1

Map 1.1 Sri Lamka

2

Introduction

National security is regarded as one of the most important consideration for every

sovereign country in the formulation of its foreign policy and determines, to a great

extent its relation with the countries. A broad survey would suggest that this is very much

true of South Asian Countries.

In the changing global environment at the end of the cold war South Asia is

almost alone among regions where cooperation is minimal. It is also where the

requirement is more strongly felt, one of the principal reason for this state of affairs is the

continuing concern regarding security between countries of the region. Not perhaps fears

of direct conflict except between India and Pakistan but tensions over insurgency,

Terrorism, population movements and ethnic uprising to name a few.1

As we enter the new millennium there is a real opportunity to build a new century

of cooperative security, breaking away from the debilitating past of the South Asian

competitive security frame work. The region after 60 years become one of the most

conflict prone in the world.

India perceives its security interests as conterminous with those of the region as a

whole. Accordingly, any threat to the security or stability of neighbouring countries is

viewed as a direct threat to India‟s security as well. This threat perception has led the

neighbouring countries to forge strong links with the extra-regional powers. Moveover,

the ruling elites of these countries keep on exploiting the fear of India in order to

maintain stability within the country. A central issue for all the neighbours is how to

relate to India, the core power in the region. As a matter of fact, almost all of them have

at one time or the other shown the remarkable resistance to too close with India. This

remains a focal point of their apprehensions and threat perception.2

1 Banerjee, Dipankar – Security in South Asia (Comprehensive and Cooperative)

(Manas Publications, New Delhi, 1999) p. 5

2 Gerals Peiris, “The Physical Environment” in Sri Lanka : A Survey, (ed.) K.M. De

silva, C. Hurst & Company, London, 1977, p. 3

3

At the same time India has the aim to secure creditability for its desire to foster

relations of sovereign equality among its neighbours. India also disabuse them to the

suspicion that it aspires for a “hegemonistic” role in the region. Therefore, India‟s policy

in South Asia is likely to minimize scope for intrusion of extra-regional powers in the

region without limiting the options open to neighbouring countries to diversify their links

with other countries.

Moreover, the core of India‟s `neighbourhood diplomacy‟ `confidence-building‟

exercise in the states of the region which h as become essential in the context of Indo-

centric power complex of the regional sub-system. Accordingly, India wants strong and

independent neighbours, through inclined towards her in friendly relations. However,

India‟s role in creating and maintaining friendly relations with the neighbours also

depend on the regional and international situations within the broader framework of

India‟s national interest.

In this context, the study of India‟s policy towards neighbouring countries in

general and towards Sri Lanka in particular, has acquired significance in recent years.

India-Sri Lanka relations can be seen in a long historical perspective.3

In its historical setting, the geographical proximity, cultural and ethnic linkages

and political bonds have been compulsive factors in relations between the two countries.

In post independence era the relations started in an aura of suspicion due to Sri Lanka‟s

close ties with the United Kingdom, particularly its defence agreement with it, and its

economic ties which were controlled by British Commercial Interests.4 However,

commonality of views did emerge on cuphoric themes such as Asian solidarity and the

right of self-determination of colonial people. Both India and Sri Lanka expressed

identical views on many international issues such as Suez, Labanon, Jordan and Congo.

Sri Lanka also supported liberation of Goa in 1961.

3 Ramchandra Rao, P.R; India and Ceylon : A Study, Orient Longmans Ltd. New Dehi,

1954, p. 8-9.

4 Kodikara, S.U; strategic Factors in Inter-State Relations in South Asia, Heritage

Publishers New Delhi, 1984, p. 13-17.

4

In the decade of 60‟s and 70‟s things changed perceptively. Sri Lanka opted for a

neutral posture in respect of Sino-Indian conflict of 1962 and sub-continental wars of

1965 and 1971.5 The economic constraint of small country like Sri Lanka was the guiding

factor for its action. Such a divergent attitude on regional issues, without hampering

smooth relationship, was balanced by the shared attitudes towards a number of issues of

mutual concern at the global level, like the non-aligned movement, India ocean as a zone

of peace, and the new international economic order.

The phenomenon of imperialism created a deep chasm between different

civilization, and between the cultural relationship of the sub continental countries.

Imperialism brought with it the germs of alienation through the foreign language thrust

upon by alien rulers over the ruled. To some extent, the local dialect, indigenous

vernacular succeeded in arresting the harmful impact of the alien language on their

societal structures. Gradually, the long spell of imperial rule threw back and local dialect

into the oblivion. As a consequence, imperial rules succeeded in creating socio-cultural

divided in South Asian societies which had retained a common consciousness of common

cultural ethos and common civilisational values. Political issues tended to dominate

security relationship between India and Sri Lanka. Whether it was an issue of the

stateless Tamils or that of supporting one political party or opposing the another one

political issues later turned into security and sovereignty ones that were overplayed by

ruing leaders in Sri Lanka. In fact, the Sri Lankan sovereignty was never questioned, nor

was its political autonomy ever threatened by India.6

India‟s security concerns reflected in its clear message to Sri Lankan ruling elites

that any external intervention in any form would inevitably invite Indian intervention. For

in India‟s perception, any external involvement in Sri Lankan affairs means security and

strategic risks for the Indian Security, because Sri Lanka is situated in southern of India.

5 Paranjpe, Shri Kant, “India and Order in South Asia”, India and South Asia Since

1971 (Radiant publisher, New Delhi, 1985) p. 17

6 Mishra RC; Security in South Asia, Cross Boarder Analysis. (Author Publisher, 2000)

p. 131.

