Renaissance Studies Vof. z No. 2

Marco Grimani in Scotland, I 543-1 544: a versified account of his legation

CHARLES B U R N S

Among the countless treasures of the Vatican Library, there is one little gem that hitherto appears to have gone almost unn0ticed.l This is codex Vaticanus latinus 11525, which, in point of fact, is a mid sixteenth-century Italian text, on paper, measuring zoj x 153 mm, of 74 folios. It has a limp vellum binding over stiff paper, without ornamentation; on the spine the title Cantane(o) / morte / di / Giac(om)o / Re di Sco- / z ia / in / versi, with the numeral ZV added lower down. At one time it belonged to the library of the Roman College and came to the Vatican only in the first decades of the present century, as a gift to Pope Pius X (1903-14) from P. Beckx.?

The nature of the work is explained immediately in the title and dedicatory letter which preface the text. The title reads: HZSTORZA Q U A L E : I tratta de la morte del Re Jacobo quinto / di Scoria con il lamento della Regina: / sua consorte, appresso il success0 del viaggio / qua1 fece Monsignore R.m il Putriarca: 1 d'Aquileia mandato per Nuncio, et Legato: / apostolico nel Regno di Scoria. 1543. Another hand has added Composta da Burtolomeo Cataneo (fol. 1').

In a brief sixteen-line dedication, the author offers the work to his patron, the Patriarch of Aquileia, mindful of his great kindness and grateful for the many favours received from his hands. It is doubtful, however, if this ever reached him, or, if so, only within the last days of his life, because Marco Grimani, having returned to Rome at the end ofJune 1544, died in the last days of the following month. This may account for the fact that the last folios of the book appear to have been written in haste and without the elegance used beforehand (fols 73'741, where, instead of two stanzas in ottuva rirnu to a page, there are as many as eight.

Bartolomeo Cataneo himself, self-decIared author of this Historia, continues to elude better identification. He was a priest, but:

I It was Dr John Durkan who brought th is MS to my attention many years ago. It appears to have been yen only by one French scholar, Georgcs Girvan, by Mgr JOSC Ruysschaen, when compiling the catalogue of the M S S of this collection, and by Dr Durkan himself. Apparently the late Mgr David McRoberts had a transcription of the text. but 1 can find no indication that ic has ever been published.

Bibliothccoc Apostolicae Vatic- codices manv scripti rccm'ti: Codices Vaticani Latini. Codices 11414-

11709. ed. JoSC Ruysschaert (Vatican Library, 1959). zss-6.

0 1988 The Society for Renaissance Strtdics, Oxford University Press

Charles Burns

. . . poveretto Prete senza un quatrin, con rotti, i, panni In orden ti so diu da San Giovanni. (fol. 19')

The exact meaning of the last phrase is not clear and for the present remains enigmatic. He conceived the work in six cantos composed of an unequal number of stanzas, each of eight lines, a classical Italian poetic form for epic histories. That Cataneo should have attributed such importance to Marco Grimani's legation is itself exceptional, but that the destination of the papal nuncio in this instance was the Scotland of the infant Mary Queen of Scots surely makes this carmen something of extraoradinary interest.

The first three cantos (fols z'-3zr), consisting of IZI stanzas (nn. I-IZI), form the prelude to this account of the Patriarch of Aquileia's mission, leading up to the moment of his arrival in Scotland (I 14-21). For the sake of brevity and also because the historical and political background to the legation is well known from other so~rces ,~ they can be treated here very summarily, even at the cost of sacrificing such colourful passages as the lament of Mary of Guise for her deceased husband, James V (20-31).

