"The Voice of the Black Protest Movement:"Notes on the Liberator Magazine

and Black Radicalism in the Early 1960s

Introduction

WHEN THE LCA (Liberation Committeefor Africa) was formed in June 1960, it

had in its purview the winds of national lib-eration blowing throughout Africa. Formedin a political milieu sliced in two by the ColdWar, splintered by the emergence of NewLeft politics, and defined by the continuedstruggle for civil and human rights forAfrican Americans in the U.S., the LCA wasbut a small formation dedicated to domesticand international black liberation and com-mitted to radical social transformation.

Many historians of the period have madereference to this group and its membership,yet few have explored the formation of thegroup itself. While scholars have focused onthe political milieu in which groups such asthe Nation of Islam, Student NonviolentCoordinating Committee, American Societyof African Culture, and Fair Play for CubaCommittee emerged, the Liberation Com-mittee for Africa, and its information organ,the Liberator, have escaped close scholarlyattention.' My research therefore seeks to filla gap in our understanding of the complexi-ty of the Black Liberation movement (1955-1975),^ by focusing attention on the LCA, agroup of activists, artists and intellectualsconcerned with the political and culturalstruggles of African and African-descendedpeoples throughout the world. The Liberatorwas an incubator of radical Black Nationalistthought in the critical period between theCivil Rights and Black Power movements.

THE LCA EMBRACED a basic Pan-Africanistperspective through an internationalism

centered on African independence. As willbe shown in this essay, African independencemovements drove the activity of the commit-

by Christopher M. Tinson

tee and occupied the majority of the Libera-tor's contents, especially in the first few yearsof its publication. As it is generally under-stood, Pan-Africanism consists of the beliefin and commitment to the political and cul-tural unity of African descendants.' Thoughnot all black internationalist perspectives arebased on a belief in African and AfricanAmerican unity, the LCA was one organiza-tion that articulated this unified vision. TheCommittee unwaveringly supported Africanindependence, and maintained the view thatAfrican independence weighed heavily uponthe fight for equality and political power inthe U.S. Moreover, it refiected the view thatAfrican and African Americans should havea place at the table of world leadership.

The LCA was among a number of NewYork based Nationalist groups interested inthe liberation of African people and descen-dants worldwide in the 1960s. The Councilon African Affairs, though it had beenforced to disband by 1955, influenced theAfrican liberation support and politicalactivism of this period.'' Educational/profes-sional organizations, such as the Associationfor the Study of Negro Life and History,founded by Carter G. Woodson, were also apart of this milieu, and many LCA membersparticipated in local chapters. Groups suchas On Guard for Freedom, led by CalvinHicks,̂ the United African Nationalist Move-ment, led by James Lawson, as well as theUniversal African Legion, Inc., and theAfrican Nationalist Pioneer Movement led byCarlos Cooks, among a number of othergroups, all viewed the liberation of Africa aspart of the struggle for black liberation inthe United States.'̂

As James Smethurst points out in his his-tory of the Black Arts Movement, New YorkCity was a veritable altar of Black Nationalist

THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 37, NO. 4 Pages

literary and political activity in the 1960s.' Assuch, the history of the Liberator should alsobe seen as a part of New York history itself, asmany of the memhers had heen a part oflocal political struggles and were memhers ofintellectual groups prior to and during theirwork with the Liberator.

PROCLAIMING ITSELF 'The Voice of the BlackProtest Movement" across its masthead,

the Liberator published articles that demandedthe right to self-government, the right to self-determination, and the struggle for political,economic and cultural autonomy. Equally cen-tral to its outlook was its criticism of capital-ism's function in the perpetuation of Africanand African American exploitation. In fact,the LCA, like many other internationalist-ori-ented organizations, saw capitalism as thenemesis of all freedom seeking peoples who,in turn, engaged themselves in the overthrowof colonialism and imperialism. It thereforewrestled with a socialist solution, thoughowing to its ties to the old Black Left, it soughtto avoid sectarianism. Ahove all, the Liberatorstressed independence, whether that wasfound in its support of political independencein the U.S. and abroad, or in the media repre-sentation of the black liberation struggle.

Freedom Fighters

IN JUNE 1960 the LCA issued a press releasethat announced the hasis of its formation

and provided its Statement of Aims. Its aimsdescribe the principles and values that theorganization stood for and the goals it wouldwork toward. Its opening statement connect-ed the struggles of African people to blackpeople in the United States, stating: "free-dom and equality for Americans of Africandescent is inextricably linked with the free-dom of Africans in their home lands."* Itwent on to pinpoint four aims that reflectedits belief in the inextricable bond betweenAfrican and African American struggles. Itsstated aims were:

To work for and support the immediate libera-tion of all colonial peoplesTo provide a public forum for African freedomfightersTo provide concrete aid to African freedom fight-ers

To re-establish awareness of the common culttiralheritage of Afro-Americans with their Africanbrothers'

These broadly conceived aims did not pro-vide a blueprint of how these goals would beaccomplished, nor did they reveal a particu-lar ideological perspective. Yet they doreflect the LCA's attempt to provide a plat-form for the critical exchange of ideas andwhere the politics of African and AfricanAmerican liberation could be explored.

From its inception, the LCA sought sup-port from both the black community andwhites who saw themselves as allies. In 1961,under the title "What Africa Means to Ameri-cans," the LCA placed an ad in the TheNation, where it stated that its membership"includes Americans of all races" and impor-tantly expanded on its stated aims. The LCAsought to "make permanent that unity ofpurpose and effort" recently displayed at theprotest at the United Nations against theassassination of Congolese Prime MinisterPatrice Lumumba in February 1961, addingthat its intention was to "give Africans a voicehere in the United States."'" Lastly, recogniz-ing its function as a disseminator of informa-tion, it sought "to inform all Americans ofAfrica's proud heritage, long obscured byracist myths.""