5

In this introduction I outline the hypothesis that the autonomy of smaller states as

Sri Lanka is an Island republic of Asia, situated off the southeastern coast of the Indian

penisola, separated by a 29 kilometre stretch of sea called the Palk Straits. It lies between

6 and 10 degrees north of the equator latitudes, and longitudes 79 and 81 degrees East.7 It

has an total area, 64,670 sq. km. water, 870 sq. km, and land area is 64,670 sq.

kilometres. Some poet says about Sri Lanka “as a tear” falling off the Indian cheek.8

Before, Sri Lanka called name Ceylon, it gained independence from Britian in 1948 and

was renamed Sri Lanka. Sri as “Ley and Lanka as “Ion”) in 1972. The capital of the

country is at Colombo. In 1972, in the nation‟s new Republican Constitution, the name

“Sri Lanka” was formally and officially re-adopted. The nation has predominantly two

different language groups, (prising) the Sinhala and the Tamil peaking peoples. The

Sinhala people who constitute nearly three-fourths of the total population are mostly of

the Buddhist faith, while the Tamils are largely of the Hindu fait. Both groups claim

Indian ancestry, the Sinhalas claiming to from the eastern part of India and the Tamils

from the South Eastern coast.

Sri Lanka is a pear-shaped island in the Indian Ocean and is known for its natural

beauty. It has an including an Anuradhapura (7,274 square kilometre) and Colombo (694

square kilometres) are respectively the largest and the smallest of its twenty-two districts.

The principal rivers, Mahaweli Ganga (Length 335 kilometres) is the largest and Gal Oya

(length 108 kilometres) is the smallest.9 Some of other rivers are Arovi Aru, Kr, Kalu

Ganga, Kelani Ganga, Yan Oya, Dcdoru Oya. The water resources in the country are

tapped, and there is an efficient ancient drainage system from the rivers and the patches

of inland waters the remnants of which are still to be found. There are hill ranges in the

7 Subramaniam Swamy (2007); Sri Lank in Crisis: India‟s options, Har Anand

Publications, page no. 11

8 Singh Depinder; The IPKF in Sir Lanka, Trishol Publication ISBN 81-8538-4-05-03,

page 5

9 Khanna S.K.; Encyclopaedia of South Asia Sri Lanka; A.P.H. Publisher ISBN-81-

7024-920-1, page 1.

6

central core of the island and the slopes have good forestry and plantations. There are a

number of peaks, the highest Pidurutalagala (height 2,525 metres) being in Nuwara Eliya

district. Kanda and Nuwara Eliya are the two main hill stations of island.

The population of Sri Lanka according to the provisional mid-year estimate in

2011-12 was 20,263,723.

The principal religions in the country are buddhism, Hinduism, Islam and

Christianity. The majority of the population are Buddhist. According to the 2011-12

census the percentage distribution of religious faiths is – Buddhism 69.1%, Hinduism

7.1%, Islam 7.6%, Christianity 6.2%.

There are some beautiful Portuguese and Dutch churches in Sri Lanka. Islam

came with the Arab, traders who were first attracted by trade in spices. The small

minority of the muslims in Sri Lanka still stick to trade and commerce. Tourism, which is

the most important industry in Sir Lanka has added luster to a number of old towns and

developed new ones. This has been done in a balanced manner focusing an ancient ruins,

religious places, sea resorts, places of natural beauty and hill stations – Colombo is a

modern city boasting of a sea-front admirably developed, a seaport, broad roads and

facilities for accommodation and amusements. The six most populated cities are :

Colombo, Dehiwala - Mount Lavinia, Jaffna, Moratuwa, Kotte and Kandy. Towns like

Anuradhapura, polonnarwa, Kalutara and Chilaw. Temples are of importance to the

tourists, pilgrims, historians and archaeologist. Ratnapura, the principal town of a district

bearing the same name, is famous for gems.

Sri Lanka gems have a good market. Other towns are located in areas growing tea,

rubber, coffee and spices. It was Sri Lankan spices that had attracted the Arabs and other

sea faring people who opened up the country to the world.

The major industries in the island are agriculture (including hunting, forestry and

fishing), mining and quarrying, manufacturing, electricity (including gas and water),

construction, wholesale and retail sale and restaurants and hotels, transport, storage and

communication, financing (including insurance, real estate and business), community,

social and personal services. While agriculture, including forestry and fishing, employs

7

the largest chunk of population, wholesale and retail trade and restaurants and hotels

come next. The Sri Lanka tea industry is a money-spinner.

Besides oriental schools and higher institutions there are a large number of educational

centres with English, Sinhala and Tamil medium of instruction. The universities are at Colombo,

Peradeniya, moratuwa, Sri Jayawardenapura, Kelaniya, Jaffna and Rohund.10

Primary, junior

secondary, senior secondary schools are distributed all over the country, there are institutions for

technical subjects like engineering, medicine, veterinary science, agriculture, law, education,

public, finance and taxation, estate management and valuation, applied sciences, management

studies and commerce. For higher and post-graduate training the scholars go to the United States

and U.K. India has also been attracting students of engineering, medicine and other technical

subjects for the last few years. Sri Lanka has strong cultural, philosophical, and religious bonds

with India since the hoary past.

Map 1.2 Strategic Location of Sri Lanka

10

http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/sri_lanka.htm (October 3, 2009)

8

Strategic Location of Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka located at the southern tip of peninsular India is strategically important

for India in the most comprehensive sense. Sri Lanka is the closest neighbour of India,

separated from it at its narrowest point by 22 miles of sea called the Palk-Strait.11

From

India‟s security point of view, Sri Lanka has been of serious strategic importance in the

Indian Ocean region. (Sri Lanka has had strategic importance in world history since the

17th

century the Portuguese, Dutch, French, the British and the Indians in succession. Sri

Lanka occupies a strategic point in the Indian Ocean, whost vast expanse covering

2,85,000 sq. miles, touches the shores of the Indian subcontinent in the North, Malaysia,

Indonesia and Australia in the East, Antartica in the South and East Africa in the West.12

The implication of such a close proximity is that developments in each country

have affected the other. Sri Lanka is virtually located in the centre of Asia and the sea-

lanes between the Far-East and the African and Arab Worlds.13

This location gives the

island a central poisition midway on the ancient maritime trade route between West and

East Asia.

Ships passing from Yangon and Kolkata going West to the Suez or the cape or

those sailing from Mumbai of the Gulf and eastward to Singapore still use Sri Lanka‟s

excellent harbours in Colombo and Trincomalee.14

The island nation thus occupies an

important place in the critical sea lines of communication. Trincomalee has the capacity

to sense as a major naval base, and extra regional naval force could well dominate the sea

routes in the area and disrupt India shipping.