The narrative opens with a mis-en-scine of Europe and Scotland, as they were in the summer of 1543, following the death ofJames V (1-5). The plot is centred round the dowager queen and her infant daughter, recently released from confinement at Linlithgow, but still pawns in a political game, involving Henry VIII of England and more than one treacherous Scottish lord. Cardinal Beaton, having become reconciled with the regent, the Earl of Arran,4 has determined to unite their forces in an attempt to thwart the English designs on their country and for that purpose they have taken Mary of Guise and the child Queen Mary under their protection at Stirling Castle (616) . The King of France5 and the pope6 have observed these events with growing apprehension (17-19, 3z-3), and this culminates with the appoint- ment of a papal nuncio to Scotland in the person of Marco Grimani, Patriarch of Aquileia (34-44). The nuncio set off for the French court without delay and on arrival at Saint Germain was warmly received by Francis I (45-57). Gradually the preparation for his mission got under way, not without inevitable frustrations and delays (58-66), but by the end ofJuly

3 Cf. R. K. Hannay, 'Letters of the papal legate in Scodmd, 1543'. in Scot Hisr R , 9 (1914). 1-26 The Two Missions ofJean de LQ Brossc. An Account of t lu Affairs in Scotland in the year 1543. and The Journal of the Scigc oflcith. 1560, ed. G. Dickenson. Scottish History Society, 3rd wries, 36 (Edinburgh, 1 9 ~ ) ~ passim; P. Pa&. 'Ordinamento di m a nunziatura alla meti del recolo XVI', in Riv Sror Chiesa in Itnlia. 3 (1949). 45-54. M. H. B. Sanderson. Cardinal ofScotland: David Beaton, c. 1 4 ~ 1 5 4 6 (Edinburgh, 1986). ch. 10, pp. 16078. dcals in detaii with this preaw moment in Scottish history.

4 Jama Hamilton. 2nd earl of Amn. 5 FGUIC~S I(1SIS-47). 6 Paul 111 (1534-49).

Marc0 Grimani in Scotland, 154311j44 3 0 1

the nuncio was ready to leave Paris and head for the French coast, where ships had been chartered to take him and two ambassadors from Francis I, Jacques de La Brosse and Jacques Mhage, who were bringing arms ‘et gran Thesoro’ to Scotland (67-97). On 27 September the flotilla put out to sea from Brest. Bad weather forced them to alter course and steer up St George’s Channel and approach Scotland by the Irish Sea, where there was constant danger of being intercepted by the English (98-1 13) . On 3 October, around midday, with mist still about, they caught their first sight of Scotland:

Facendosi di poi il ciel sereno La Terra cominci6 di comparere Vedeasi la Scotia h destra banda, A la senestra 1’ Isola d’ Irlanda. (I 14)

La qua1 si perse cerca il mezzo giorno Di vista, et dopl, vespro navigando Di Scotia fra doi Terre CBminciorno Intrar, di tanto don’ Iddio laudando. (I I 5 )

Navigating the Firth of Clyde, the ships reached Dumbarton on the night of St Francis, around two in the morning, and fired a salvo to announce their arrival:

Et quivi in pace poi si riposorno. (116)

Early next morning, prior to disembarking, the Patriarch dispatched a messenger with letters to the cardinal and to the queen, then he breakfasted and prepared to go ashore (117). Disembarkation commenced and his servants and belongings were ferried by boat to Dumbarton about 3 miles distant (118). After a safe landing, all were thankful to be ashore and by evening they were lodged with their gear (119). On arrival, the Patriarch repaired to church to thank God and the saints for a safe voyage to Scotland (I~o), before retiring to his lodgings:

Da molti de la Terra accompagnato Ognun di sua venuta ben contento

and the rest of the narration will follow in another Canto (121). The Fourth Canto (fols 32‘-453 consists of fifty-three stanzas (nn. 122-4).

It would require the talents of Tully, or Homer, to do full justice to the theme (122), so the narrator asks his audience for their wrapt attention (123) and recapitulates, beginning with the arrival of the Patriarch in Scotland (124). After two days news of t h i s event began to spread (125) and the Queen read his letter with pleasure, while the other was sent to St Andrews for the

Charles Burns 302

Cardinal, who left immediately to join her at Stirling (126). On Sunday, 7 October the Earl of Lennox' with his escort came to Dumbarton to greet the two French ambassadors (127), meeting them in private, before departing again, after which everyone adjourned to the Castle, situated on a little hill ( 1 2 8 ) . ~ The following day the earl called upon the Patriarch, who received him honourably and handed him a Brief from the pope (129). After conversing together, the earl took leave and returned to his own lodging for the night, while next morning early the Patriarch went to church (130) to hear Mass and on leaving was greeted warmly by the bishop of Caithness ( I ~ I ) . ~ Having talked together for a time, they retired to their separate quarters for dinner, not long after which two gentlemen arrived from the cardinal and the queen (132), with instructions to greet the Patriarch (133). He received them with his characteristic courtesy (134) and their visit pleased him, but, alas, their names are not recorded (135) . They welcomed the papal legate in the name of the sovereign and of the cardinal (136), inviting him to come to Stirling as soon as possible by way of Glasgow, where the archbishopto would join him and accompany him to court (137). The envoys departed, the Patriarch dined, and then:

