 p. C'est le premier catechisme imprime pour la Nouvelle-France . Trois chapitres en particulier s'y rapportent au theme de la mort : La resurrection de la chair (110-113), De 1'Extreme-Onction (287-290), Du jour des morts (420-423).

LANGUET, Jean Joseph . Catechisme du diocese de Sens . Quebec, Brown & Gilmore, 1765 . 177 p . Premier livre imprime au Canada . Monseigneur Briand, par mandement du 7 mars 1777, devait le rendre catechisme officiel du diocese de Quebec . Des 2 000 exemplaires sortis des presses en 1765, 3 ont echappe aux attaques du temps et se retrouvent Fun a 1'Universite Laval, un autre a la Collection Baby (Universite de Montreal) et le troisieme a la Collec-tion Gagnon (Bibliotheque municipale, Montreal) .

Le Catechisme en images . Paris, Maison de la Bonne Presse, 1908. Soixante-dix gravures en noir avec 1'explica-

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tion de chaque tableau en regard . Ce livre impressionnant oriente vets le visuel et les medita-tions graves . Rappelons, entre autres scenes, la representation du «Jugement dernier» (Tableau 10) et celle de «La mort du juste et la mort du pecheur» (Tableau 56).

Une fois de plus, la bibliographie frole la mediagraphie en touchant au pictural . Au moment de clore un chapitre ou les anciens, si proches du visuel et de la tradition orale, ont parle de la mort a leur fa§on, il faudrait peut-etre penser a la complementarite des sources pour 1'6tude du theme de la mort au Quebec .

II LA MORT AUJOURD'HUI

L'actualite de la mort demeure . 11 faut donc chercher comment evolue actuellement la mentalite religieuse quebecoise face a la mort . 11 faut se demander aussi par quelles coutumes, quels rites et quelles croyances le peuple prolonge les traditions ancestrales ou dans quelle mesure et pour quelles raisons il risque de les abandonner . Le present chapitre tente de rassembler des elements documentaires de reponse a ces questions .

1 . Mort et pastorale

Les preoccupations pastorales autour de la mort de-meurent et se veulent rattachees a la tradition .

Commrrnaute chretienne, 3, 17 (septembre-octobre 1964) : 342-428. Numero special consacre a la mort et aux usages funeraires . Un accent particulier est mis sur la pastorale .

DUBOIS, Marcel . Veillee.r de priere.r pour les defuntt . Montreal, Fides, 1963 . 30 p . Plut6t que de disparaitre, les traditionnelles «veillees au corps» adoptent des formes renouvelees de priere .

MONBOURQUETTE, Jean . ,Alder les personnes en deuil a renaitre» , L'Eglise canadienne, 19, I (5 septembre 1985) : 8-13 . Les etapes d'un deuil bien vecu, et les habiletes necessaires aux agents de pastorale pour Line aide efficace aupres des personnes endeuillees. Bibliographie .

2 . Mort et respect de la vie

Des inquietudes et des considerations nouvelles se font jour . Une certaine nostalgie des coutumes anciennes apparait et Fort reve de mort « naturelle» dans le milieu familial . On s'interroge aussi sur l'au-dela de la mort, la vie apres la vie . La documentation courante refl&e routes les tendances et reflexions . Quelques exemples parmi Line multitude:

COUTURE, Andre . « Reincarnation ou resurrection? Revue d'un debat et amorce d'une recherche» , Science et esprit, 36, 3 (octobre-decembre 1984): 35I-374 ; 37, 1 (janvier-avril 1985): 75-96 . Vue d'ensemble critique des discussions des dix dernieres annees au Quebec . Notes bibliographiques .

GIGNAC, Andre . « Creer des rythmes» , Liturgie et vie chretienne, 99 (janvier-mars 1977) : 59-73 . L'auteur donne le deroulement d'une celebration dominicale con~ue pour commemorer le souvenir des defunts . Son but, clairement indique : la sauvegarde d'une valeur importante de notre heritage chretien et culturel .

GUIMOND, Richard . «Liturgie du depart de ce monde» , Conmunraute chretienne, 14, 80 (mars-avril 1975): 151-156. L'article refere a d'autres excel lents articles du Bulletin national de liturgie, 35 (mai-juin 1972) .

. «La priere pour les morts hier et aujourd'hui» , Pretre et pastetr, 80 (1977) : 541-549 .

DEMERS, Dominique. « Qui vit? Qui meurt? Qui decide?» , L'Actualite, 10, 11 (novembre 1985): 144-151 . La politique sur la reanimation, 1'arret ou 1'abstention du traitement dans les h6pitaux quebecois . Temoignages et resultats d'un sondage.

DUNN, Cathleen . «Mourir dignement» , l_'Eglise canadienne, 9, 7 (ao6t-septembre 1976): 196-197 . L'auteur met en garde contre I'euthanasie et affirme le principe du respect de la vie.

«Euthanasie: aide au suicide et interruption de traite-ment» , Nursing Quebec, 4, 2 (janvier-fevrier 1984): 23-27 . Synthese des conclusions et recomnmanda-tions de la Commission de reforme du droit du Canada en cette matiere: opinion de I'Ordre des infirmieres et infirmiers du Quebec .

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«Mort et euthanasie», Le Devoir (7 avril 1977): p. 9, col . 2, art . 1 . La voix de la presse quotidienne se fait souvent entendre sur les sujets qui touchent a la vie et a la mort .

PELLETIER-BAILLARGEON, Helene . «Un debat confus, douloureux mais capital: 1'euthanasie», Chatelaine (novembre 1977): 54, 110, 112, 114-117 . Le titre a lui seul decrit le trouble des cons-ciences face au probleme traite .

ROSS, Val . « Euthanasie : la mort en douce» , L'Actualite, 9, 5 (mai 1984): 113-118 . Le debat qui se poursuit au Canada sur cette question delicate .

3 . Mort et usages funeraires

L'heritage culturel et chretien des Quebecois est-11 menace en ce qui concerne les rites de la mort? Comment s'est opere le passage a de nouvelles coutumes, tributaires d'une societe commercialisee, industrialisee et anonyme? Nous repondrons partiellement et provisoirement :

BAROLET, Jacques . «Le co6t des funerailles», Protegez-vous (octobre 1985): 57-63 . Les types d'entreprises funeraires et les choix possibles de funerailles et de ceremonies ; les pre-arrangements ; les tactiques frauduleuses ; comparaison de prix et facture-type ; conseils pratiques.

« Celebrer la mort en Eglise» , L'Eglise canadienne, 17, 16 (19 avril 1984) : 489-490 . Message des eveques de l'Inter-Montreal sur le sens chretien de la mort et sur les attitudes a adopter pour bien celebrer en Eglise cette derniere etape de la vie.

DESBIENS, Jean-Paul . ,La mort d'un seigneur», Les Cahiers de Cap-Rouge, 1, 4 (1973) : 283-286 . L'auteur ecrit en 1971 pour « proclamer la memoire de son pere» . Apres le recit des funerailles, il declare : « Presque plus personne ne comprend ni cette langue ni cette musique. . . Je suis vraiment dans les derniers de quelque chose» .

HARMEGNIES, Rene . -Incineration ou inhumation», Le Soleil (31 decembre 1976): p. A4, col. 4, art. 1 . Lettre oia se trahit I'hesitation, l'interrogation face aux deux alternatives .

LAMARCHE, Jacques . Le .rcandale des frais funeraires . Montreal, Fides, 1965 . 127 p . Temoignage deja d'une societe de consommation .

«Legislation et directives concernant I'incineration» , L'Eglise canadienne, 9, 7 (ao6t-septembre 1976): 196-197 . L'Eglise approuve le document, compte tenu des changements de mentalites .

ROBERT, Gilles . «Les frais funeraires», Protegez-vous, 7 (1979) : 63-66. II en coute plus cher de mount au Quebec que partout ailleurs au Canada et ceci en raison des mceurs funeraires des Quebecois .

Survivre . . . la religion et la mort, Raymond Lemieux et Reginald Richard, dir. Coll . «Les Cahiers de re-cherches en sciences de la religion» n° 6 . Montreal, Bellarmin, 1985 . 285 p . Les pratiques entourant la mort ont beaucoup evolue depuis vingt-cinq ans. Ce volume, resultat d'un colloque tenu a 1'Universite Laval en 1983, tente de repondre a la question suivante : qu'en est-il aujourd'hui de la quete de sens qui partout, a travers les religions et leurs rituels, determine 1'art de mourir?

Ajoutons a cet inventaire provisoire quelques questions et propositions plus generales qui - on ne salt jamais -pourraient peut-etre permettre d'orienter ou de completer les titres deja acquis .

1 . La typologie detaillee et comparee des sources pour 1'etude des croyances religieuses populaires au Quebec a deja ete 1'objet d'une publication que nous nous per-mettons de citer, puisqu'elle pourrait guider nos lecteurs : Religion poprrlaire au Quebec : typologie des sources, bibliographie

selective (1900-1980) de Beno i t Lacroix et

Madeleine Grammond, publiee par 1'Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture a Quebec en 1985 . Cette typologie porte tour a tour, par ordre d'importance qualitative, sur les sources visuelles, sur les sources sonores, sur les sources manuscrites et sur les imprimes .

a) Parlons des sources visuelles. Le folklore materiel de la mort, deja aborde par les ethnologues Madeleine Doyon, Jean-Claude Dupont, Robert-Lionel Seguin, Bernard Genest et d'autres, n'a cependant pas fait 1'objet d'etudes speciales du point de vue strictement theologique . Par ailleurs, les recherches en cours sur les inscriptions funeraires, les cartes mortuaires, la topo-graphie des cimetieres, s'averent pleines de promesses.

De plus en plus, d'autres sources s'imposeront a notre etude: le cinema, la television, les archives photograph iques, etc.

Au sujet des sources visuelles encore, n'oublions pas les services que 1'archeologie et d'autres sciences dites jadis auxiliaires sont en mesure de rendre a nos recherches sur la mort au Quebec . Deja par exemple, en 1974, les coutumes funeraires de l'Ungava sont partiel-lement retracees et livrees au public dans Archeologiedu Nouveau-Quebec: sepultureset .rquelette.rdel'Ungava, Raoul Hartweg et Patrick Plumet, publie par le Laboratoire d'archeologie de 1'Universite du Quebec a Montreal .