11

Ravi Kant Dubey (1995), Indo-Sri Lanka Relations: with Special Reference to the

Tamil Problem, Deep and Deep Publication, New Delhi, p. 79

12 Artical by Balachandran PK, Hindustan Times in Sri Lanka (2005)

13 Frazana Begum (2009), Dynamics of Indian Diplomacy and Affairs, Swastik

Publications, Delhi, p. 220

14 V. Suryanarayan (2003), “Sri Lanka and India Security”, The Hindu, New Delhi, 25

April,

9

This island nation lies astride the major sea lanes of communication from Europe

of East Asia and the oil tanker routes from the oil producing countries of the Gulf to

China, Japan and other Pacific countries. The Trincomalee harbour is placed in a strategic

point near the Bay of Bengal and is one of Sri Lanka‟s “most valuable assets”.

The entrance to the harbour is four miles wide and five miles across, east to west.

The inner harboor (which lies in the North) covers about 12 sq. miles and is securely

enclosed by outcrops of huge rocks and small islets.

Any power that controlled this harbour had a great advantage from a naval and

strategic. The fact that the Britich had Trincomalee enabled them to control their Empire

in India, effectively. During world war II, Trincomalee protected the British Seventh

Fleet. It proved invaluable after the British lost the Singapore naval base to the Japanese

in 1942.15

The value of Trincomalee and made it part of his grand design of having bases in

far flung areas to control the vast expanse of the Indian Ocean and protect Portugal‟s

maritime and imperial interest.

Albuquerque set up bases in malacca in the Malay Peninsula, controlling the

access to the South China Sea and the far east, in Goa in the West coast of India, socotra

in the Arabian sea; colombo, and then Trincomalee, in Sri Lanka.

During world war II, Trincomalee became the home of the British Eastern Fleet

and Prime Minister Winston Churchill strictly ordered that nothing should be done to

weaken the naval base there.

When oil replaced coal as fuel, Trincomalee began to be a major base for storing

oil.

During world war II, the British built 101 giant oil tanks there, each tank being

able to hold 15,000 tons of oil. Ceylon‟s Defence Pact with Britain in 1947, when the

British Empire was being folded up in stages after world war II and India had been given

15

Somasundaram Ramesh; Eye of the assets of Lanka, Strategic Significance of Sri

Lanka, Publication : Pannibitiya, Sri Lanka, Stamford Lake, 2005

10

independence in 1947, Ceylon‟s independence was only a matter of time. The British

were ready to go from Ceylon, but only if they were able to continue using Trincomalee

and other military bases built during the war, which they considered essential for the

defence of their possessions in South East Asia and the Far East, and also their trade in

the region.

At last within ten years of the signing of the Defence agreement, the British had to

leave Trincomalee.

Sri Lanka as an ideal communication centre in the modern era. India was

beginning to show an interest in Ceylon, albeit very tentatively. India had very real

interest in ensuring that no hostile power should establish itself in Ceylon. Foreign

airstrips and naval control of Trincomalee, would unbearably expose the Indian peninsula

to air and sea bombardment and assault along her extensive coasts. Ceylon is within

Indian defence area, at the very heart centre of the Indian Ocean.

The India – Sri Lanka Accord of July 1987 and the deployment of the Indian

Peace keeping Force (IPKF) were “Ostensibly” meant to find a solution to the Tamil

ethnic / separatist problem within a united Sri Lanka, but their “real” objective was to

secure for India strategic control over Sri Lanka.16

India feard encirclement by hostile forces. It had problems with all its neighours

Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and China. China was in cahoots with the Pakistanis,

Bangladeshis and Nepalese. India was worried about that the Trincomale states. Its

occupation by any external power has serious repercussion for India security. At the last

Sri Lanka‟s as importance strategically to India. “Fears were not about a threat from Sri

Lanka, but that if anybody with inimical interests towards India gained a foothold in the

island nation, India‟s security interest could be adversely affected.17

16

Farzana Begum, Dynamics of Indian Diplomacy and Affairs Swastik Publication, Op.

cit., p. 156

17 S.D. Muni (1993), Pangs of Proximity: India and Sri Lanka Ethnic Crisis, Sage

Publications, New Delhi, pp. 21-22

11

Sri Lanka provides an ideal base in the Indian ocean for naval attack on India and

it can also be useful to India for defence in a naval warfare.18

History Background of Sri Lanka

The present day Sri Lankan‟s were migrated from Orissa and from the

neighbouring regions of Orissa into Sri Lanka during the time of Maurian Empire, Asoka

(313-232, BC) who was ruling the Maurian Empire, built by chandragupta mauria in 4th

century, B.C. Chandra Gupta Mouria was the grandfather of Asoka.19

The Tamils were

already living mostly in the northern and in the eastern parts of Sri Lanka and they were

retaining their original cultural factors and were having continued contact with the Tamils

in India. During the period of Asoka and also later on more and more people from Orissa

to Southern and western parts of Lanka while the Tamils were living in Northern and

Eastern parts of Sri Lanka. During the course of one thousand and five hundred years

from 300 BC to 1200 AD the population of the migrated group increased very much and

they called themselves as Sinhalee while the Tamils lived as Tamils without any change

in their culture, specially in religious rites and in their language and the style of life. They

called them and as Eelam right from they very beginning which later on become Lanka.

In all ancient Tamil Literature it was called as Eela Nadu or Eelam.20

The Kalinga War (in Orissa area) fought by the Emperor, Asoka was turning point

in the life of Asoka. He met the Kalinga war with all his mighty forces and slaughtered

the Kalinga army and totally routed it. Asoka was very much moved by the scene of

blood flood and immediately declared that “there is no war here after” and embraced

Buddhism and started propagating the Buddhistic doctrines all over his empire and also

18

Gulam Mohammed Dar (2005), Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: Impact on Indo-Sri

Lanka Relation, Dilpreet Publication House, New Delhi, p. 3

19 Khanna, S.K.; Encyelopaedia of South Asia and Sri Lanka (1998), A.P.H.

Publication, p. 34

20 Rajamanickam, M.; Psychological Perspective of International Terrorism. Ashok

Kumar Publication (2000), p. 160

12

sent messengers to various countries. He sent his own sister Anuradha with a large group

of people from Orissa and from various parts of his kingdom to Lanka to propagate

Buddhism. This was how Buddhism spread out in Lanka and those people who went to

Lanka in large number along with Asoka‟s sister settled there permanently. But these did

not have any contact with the Tamils who were already living there. There was no

intermixture of these two ethnic groups.