Insieme con alcun' accompagnato And6 per spassa tempo a visitare Un stagna d' acqua dolce rinserrato Fra certi monti,'' il quale puo circondare Come s' afferma miglia da deciotto Nel qua1 sonno Isolette quarantaotto. (138)

Fabulous trees bordered a river, the foliage of which if it falls into water turns into geese (139). The day after, a Wednesday morning, the servants and their belongings were put into boats and brought to Glasgow, which they reached in daylight and were taken to their lodgings (140). And that same day the courier who had taken the Patriarch's letters to the queen and the cardinal returned with letters from them inviting him to come to Stirling quickly (141). The queen also sent him a chestnut coloured steed, accoutred with saddle and bridle (142). The following day, 11 October, the Patriarch set forth and made his entry into Glasgow with pomp and solemnity, visiting first the church, before going on to his abode (143), where those who had accompanied him took their leave, just as the sun began to set in the west

7 Matthew Stewart, 4th earl of Lennox. 8 Presumably Dumbarcon Rock. 9 Robert Stewart (1541-86). 10 Gavin Dunbar (Isrq-47)- I I Clearly Loch Lomond is intended.

Marc0 Grimani in Scotland, 1543-1544 303

(144). Next morning, along with his household, he went to the cathedral to hear Mass, and in the meantime three messengers arrived bearing letters from the queen, the cardinal and the governor (145), that renewed the invitation to join the court as soon as possible, to which the Patriarch replied that he would do so that very day (146). The messengers then called on the archbishop of Glasgow, who was to escort Grimani, and he promised to be ready to leave at a moment’s notice (147). Their departure, however, was deferred because the archbishop in person came to the Patriarch’s house after dinner and they strolled conversing together in the garden (148). Having agreed to wait until the following day, it being too late by then to go to Stirling, the archbishop left, but even the next day they did not depart, though no reason was given (149). After vespers, the Patriarch went by carriage to a village 6 miles distant from Glasgow, while in the interval a messenger arrived with all speed from the court to warn him (150) that the Earl of Angusi2 would be in Glasgow next day, 14 October, and that the Patriarch must leave with haste and in secret (151). So on Sunday morning, before daybreak, he left Glasgow with three companions and rode without halting to Stirling ( I 52), which they reached by dinner-time and finding that Messer Monte had their rooms prepared, they sat down at table immediately (153) . Having dined, Messer Monte went to the queen and the cardinal and announced that before sundown they would see the Patriarch (154). After vespers, the carriages arrived with the other servants and the luggage, which was then unpacked (155). Later that evening Grimani, accompanied only by his ~ecretary,’~ waited upon the queen and the cardinal and was received at the castle with great honour, especially by Mary of Guise (156). The meeting took place in public, then the queen and the Patriarch retired apart and continued their conversation in private (157). Upon returning, they were joined by the cardinal and the Governor of Scotland, who was present that evening with other nobles, all of whom welcomed the Patriarch as a friend (158). As night fell, he asked leave to retire to his lodgings, declining offers to accompany him, but left the room alongside the cardinal and they talked together for another little while (159). He returned to his rooms incognito, as he had come, tired after a fatiguing day, but next morning, attired in the legate’s complete regalia, he made his way to the court, which by contrast was in mourning (160).