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b) Les sources sonores sont pour le moment davantage favorisees . Notons en passant la tendance qu'ont les ethnologues a mener eux-memes leurs propres enquetes jusqu'a risquer de devenir a la fois juges et temoins de leur materiau . D'autre part, [Is sont souvent les premiers a signaler les croyances, les rites et les usages locaux . Leur apport est donc considerable et reste fondamental pour 1'etude de la mort tradition-nelle .

c) Au niveau des sources manascrite.r, qui sont de plus en plus repertoriees par les archivistes quebecois, signalons l'effort en cours pour recueillir tout ce qui est document ecrit a la main, v.g . journal, recit, lettre familiale, registre, pr6ne, testament, contrat. C'est le temps de citer: Lamonde, Yvan, Je me souviens : la litte-rature pertonnelle au Quebec (1860-1980), Coll . -Instru-ments de travail,, n° 9, Quebec, Institut quebecois de recherche sur la culture, 1983, 275 p . et Van Roey-Roux, Fran~oise, La litterature intine du Quebec, Montreal, Boreal Express, 1983, 254 p . Cet inventaire qui en est a ses debuts promet des surprises positives .

II y a en plus les registres paroissiaux . Le demo-graphe trouve deja tout ce qu'il veut savoir au prealable sur les dates, metiers, chiffres ; il peut proceder a des evaluations quantitatives importantes comme telles et pretes en meme temps a servir 1'histoire des mentalites ainsi que les significations socio-culturelles de la mort au Quebec .

d) Quant aux sources itnprintees, dont nous offrons la bibliographie, elles ont ete elles aussi plus utilisees qu'etudiees en tant que telles . Notre historiographie de la mort reste a ecrire .

2. t1 propos de la typologie des sources encore, le besoin se fait periodiquement sentir d'une sorte de mediagraphie visant la complementarite des sources . Des lots, on pourrait envisager des monographies plus completes, des etudes d'ensemble sur la mort des Quebecois, 1'oral, le visuel et le texte, les chansons, les cantiques, des photos, des illustrations, des disques, etc., venant affirmer ou contredire a leur maniere 1'hypothese de travail . 11 deviendrait possible, par exemple, a partir d'une analyse des pierres tombales, de sermons, d'enquetes orales, de reglements de cimetieres, d'archives familiales, de testaments notaries ou olographes, de prieres pour les defunts re-trouvees dans des livres de piete, de cantiques comme Beau ciel, eternelle patrie, de se faire une idee passable-ment juste et nuancee de la mort traditionnelle des Quebecois.

3 . D'autres conclusions s'imposent face a une biblio-graphie qui demontre que les etudes sur la mort au Quebec commencent a peine. D'abord la necessite des monographies qui permettent le defrichement des nouveaux territoires de recherches . En plus, et sachant que de tous les evenements que vit ou subit un etre humain, la mort reste le plus choquant, le plus riche aussi, on ne saurait ici se limiter a une ou deux categories privilegiees de sources, meme comparees entre elles . Nous parlerons aussi d'eclairage inter-disciplinaire . Decrire la mort ne suffit pas, pas plus que la laisser a des propos seulement dogmatiques ou religieux. Bien sur, on peut etudier le folklore de la mort a la maniere de Madeleine Doyon, ou rappeler comment la mort permet de parler du pecM, des fins dernieres, de la resurrection et du ciel, mais notre epoque davantage eclectique et plus inquiete souhaite en outre connaitre mieux l'histoire des mentalites et 1'anthropologie culturelle . Surtout depuis que nos moeurs urbaines nous acheminent vets la mort-accident, la mort fatale, 1'incineration, 1'abandon du cimetiere ou le cimetiere lointain, les Funeral Homes, sans oublier le retour aux dialogues avec les morts, aux croyances, a la reincarnation, a la parapsychologie, aux visions, aux reves premonitoires, etc .

4. Peut-etre faudrait-11 mentionner quelques travaux actuellement en cours sur les testaments et les contrats de mariage pour y percevoir le r61e des croyances religieuses . D'autres qui etudient les fins dernieres d'apres la litterature populaire de ces dernieres annees . Le depouillement des archives d'un presbyt~re de Bellechasse pour trouver comment la mort est vecue au village depuis cinquante ans, une enquete sur les manieres de mourir d'apres les biographies pieuses du Quebec depuis 1900, sont en cours .

5 . Notons aussi, et a propos de cette bibliographie encore, que si le XIXe siecle a ete, comme on 1'a d it, le siecle des Ame.r du purgatoire, les titres depuis une trentaine d'annees orientent plutot vets le patrimoine, vers une pastorale des vivants, vers la pri~re com-munautaire et la mise en place de rites funeraires plus conformes a 1'esperance chretienne et surtout contraires au fatalisme ambiant .

Enfin, nous croyons malgre tout avoir fourni ici, provisoirement du moins, un secteur bibliographique representatif de 1'interet des Quebecois pour ce qu'on appelait autrefois dans les milieux ruraux :

MOURIR DE SON VIVANT, MOURIR DE SA BELLE MORT, ALLER DE L'AUTRE BORD.

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Provincial Museum of Alberta, Edmonton, "Spiritual Life - Sacred Ritual ." Curator: David Goa . Designer : Julian West . Permanent exhibition . Opened : 6 August 1979 .

It is the measure of the impact of this gallery that officials from one group should weep uncontrollably for ten minutes before finally gaining sufficient composure to express gratitude . Its potential is such that peoples whose friends and relatives kill each other half way around the world, should grasp each others hands in recognition of a common humanity . It should at the outset be plainly stated : this exhibition carries a symbolic meaning unusual for most galleries .

Perhaps some of this power derives from the way religion is characterized in official culture . Most people acknowledge the importance of the spiritual roots of their identity in some form, but officially Canada is secular . The ambiguous relationship of our cultural heritages to the identity of the country is reflected sometimes in a hesitancy to affirm just what these heritages are . Add to that the discord religion has fomented historically, and we have ample reason to downplay its role in the makeup of the nation .

But ignoring reality deprives us all of truth, and invites confusion in our children . It is the conviction of "Spiritual Life - Sacred Ritual" that in the real life of the people, such ambiguities do not exist . Men and women are religious-sometimes in very complex, irregular ways . They partici-pate in a tradition that brings depth and meaning at several levels of their existence, regardless of whether they live in Alberta or Romania, Edmonton or Moscow . This first permanent exhibition of the Provincial Museum of Alberta's Folk Life Program is a worthy expression of the purpose of that segment of human history : to collect, re-search and exhibit materials on the peoples of Alberta . The pertinent question is whether it adequately expresses either the complexity of religion or the diversity of the people .

On entering one notes a collection of sacred writings, examples from the vast number of scriptures from the religious world whose devotees are represented in the peoples of Alberta. Here is one indication of an attitude that prevails throughout - the holy words of each religion stand equally accepted and honoured, with brief segments

NNOW

Fig . 1 . The "Spiritual Life - & Provincial Museum of A 1979 . (All photos : Fol6 Museum of Alberta)

translated as vignettes of the tradition. Wherever sacred words appear they are printed in red, with interpretive text in black . The planners have deliberately leveled distinctions of numbers and significance of groups in the province in the presentation of this material . This may Ix more than some believers from beyond our shores might have thought possible : it is certainly less than the much-vaunted "bible-belt" devotees would believe (or perhaps accept) . This emphasis on the written text dominates the entire exhibit ; it makes visits to the gallery much longer and more intensive than others . Thus considerable invest-ment of time is needed to survev the collection .

If sacred writings are used to introduce spiritual life, the main focus of that life is ritual . The curator has chosen two themes . The first is to detail the "life-cycle" rituals, utilizing rites from different religions to express a different moment in the birth-to-death rites de passage. Photos taken of a contemporary rite is juxtaposed to an iconic painting which represents the traditional image in the history of the group. This works sometimes, as in the

Fig . 2 . "Worship through Thanksgiving" vignette discusses the Jodo Shinshu Buddhist service, in the Raymond Buddhist Church, Raymond, Alberta . The vestments of Alberta's first Buddhist priest are exhibited along with a small altar, incense and incense burner . This material is part of the Japanese collection of the Folk Life Program .

traditional painting of the baptism of Jesus, used in con-junction with Mennonite baptism, but is lost in the Sikh marriage with a picture of Krishna (a Hindu deity) and his wife . In general, however, the iconic image is over-powered amid the photos of the contemporary rite and the interpretive text, so that one would have to have fairly sophisticated knowledge of the traditions to understand the relationship of the icon to the rite .

The other focal point is worship . The items are arranged in eight standing displays set at angles to a back-drop of huge grey photographs of buildings representing the European or Oriental homeland of the tradition . Each display features the key ritual gestures of the prime act of worship for a tradition . This is not a festive ritual . It represents the ordinary, everyday ritual of worship that anyone from that tradition knows and participates in . By selecting this ritual, the curator is underlining the regular and commonplace interaction with the divine which con-stitutes the believer's religious world . Ritual vestments and artifacts flesh out the display . For example, the vest-ments of the first Jodo Shinshu priest to serve in Western Canada, Rev . 1 . Kawamura, include an ink-black kurnnta, over which fits a thin stole called a rcagesa . Finally, a large festive garment called a Gojo Gera completes the ensemble . Along with the mannequin dressed with these garments, the display features a small "lesser" altar on which rests two types of incense, nrakka and Kirtko, which the devotee traditionally offers, as well as copies of the service books and juzn, prayer beads with lOK seeds of the bodhi tree . These beads represent the 108 passions which must be overcome .

lhe other worship displays belong to the Hindu, Lutheran, Doukhobor, Muslim, Eastern Orthodox, Judaic, and Roman Catholic traditions . Several are superb collections, especially the Judaic material from the old Vegreville synagogue before it disbanded, and the Douhkobor objects, which must represent the best in Canada . It is remarkable that this tasteful and rich exhibit is housed in an area not much larger than seven metres by twenty-five metres . Little wonder that the gallery has been somewhat of a pilgrimage site for many of the groups represented here .