In the long run they developed a language based upon the language they carried

with them in combination with the Dravidian languages. The language was mostly based

upon Oriya and other South Indian languages. The letters have the same shape, style and

sound. It was named as Singhalee and had the Indo-Dravidan in origion.21

The peopling of Sri Lanka has been a continuous process of migrants from India

with indigenous and other earlier migrant groups. The Sinhala or Sinhalese (74%)

constitute the major ethnic group; the Sri Lankan Tamils, who inhabit the north and east

form 12.6% and the group known as Indian Tamils (19th century migrants for work on

plantations) 5.6% of the population. While Muslims constitute the third largest ethnic

group (7.4%), there are also small minorities such as Burghers (people of mixed decent),

and Malays. All the major groups in Sri Lanka belong to a similar ethnic mix of migrants

from various parts of India, especially South India, to which there have been Southeast

Asian, Arab and European admixtures. In spite of this, each ethnic group today has a

distinct identity with strongly held myths of origin; the Sinhala believe that they are

Aryans from Bengal, the Tamils claim pure Dravidian origin, and the Muslims aspire to

decent from Arabs.

The history of ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka is the history of emergence of

consciousness among the majority community, the Sinha la, which defined the Sri Lanka

society as Sinhala-Buddhist, thus denying its multi-ethnic character. The growth of this

consciousness impinged on the minorities in Sri Lanka to the extent that internal

resolution of the problems become impossible.

21

Jonathan Spencer; Sri Lanka; History and the Roots of Conflict, p. 254

13

The Sinhala dominated the country from about 5th century BC and succeeded in

establishing a kingdom with its centre in the North Central Province of the island. The

term 'Sinhala' was first used to indicate the royal family of the island, then extended to

cover the royal retinue and then further extended to include the people; this social process

dating to about the 6th century AD is simultaneously the process of the ethnic

consolidation of the Sinhala people. The Sinhala kingdom which controlled the entire

island most of the time entered into relations both of alliance and hostility at various

periods with the Chola, Pandiya and Chera Kingdoms of South India. There were

frequent invasions from these kingdoms, and also frequent alliances and intermarriage of

the four royal families. There were thus strong links with India, especially South India.

This long history of links with South India is still present in popular Sinhala

consciousness, with perhaps the aggressive acts being best remembered.

In the 12th and 13th centuries, certain developments in Sri Lanka determined its

ethnic demography in a decisive way with effects that have continued to the present.22

The demographic distribution lays down a territorial basis for the major ethnic groups; in

the case of the Tamils, the territorial concentration grew into a concept of a 'traditional

Tamil Homeland'. This did not arise for Muslims since they were scattered over the

whole island, with a majority presence in only a part of the Eastern province.

Religion also played a dominant ideological role in ethnic consolidation.

Buddhism, introduced from India in the third century BC, became the religion of the

Sinhala as well as the state religion. Hinduism remained the religion of the Tamils. Apart

from the conversion of a section of both Sinhalese and Tamils to Christianity during the

colonial period, the congruence between Sinhala and Buddhist on the one hand, and

Tamil and Hindu on the other, was total.

22

Samorawerra, Vijaya, “The Evolution of Plural Society”, in Sri Lanka, A Survey (ed.)

1977, p. 86

14

The Colonial Period of Sri Lanka

Social and economic developments during the early colonial period under the

Portuguese and then the Dutch - commercialization of agriculture, the registration of title

to land, registration of births and deaths, proselytization- contributed towards a freezing

of ethnic boundaries.23

This meant in effect the consolidation of the Sinhala community

in the central and south-western parts of the island and of the Tamil community in the

north and on the eastern seaboard, Economic developments during the occupation of the

island by the British gave rise to two other phenomena which made the ethnic picture in

Sri Lanka even more complex.

First, the coffee plantations established by the British in the 19th century brought

to Sri Lanka, as plantation labour, a population of over one million Tamil workers from

South India. These were at first seasonal migrants but with the development of tea

plantations the majority became permanently domiciled on the plantations. The question

of their citizenship rights became an issue that subsequently soured relationships between

India and Sri Lanka.

Second, economic developments during this period were mainly in the central and

western areas of the island. This left the Tamil community in a disadvantaged position.

They sought to overcome this by moving in large numbers to employment in the state

services, in the private sector and by entering the learned professions. This process was

helped by the growth of educational facilities in English in the Tamil regions, particularly

the Jaffna peninsula. This meant not only that large numbers of Tamils migrated to the

southern and central regions for purposes of employment but also that Tamil traders

established themselves in these regions.

The opening up of the plantations transformed the economy of Sri Lanka and

created opportunities for indigenous entrepreneurs to make large fortunes; some of them

converted to Christianity and sent their children to Britain for education. These filled the

23

Bhaduri, Shankar; and Afsir Karim, The Sri Lankan Crisis, Lancer Paper 1, New

Delhi, Lancer International, 1990, p. 20.

15

expanding needs of the state services as well as the need for doctors, engineers, lawyers

etc. The local bourgeoisie thus created was multi-ethnic, but predominantly Sinhala, with

Burghers and Tamils too entering the various professions and the state services.

The Sinhala bourgeoisie found its expansion constrained in various areas. The

main import and export trade was dominated by the British and Indians and retail trade

throughout the country by Muslim and Chettiar traders. Sinhala traders could not break

into these areas because of a lack of access to finance which was controlled by British

bankers or South Indian Chettiars. The Sinhala professionals and the educated "petit-

bourgeoisie" also felt this competition in so far as they had to vie with Burghers and

Tamils for state and private employment. Workers at their own level found themselves

confronted with migrant workers from Kerala and Tamilnadu as well as with workers of

indigenous minority groups.