Accompagnato f3 da sua famiglia Di vestimenti, et di costumi ornata: Con gravitade andorno non pareglia

12 Archibald Douglas, 6th earl of Angus. 13 Alcssandro Thealdini.

304 Charles Burns

Qual’ era da modestia accompagnata, Tal che ciascun si dava maraveglia Vedendo la gentil saggia brigata. Pareva sopra tutti il Patriarca Terrestro no: celeste si Monarca. (161)

Et pervenuto dove dimorava Di Scotia nel castello la gran corte, Ciascun per riverirlo s’ inclinava Con riverenza aprendo le lor porte: Passo poi piu davanti dove stava Con molte damigelle la consorte Del Re di Scotia morto, et parimente Copia de gran signori, e, d’ altra gente. (162)

Et gionto nella sala piu che presto Vedendo la Regina Monsignore Con gratia, riverenza, et atto honesto Lo vCne ad incontrar per fargli honore I1 Patriarca quanto lei modesto Che di modestia glie radice, e, fiore Vento da gentilezza: fatto humano Ando ver lei con la baretta in mano. (163)

Fatto che fu 1’ un 1’ altro poi vicino Ambi con riverenza s’ accettorno Tenendo 1’ un per 1’ altro il capo chino Con un amor sincero s’ abbracciomo Era ii veder un’ Anna, et J ~ a c h i n o ’ ~ Quando ch’ i 1’ aurea porta si scontomo Tanto era di lor ambi 1’ honestade La mutua gentilezza, e charitade. (164)

The rest of the courtiers hastened to render homage to the Patriarch, as befitted his rank as legate from the pope and the King of France (165). He thanked them all for their welcome and remained with the queen and the company in friendly conversation until dinner-time, when he retired to his rooms with his entourage (166). Again, the next day, the legate returned to the Queen, where ‘il fior di Scotia’ was assembled at the castle with the two French ambassadors (167). There existed at that time great dissension among the Scots and they were forced to deliberate about what to do with the

14 SS. Joachim and Anne arc traditionally said to have been the parents of the Virgin Mary, although their names are not found in holy scripture.

Marc0 Crirnani in Scotland, 1543-1544 305

subsidy of arms and money from the King of France (168), sent for the purpose of thwarting the English designs to overrun Scotland through the treachery of certain Scottish nobles (169). Grasping the situation, the Patriarch did not hesitate to give his opinion to the ambassadors about what should be done for the good of the country (170). It is impossible to say why his good advice was not taken, but truth to tell, their course of action proved almost disastrous (171). Clearly, it was a great mistake on their part, an act of sheer folly, when they gave part of the artillery and all the money, against Grimani’s better judgement, to those who were allied with England (172). The Patriarch had foreseen the outcome of this and his thought then was how to get the money back from the Earl of Lennox (173)- The rest will be recounted later, if you have patience to hear the narration out to the end

The Fifth Canto (fols 45’36‘) consists of forty-four stanzas (nn. 175-218). It opens with a renewed invitation for attention, as there will be an account of the war that followed and what caused it (175). The Patriarch, in council with the others, was studying how to recover the French money that was in the possession of the Earl of Lennox (176). Upon returning to his house after that meeting, he sent a beautiful silver Pad5 to the cardinal, a tangible sign of his desire to work for peace and harmony in Scotland (177). Two days later he dined at court and was received by the queen in her antechamber, where she had her sleeping baby daughter brought in her cradle (178).

(174).

Venuta, il Patriarca in braccio prese La dolce fanciullina, et iriiitando I1 vecchio Simeon santo,I6 e cortese La benedisse, 1 Christ0 supplicando Dicendo Agnel di Dio che nostre offese Tuogli, nostra salute procurando Conserva madre, a figila ambe Regine Del be1 Regno di Scotia peregrine. (179)

Kissing the infant, he returned it to her nurse, and himself returned with the queen to the hall:

. . . et a1 calore Di foco che di pietra” faceva,

where they continued their conversation (180). It being now late, he went

I S Pax Brede, or osculurium, was a small liturgial plate, made of ivory, metal, or wood, with a handle at the back. SO that it could be easily passed among worshippers to convcry the kiss of pace during Mw.