Unfortunately that brings sharply into view one glarin problem of the exhibition : it is extremely limited, both i terms of the religions covered, and its interpretation ( relieion . The sinele metaohor is tradition. It dominacn

Fig . 3 . The lesser altar, incense burner and the two types of incense used by the tradition in the vignette on Jodo Shinshu worship .

Fig . 4 . "Worship through Teaching" vignette discusses the Sabbath service in the Beth Shalom synagogue, Edmonton, and exhibits ritual accoutrements, a Torah scroll and ritual garments acquired from a disbanded rural synagogue at Vegreville, Alberta . This material is part of the Judcuca collection of the Folk Life Program .

Fig . 5 . The Torah scroll, wimpel (binding) and pointer in the vignette on Jewish worship .

of those spiritual enterprises that have little "tradition"? If Alberta is known for its conservative Christian perspec-tive, perhaps even its fundamentalism, where has that appeared in this gallery~ That may be a stereotype, but it would seem necessary to address it in some manner . Moreover, what of the rich and variegated traditions of the native people' While a photograph of a sacred circle is added, almost as an afterthought on the wall as one leaves the gallery, it seems a diminuation of religion in Alberta not to have included something of those rich cultures . Hence the exhibit, as eround-breakine and extraordinarv

as it may be, fails to encompass either the multifaceted nature of religion or Alberta's own spiritual legacy . What we have is a very suggestive expression of a work that has only just begun .

For all that, the most powerful message it may give is to those groups who found it difficult becoming part of Canada . The Doukhobors, so used to being maligned and misunderstood, are justified in weeping before a sensitive and appreciative treatment of their faith . And Jews and Muslims, so bombarded with antagonisms against each other from abroad, can join in accepting the sacredness of each other in a setting that accepts the genius of their individual traditions without favour . As a symbol of legitimation, "Spiritual Life - Sacred Ritual" may then be one of the most significant that has been mounted in our country . And it may indicate the importance of spiritual life in our culture in a way that has hitherto received little public appreciation .

I :arl Waugh

Curatorial Statement

The Folk Life Program of the Provincial Museum of Alberta came into being several years prior to the opening of the Spiritual Life - Sacred Ritual Gallery . Its mandate was to research, document, and collect material on the cultural life of Alberta's many communities with European, Oriental and Latin American roots . Tight on the heels of the establishment of the new program, the opportunity to develop <i permanent gallery was a great challenge . So many exhibitions that have attempted to deal with the cultural diversity of Canada have selected sample artifact material from each tradition, labelled it, then bracketed the entire exhibition between a comment on immigration and settlement patterns, and a few visuals of contemporary song and dance routines in ethnic costume . This is an appalling diminution of the structure and meaning of the very fabric of human life . Milan Kundera's discussion of the colonization of cultural memory in The Book of Laughter and Forgetting (New York: Penguin Books, 1981) seems an appropriate comment on the implicit way Canadian museums have treated the cultural patrimony and the living tradition of every Canadian, with the exception, perhaps, of the two dominant cultures (French and English) and that of the native people . The reasons for this are beyond our current discussion . It was, however, the desire to speak about a significant aspect of the cultural patrimony and living tradition of Alberta's numerous peoples that led me to consider themes in human culture which could be addressed in this gallery .

The terms of reference for the exhibition called for it t() include reference to a number of the Cultures that exist in

Alberta. Because the Folk Life Program had come into existence two years earlier, we had virtually no collection from which to draw . As a result, it was necessary to choose a theme in human culture that had a material culture com-ponent, examples of which exist in the province ; could reflect the cultural diversity in Alberta; showed an aspect of culture shared by a number of national cultures, so that more than one ethnic group would be reflected in each vignette ; had an institutional network to smooth the field-work and collections tasks, which had to be done quickly; and, finally, was an aspect of culture of impor-tance to the patrimony of the community, and a part of the living tradition .

The ritual life of human culture was a natural choice, given the cultural and institutional landscape of Alberta. Numerous peoples have come to the province because of religious persecution . Church, Synagogue, Mosque, and Temple remain the primary cultural institutions for many in the community . That the religious aspect of human culture had been studied a good deal was also important . Ritual studies, however, are rare . In North America, virtually nothing has been done on ritual life and popular religious practice . Hence, this choice provided an area for substantial research and a potential contribution to scholarship . The study of religion is my primary area of scholarship, so this was of importance, as well .

The research phase of the gallery was singularly fruitful for the development of the Folk Life Program . We had remarkable success in field-work in the communities . The religious leaders across the province gave us complete access to the ritual cycles, and families cooperated graciously . We established a significant collection of documents, ethnographic and historical photographs on ritual life, and a marvellous artifact collection . The museum's reputation as the domain of the peoples of Alberta was established in communities, many of which are not its natural constituency . This had a salutary effect on the overall Museum Program and has led to the development of a well-balanced artifact collection, repre-sentative of the cultural life of the communities in general .

The structure of the exhibition allowed us to use material from several ethnic communities in each

The Ox in Nova Scotia

vignette . For example, Russian, Ukrainian, Greek, and Arab items are in the setting for the Divine Liturgy of Eastern Orthodox Christianity . The themes of worship and rites of initiation run like a thread through human culture. Consequently, the exhibition has a coherence that makes it possible to address the profound ideas and images at the heart of human culture.

The gallery has functioned in a variety of ways . When visitors enter the gallery, they commonly seek out some-thing familiar . They stop in front of Lutheran Worship, for example, to look, read, and think, then they turn to several other traditions considered in the gallery . They spend a considerable amount of time in this process of examination, of seek and find . The Moslems, Jews, Hindus, Buddhists, Sikhs, and Christians represented in the gallery use the exhibits somewhat more specifically . They commonly bring Sunday School groups to the gallery, and use it in their educational programming . Many of them have requested lectures in the gallery for adult education groups, as well . For some of the newer immigrant communities, such as the Hindus, Sikhs, and some of the Moslems, the gallery has become a kind of pilgrimage site . They bring dignitaries to the exhibition and show them that in Alberta, the province with the red-neck reputation, they, too, are a legitimate part of the cultural world . Their view of the meaning of life, their practice of what is central to the human imagination, to human culture, it valued . And indeed it is .

A final critical note . The gallery does not meet my expectations at the interpretive level . There is grave danger that ethnographic exhibitions portray an aspect of culture as if it were fundamentally foreign, strange, or esoteric . Pedagogically, I would like to see the Spiritual Life - Sacred Ritual Gallery designed to balance the reverence it now exudes, with images drawn from secular society that show how men, women, and children con-tinue to address the sacred, whether in wonder, adoration, regard, or through simple quest. The use of these images to initiate the public to the gallery would help to bridge the concern for the sacred in all human culture, including the secular, with the specific way that concern is expressed in the classical religious tradition discussed in the gallery .

David J . Goa

DesBrisay Museum National Exhibition Centre, "The Ox Museum NEC, Bridgewater; Old Kings Courthouse in Nova Scotia ." Curator: Gary Selig . Designer : Heritage Museum, Kentville; Nova Scotia Museum, George Halverson, Nova Scotia Museum. Travelling Halifax; Shelburne County Museum, Shelburne; exhibition : July 1984-February 1987 . Tour : DesBrisay Hector NEC, Pictou; Yarmouth County Museum,

tion Centre in t3ridgewater, N .S . (NSM N-I?,~)~

Yarmouth ; Annapolis Valley Macdonald Museum, Middlcton; Colchester Historical Museum, Truro . Reviewed at the Yarmouth County Museum .

The intent of "The Ox in Nova Scotia" is to show the importance of the ox in the development of the economy, transportation and folklore of Nova Scotia . A travelling exhibition, it is scheduled for viewing at eight sites throughout Nova Scotia . Produced by the DesBrisay Museum National Exhibition Centre in Bridgewater, with design, construction and circulation by the Nova Scotia Museum, the exhibition received financial assistance from the Museums Assistance Programme of the National Museums of Canada . Contributions in the form of photographs and artifacts were made by various museums and archives and by present and former teamsters from around the province . Research and photo-graphy were carried out by Peter Barss, whose previous exhibitions "Images of Lunenburg" and "Older Ways : Traditional Nova Scotian Craftsmen" lend their down-to-earth style and fine portrait photography work to this exhibit .

The ox does not seem a likely subject for an exhibition, but after viewing the exhibit one can see that the ox should be entitled to its own chapter in Nova Scotian history . The exhibit is divided into sixteen sections, each dealing with one aspect of the subject. The first unit - "What is an ox?" - prominently displays a castration tool, convincing proof

pictures ot various breeds ot domestic cattle serve illustrate which breeds can be cross-bred to produ certain desired traits in an ox . The remainder of tl exhibit takes the viewer through sections on the impo tance of oxen in Nova Scotian work, economy, transport tion, and communication ; buying and selling steer breaking steers ; the teamsters ; yokes and fastening naming oxen ; children and oxen ; oxen at work on tl

Fig . 2 . Photographs, both historical and current, were a important source of information in the exhibition an were taken bv Peter Bcirss . researcher for the exhib

farm, in logging, along the coast and in transportation ; long hauls by oxen ; ox bells ; yoke making ; the blacksmiths; ox lore ; exhibitions and parades ; and the ox whip . What more could be said about the ox? Logically it would seem that the sections on oxen gear should be grouped together, but by spacing these subject areas, the viewer is better able to focus on each item .

OX

.

Each segment uses photographs, artifacts and text, the latter sometimes in the form of a quotation from a teamster . The artifacts are limited mainly to the gear worn . A good selection of yokes makes up one section . Single and double types of both neck and head yokes, as well as the accompanying head pads, leather straps, chains and backing pins, can be seen . Another section, a step-by-step photographic sequence of yoke making, shows the associated tools and the completed yoke . In the black-

N1 I I`~ ̀ t~ z

®

The Yoke M ~

r

Fig . 4 . The shoeing process is illustrated with artifacts and photographs of the blacksmith and the ox . (NSM N-12,991)

smiching section, shoes at every stage, from the plain iron bar co the completed shoe, are displayed .