These barriers to their advancement were perceived by the Sinhala at all levels as

being caused by the non-Sinhala elements. To understand why economic antagonisms

should be perceived in ethnic terms, one must examine the way in which the Sinhala

asserted a sense of national identity as the basis for winning political reforms which

would give them more power.

Sinhala Buddhist Identity

In asserting a Sinhala identity and in legitimizing Sinhala control of the country's

polity, the leaders of the Sinhala revivalist movement reconstructed an image of the

Sinhala past using many elements of the 'origin' mythology. The Sinha la, it was claimed,

were descented from Aryan migrants from Bengal in the fifth century Be; the arrival of

their leader, Prince Vijaya, in Sri Lanka coincided with the death of the Buddha. It was

claimed that the Buddha in his infinite wisdom saw that his doctrine would be preserved

for 5000 years in Sri Lanka by these immigrants and their descendents; he therefore

visited the island three times, consecrated it to his doctrine and on his death-bed

instructed Sakra, the chief of the Gods, to safeguard Vijaya and to ensure his supremacy

in the land. Thus Sri Lanka becomes the land of Sinhala and the land of Dharma - the

Buddhist doctrine. The belief was that the survival of the Buddhist religion was

16

dependent on the survival of the Sinhala people; the people surviving as long as they

espoused the doctrine and controlled the land consecrated to the religion. Thus the

religion, the people and the land were bound together in an indissoluble unity.24

Such a revivalist ideology attempted to established a Sinhala - Buddhist

hegemony of the island antagonistic to nonSinhala, non-Buddhist groups. It is this Sinha

la-Buddhist consciousness that has resulted in the denial ofthe multiethnic and multi-

religious character of Sri Lankan society and in a refusal to accept the collective rights of

other minority groups. This consciousness was counterpoised by its ideologues against

the British imperial state, which was seen as foreign and Christian; the revival was thus

more anti-Western than anti-imperialist, asserting a Sinhala Buddhist identity against all

foreigners and minorities. Over the last 100 years, it has been asserted against Muslims,

Christians, Tamil plantation workers, Malayalis and Sri Lankan Tamils.

Origin of Sri Lanka

The island of Sri Lanka was known in ancient time by a variety of names

suggestive of wealth, riches and prosperity, the „Land without Sorrow‟ to the Chinese and

the „Isle of Gems‟ to the Tamils of South India, the „Isle of Delight‟ to the merchants of

Arabia, to the Sinhalese themselves it was Lanka dipa „the Resplendent Isle‟; and Lanka

was the name by which the island was known in the great India epic the Ramayana.25

Dweepa meaning “island” from the Ramayana comes the Jayanese name Alengko for

Ravana‟s kingdom.

Ceilao was the name given to Sri Lanka by the Portuguese when they arrived in

1505, which was transliterated into English as Ceylon.26

24

Report of the Committee for Rational Development, Sri Lanka‟s Ethnic Conflict :

Myth and Realities, Colombo 1983, p. 174-75.

25 De Silva, K.M.; Sri Lanak a Survey: Asian Affairs, Hamburg Publication (1977), p. 31

26 Strathern Alan, The Vijaya Origin Myth of Sri Lanka and the Strangeness of

Kingship (2009), p. 2

17

As a British Crown colony, the island was known as Ceylon, and achieved

independence under the name Dominion of Ceylon in 1948.27

The country is known Sir Lanka in 1972, the official name of the country was

changed to “Free, sovereign and independent republic of “Sri Lanka”. The name derives

from the Sanskrit “Sri (venerable) and Lanka (island). Another traditional Sinhala name

for Sri Lanka was Lakdiva, with diva also meaning “island”. The name Ceylon is still in

use in the amen of a number of organisations.28

Political Reforms in Sri Lanka

The agitation spearheaded by the political reformers of the early 20th century was

primarily intended to expand the scope and powers of Legislative Council (unreformed

from 1833 to 1911) by extending representative government based on a limited male

franchise; it was conducted by the new stratum of merchant capitalists and professionals

who fought for the representation of these new class interests in the political institutions.

The British Governor (following the old stratagem of divide and rule) had nominated

members to the legislature on the basis of ethnicity (Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and Burger);

the agitation initially rejected ethnicity as a basis of representation and served to bring

together the emerging bourgeoisie of all ethnic groups into a common front. Even though

this constitutional agitation did not penetrate for down into population, it nevertheless

presented a picture of ethnic harmony with the first president in 1919 of the main

political organization, the Ceylon National Congress, being a Tamil, Sir Ponnambalam

Arunachalam.

27

Deraniyaga / Siran (1992); The Pre-history of Sri Lanka, Colombo: Department of

Archaeological Survey, p. 454

28 Khanna, S.K; Encyclopaedia of South Asia and Sri Lanka (1998), New Delhi

Publication, p. 35

18

Map 1.3 Political Map

19

The unity of bourgeoisie broke down Over the question of ethnic representation,

more particularly after 1931 when the British constituted a State Council with territorial

representation based on universal suffrage. These reforms of 1931 did not meet with the

favour of minority ethnic groups who believed the constitution would ensure the

dominance oflhe Sinha la majority; they argued, at the least, for co nstitutional safeguards

for the rights of minority ethnic groups. However, the constitution was enacted in the face

of minority protests and minority fears were realized in 1936 when a totally Sinhala

Board of Ministers was chosen. One other result was the emergence of ethnl based

organizations. This was justified by the Sinhala "Maha Sabha"'s leader, SW.R.D.

Bandaranaike, who argued that, 'surely the best method was to start from low rung;

Firstly, unity among the Sinhalese and secondly, whilst uniting to work for higher unity,

the unity of all communities'. Other ethnic groups also set up similar organizations whose

avowed purpose was to the good of the particular group. However, the United National

Party (UNP), formed in 1947 in preparation for the first post-independence election,

Included members of all ethnic groups, as did the left parties. Nevertheless all these fell

prey at various times to chauvinist tendencies that manifested themselves after Sri Lanka

gained its independence in 1948. 29

The United National Party took power after independence; among its MPs were

many of those who had been members of legislature before independence and was, in its

origin and intentions, a party dedicated to the ideal of a plurai Sri Lanka. It was also

representative of those elite groups that had grown up and prospered under colonial rule.

