Marxism and the Sociology of Trade Unionism

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Hyman, Marxism and Trade Unionism

Richard Hyman,

Marxism and the Sociology of Trade Unionism.

London: Pluto Press, 1971

Purpose:

To critically outline the optimistic (revolutionary) and pessimistic (non-evolutionary) potential of trade unions, and to consider their dialectical

elationship in a synthetic analysis.

(see model in chart)

● I. Optimistic Tradition: Marx and Engels● II. Later Reservations of Marx and Engels● III. The Pessimistic Interpretation

1. Integration (Lenin)2. Iron Law of Oligarchy (Michels)3. Incorporation (Trotsky)4. Orthodoxy of Industrial Relations

● IV) Pessimistic One-Sidedness: A Critical Appraisal 1. Critique of Leninist Position of Integration2. Critique of Michel's Iron Law of Oligarchy

3. Critique of Trotsky's Incorporation4. Critique of Industrial Relations Orthodoxy

● V) Conclusion: The Limits of Trade Union Consciousness● VI) Some Implications● VII) Implications for Dual Nature of Trade Unionism and Dual Systems Theory

I. Optimistic Tradition: Marx and Engels

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) laws of supply and demand determine wages; in the face of this, all trade unions can do is tolow down the erosion of wages in the face of the onslaught of capital; this is a defensive position ofnions. (p. 5).

) political activity of the trade union is directed in an attack on competition among workers which

s the cornerstone of bourgeois dominance; this is accomplished through the combination of workers;he destruction of competittion among workers means the destruction of the rule of property. (6).

) Unions are a military school for class war, according to Engels.

) Marx: unions are ramparts for workers in their struggle for social revolution against employers.6).

) industrial concentration brings about the combination of workers which runs counter to theompetition among workers.

). Unions are one stage in the transition from a class in itself to a class for itself (6-7).

) Grave-diggers: bourgeoisie is its own grave diggers in the sense that capital accumulation bringsbour industrial concentration, which in turn brings about the combination of workers with low

wages, which struggles to overthrow private property to put an end to their enslavement. (8).

II. Later Reservations of Marx and Engels

A) Lack of revolutionary ardor on part of British trade unions after mid-19th centuryaused Marx and Engels to reassess their optimistic view, but did not cause them to drop it as aeneral theory of the relation between trade unions and revolutionary struggle. Instead, they saw theevelopments in the british trade union movement as an aberration or deviation in an historical trend;he deviation they felt could be explained by a combination of three factors:

1. Labour Aristocracy: the conservatism of the British trade union movement is reflective ofthe fact that the entire working class was not organized, but only a part of it, the most priveleged, skilled part, which took a moderate position. This part was able to win materialconcessions not won by the less skilled and as yet unorganized. They saw this as a temporary

phenomenon.2. Corrupt Leaders: trade union movement was in the hands of leaders who were corrupt in a

material and ideological sense. (9).3. Embourgeoisment based on imperialism: ie, the British nation was passing through an

imperialist stage in which the British working class benefitted from Britain's monopoly

capitalist position in the world. This also would pass once British imperialism declined. (9-10).

B) Business Union Evidence: Some writings of Marx and Engels suggest that they were aware



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f the restricted nature of trade unions, of their sectional nature, of their defensiveness, of theirttempt to cope with the effects rather than the causes of their problems. But they did not elevatehese concerns to the level of general theory.

III. The Pessimistic Interpretation

(see pessimistic model in chart)

1. Integration (Lenin) 2. Oligarchy (Michels)3. Incorporation (Trotsky)4. Industrial Relations Orthodoxy which combines integration (# 1), oligarchy (#2),

and incorporation (#3) in a 'maturation thesis'

All four of above in pessimistic tradition inhibit the challenge by trade unions toapitalism

Review and Critique: Hyman reviews each of these and later provides a critique.

1) Integration (Lenin):(see integration model in chart)

ntegration thesis states that trade unions, able to achieve their economic objectives within thetructures of capitalism, become integrated into its institutions. (Hyman, p. 14). This is not anntentional on the part of anyone, but a product of the structures of trade unions and bourgeoisocieties; in contrast, Trotsky's incorporation thesis is a product partly of the intentional andeliberate actions of states and corporations which strive to coopt unions and their leaders in order tomasculate them and bend them in the service of bourgeois aims. (on this difference, see Hyman, p.7).

● Note: patriarchy: can one argue that integration is the unintentional coincidence of trade union patriarchy with patriarchal institutions in capitalist society, whereas incorporation is the attempt bydominant men in corporations and the state to forge alliances with the male leadership of the tradeunion movement in order to co-opt feminist positions in the labour movement and outside?