..~~ Of particular interest in the are the quotations

`' work and put 'em on the pole and never put no draw bolt

exhibit from the teamsters, some of whom still maintain teams . Among these people plain speech prevails : "He went to

into 'em, into the pole to hold 'em . He done this to fool 'em ." Authenticity is added by the superb photographs of the teamsters with cigarette in hand or hat worn tilted to the side .

' from the woods, while the other allows the viewer to see a

Two videotapes come with the exhibit, each about fifteen minutes long . One shows oxen hauling timber

blacksmith shoeing an ox - both feature the oxen and staff at the Ross Farm Museum where the videotaping was done by Media Services, Nova Scotia Department of Education .

Almost all of the text can be found in the booklet accompanying the exhibit . A few of the quotations are missing and, in the French version, they are paraphrased . The booklet makes a nice take-away souvenir although a few more photographs would have made the guide more interesting .

s

Scotia since while the exhibit was displayed in Yarmouth, Fig . 3 . The processes and skills of various tradesmen were a town sandwiched between two large French-speaking recorded recorded in detail in photographs in the exhibition .

Here we see a yoke maker ac work . (NSM N-12,)93) areas, no French version copies were taken - even by

One apparent afterthought to the exhibit is the addition of a French-language booklet . Although likely a funding requirement, it somewhat spoils the look of the original title panel . The necessity of a French version is questionable if the exhibit does not travel beyond Nova

70

people known to speak French at home .

One complaint heard about this exhibit was that the title is somewhat misleading since the text and photo-graphs cover only the South Shore of Nova Scotia - from Halifax to Yarmouth . The use of oxen in Cape Breton or other parts of the province was not mentioned. Perhaps research revealed little new in these areas and so artifacts and photographs were procured from the nearest sources.

Children, other than 4-H members, did not appear to spend a great deal of time looking at this exhibit, but then children, as many adults, can "do" a museum or an exhibit in an incredibly short time . Perhaps they would be more impressed with a stuffed ox!

The exhibit lends itself to the use of local artifacts -at the Yarmouth County Museum it was supplemented by photographs and gear from a local teamster as well as by a model timber-laden sledge, recently made, complete with ax, whip, tea billy and even a bale of hay. On Heritage Day a real team came to the museum - "Bright" and "Lion" were successful crowd pleasers . The openings of the exhibit at Bridgewatec and Halifax featured other "Brights" and "Lions" (the almost universal names for oxen). *

Of particular importance in all exhibits is the ability to attract new museum visitors-those who make an effort to visit the museum perhaps for the first time to view a special exhibition . This one was no exception - many visitors who may have previously thought that museums were too "cultural" for them came to the Yarmouth County Museum to see "The Ox" and will hopefully return .

This exhibit has elicited many favourable remarks and a number of return visits - both of which support this reviewer's idea that the exhibit is a winner . All who worked on "The Ox in Nova Scotia" can be proud of their involvement. Gary Selig, Curator of the DesBrisay Museum, and producer of this exhibit is to be congratu-lated and thanked .

" Editor's Note : Eric J . Ruff

The exhibition also sparked research efforts in Shelburne County . The Shelburne County Museum organized an Open House during the exhibition to which they invited two yokes of oxen and their teamsters, a yoke maker and a whip maker . In addition, the staff at the museum compiled a list of all the Shelburne County teamsters now living in the county . They located -fifty-six teamsters and all received an invitation to the Open House .

Ernest Swansburg of Sable River has the distinction, at ninety-three, of being the oldest in this group . The oldest,

still-active teamster is Glen Sutherland of Clyde River, who celebrated his eightieth birthday on 4 May 1985 .

For a list of Shelburne County Oxen Teamsters, April 1985, see The Occational, vol . 9, no . 2, 1985, published by the Nova Scotia Museum.

Curatorial Statement

The DesBrisay Museum National Exhibition Centre does not have a fully equipped workroom . The person on staff who does research, exhibit planning, collecting, minor conservation, exhibit design and production and label writing is also the director . This resource base made it imperative for DesBrisay to enter into a cooperative venture with the Nova Scotia Museum in the production of "The Ox in Nova Scotia ."

A grant was secured from the Museum Assistance Programme, National Museums of Canada, to hire a project researcher . This was necessary so that the exhibit project could be undertaken over a period of two to three years as opposed to the ten years it would take if institu-tional staff had to accumulate research information on an ad-hoc basis .

The project was expected to depend mainly upon infor-mation gathered through oral history research . Local photographer and journalist, Peter Barss, was hired in recognition of his special affinity for people of rural Nova Scotia, the expected audience for the research effort . His photographic skills were an asset in collecting photo-graphic images from private collections .

An Advisory Committee was established to facilitate advisory assistance from the Nova Scotia Museum ; as well as the director of the provincial museum, board members of the DesBrisay interested in the planning and prepara-tion of the exhibit, the first major travelling exhibit to be produced by the museum, served on the committee.

Management of the project was somewhat difficult . The new research being undertaken could lead into a much bigger project than desired. It was decided to focus research on the South Shore and go further afield as time and resources permitted . Museums across the province were contacted in an effort to obtain the broadest represen-tation for a Nova Scotia focus in the exhibit's theme.

The collection of the DesBrisay Museum was very weak in respect to oxen-related technology . It was thought that this type of material would not likely have survived and so the exhibition was expected to be predominately graphic in content. As the research activity increased, a number of artifacts were uncovered. Two collections were donated by private individuals to the exhibit project . This provided a

more than adequate artifact base for the exhibit and the museum .

The design and physical production of the exhibit was carried on at the Nova Scotia Museum, adding to the difficulties of coordinating the exhibit. Because close collaboration and communication was imperative, a liaison person with the Nova Scotia Museum was appointed to channel information materials and help arrange meetings with various staff involved in the project.

The Media Services Section of the Provincial Depart-ment of Education, located away from the Nova Scotia Museum, produced two videos on the exhibit's theme . This group became the fourth party outside of the DesBrisay Museum to be involved in the joint exhibit project.

The project researcher pursued topics developed through a proposed storyline for the exhibit . Monthly reports on progress ensured that research requirements were being met.

Meetings and conversations were held frequently with the Chief Curator of Exhibits and the designer at the Nova Scotia Museum . The influx of artifacts during the research effort changed the design approach part way into the project. Ih addition, as a result of the large amount of photographic and text content, it was decided that French translation would be provided in a publication form carried by the visitor . Translated text from the exhibit was organized to correspond with numbered panels in the exhibit .

The Ross Farm Museum, the living agricultural

museum of the Nova Scotia Museum Complex, was the scene for the video productions . This museum is located in Lunenburg County about 60 km from DesBrisay . The museum makes use of oxen in its normal activities and was an ideal setting to document the oxen at work in logging operations and the blacksmith making and fitting shoes to a team of oxen .

The Ross Farm Museum was exceptionally cooperative in the video programming and other aspects of the project. And, in turn, participating in these productions created an awareness among the Ross Farm staff that certain routine activities which were not part of public programming to date could be of potential interest to the public .

The three-year project ended about two weeks past the scheduled opening date for the exhibit. This was only possible through the cooperation of the groups directly involved in the project and the number of museums con-tributing artifacts and photographs from their collections .

The DesBrisay Museum prides itself in being able to contribute to the province's travelling exhibitions programme. The resulting collection is a welcomed addition to the museum's holdings . During the oral history research, information arose which led to the acquisition of a home-made child's toy known as the "wooden ox." This artifact is of a type that would not under normal circumstances have survived the years. It was through oral history research that we were able to know of the existence of such an artifact .

Another positive result of the oral history research was the human perspective on a life associated with oxen which is evoked through the exhibit .

Gary Selig

U.S . 40: A Roadscape of the American Experience

Thomas J . Schlereth, U.S . 40 : A Roacl.rcape of the American Experience (Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society, 1985), 150 pp ., ill . 0871950014.

Paper $13 .95, ISBN

At the outset of his "above-ground" archaeological treatise on U.S . Route 40, Thomas Schlereth quotes an extraordinary claim made by Rev . Horace Bushnell in a sermon he delivered in 1846, as follows:

The road is the physical sign or symbol by which you best understand any age or people . . . for the road is a creation of man and a type of civilized society .

What follows is a stimulating and provocative study of one of the most significant, if not ignored, artifacts of the twentieth century - the North American highway . Schlereth, a "cultural" historian, teams with Seldon Bradley, a documentary photographer, in focusing on the 156-mile Indiana portion of this 160-year-old transporta-tion route . U.S . 40 originally served as one of the United States' National Roads - opening up settlement of the West. It was subsequently incorporated into the U.S . Interstate Highway System and, like all great roads, was eventually superceded by a new controlled- access freeway known as Interstate 70 .

Schlereth presents his material in three parts . The first

72

part focuses on the history of the highway in general and the second on U.S . 40 in particular . The third section is really an elaborated bibliography for those interested in pursuing the topic further . In the Bushnell tradition, he covers not only the detailed technical aspects of highway design over the past hundred years, but also its symbolic content and influence on day-to-day life in Indiana. All of this is intended to provide the reader with what Schlereth describes as a combined "history" of American road transportation, a "primer" for investigating past and contemporary landscape, a "portfolio" of documentary photography, and a personal "assessment" of the cultural role that the road has played in the American experience .

The book is highly successful as both a history and a primer . It is well researched and full of detailed analyses of historical forms of road and roadside development. How-ever, it has serious shortcomings as a photographic portfolio and cultural assessment .

The placement of the photographs is not synchronized with the text and thus makes them difficult to reference . More importantly, Bradley's documentation of the con-temporary highway is uninspiring and makes little effort to capture some of its phenomenological characteristics -its speed, its vistas, its dangers . For example, there is not a single view from the driver's seat . Instead, we are always looking at U.S . 40 from places we are least likely to ever actually view it - the shoulder or the centre of an overpass . The strip maps, oblique aerials and vistas kept by most highways departments are noticeably absent-as are repre-sentations of the road by contemporary artists .