However, underneath the apparently smooth surface of Sri Lankan politics, turbulent

currents Were stirring. The Sinhala-educated intelligentsia reiterated the ideais of Sinha

la-Budd 1st resurgence not only against minorities but a/so against the English speaking

members of the upper class who wielded economic and political power. Even the United

National Party was not immune from these influences. One of their first act was to define

29

Birch, A.H; “Minority Nationalist Movement and Theories of Political Intergraction”,

World Politics, Vol. 33, 1978, p. 325-44.

20

Sri Lankan citizenship in a way that (In 1948) disenfranchised plantation Tamil workers

who had enjoyed the vote since 1931.

The UNP tried to maintain itself in power by adjusting to the Sinhala nationalistic

Current. it even went back on a pledge to make both Sinhala and Tamil official languages

by agreeing to the policy of 'Sinhala Only'. But these moves were insufficient. In 19S6,

the UNP was voted out and a coalition led by S.W.R.D, Bandaranaike came to power in a

landslide victory. This coalition represented mainly Sinhala "petit-bourgeois" and rural

elements and its dynamism was supplied by the Sinhala intelligentsia, including Buddhist

monks, teachers and "ayurvedic" (non-Western) physicians. In its policies, it was populist

and radical and one of its first act was to replace English by Sinhala as the only official

language. Since English (the language of the ruling class) had been spoken and

understood by only 6% of the population, the move to Sinhala was democratic and

egalitarian, but it had the unfortunate effect of alienating the Tamil-speaking part of the

Sri Lankan society.

Popular opinion aiso saw the enactment of this language policy as a means not

only of reducing the position of Tamils in state services but also of increasing the access

of the Sinhala-educated to prestigious jobs. Insistence on the knowledge of Sinhala as a

necessary requirement, quickly reduced the Tamil intake and, by the late 1970s, Tamils

were seriously underrepresented in terms of ethnic percentages in the state services.

The effort to achieve this kind of ethnic Sinhala hegemony was also demonstrated

in the field of education. Primary and secondary schooling had generally been conducted

in Sinhala and Tamil; the scheme of using ·mother tongue' was extended Into the

universities in the 19S0s. The free education scheme had resulted in an explosion of the

school-going population. Universities too expanded, but not at the same pace; university

places remained at about a fifth of all those who qualified to enter. This created an

intense competition which government sought to answer in the 1970s by a system of

·standardization' for science students, whereby 'the minimum entry requirements for a

Tamil student were higher than for a Sinhala medium student.' This was clearly

discriminatory and created the impression that the government, having deliberately

reduced the opportunities available to Tamil youth in government service, was now bent

21

on also denying them educational opportunities in the prestigious fields of medicine and

engineering. This was an explosive grievance in a community that had long looked on

education as the main means of social and economic advancement.

While discrimination against the Tamil-speaking people was growing in the

period after independence in the fields of employment and education, there was another

sphere in which the Tamil ethnic group felt itself imperilled, that of land colonization.

The north central areas which had been served by an irrigation system had reverted back

to jungle. The British initiated a programme of repairing and restoring these irrigation

reservoirs and settling people in the reclaimed areas. The peasants thus settled were

mainly Sinhala from densely populated south-western and central areas. This process was

accelerated after 1930 and soon Sinhala settlements began to appear in the predominantly

Tamil eastern province as well. This led to a shift in demographic patterns; for example,

in the Trincomalee district there was an increase of the Sinhala population from 20.7% to

33.6% in the period between 1946 and 1981. This process of state-aided colonization was

seen not only as a thereat to the political status of Tamils in the affected areas, but also as

a threat to existence of the Tamils as a community with its own linguistic and cultural

identity.

All this took place in a context of violent riots against Tamils which occurred with

increasing frequency (1956, 1958, 1977, 1981 and 1983) and cultural vandalism such as

burning down by soldiers of the Jaffna library.

The Tamil Factor in Politics

The Tamil ethnic group sought to counter this growing discrimination by

demands at a political level. Before independence, the Tamil Congress unsuccessfully

demanded balanced representation - 50% seats for the Sinhala and 50% for the combined

minority ethnic groups. Later, in the face of continuing discrimination, a Federal Party

emerged which asked for a federal political structure that would give Tamils a degree of

autonomy in the areas inhabited by them, as well as adequate represen- tation at the

centre. It was in this period of accelerated demands and rejection that Tamil political

leaders concluded in 1976 that only a separate state could ensure the security and welfare

22

of the Tamil people, a state carved out of the northern and eastern provinces of Sri Lanka

to be called Tamil Eelam.

The main political parties were not totally insensitive to this process,

S.W.R.D.Bandaranaike, Prime Minister and leader of the SLFP (Sri Lanka Freedom

Party) arrived at an understanding with the leader of the Federal Party (the Bandaranaike

- Chelvanayakam Pact of 1958) which gave Tamils a degree of regional autonomy,

including control of the land settlement in their areas. However, Bandaranaike had to

abandon the pact in the face of opposition from the United National Party (UNP) and was

killed by a monk in 1959. Likewise, when the UNP was again in power, Dudley

Senanayake, the Prime Minister, worked out a somewhat similar understanding in 1967;

this too was scuttled in the face of opposition, this time mainly from the SLFP. The

demands of the Tamil people had by this time become a major factor in Sinhala Politics.