16 Holy Simeon, for whom d Luke 2.22-35. 17 Italians wen unfamiliar with the w of coal!

306 Charles Burns

back to dine at his lodgings, before retiring to bed (181). Next day, returning to the castle, he found the French ambassadors already there with the cardinal and a large company of nobles (182). He took part in their meeting, but at midday repaired to his quarters; meantime, the cardinal sent him, as a token of friendship, a mule caparisoned with velvet (183). The Patriarch was pleased with the gift, but only on account of its donor, and he had every intention of returning it to the cardinal (184). It was the first and the only gift that he accepted, having firmly resolved before arriving in Scotland not to accept any ( 1 8 5 ) ~ a principle he followed himself and had instructed his household to do likewise (186). So the cardinal’s present was accepted more as a loan than as a real gift (187). After dinner he called for a couple of silver salvers, which he filled with all sorts of things, including embroidered gloves ( I 88), perfumes, soaps, together with an ornate cypress box (189), containing aromatic perfumes that ladies like to rub on their hands, faces and bodies:

Per dar’ i lor amanti fra le piume Maggior occasione di diletto. (190)

There were also a crystal cup in its case, a polished metal mirror, rosaries, scissors (191) and many other trinkets that he sent as gifts to the queen, who was immensely beholden to him (192). That evening the Patriarch joined the cardinal, the ambassadors, the queen and other lords at the castle (193). The day after, the conversation turned on the fact that Henry VIII remained a Christian at heart, although he had denied the authority of the pope:

Ma che col tempo ancora si sperava Che si risvegliarebbe s’ hora dorme Et che s’ inclinarebbe in tutto i quello Ch’ apre del ciel, et chiuse il be1 canzellol* (194)

all of which the Patriarch was delighted to hear and he went off to church to pray for the English king’s conversion (195). before supping at home and retiring to rest (196). The next morning was Sunday, 21 October, and he went to Mass with his household, taking a short walk with them, before returning for their midday meal (197). Later, most of the servants and their belongings were put on a barge for the sea journey to St Andrews; however, it was already so late and the vessel so overloaded that they had to spend the night at a place only a mile distant from Stirling (198).19 The journey was resumed next day, but later that evening the barge nearly foundered on a rock, as they entered the harbour at Burntisland (199). It was an unpleasant

18 An allusion to St Peter’s powers to open and shut the gat= of heaven: d. Matt. 16.19. 19 Possibly Cambuskenneth.

Marc0 Crimani in Scotland, 1543-1544 3 07

experience, but they were unscathed (zoo), and the following day set sail once more and arrived at St Andrews (201). Having offered a dinner to La Brosse and others, the Patriarch left Stirling, accompanied by the bishop of GallowayZ0 and other gentlemen, and passed the night at Dunfermline (202), where they spent two days and the abbot treated him with the highest respect (203). Next day they reached Dysart and were entertained by Archibald Beaton, the cousin of the cardinal (204);~~ then on Saturday, 27 October, in the company of many lords, the Patriarch reached his lodgings at St Andrews, escorted by the townsfolk (205). He remained there for some time, giving good example to all and sundry (206). The governor and the cardinal arrived a day or two later with many others and the latter pestered him for favours in his gift as legate (207), but he referred them to the cardinal, rather than be accused of grasping for their money (208). He admonished his servants to treat everybody equitably and when possible satisfy their requests (209). The Patriarch wished that the money from the offerings that came to him be divided into three; one part for his scriveners and servants, a share for the needy, the imprisoned, churches, convents and hospitals, and the third left at the disposal of the cardinal (210). The tax on concessions had to be written clearly with fair play for rich and poor alike (211). This was the spirit that prevailed in his chancery, which was soon inundated with requests (212). and he was particularly magnanimous to those unable to pay, granting their petitions gratis and adding some alms as well (213), so that the house of Grimani had reason to be proud ofhim (214). The time came for his departure from St Andrews:

Venuto il tempo il qua1 1' acqua nel fosso Converte in ghiaccio, et che la terra cuopra Spesso di pioggia, e neve gia voghando Partir da Santo Andrea mando il bando (21s)

throughout the city, so that claims could be settled in time, and in the meantime he retained only a few servants, dispatching the others ahead to Edinburgh by sea (216). After the ship's departure, on 27 November, the Patriarch himself left St Andrews and crossed the firth from Dysart to Edinburgh (217). He entered the city by torchlight, on Wednesday evening, 28 November, and with his arrival there the Fifth Canto reaches its conclusion (2 I 8).