Of more serious consequence, though, is the book's failure to present a convincing perspective of the cultural significance of the road within the, albeit ambitious, context of "the American Experience." Instead we are treated to something akin to a popular or local history of what at best can be described as "the Indiana Experience-from Richmond to Terre Haute." One suspects that the most significant symbol of contemporary experience is Interstate 70 and yet its role in the current life of the region, including its intersection with U.S . 40, are virtu-ally ignored .

Schlereth's self-consciousness, and his pre-occupation with documenting his methodology (hence the inflated bibliography) and selling the idea of "above-ground" archaeology, rather than setting himself clearly within a tradition of transportation and landscape history, under-mine the seriousness of his efforts and ultimately belittle this tradition . In fact, archaeology - especially that dealing with the "road" - has never been limited to the underground - as can be no more clearly demonstrated than by Giovanni Piranesi's renderings of the Appian Way which were completed in the late eighteenth century .

In summary, U.S . 40 : A Roadscape of the American Experience presents us with an exciting and provocative opportunity that is never fully realized . The road is reduced rather than enobled - and that is surely some-thing Reverend Bushnell would have regretted as much as we do.

John van Nostrand

73

Books Received/Ouvrages reigus

The following publications of interest to researchers in Canadian material history have been received . Some of these will be reviewed in future issues .

Grasping Things : Folk Material Culture and Mass Society in America. Simon J. Bronner. Lexington, Kentucky : The University Press of Kentucky, 1986 . 247pp., ill . $24 .00 hardbound . ISBN 0-8131-1572-8.

Weaponry from the "Machault", an 18th-Century French Frigate. Douglas Bryce. Ottawa: Parks Canada, 1984 . (Studies in Archaeology, Architecture and History .) 69pp., 94 ill . ISBN 0-660-11708-8. $5 .10 paper, $6 .10 outside Canada . (Cat . no . R61-2/9-20E . *) L'armement du «Machault» : une frigate franfaise du XVIII` .riecle . Douglas Bryce. Ottawa, Parcs Canada, 1984. (Etudes en archeologie, architecture et histoire .) 69 p ., 94 ill . ISBN 0-660-91356-9 . $5,10 broche, $6,10 a 1'etranger . (Node catalogue R61-2/9-20F.**)

The Wheat Pattern: An Illustrated Survey . Lynne Sussman . Ottawa : Parks Canada, 1985 . (Studies in Archaeology, Architecture and History .) 91pp., 60 ill . ISBN 0-660-11773-8. $5 .50 paper, $6 .60 outside Canada . (Cat . no . R61-2/9-25E .*) Le motif du ble: une etude illu.rtree . Lynne Sussman. Ottawa, Parcs Canada, 1985 . (Etudes en archeologie, architecture et histoire .) 91 p ., 60 ill . ISBN 0-660-91428-X . $5,50 broche, $6,60 a I'etranger . (N° de catalogue R61-2/9-25F.**)

Appareils d'eclairage : collection de reference nationale, Parcr Canada . E. 1 . Woodhead . Ottawa, Parcs Canada, 1984 . (Etudes en archeologie, architecture et histoire . ) 86 p., 85 ill . ISBN 0-660-91357 . $5,50 broche, $6,60 a t'etranger . (N° de catalogue R61-2/9-21F.**)

Nous avons rqu les publications suivantes, qui interesseront certes les chercheurs etudiant I'histoire de la culture materielle du Canada . On trouvera, dans les prochains numeros, un compte rendu de certains de ces ouvrages.

Lighting Devices in the National Reference Collection, Parks Canada. E . I . Woodhead. Ottawa : Parks Canada, 1.984 . (Studies in Archaeology, Architecture and History.) 86pp., 85 ill . ISBN 0-660-11709-6 . $5 .50 paper, $6 .60 outside Canada . (Cat . no . R61-2/9-21E.*)

Glos.raire du verre de Parcr Canada. Olive Jones et Catherine Sullivan et al . Ottawa, Parcs Canada, 1985 . (Etudes en archeologie, architecture et histoire .) 185 p ., 152 ill . ISBN 0-660-91430-1 . $12,25 broche, $14,70 1 1'etranger . (N° de catalogue R64-162-1985F . **) The Parks Canada Glass Glossary . Olive Jones and Catherine Sullivan et al . Ottawa : Parks Canada, 1985 . (Studies in Archaeology, Architecture and History .) 185pp., 152 ill . ISBN 0-660-11775-4 . $1 .2 .25 paper, $14 .70 outside Canada. (Cat . no . R64-162-1985E .*)

Glass of the British Military, ca . 1755-1820. Olive R. Jones and E . Ann Smith. Ottawa : Parks Canada, 1985 . (Studies in Archaeology, Architecture and History.) 143pp ., 137 ill . ISBN 0-660-11921-8 . $7.95 paper, $9.55 outside Canada . (Cat . no . R61-2/9-28E.*) La verrerie utili.ree par l'armee britannique de 1755 d 1820 . Olive R . Jones et E . Ann Smith. Ottawa, Parcs Canada, 1985 . (Etudes en archeologie, architecture et histo re .) 143 p., 137 ill . ISBN 0-660-91591-X . $7,95 broche, $9,55 a 1'etranger . (N° de catalogue R61-2/9-28F. **) *` Available from the Canadian Government Publishing

Centre, Supply and Services Canada, Hull, Quebec, K 1 A OS9 .

*`*` En vente au Centre d'edition du gouvernement du Canada, Approvisionnements et Services Canada, Hull (Qu6bec) K1A OS9 .

74

Contributors/Collaborateurs

Bruce Bowden is Assistant Dean, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Western Ontario, and Coordinator of the univer-

sity's M.A . option in Public History .

Valerie Evans is Curator of Decorative Arts at the New Brunswick Museum .

David J. Goa is Curator of Folk Life at the Provincial Museum of Alberta.

Madeleine Grammond detient une Maitrise en Bibliotheconomie ; elle est chargee du traitement et de 1'analyse documen-taire de diverses collections a la Bibliotheque de 1'Universite de Montreal .

Roger Hall is an assistant professor of history at the University of Western Ontario . He and Gordon Dodds of the Provincial Archives of Manitoba are currently writing a book on photographer William Norman .

Benoit Lacroix, theologien, historien, est chercheur associe a l'Institut quebecois de la recherche sur la culture .

Debra McNabb is currently completing a master's thesis in geography at the University of British Columbia .

John van Nostrand is a practising architect and planner, author of several studies on planning and architecture, and lecturer in the Department of Architecture, University of Toronto.

Nancy-Lou Patterson, Professor of Fine Art at the University of Waterloo, has published numerous books and articles on Canadian native and ethnic arts .

Gerald L. Pocius is an associate professor in the Department of Folklore at the Memorial University of Newfoundland .

Eric J . Ruff is the Curator of the Yarmouth County Museum, Yarmouth, Nova Scotia .

Gary Selig is the Curator of the DesBrisay Museum National Exhibition Centre, Bridgewater, Nova Scotia .

Deborah Trask is Assistant Curator in the History Section of the Nova Scotia Museum and editor of the Association for Gravestone Studies Newsletter .

Earl Waugh teaches in the Department of Religious Studies, University of Alberta.

75

Notice/Avis

Conference: Museum Studies in Material Culture 24-27 March 1987 Leicester, England

In recent years the study of material culture has become a major academic preoccupation . This conference will review the field of material culture interpretation and the study of material culture in general, and relate this to the fact that museum collections represent the stored material culture of the past, while museum exhibitions are the principal medium through which it is publicly presented.

A range of critical issues will be addressed by material culture scholars representing the main museum artifact disciplines -archaeology, social history, applied art, and ethnography. Major themes to be addressed :

I . Interpretative theories of material culture 2 . History of material culture in museums 3 . Social history and artifact interpretation 4 . Artifact field-work and research 5 . Human identity, aesthetics, and objects 6 . Public perception and museum artifacts 7 . The unique contribution of the artifact to our understanding of past societies

For further information, contact:

Department of Museum Studies University of Leicester 105 Princess Road East Leicester LEI 7LG England

Errata

Material History Bulletin 22 Bulletin d'histoire de la culture matirielle 22

p. 51, first para ., last line : . . .and the interior of the Wadds Bros . studio (fig . 2) .

p . 52, note 11, first line : W.T . Milross (Vancouver). . .

p . 76, 144 Years Proud, first line : "Treasures ." Curators : Regina Mantin and Alan McNairn .

p. 76, 144 Years Proud, third line : "The Great 19th Century Show."

p. 88, fig. 9, caption: Foundations : The River Province: This view through a portion of Section IV, "The Military and New Brunswick," reveals a small part of Section VI in the background . The visible portion of Section VI deals with railroad construction . (Photo : New Brunswick Museum, Rod Stears .)

p . 103, Contributors/Collaborateurs : David Mattison, an archivist with the Sound and Moving Image Division, Provincial Archives of British Columbia, has published Camera Workers, a biographical dictionary of 19th-century photographers in B.C ., and Eyes of A City : Early Vancouver Photographers, 1868-1900.

77

Material History Bulletin Bulletin d'histoire de la culture materielle

ISSUES PUBLISHED/NUMEROS PUBLIES

No. 1

No. 2

No. 3

(Mercury Series/Collection Mercure, History/ Histoire, No. 15, 1976) . Out of print/epuise .

(Mercury Series/Collection Mercure, History/ Histoire, No . 21, 1977). Out of print/epuise .

(Spring/Printemps 1977). Articles : Ruth Holmes Whitehead, Christina Morris : Micmac Artist and Artist's Model; David Newlands, A Catalogue of Sprig Moulds from Two Huron County, Ontario, Earthenware Potteries; Charles Foss, John Warren Moore: Cabinetmaker, 1812-1893 ; Marie Elwood, The State Dinner Ser-vice of Canada, 1898 .

No. 5

No . G

Notes and Comments/Nouvelles brc'ves : Jeanne Arseneault, A la recherche du costume acadien ; Robert D . Watt, The Documentation of a Rare Piece of British Columbiana : The Helntcken Presen-tation Silver ; Gerald L. Pocius, Material Culture Research in the Folklore Programme, Memorial Uni-versity of Newfoundland; R.G . Patterson, Recent Research on a Victoria, B.C ., Silversmith : William Maurice Carmichael (1892-1954) .