Sinhala political hegemony was also becoming institutionalized. The republican

Constitution of 1972, while proclaiming Sinhala as the official language, declared that

Buddhism had the 'foremost place' in Sri Lanka, thus almost affirming a Sinhala-Buddhist

state. It is precisely this history that persuaded the Tamils that co-existence with the

Sinhala in a single polity was no longer possible.30

While the established political party of the Tamils - the Tamil United Liberation

Front (TULF) - was demanding a separate state and using parliamentary democratic

processes towards obtaining it, some Tamil youth, dissatisfied with the non-violent

policies of the TULF, formed groups which took up arms in the same cause {4}. It is not

proposed to go into the details of the armed struggle in this paper. It is only necessary to

state that it led to a protracted and bitter war in the northern and eastern parts of Sri

Lanka during the course of which the state security forces were guilty of severe excesses,

attacks on civilians and serious violations of human rights ofthe Sri Lankan citizens,

while the armed groups in turn resorted to brutal killings of both the Sinhala civilians and

those Tamils thought of as 'informers'. The number of deaths has been estimated at 6000

30

Bandaranayake, Senake – “The Peopling if Sri Lanka” in “Ethnicity and Social

Change”, Colombo, 1985, p. 50

23

by the government and 15000 by Tamil groups; damage to property has been

incalculable.

At the ideological level, the response to Sinhala chauvinism was the emergence of

Tamil chauvinism and extreme forms of nationalist mythmaking. These include the myth

that the tamils are pure Dravidian by race, that they are heirs to the Mohenjadaro and

Harappa civilizations of India, that thev are the original inhabitants of Sri Lanka, that the

Tamil language in its purest forms is spoken only in Sri Lanka and that the "Saiva

Siddhanta" form of Hinduism has 'a special homeland' in Sri Lanka. Many of the Tamil

militant groups have also been sustained by such ideologies, and expressions like

'Dravidian Drive' and 'Chola charisma' have been used in their literature to mobilise

support for armed struggle.31

Another effect of the Sinhala-Tamil strife has been that the class solidarity among

workers of all ethnic groups has been replaced by a sense of trans-class ethnic solidarity

on the part of both the Sinhala and Tamils. As newton in both the Sinhala and Tamil

ethnic formations "class contradiction are overdetermined in the Althusserian sense, by

ethnic conflict", while among the Tamils, "class contradictions are softened and even

submerged" in the face of a perceived "danger to its collective social existence"; among

the Sinhalese masses, "dissatisfaction with the existing state of affairs has taken a false

external direction against what is perceived to be the unreasonable demands advanced by

already privileged Tamils."32

Government and Politics (In Recent) Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka is a democratic country and executive presidency based on the French

Model. The government is a mixture of the presidential system and the parliamentary

31

Coomaraswamy, Radhika - `Myths without conscience : Tamil and Sinhalese

Natinalistic Writings of 1980‟s, in “Facets of Ethnicity in Sri Lanka”, Colombo,

1987, p. 20.

32 Gunawardena, R.A.L.H. - `The People of the Lion‟ Sinhaa Consciousness in History

and Histography in “Ethnicity and Social Change”, Colombo, 1985, p. 35.

24

system. The post of Prime minister of Ceylon was created in 1947 prior to independence

(4th

February 1948) from Britain and after Independence country the president is the head

of state, with executive powers.33

In recent the President of Sri Lanka is the head of state,

the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, as well head of government. The president

appoints and heads a cabinet of ministers composed of elected members of Parliament,

and is popularly elected for a six-year term. The president‟s deputy, is the Prime

Minister, who leads the ruling party in parliament and shares many executive

responsibilities, mainly in domestic affairs. Members of parliament are elected by

universal suffrage based on a modified proportional representation system by district to a

six-year term. The primary modification is that, the party that receives the largest number

of valid votes in each constituency gains a unique “bonus seat”.

The president many summon, suspend, or end a legislative session and dissolve

parliament any time after it has served for one year. The parliament reserves the power to

make all laws.

On July 1, 1960 the people of Sri Lanka elected the first ever female head of

government in Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike. Her daughter Chandrika

Kumaratunga served multiple terms as prime minister and as president from 1999 to

2005.34

Table 1.1 Executive Branch

Office Name Party Since

President Mahinda Rajapaksa Sri Lankan

Freedom Party

19 November

2005

Prime Minister Disanayaka

Mudiyanselege

Jayaratne

UNP

United National Party

21 April, 2010

33

Bullion, Alan J.; India, Sri Lanka and the Tamil Crisis: An International Perspective

(1995), p. 17

34 South Asia Defence and Strategic year book 2011,Pentagon‟s publications.

25

The President, directly elected for a six-year term, is head of state, hed of

government, and commander-in-chief of armed forces. The election occurs under the Sri

Lankan form of the contingent vote. Responsible to parliament for the exercise of duties

under the constitution and laws, the president may be removed from office by a two-

thirds vote of parliament with the concurrence of the Supreme Court. The President

appoints and heads a cabinet of ministers responsible to parliament. The President‟s

Deputy is the Prime Minister, who leads the ruling party in Parliament. A parliamentary

no-confidence vote requires dissolution of the cabinet and the appointment of a new one

by the President. The Prime Minister is the head of the Cabinet and functions as a deputy

to the President. The Prime Minister also held the Ministries of Defence and External

Affairs until 1978.

In 1978, then the Prime Minister J.R. Jayewardence introduction new

constitutional change.35

The position of the executive president was introduced, resulting

in the powers of the Prime Minister being reduced. The President became the head of

state and head of government and the Prime Minister became a nominal position. Under

the current constitution of Sri Lanka, in the event a president dies in office, the Prime

Minister becomes the acting president until the Parliament convenes to elect successor or

new elections could be held to elect a new president.

This was the case in 1993, when President Ranasing he Premadasa was

assassinated and Prime Minister Dingiri Banda Wijetunge took office, as President. 20th

Prime Minister of Sri Lanka is Disanayaka Mudiyanselage Jayaratne.36

President Mahinda Rajapaksa, the fifth President, began his second term of office

on 19 November 2010. In the election held two years before the end of his first six year

term, he won with 57.88% of the votes cast. His success in Presidential and

Parliamentary Elections in January and April, 2010 came after a series of sweeping

35

Wilson, A.J. (1982) „Sri Lanka and its Future: Sinhalese Versus Tamil‟s, in Wilson,

pp. 295

36 Department of Election Sri Lanka, 2010

26

victories in elections to eight provincial councils by the Sri Lankan Freedom Party