) Sectional nature of trade unions, organized along the lines of industry or occupation; or the toolsf the trade. (also Gramsci argues this position).

) economism: that trade unions are narrowly concerned with immediate economic issues, such as



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wages (the terms of the sale of labour power), working conditions, etc.

) ideology: a rigid dichotomy exists between trade union consciousness and social democractic (ie,evolutionary) consciousness; the latter cannot develop within the proletariat, but must be importednto the proletariat from outside by bourgeois intellectuals. Trade union consciousness was " 'theonviction that it is necessary to combine in unions, fight the employers, and strive to compel theovernment to pass necessary labour legislation, etc.' " (13) (from Lenin's What Is To Be Done ,902).

) politics : trade union politics is bourgeois politics, according to Lenin. (13). This contradicts Marxwho thought that political action by trade unions was an indication of their political class struggle.

2) Iron Law of Oligarchy (Michels)

) oligarchic tendencies of trade union leadership greater than in political parties; union leaderswill attempt to perpetuate themselves in power, partly because of their manual origins; this meanshat they have no means of economic subsistence after they leave their leadership posts, and feel toombarrassed to return to their manual pursuits after having attained such relatively elevated positionsf high esteem. (15).

) impossibility of direct democracy;

) bureaucratization of trade union structures, partly to cope with the technical requirements of

ollective bargaining and negotiations.

) gap between leaders and mass rank and file: ideological differentiation between leaders and led.

) technical expertise and experience required; this perpetuates or at least justifies in the eyes ofhe masses the continuation of the 'experts' in office.

) apathy by rank and file perpetuates leadership.

) size of union: the larger the union, the greater its bureaucratization.

) conservatism: moderation and petty-bourgeois life style evidence by trade union leaders. Need forublic approval also leads to a conservatism on the part of the leaders of unions.

institutional needs: union, to survive, must pay attention to the opinions of the government andorporate employers. (17).

3) Incorporation (Trotsky)

(see incorporation model in chart)



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ncorporation Thesis: "that union leaders, having acquired authority over their members, are useo assist capitalism in controlling the workers." (18).

) bourgeois, conservative ideology displayed by trade union bureaucrats (18).

) contributor to the survival of capitalism: trade union bureaucracy has helped capitalism survive

y supporting its structures. (18). Trotsky even looked upon British trade unions as the "backbone ofBritish imperialism" (p. 18).

) "lieutenants of capital" = trade union bureacurats = Trotsky's phrase (p. 18).

) "political police" = trade union leaders acting to discipline their members on behalf of capital (p.9; Trotsky's phrase).

) State action: state attempted to incorporate unions into capitalist society on behalf of capital (19).

4) Recent Derivatives: Orthodoxy of Industrial Relations (20-25).

) C. W. Mills:

joint bureaucratic discipline: amalgamation of trade union bureaucracy with corporation'sureacuracy (20). Mills: " 'Business-labor co-operation within the place of work...means the partialntegration of company and union bureaucracies.... The union takes over much of the company'sersonnel work, becoming the disciplining agent fo teh reank and file... Company and union...areisciplining agents for each other, and both discipline the malcontented elements among thenionized employees.' " (21). (From Mills, New Men of Power).

) junior partnership enjoyed by trade unions within industry. Union derives union security, higherwages for its members, in return, the company receives peace and stability in its plants and higherroductivity. (20).

i) sympathy with basic Marxist orientation by mills sets him apart from the other orthodoxnterpreters of industrial relations. (21).

● Note: Patriarchy: In New Men of Power, did Mills discuss patriarchal control?

) R. A. Lester and others: Maturation Thesis

Maturity thesis is demonstrated by the theories of Lenin, Michels, and Trotsky. Ie, the managementf conflict by unions in peaceful ways simply indicates the maturation of the system of industrialelations, and of trade unions and their leaders. The union partakes in the managerial function of theontrol of union members. In return for its displining function, the union (and its leaders) receivenion security from the company. (21-22).



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Carried out on two levels:

i. workplace;ii. state institutions. (22-23).

) Coser: Postive Functions of Social Conflict:

e, it is in the management of conflict that both parties come out stronger (23-4).

) Clark Kerr's Slowdown in Industrial Conflict

n higher stages of capitalism, contrary to Marx. (24).

) Dahrendorf's institutionalization of industrial conflict

means that it becomes less prone to unpredictable violence, and it becomes more regulated (24).

) Dubin's instititutionalization of industrial

onflict through collective bargaining (24).

) Lipset: legitimacy of unions decreases likelhood of 'economic cleavages' and conflicts. (24-5).