No. 4

Reviews/Comptes rendus : Lise Boily et Jean-Franqois Blanchette, Les fours a pain au Quebec par Pierre Rastoul ; Vancouver Centennial Museumn, "Milltown Gallery" by Nicholas Dykes; Musee du Quebec, La fabrication artisanale des tissus ; apparells et techniques by Adrienne Hood ; A . Gregg Finley, ed ., Heritage Furniture/Le mobilier tranditionnel by Elizabeth Ingolfsrud ; Virginia Careless, Bibliography for the Study of British Columbia's Domestic Material History by Jim Ward top .

Notes and Comments/Nouvelles breves : Nor-man R. Ball, Comments on the Burrard Inlet Saw-mill Inventory: 1869; Bernard Genest, Recherches ethnographiques au Ministere des Affaires culturelles du Quebec; Adrienne Hood, Research into the Tech-nical Aspect of Reproducing 19th Century Canadian Handwoven Fabrics; History Section, Nova Scotia Museum .

(Fall/Automne 1977) . Article: George N. Horvath, The Newfoundland Cooper Trade.

Reviews/Comptes rendus : D. Pennington and M. Taylor, A Pictorial Guide to American Spinning Wheels by Judy Keenlyside; Carol Priamo, Mills of Canada and William Fox et al ., The Mill by Felicity Leung; Lise Boily et Jean-Fran~ois Blanchette, Les fours a pain au Quebec (Replique des auteurs) .

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(Spring/Printemps 1978) . Articles : Stephen Archibald, Civic Ornaments: Ironwork in Halifax Parks; David L. Newlands, A Toronto Pottery Company Catalogue .

Reviews/Comptes rendus : Woodward's Catalogue 1898-1953 and The Autumn and Winter Catalogue 1910-1911 of the Hudson's Bay Com-pany by David Richeson ; Valerie Simpson, ed ., Women's AttirelLes vetements fetninins by Ivan Sayers ; Jacques Bernier, Quelques boutiques de menuisiers et charpentiers au torrrnant du XI,\` siecle par Serge Saint-Pierre ; Charles H . Foss, Cabinet-makers of the Eastern Seaboard: A Study of Early Canadian Furniture by John McIntyre ; National Museum of Man "A Few Acres of Snow/ Quelques arpents de neige" by Jean Friesen.

Notes and Comments/Nouvelles br~ves : Jim Wardrop, Modern History Division, British ColumGia Provincial Museum ; Joyce Taylor Dawson, The Needlework of the Urstrlines of Early Quebec.

(Fall/Automne 1978) . Articles : C. Peter Kaellgren, Glass Used in Canada: A Survey from the Early Nineteenth Cen-tury to 1940 (Ontario) ; John Sheeler, Factors Affecting Attribution : The Burlington Glass Works; Paul Hanrahan, Bottles in the Place Royal Collec-tion ; Robert D . Watt, Art Glass Windown Design in Vancouver.

Review/Compte rendu : Janet Holmes and Olive Jones, Glass in Canada: An Annotated Blhllo-graphy .

Notes and Comments/Nouvelles breves : Carol Sheedy, Le.r vitraux de.r maisonr de la Cote-de-Sable d'Ottawa ; Deborah Trask, The Nova Scotia Glass Company; Peggy Booker, Ontario's Victorian Stained Glass Windows; Peter Rider, Dominion Glass Company Records.

(Spring/Printemps 1979) . Articles : R . Bruce Shepard, The Mechanized Agricultural Frontier of the Canadian Plains ; John Adams, A Review of Clayburn Manufacturing and Products, 1905 to 1918 .

Reviews/Comptes rendus : Marylu Antonelli and Jack Forbes, Pottery in Alberta: The Long Tradition by David Richeson ; Eileen Collard, publications on clothing in Canada by Katharine B . Brett ; Mary Conroy, 300 Years of Canada's Quilts by Leslie Maitland ; Alexander Fenton, Scottish Country Life by J . Lynton Martin ; Ellen J . Gehret, Rural Pennsylvania Clothing by Adrienne Hood ; Jean-Pierre Hardy, Le forgeron et le ferblantier par Jean-Claude Dupont ; Howard Pain, The Heritage of Upper Canadian Furniture by Donald Blake Webster; Mary Shakespeare and Rodney H . Pain, West Coast Logging: 1840-1910 by Warren F . Sommer ; Deborah Trask, Life How Short, Eter-nity How Long : Gravestone Carving and Carvers in Nova Scotia by Gerald L . Pocius .

Notes and Comments/Nouvelles breves : Glass Collections in CanadalLes collections de verre au Canada ; F .J . Thorpe, Eighteenth-Century Land-Surveying Equipment and Supplies .

(Special Issue/Numero special, 1979). Canada's Material History: A Forum/Colloque sur 1'his-toire de ~la culture materielle au Canada .

Papers/Communications : F .J . Thorpe, Remarks at theOpening Se.rrion ; Jean-Pierre Wallot, Culture materielle et hittoire ; John J . Mannion, Multi-disciplinary Dimensions in Material History ; Robert D. Watt, Toward a Three-Dimensional View of the Canadian Past ; Elizabeth Ingolfsrud, Tangible Social History: The Ontario Furniture Collection of the National Museum of Man; Jean-Pierre Hardy et Thiery Ruddel, Un projet .rur 1'histoire de la culture et de la societe quebecoises ; David J . Goa, The Incarnation of Meaning: Approaching the Material Culture of Religious Traditions ; Luce Vermette, Sources archivistiques concernant la culture materielle ; Lilly Koltun, Seeing is Believing? - A Critique of Archival Visual Sources; Gerald L. Pocius, Oral History and the Study of Material Culture; W. John McIntyre, Artifacts as Sources for Material History Research ;

No . 9

No. 10

Alexander Fenton, Material History in Great Britain; Joseph Goy, L'histoire de la culture materielle en France ; Thomas J. Schlereth, Material Culture Studies in America; Marie Elwood, A Museum Approach to Material History Studies ; Paul-Louis Martin, Un passi en quite d'avenir .

(Fall/Automne 1979) . Articles : Anita Campbell, An Evaluation of Iconographic and Written Sources in the Study of a Traditional Technology : Maple Sugar Making .

Reviews/Comptes rendus : Patricia Baines, Spin-ning Wheels, Spinners and Spinning by Judy Keenlyside ; Bus Griffiths, Now You're Logging by Robert Griffin ; David L. Newlands and Claus Breede, An Introduction to Canadian Archaeology by Dianne Newell ; D.R . Richeson, ed ., Western Canadian History: Museum Interpre-tations by Alan F .J . Artibise ; Vancouver Cen-tennial Museum, "The World of Children : Toys and Memories of Childhood" by Zane Lewis ; Musee du Quebec, "Cordonnerie traditionnelle" par Yvan Chouinard .

Notes and Comments/Nouvelles breves : Robert Shiplay, War Memorials in Canadian Com-munities ; Peter Priess and Richard Stuart, Parks Canada, Prairie Region .

(Spring/Printemps 1980). Articles : Martha Eckmann Brent, A Stich in Time : Sewing Machine Industry of Ontario, 1860-1897 .

Special Report/Rapport special: Victoria Dickenson and Valerie Kolonel, Computer-Based Archival Research Project: A Preliminary Report .

Reviews/Comptes rendus : Clement W. Crowell, The Novascotiaman by Rosemary E. Ommer; Jean-Claude Dupont, Hirtoire populaire de l'Acadie par Clarence LeBreton ; Michel Gaumond et Paul-Louis Martin, Les maFtre.r-potierr du bourg Saint-Denit, 1785-1888 par Corneliu Kirjan ; Bernard Genest et al ., Let arti-sans traditionnels de Pest du Quebec par Jean-Pierre Hardy; Paul B . Kebabian and Dudley Whitney, American Woodworking Tools by Martin E. Weaver ; Ray MacKean and Robert Percival, The Little Boats: Inshore Fishing Craft of Atlantic Canada by David A. Taylor; Ruth McKendry, Quilts and Other Bed Coverings in the Canadian Tradition by Leslie Maitland ; Marcel Moussette, La peche .rur le Saint-Laurent; Repertoire des methodes et des engins de capture par Corneliu Kirjan ; David L. Newlands, Early Ontario

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No. 1 l

No. 12

No. 13

Potters: Their Craft and Trade by Elizabeth Collard ; Loris S.Russell, Handy Things to Have Around the House by Hilary Abrahamson ; Jeffrey J . Spalding, Silverrmithing in Canadian History by Tara Nanavati ; Sheila Stevenson, Colchester Furniture Makers by David L. Myles ; Donald Blake Webster, English-Canadian Furniture of the Georgian Period by Benno Forman .

Notes and Comments/Nouvelles breves : Marie Elwood, The Weldon and Trtnnball-Prime China Collections ; David Skene-Melvin, Historical Plan-ning and Research Branch, Ontario Ministry of Culture and Recreation ; Corneliu Kirjan, Les publications de la Direction generale du patrimoine, Ministere des Affaires culturelle.r, Quebec.

(Fall/Automne 1980) Furniture in Canada -Le mobilier au Canada . Out of print/epuise .

(Spring/Printemps 1981) . Articles : Gerald L. Pocius, Eighteenth and Nineteenth-Century Newfoundland Gravestones .

Research Note/Note de recherche: Ronald Getty and Ester Klaiman, Identifying Medalta, 1916-1954: A Guide to Markings .

Reviews/Comptes rendus : British Columbia Provincial Museum, Modern History Galleries by Ian MacPherson ; British Columbia Provin-cial Museum, "William Maurice Carmichael, Silversmith" by Martin Segger ; Judith Buxton-Keenlyside, Selected Canadian Spinning Wheels in Perspective : An Analytical Approach by Peter W. Cook ; Musee du Quebec, "Regard sur le mobilier victorien" par Denise Leclerc ; Point Ellice House, Victoria, B.C . by John Adams; Lynne Sussman, SpodelCopeland Transfer-Printed Patterns Found at 20 Hudson's Bay Conipany Sites by Elizabeth Collard.