The Sixth Canto (fols ~6~74' consists of eight-two stanzas (nn. 219-300) and so is by far the longest. It opens with the customary plea for attention (219), and recapitulates where the narrative left off with the Patriarch's late

20 Andrew Durie (1541-58). ZI Archibald Baton of Capildrae.

308 Charles Burns

arrival in Edinburgh (220). The following day news of this spread and many lords and gentry came to pay their respects (221). On 2 December the queen, the cardinal and the governor arrived too and Grimani called on Mary of Guise (222). The following Wednesday morning, 5 December, a meeting was held to avert the threat of war (223). There were many Lutherans who were ready to hand the kingdom over to Henry VIII and who held the cardinal in hatred (224). Rumours were everywhere that the regent, the Earl of Arran, would be deposed, or else the country bathed in blood (225). They went in procession, the town's provost at the head, to the sound of

Trombette, et tamborini che sonando Tutto Edimburgo andavano svegliando. (226)

Seguivano gl' Araldi poi costoro Con le lor sopraveste tutti indosso Le qual fatte ad un mod0 in cipo d' or0 Haveano depinto un lion rosso Tutti erano i cavallo, et dop6 lor0 Venivano sonando quanto posso Dir dolcemente, piffari, e violoni Leutti, cornamuse con tromboni (227)

Vicino poi di lor0 se n' andava Con la Spada Real d' Argheill' il Conte22 Et quello poi di M ~ r a ~ ~ il seguitava Tenendo il sceptro in man con lieta fronte Appresso il Conte d' Untly2" che portava Di Scotia la corona a cui fece onte La cruda morte havendola lassata Priva del possessor', et sconsolata. (228)

Sopra d' un Palafren' il qual nitriva Vicin' i questi era il Governatore Et retro il Cardinal che lo seguiva Con altri assai Prelati il buon Pastore La Plebe poi daretro gli veniva Conpiii d' un gentilhuomo, et d' un signore Vestiti ricchamente, et i cavallo Con gravitade andando, et intervallo. (229)

The procession wound its way through the city from the abbey to the town

22 Archibald Campbell. 4th earl of Argyll. 23 James Stewart, earl of Moray. 24 George Gordon, 4th earl of Hunrly.

Marco Grirnani in Scotland, 1543-1544 3 09

hall, where the council met (230), after which they returned to their respective homes; the Patriarch had viewed all this from a balcony prior to offering dinner to various guests (231). a practice he found useful for promoting diplomacy (232), being himself by nature a bon viveur (233). Uppermost in his mind was the problem of restoring peace to Scotland, so he approached the governor about this (234), and asked permission to address the council and explain the policy of the pope and the King of France, for which he received assent to do so at his good time (235). The date was fixed for Monday, 10 December, and Grimani retired to his lodgings (236). He prepared his speech in Italian, but had it translated into Latin and Scots (237). On the appointed day he heard Mass and invoked God’s help (238), before going to the council, where the governor sat him at his right (239). The cardinal was present with many bishops, prelates and doctors, and the two French ambassadors (240). The Patriarch read his speech, which was translated for the benefit of the listeners (241), and was followed by a discussion which ended with the confirmation of the Auld Alliance with France and the repudiation of the treaty with England (242), whereby the Scots had promised to give the infant queen in marriage to Henry VIII’s bastard son (243).25 After adjourning the meeting, all returned home, it being past dinner-time, and the Patriarch was very content with the outcome of his efforts (244). This part of his mission accomplished, it only remained for him to see good relations established between the cardinal and the governor and their enemies, and concord replace dissension (245); after that he intended returning to France overland, rather than risk a perilous passage by sea (246). No sooner, however, was his secretary dispatched to England for the safe conduct than rumours of war began to circulate anew (247). Meantime, the Duke of S ~ f f o I k ~ ~ refused the secretary passage (248), while the Earl of Lennox, who had the subsidy the French sent to help the Scots, sided with the English against the governor (qg), and in alliance with the Earl of Angus marched against him with 8,000 or 9,000 well-armed men and cannon (250). They headed first for Stirling, where the queen, the cardinal and the governor were secure within the castle, and reached it unopposed; hearing this, Grimani wrote to them and to the governor (251), entreating both sides to desist from war and avoid the ruination of their country (252). Thealdino and the Abbreviator rode to Stirling with his letters on a Friday morning, and next evening the governor returned in secret to Edinburgh and fortified the town (253), declaring war on his enemies, mustering footsoldiers and cavalry, as well as artillery, determined to fight tooth and