V) Pessimistic One-Sidedness: A Critical Appraisal (25-37).

one-sidedness: all of the pessimistic school has emphasized the one- sided interpretation of unionss anti-revolutionary, without taking into account the dialectical relation between its revolutionarynd non- revolutionary roles (25). We must take into account the dialectical relation between tradenions and capitalist society. (25), especially the counter-tendencies to the integration of unions into

apitalist societies.

) historical contingency: above can be forcefully argued by remembering that the integrationistrguments apply to some specific historical circumstances, but not to others.

. Critique of Leninist Position of Integration (26-28)

Three factors (ability of capitalism to satisfy economic demands of workers; aspiration levels of

workers; and, degree of organization of workers) can affect whether trade unions can be integratednto capitalism. Hyman argues that Lenin's thesis may not have absolute validity for all times andlaces. Where capitalism can no longer grant the economic demands of workers in the context of highspirations for workers and great strength in their organizations, economic demands of workers may



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ntroduce a degree of instability into capitalism rather than supporting its structures, as in Britain inhe early 1970s.

. Critique of Michel's Iron Law of Oligarchy (28-33)

● Note: Patriarchy: did Michels say anything of the fact that most union leaders were men?

Hyman points out three counter-tendencies to Michel's iron law of oligarchy in trade unions:

i. instrumentalism of rank and file: because the rank and file expect unions to deliver a package of economic goods, when these are not forthcoming, they may revolt against theirleaders for economic reasons.

ii. democratic expectations: rank and file have democratic expectations of their leaders; theleaders often come out of democratic activism at the rank and file level. This democratic ethosacts as a constraint on the anti-democratic practices of union leaders. Thus, Gouldner argues

that besides Michels iron law of oligarchy there is also in trade unions an iron law ofdemocracy.

iii. level of organization: Michels focused on the national level of unions where bureacurcy andoligarchy are most developed; he did not focus on the local level and at the shopfloor-stewardlevel where democratic practices are most developed.

. Critique of Trotsky's Incorporation (33-35)

Hyman suggests that it is important to distinguish between the attempt by corporations and the stateo incorporate unions into capitalist insitutions (on which Trotsky was probably correct), and theegree of sucess of this incorporation (on which Trotsky was less probably correct, given the currentituation in Great Britain).

. Critique of Industrial Relations Orthodoxy (35-37)

denial of history: industrial relations people deny the potential militancy of unions in today'society, despite the militant origins of present-day unions; thus, they deny that history can repeart

self, even in an altered way.

) misinterpretation of Mills: Mills' phrase 'manager of discontent' attribution of union bureaucratsas been taken out of context by current industrial relations orthodoxy. For Mills, this was only oneide of trade union leaders; the other side, which coexisted at the same time, was a revolt againstg thetrictures of capitalism. (36-7).

V) Conclusion: The Limits of Trade Union Consciousness (37-49)

) Reaffirmation of a variant of optimistic interpretation: based on recent British experience, weannot accept wholesale the pessimistic views of the integration, oligarchy, and incorporation theses;or can we accept entirely the optimistic interpretation as originally advanced by Marx and Engels.



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37).

) Union challenges capitalism on two fronts:

● economic: "Unionism represents a reaction against economic exploitation: the extraction ofsurplus value from workers' labour" (38).

● political: issues of power and control are inherent in almost every instance of collective bargaining, so that it is difficult to draw a hard and fast line between the economic dimensionsand politics of trade unionism. Thus, business unionism in its pure sense simply does not exist.(38).

) gap between activity and consciousness: usually, activity runs ahead of consciousness which isnfected by bourgeois ideology. Workers have a sectional consciousness in which they are moreeady to condemn other workers' strikes than their own. (39).

) continuity between workers' economic and political demands : see long excellent quote fromHobsbawm (pp. 39-40).

) Middle ground between trade union consciousness and socialist consciousness in Leninecognized by him in other writings, especially on the 1905 revolution written after what is to beone. In these writings, Lenin seems to recognize the political and socialist significance of economicrade union actions, such as the strike! (40-42) N.B.

VI) Some Implicationsgood section). (see pp. 50-53).

VII) Implications for Dual Nature of Trade Unionism and DualSystems Theory

ouble nature of trade unionism: contradictions of revolutionary vs. conservative traditionslong:

● class lines● gender lines

The conservative/revolutionary dualism can therefore exist in both gender and in tradenionism. For an illustration, click HERE. This leads to a variety of types of trade unionism.

s this dual systems theory in another guise?


http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4s3/theory/dual3.htmhttp://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4s3/theory/uniongc.htmhttp://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4s3/theory/uniongc.htmhttp://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4s3/theory/dual3.htm


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