Notes and Comments/Nouvelles breves : Dun-can Stacey, The Iron Chink ; Richard Stuart, An Approach to Material Culture Research .

(Fall/Automne 1981) . Exploiting the Forest/ Exploitation forestiere . Articles : Robert D. Turner, Logging Railroads and Locomotives in British Columbia ; Robert B. Griffin, The Shingle Sawing Machine in British Coltemhia, 1901-1915 ; Chris Curtis, Shanty Life in the Kawartha.r, Ontario, 1850-1855; Normand Seguin et Rene Hardy, Foret et tociete en Mauricie, 1850-1930; Benoit Gauthier, La .cou.r-traitanceet 1'exploitation forestiere en Mauricie (1850-1875); Michel Larose, Le.r contrats d'engagement des

No. 14

travaillerrrs forestiersdela Mauricie ; Claire-Andree Fortin, Profil de la main-d'wuvre forestiere en Mattricie d'apres le recensement de 1861 ; Claire-Andree Fortin, 1_e.r conditions de vie et de travail des bucherons en Mauricie au 19' siecle .

Research Note/Note de recherche: Rod Pain and Mary Shakespeare, Georgetown Mill, British Columbia: A Historical Salvage Project .

Review/Compte rendu : McCord Museum, "The River and the Bush/La riviere et la foret . Timber trade in the Ottawa Valley, 1800-1900" by Judith Tomlin .

Note : Collections Related to the Forest Indus-try .

(Spring/Printemps 1982) . Articles : George Bervin, E.rpace physique et culture materielle du marchand-negociant a Quebec au debut du XIXe .riecle ; Georges P . Leonidoff, L'habitat de bois en Nouvelle- France: son importance et ses tech-niques de construction ; Anita Rush, Changing Women's Fashion and its Social Context, 1870-1905 .

Research Notes/Notes de recherche : Martin Segger, Some Comments on the Use of Historical Photographs as Primary Sources in Architectural History ; Robert W. Frame, Woodworking Pat-terns at the Sutherland Steam Mill, Nova Scotia Museum ; E.M . Razzolini, Costume Research and Reproduction at Lottisbourg ; Richard MacKinnon, Company Housing in Wabana, Bell Island, Newfoundland.

Research Reports/Rapports de recherche: Barbara Riley, Domestic Food Preparation in British Coltnnhia, 1895-1935 ; Elizabeth Quance, Ontario Historical Society Material Cul-ture Project; CELAT, Ethnologie de 1'Amirique franfaise; Sheila Stevenson, An Inventory of Re-search and Researchers Concerned with Atlantic Canadian Material Culture.

Reviews/Comptes rendus : National Museum of Man, "The Covenant Chain: Indian Ceremonial and Trade Silver" by Robert S. Kidd ; Vancouver Museum, "Waisted Efforts" by Marion Brown; National Gallery of Canada, "The Comfortable Arts" by Anita Rush ; Newfoundland Museum, "Newfoundland Outport Furniture" by Chris-tine Cartwright ; New Brunswick Museum, "On the Turn of the Tide : Ship and Shipbuilders, 1769 to 1900" by Eric Ruff; Musee national de 1'Homme, "L'art du marteau: coup d'oeil sur la

No . 15

No. 16

ferronnerie et la ferblanterie" par Johanne LaRochelle ; Collectif, Jean-Claude Dupont et Jacques Mathieu, comps., Les metiers du cuir par David T. Ruddel; Peter E. Rider, ed ., The His-tory of Atlantic Canada: Museum Interpretation by William B. Hamilton; Thomas J . Shlereth, Ar-tifacts and the American Past by Del Muise; David and Suzanne Peacock, Old Oakville : A Character Study of the Town's Early Buildings and of the Men Who Built Then by Harold Kalman ; Jack L. Summers, Rene Chartrand, and R.J . Marion, Military Uniforms in Canada, 1665-1970 by Charles Bourque; Robert S. Elliott, Matchlock to Machine Gun: The Firearms Collection of the New Brunswick Museum by John D. Chown.

(Special Issue/Numero special, 1982). Col-loquium on Cultural Patterns in the Atlantic Canadian Home. Papers/Communications: Gerald L. Pocius, In-terior Motives: Rooms, Objects, and Meaning; Shane O'Dea, The Development of Cooking and Heating Technology ; Linda Dale, A Woman's Touch: Domestic Arrangements ; Wilfred W. Wareham, Aspects of Socializing and Partying in Orrtport New-foundland; Gary R. Butler, Sacred and Profane Space; Kenneth Donovan, Family Life and Living Conditions in Eighteenth-Century Louisbourg ; Carol M. Whitfield, Barracks Life in the Nineteenth Century; Donald Blake Webster, Furniture and the Atlantic Canada Condition; Thomas Lackey, Folk Influence in Nova Scotia Interiors ; Marie Elwood, Halifax Cabinet-Makers, 1837-1875: Apprenticeships; Irene Rogers, Cabinet-making in Prince Edtvard Island; T.G. Dilworth, Thorrras Nisbet ; Cora Greenaway, Decorated Walls and Ceilings in Nova Scotia ; Charles H. Foss, Room Decorating and Furnishing in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century; David Orr, Traditional Furniture of Atlantic Canada; A Roundtable Dis-cussion : Collectors, Dealers, and Museums: Private Initiative and Public Responsibility ; Victoria Dickenson and George Kapelos, Closing Remarks.

(Winter/Hiver 1982) . Ceramics in Canada/La ceramique au Canada . Articles : Lester Ross, The Archaeology of Cana-dian Potteries ; Elizabeth Collard, Nineteenth-Century Canadian Importers' Marks; Ronald Getty, The Medicine Hat and the Alberta Potteries; Lynne Sussman, Comparing Ceramic Assemblages in Terms of Expenditure ; Jennifer Hamilton, Ceramics Destined for York Factory; William Coedy and J.D . MacArthur, Characterization of Selected Nineteenth-Century Southern Ontario Domestic Earthenwares by Chemical Analysis ;

No. 17

No. 18

Donald B . Webster, The Prince Edward Island Pottery, 1880-98; Sophie Drakich, Eighteenth-Century Coarse Earthenavares Imported into Lorrisbourg ; John Carter, Spanish Olive Jars from Fermeuse Harbour, Newfoundland.

Research Note/Note de recherche: Colette Dufresne, La poterie au Quebec, une histoire de famille.

Ceramics Collections/Collections de poteries .

(Spring/Printemps 1983) . Material Conditions and Society in Lower Canada : Post mortem inventories/Civilisation materielle au Bas-Canada : les inventaires apres deces. Introduction : Jean-Pierre Hardy, Gilles Paquet, David-Thiery Ruddel et Jean-Pierre Wallot, Material Conditions and Society in Lower Canada, 1792-1835/Culture naaterielle et societe au Quebec, 1792-1835 .

Articles : Gilles Paquet et Jean-Pierre Wallot, Structures sociales et niveaux de richesse danr les cam-pagnes du Quebec, 1792-1812 ; George Bervin, Environnement materiel et activites economiques des conseillers executifr et legislatifs d Quibec, 1810-1830; Jean-Pierre Hardy, Niveaux de richesse et interieurs domestiqrres dans le guartier Saint-Roch a Quibec, 1820-1850; D . T. Ruddel, The Domestic Textile Industry in the Region and City of Quebec, 1792-1835 ; Christian Dessureault, L'inventaire apres dece.r et 1'agriculture bas-canadienne; Lorraine Gadoury, Le.r stocks des habitants dans les inven-taires apre.r dices .

(Fall/Automne 1983). Articles : Anita Rush, The Bicycle Boom of the Gay Nineties : A Reassessment ; Catherine Sullivan, The Bottles of Northrup fi Lyman, A Canadian Drug Firrn.

Research Reports/Rapports de recherche: Julia Cornish, The Legal Records of Atlantic Canada as a Resource for Material Historians ; Tina Rolande Roy, New Brunswick Newspaper Study of Imports, 1800-1860 ; Nancy-Lou Patterson, German-Alsatian Iron Gravemarkert in Southern Ontario Roman Catholic Cemeteries ; Lynn Russell and Patricia Stone, Gravestone Carvers of Early Ontario; Luigi G. Pennacchio and Larry B. Pogue, Inventory of Ontario Cabinetmakers, 1840-ca . 1900 .

Notes and Comments/Nouvelles breves : Robert Griffin and James Wardrop, Preliminary investi-gations into Ocean Falls Pulp and Paper Plant;

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No. 19

Claudia Haagan, Material History Sources in Eighteenth-Century Nova Scotia Newspapers ; Sandra Morton, History of Alberta Quilts ; T.B . King, A Research Tool for Studying the Canadian Glass Industry ; Andree Crepeau, An Inventory of Persons Working on the Material Culture of Eighteenth-Century Louisborrrg ; Elizabeth J . Quance and Micheal Sam Cronk, Selected Museum Studies Dissertations at the University of Toronto.

Reviews/Comptes rendus : Glenbow Museum, "The Great CRP Exposition" by David R. Richeson ; National Museum of Man, "The Ever-Whirling Wheel" by Catherine Cooper Cole ; Robert W. Passfield, Building the Rideau Canal by Norman R. Ball ; Walter W. Peddle, The Traditional Furniture of Outport Newfoundland by Shane O'Dea; Barbara Lang Rottenberg with Judith Tomlin, Glass Manufacturing in Canada: A Survey of Pressed Glass Patterns by Deborah Trask ; David T. Ruddel, Canadians and Their Environment by Robert Griffin; Thomas J . Schlereth, Material Culture Studies in America by A. Fenton .

(Spring/Printemps 1984). Articles : Hilary Russell, "Canadian Ways": An Introduction to Comparative Studies of Housework, Stoves, and Diet in Great Britain and Canada ; Ian Radforth, In the Bush : The Changing World of Work in Ontario's Pulpwood Logging Industry during the Twentieth Century; W. John McIntyre, From Workshop to Factory: The Furnituremaker; Marilyn J . Barber, Below Stairs : TheDomestic Ser-vant .