(SLFP) led by him. The UPFA now has an over two thirds majority in parliament.37

Table 1.2 2010 Sri Lankan presidential election

Candidate Party Votes %

Mahinda Rajapaksa Sri Lankan Freedom Party 6015934 57.88

Sarath Fonseka New Democratic Front 4173185 40.15

Mohomad Cassim

Mohomad Ismail

Democratic United National Front 39226 0.38

Achala Ashoka Suraweera National Development Front 26266 0.25

Channa Janaka Sugathsiri

Gamage

United Democratic Front 23290 0.22

W.V. Mahiman Ranjith Independent 18747 0.18

A.S.P. Liyanage Sri Lanka Labour Party 14220 0.14

Sarath Manamendra New Sinhala Heritage 9684 0.09

M.K. Shivajilingam Independent 9662 0.09

Ukkubanada Wijekoon Independent 9381 0.09

Lal Perera Our National Front 9353 0.09

Siritunga Jayasuriya United Socialist Party 8352 0.08

Vikramabahu Karunaratne Left Front 7055 0.07

Aithurus M. Illias Independent 61310 0.06

Wije Dias Socialist Equality Party 4195 0.04

37

Department of Election, Sri Lanka, 2010

27

Sanath Pinnaduwa National Allliance 3523 0.03

M. Mohamed Musthaffa Independent 3134 0.03

Battaramulle Seelarathana

Thero

Jana Setha Peramuna 2770 0.03

Senaratna de Silva Patriotic National Front 2620 0.03

Aruna de Zoyza Ruhuna People‟s Party 2618 0.03

Upali Sarath Kongahage United National Alternative Front 2260 0.02

Muthu Bandara

Theminimulla

All Are Citizens, All Are Kings

Organisation

2007 0.02

Valid Votes 10393613 100.00

Rejected Votes 101838

Total Polled 10495451

Registered Electors 14088500

Turnout 74.50

Source : Department of Elections, Sri Lanka (http://presidential2010/AIVOT.html)

National Legislature

The Parliament of Sri Lanka unicameral legislature, the 225 members legislature

with 196 members elected in multi seat constituencies and 29 by proportional

representation. The president may summon, suspend or end a legislative session and

dissolve parliament any time after it has served for one year. The parliament reserves the

power to make all laws.38

President‟s deputy, the Prime Minister, leads the ruling party in

Parliament and shares many executive responsibilities, mainly in domestic affairs.

38

Lakshman W.D., Sri Lanka‟s development since independence, Nova Publishers,

New York (2000), p. 253

28

LOCAL GOVERNMENT

Local government is the third and lowest level of government in Sri Lanka – after

the central government and provincial councils. The local government bodies are

collectively known as local authorities. They are responsible for providing a variety of

local public services including roads, housing, libraries, public parks etc.39

Local

authorities are divided into three different groups :

Local Authorities

Municipal Councils Urban Councils

and divisional councils pradeshiya saba or pradesha sabhai. As of January 2011

there were 335 local authorities 18 Municipal councils; 42 urban councils and 270

divisional councils.40

Sri Lanka‟s two major political parties – the United National Party (UNP) and the

Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) – embrace democratic values, international non-

alignment and encouragement of Sinhalese culture. The UNP was organised in

September 1946 by D.S. Senanayake;

Basically the UNP is democratic socialist, committed to a mixed type of economy

with greater emphasis on the private sector, agrarian based, well disposed towards foreign

investors, willing to permit, consonant with political circumstances, a measure of elbow

room to the minority the commonwealth connection and ties with the west.41

The second

major party in Sri Lanka is S.L.F.P. The S.L.F.P.

39

Wamapala W.A. Wiswa; Local Politics in Sri Lanka, South Asian Publishing, New

Delhi, p. a.

40 Hand Book of Sri Lanka Local Election of Sri Lanka, 2011

41 Calvin A. Woodward; The Growth of a Party System in Ceylon (1969), p. 8

29

The SLFP was launched by S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike in September 1951 as this

time Bandaranaike was Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. Bandaranaika stated that his

organisation would be a middle party between the UNP of the extreme right and the

marsists on the extreme left. It was in its economic and social policies that the SLFP

differed materially from the UNP. Bandaranaike‟s exit from the D.S. Senanayake

government, anti-U.N.P. opinion in the country, development confidence in the

possibilities of an alternative government being formed under his leadership. After its

inaugural meeting the S.L.F.P. put forward a radical socialist programme which stood in

contrast to the U.N.P.‟s conservative, go-slow, benevolent paternalism. In the sphere of

foreign policy as well, important changes were advocated. Bandaranaike‟s concept of

dynamic neutralism was evident in the proposal that Ceylon should establish friendly

relations with all countries and steer clear of any of the major power bloes. The SLFP

was not satisfied with the existing constitutional arrangements. At the general elections of

1952 and 1956 it called for a constituent assembly to look into the unsatisfactory features

of the constitution. As prime minister in 1956, Bandaranaike had a parliamentary joint

select committee convened for the purpose of restructuring the constitution.

Bandaranaike was assassinated by an extremist Buddhist monk in 1959.

Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the widow of late S.W.R.O. Bandaranaike, took office

and head of SLFP Party or prime minister in 1960.

Even that Sri Lanka has a multi-party democracy Parliamentary parties in Sri

Lanka : All Ceylon Muslim congress (2008), Ceylon workers‟ congress (1939), Citizen‟s

Front, Communist Party (1993), Democratic Left Front (1999), Eelam People‟s

Democratic Party (1986), Eelam People‟s Revolutionary Liberation Front (1980).

Political Party in Sri Lanka

Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (1965), Lanka Sama Samaja Party (1935), Liberal

Party (1987), Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (1951), Sri Lanka Freedom Party (1951), Sri

Lanka Muslim Congress (1981), Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (1974), United

National Party (1946).

30

In resent government of declared victory Mahinda Rajapaksa President of Sri

Lanka, the UNP candidate. The election was announced on 23 November 2009, and

nominee member is – Mahinda Rajapaksa (S.L.F.P.) and Sarath Fonseka Party is New

Democratic Front. But Mahinda Rajapksa is won this election in which vote 57.88.

Politics in Sri Lanka are controlled by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, and the

current Prime Minister of Sri Lanka is disanayaka Mydiyanselage Jayaratne.