25 The future Edward V1. 26 Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk (1514-45).

3 10 Charles Burns

nail those who offered opposition (254). Such was the Patriarch’s anxiety that he was prepared to take any risk to bring about peace (255). At that moment his secretary returned and announced the Duke of Suffolk’s refusal to grant a safe conduct, so his plans had to be changed (256). He wrote a second time to the governor appealing for peace (257), and the Abbreviator delivered this letter to the captains of the army near Linlithgow (258). On 10 January the opposition camped at Leith, only a mile from Edinburgh, and the town crier called on all able-bodied men to arm and report in the market-place at once (25g), which they did to the number of 5,000, under the command of the valiant Earl of Bothwell (260).*’ When evening fell, the armed guard around the walls was redoubled (261). Next day the army outside prepared for combat and approached the town deployed in three squadrons, while the garrison within armed for battle (262). It was too late for an encounter, so a truce was arranged till the morrow, but it was prolonged day after day for four days (263). Meantime, 4,000 highlanders came to relieve the garrison, under the command of the Earl of Argyll, ally of the cardinal and the governor (264). As they approached the town, the highlanders defied the others to take them on and would have routed them for sure (265), and to the sound of pipes they entered the city (266). The Patriarch did not desist from his appeals for a peaceful settlement to avoid bloodshed (267), and on 13 January a peace was concluded, the soldiers retreated and the Earl of Arran’s position as governor acknowledged (268). The Patriarch gave a banquet next day to celebrate the peace and invited the cardinal and seven earls, together with abbots, bishops and numerous other lords (269). He repeated it next day for those who could not come before and many former enemies sat down to- gether to a splendid repast (270). He exhorted the clergy to go in procession and pray that the peace would last, for truth to tell it seemed unlikely to him (271). God knows he did his duty (272), and faithful service never goes unrewarded (273). After this success, the Patriarch yearned to return to Rome as soon as possible, so, on 23 January, he sent an advance party of servants and baggage to France by sea, where, after a perilous voyage, they awaited him (274). Meanwhile the Patriarch returned to Stirling, where the queen promised that she would dine at his house (275). That was on Sunday, and the following Tuesday he gave a dinner, the like of which had never been seen before, for the queen, the cardinal, the governor, earls, barons, bishops and prelates (276). Then a safe conduct came for the Patriarch and his house- hold to travel through England free of charge (277), for which the heralds were handsomely rewarded, and he would have left instantly, only:

Gli vene una bestial gran malatia. (278)

27 Patrick Hcpburn, 3rd earl of Bothwell.

Marco Grimani in Scotland, 1543-1544 311

For fifteen days he was tormented both day and night by pain in an eye and, as the safe conduct had expired, he made other plans for going to France (279). Wishing to hasten his departure, he sent a written account of his mission to the cardinal (280). What has been narrated is the truth and the house of Grimani had none so noble and famous as he (281). The Patriarch began to take leave of everyone, first the queen, then the cardinal, the governor, to the regret of all, but especially the poor, who had grown accustomed to being fed and maintained by him (282). The religious too regretted his departure, for he had been a generous benefactor to churches and the rest (283). gifting to the nuns of Edinburgh,28 among others, a rich choir and a gold tabernacle for above the altar (284). He had not gone to Scotland for lucrative gain (285) but simply to bring about peace, and it was the fault of the Scots if he did not succeed (286).

The rest of the canto is taken up with Marco Grimani’s homeward journey, starting with his departure from Scotland on 4 April. A fair wind brought his ship safely to France by 12 April and his first act was to report to Francis I on his mission. Understandably, however, he was impatient to return to Italy, so without undue delay he headed south across France, travelled by way of Savoy and Switzerland, and reached Rome by the end of June, where the pope received him and heard a full account of all that had transpired in Scotland (287-300). Grimani did not survive to enjoy for long the reward for his services: towards the end of the following month he passed to something better.

Archivio Segreto Vatican0

28 Scicmnn convent.