Research Reports/Rap ports de recherche : Sandra Morton, Inventory of Secondary Manufac-turing Companies in Alberta . 1880-1914; Nancy-Lou Patterson, Waterloo Region Gardens in the Germanic Tradition ; H.T . Holman, Some Com-ments on the Use of Chattel Mortgages in Material History Research .

Reviews/Comptes rendus: Costume in Canada : An Annotated Bibliography by Jacqueline Beau-doin-Ross and Pamela Blackstock ; Canadian War Museum, "The Loyal Americans" by John Brooke ; Newfoundland Museum, "Business in Great Waters" by James Hiller ; McCord Museum, "The Potters' View of Canada" by Lynne Sussman ; Elizabeth Collard, The Potters' View of Canada: Canadian Scenes on Nineteenth-Century Earthenware by Robert Copeland ; Eileen Marcil, Le.r Tonneliers du Quebec by Peter N . Moogk .

No . 20 (Fall/Automne 1984). Articles : Jocelyne Mathieu, Le mobilier contenant: Traitement comparatif Perche-Quebec, d'apre.r des inventaires de bien.r apre.r dices des XVII° et XVIII` .vieclet ; Alison Prentice, From Household to School House: The Emergence of the Teacher as Servant of the State.

Research Reports/Rapports de recherche : Frances Roback, Advertising Canadian Pianos and Organs, 1850-1914 ; Luce Vermette, L'habillement traditionnel au debut du X/X` siecle ; Eileen Marcil, La role de la tonnellerie dan.c la re-glementation de la peche au debut du XIXr siecle ; Anita Rush, Directory of Canadian Manufactur-ers, Bicycle Industry, 1880-1984 ; David Neufeld, Dealing with an Industrial Monument: The Borden Bridge ; Claudia Haagen and Debra McNabb, The Use of Primary Documents as Computerized Collection Records for the Study of Material Culture.

Notes and Comments/Notes et commentaires : Gregg Finley, Material History and Museums: A Curatorial Perspective ; Hilary Russell, Reflections of an Image Finder : Some Problems and Suggestions for Picture Researchers ; Papers completed in North American Decorative Arts Graduate Course, University of Toronto, 1968-82 .

Forum/Colloque : Robert D. Turner, The Limi-tations of Material History: A Museological Perspec-tive ; Peter E . Rider, The Concrete Clio : Definition of a Field of History .

Reviews/Comptes rendus : Manitoba Museum of Man and Nature, "Concerning Work" by David Flemming ; National Museum of Man, "Of Men and Wood" by Robert H. Babcock; Parcs Canada, region du Quebec, "Quebec: port d'en-tree en Amerique" by David-Thiery Ruddel .

No . 21 (Spring/printemps 1985). Greg Baeker, Introduction .

Articles : Thomas J . Schlereth, The Material Cul-ture of Childhood: Problems and Potential in Histori-cal Explanation; Felicity Nowell-Smith, Feeding the Nineteenth-Century Baby : Implications for Museum Collections ; Christina Bates, "Beauty Un-adorned" : Dressing Children in Late Nineteenth-Century Ontario ; Hilary Russell, Training, Restraining, and Sustaining : Infant and Child Care in the Late Nineteenth Century; Janet Holmes, Economic Choices and Popular Toys ; Mary Tivy, Nineteenth-Century Canadian Children's Games.

No. 22 (Fall/Automne 1985) . Articles : Ernst W. Stieb, A Professional Keeping Shop : The Nineteenth-Century Apothecary ; W. John McIntyre, Diffusion and Vision : A Case Study of the Ebenezer Doan House in Sharon, Ontario; Bruce Curtis, The Playground in Nineteenth-Century Ontario: Theory and Practice .

Research Reports/Rapports de recherche: Towards a Material History Methodology ; Richard Henning Field, Proxemic Patterns : Eighteenth-Century Lunenburg-German Domestic Furnishings and Interiors ; David Mattison, All the Latest Improvements : Vancouver Photographic Studios of the Nineteenth Century.

Research Note/Note de recherche: Serge Rouleau, 1986: Cent ans d'exploitation de la cale teche Lorne, a Larrzon.

Forum/Colloque : D.R . Richeson, An Approach to Historical Research in Museums; Barbara Riley, Research and the Development of a Domestic History Collection .

Reviews/Comptes rendus : Canadian War Museum, "Women and War" by Ruth Roach Pierson ; Royal Ontario Museum, "Georgian Canada: Conflict and Culture, 1745-1820" by Gregg Finley ; New Brunswick Museum, "Treasures ;" "The Great 19th Century Show;" "Colonial Grace: New Brunswick Fine Furni-ture ;" "Foundations : The River Province ;" by Stuart Smith, Judith Tomlin, Rosemarie Langhout, Tim Dilworth, Elizabeth W . McGahan ; Elizabeth Collard, Nineteenth-Century Pottery and Porcelain in Canada by Alan Smith ; Edwinna von Baeyer, Rhetoric and Roses : A History of Canadian Gardening 1900-1930 by Alex Wilson ; Canadian War Museum, "The Rebellion of 1885" by Brereton Greenhous ; Louisiana State Museum, "L'Amour de Maman: Acadian Textile Heritage" by Robert S . Elliot ;

Musee regional Laure-Conan, "Deux cent ans de villegiature dans Charlevoix" by Francine Brousseau .

No . 23 (Spring/Printemps 1986) . Gerald L. Pocius, Introduction .

Articles : David J . Goa, Dying and Rising in the Kingdom of God: The Ritual Incarnation of the "Ultimate" in Eastern Christian Culture; Roger Hall and Bruce Bowden, Beautifying the Boneyard: The Changing Image of the Cemetery in Nineteenth-Century Ontario; Gerald L. Pocius, The Transformation of the Traditional Newfound-land Cemetery : Institutionalizing the Secular Dead .

Research Reports/Rapports de recherche : Deborah Trask and Debra McNabb, Carved in Stone: Material Evidence in the Graveyards of Kings County, Nova Scotia ; Nancy-Lou Patterson, Open Secrets: Fifteen Masonic and Orange Lodge Gravemarkers in Waterloo and Wellington Counties, Ontario (1862-1983).

Research Note/Note de recherche: Valerie Evans, In Mourning .

Bibliographies : Gerald L . Pocius, An Intro-ductory Bibliograpy on Cultural Studies Relating to Death and Dying in Canada; Madeleine Gram-mond et Benoit Lacroix, Mort et religion traditionnelle au Quebec : Bibliographie .

Reviews/Comptes rendus : Provincial Museum of Alberta, "Spiritual Life - Sacred Ritual" by Earl Waugh ; DesBrisay Museum National Exhibition Centre, "The Ox in Nova Scotia" by Earl J . Ruff; Thomas J . Schlereth, U.S . 40: A Roadscape of the American Experience by John van Nostrand .

Books received/Ouvrages rqus .

83

MATERIAL HISTORY BULLETIN/BULLETIN D'HISTOIRE DE LA CULTURE MATERIELLE

The Material History Bulletin provides a venue for articles and research reports encompassing a range of approaches in interpreting the past through an analysis of Canadians' relationship to their material world . Critical reviews of books, exhibitions, and historic sites, artifact studies and reports on collections encourage the use of material evidence in understanding historical change and continuity .

The Bulletin is received by 100 universities, research institutes, museums, and libraries in 30 countries . It is indexed in Anteriea : History and Life, Journal of Anrericart History, Technology and Culture's Current Bibliography in the History of Technology, and Annual Bibliography of Ontario History .

Correspondence concerning contributions and editorial matters should be addressed to : Editor, Material History Bulletin, History Division, National Museum of Man, Ottawa, Ontario, K IA OM8. Manuscripts and endnotes should be double-spaced . Captions for illustrations should be double-spaced and include credits, source, and nega-tive number (if held in a public collection) ; measurements of objects should be in metric . Authors are responsible for obtaining permission to reproduce material from copy-righted works.

The Bulletin is published twice a year . Subscriptions for 1986 are $10 .00 (individuals) and $14 .00 (institutions) ; single issues are $5 .00. Cheques or money orders should be payable to the Receiver General of Canada . Subscrip-tions and related correspondence should be addressed to : Publishing Services, National Museums of Canada, Ottawa, Ontario, K 1 A OM8 .

Le Bulletin d'histoire de la culture materielle presente des articles et des travaux de recherche qui proposent differentes fa~ons d'aborder 1'etude et l'interpretation du passe a travers 1'analyse des rapports qui existent entre les Canadiens et leur monde materiel . Des critiques de livres, d'expositions et de lieux historiques, des etudes d'objets et des articles sur les grandes collections cana-diennes favorisent 1'utilisation de temoins materiels en vue de 1'interpretation du changement et de la continuiti historiques .

Le Bulletin est envoye a une centaine d'universites, d'instituts de recherche, de musees et de bibliothques repartis dans une trentaine de pays . 11 est repertorie dans America: History and Life, Journal of Ameril-an History, Current Bibliography in the History ofTechnology publie dans Technology and Culture et Annual Bibliography of Ontario History .

Toute correspondance concernant les articles et les ques-tions redactionnelles dolt parvenir a 1'adresse suivante : Redacteur, Bulletin d'histoire de la culture materielle, Division de I'Histoire, Musee national de 1'Homme, Ottawa (Ontario), K lA OM8 . Les manuscrits, les notes et les legendes d'illustrations doivent etre dactylographies a double interligne . Les legendes doivent etre accompa-gnees des mentions de source et du numero du negatif (si la photo fait partie d'une collection publique) ; les dimensions des objets doivent etre fournies dans le systeme metrique . II incombe aux auteurs d'obtenir 1'autorisation voulue pour reproduire des textes tires d'ouvrages proteges par le droit d'auteur .

Le Bulletin parait deux fois Fan. L'abonnement pour 1986 coute $10 pour les particuliers er $14 pour les etablissements ; les numeros achetes separement coutent $5 chacun . Veuillez envoyer la somme necessaire sous forme de cheque ou de mandat-poste a 1'ordre du Receveur general du Canada . Les abonnements et la correspondance ayant rapport aux commandes doivent s'adresser au Services d'edition, Musees nationaux du Canada, Ottawa (Ontario) K 1 A OM8 .