Daniel H. Watts, Richard Gibson, andLowell Pete Beveridge were the founders ofthis organization. Watts was an ex-corporatearchitectural engineer who left the high-pro-file firm Skidmore, Owings and Merrill andbegan his public engagement with the BlackLiberation movement. Gibson, who workedfor CBS News and was later a correspondentand English-language editor for the radicalAlgeria-based newspaper. Revolution Africaine,was a longtime friend of Watts since theywere both living in New York City in the late1950s and 1960s.'^ Beveridge, a white Har-vard and Columbia educated man who hadmajored in African history, but who made acareer as an interior designer, had met Wattsthrough an earlier organization called theCommittee for the Advancement of theNegro in Architecture, in which Watts servedas Executive Secretary." This group wasorganized after Watts, a highly talented

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architect, was not made partner at his firm.Early organization letterhead indicates Wattsas Chairman, Gibson as Executive Secretaryand Beveridge as Research Director and edi-tor. Beveridge served as editor of the Libera-tor from 1961-1965, when he departed theorganization due to the heightened sense ofracial autonomy and the growing intolerancetowards whites supporting the Black Libera-tion movement.'''

FROM THE BEGINNING, the LCA distin-guished itself from the Civil Rights estab-

lishment. It did not agree with nor support asteadfast adherence to non-violence whenblack people were confronted with violencein the North or in the South. And it was dis-trustful of liheralism and gradualistapproaches to social change. In June 1961,the Liberator carried an unsigned article onthe Freedom Rides, which provides an exam-ple of its viewpoint regarding the Civil Rightsstruggle taking place throughout the South.

The Liberator hailed the importance of theFreedom Rides for "giving new life to the lib-eration struggle at home." The FreedomRides had not only demonstrated to theworld that race relations in the U.S. were stillmarked by acts of white savagery, but alsothat the rides had "quickened the pace andraised the level of struggle." However, theydid not support the riders' steadfast adher-ence to non-violence. Moreover, the LCAexpressed, "By announcing ahead of timethat they will not fight back, the FreedomRiders have given license to the most degrad-ed and cowardly elements to indulge in mobviolence."'^ Though supportive of the Free-dom Riders' efforts to test the SupremeCourt's prohibition of segregation in inter-state travel, the LCA shared the belief ofmany others that the riders must have gov-ernment protection. Recognizing that non-violence would not prevent violence norguarantee protection, the LCA expressedsupport for the African American communi-ty's right to self-defense. This position madeit the natural adversary of established blackleadership, including individuals such asMartin Luther King, Jr., Whitney Young, andJames Farmer, figures whom it routinely criti-cized. Instead, the LCA promoted the

activism of Robert F. Williams, Mae Mallory,Malcolm X, Gloria Richardson, Adam Clay-ton Powell and Albert Cleage, and champi-oned the Pan-Africanism of W.E.B. Du Boisand Kwame Nkrumah.

Militant Action

T'HESE EACTORS contributed to historianJohn Henrik Clarke's consideration of

the LCA as reflecting a new sense of militan-cy, which he wrote about in an essay, "NewAfro-American Nationalism.""^ According toClarke, viewing African and African Ameri-can struggles as inherently unified in thestruggle to defeat imperialism marked asimultaneous shift in identity. Clarke, anearly associate of the LCA, placed it, alongwith On Guard for Freedom and the Provi-sional Committee for a Free Africa, as one ofthe most active of the groups formed inresponse to the assassination of Lumumba.As has been noted by several scholars, theassassination of Lumumba had a galvanizingeffect on Black Nationalist and black radicalorganizations in the U.S.'^

In an organized, if not planned, act ofdefiance. Black Nationalist organizationsbased in Harlem joined the above groups ata meeting of the United Nations SecurityCouncil on February 15, 1961, a week follow-ing Lumumba's murder. A riot broke out,according to the New York Times, when, dur-ing the speech of United States SecurityCouncil representative Adlai Stevenson,guards arrested a woman who stood up toprotest his speech. According to Dan Watts,as reported in the Times article, the demon-stration was intended to he a peaceful one.But when Stevenson announced his supportfor United Nations Secretary General DagHammarskjold, the person many knew to beresponsible for the protection of Lumumba,a woman stood up in protest and "guardsrushed for her."'^ There are at least twoother recollections of this event.

According to Gibson, "it was [Robert F]Williams who inspired that much publicizedand highly effective demo in the UnitedNations Assembly after the American-inspiredmurder of Patrice Lumumba." He added:

It was led by Mae Mallory, a close associate of

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Williams...and Max Roach and Abbey Lincolnwho lived upstairs in the same Park West Villagebuilding on Columbus Avenue as I did. My wifeand I had given a small party for Rob the eveningbefore. Neither Rob nor I could attend becausehe had to leaye for a speaking engagement else-where and I was working at CBS News."

Though Watts indicated to the press thatthe demonstration wasn't intended to bemore than a display of civil disobedience,Calvin Hicks remembers it differently. As herecalls, the demonstration was intended tobe disruptive. During Stevenson's speech avisiting Cuban student in solidarity with theprotesters stood up and threw an object inStevenson's direction. As guards hurriedtowards the student, chaos broke out in thechamber. In Hicks's words, "we tore theplace up."'̂ ° This act of protest appeared tohave emerged out of purely political con-cerns, but the action also revealed deeperpersonal ties.

MANY MEMBERS of On Cuard for Freedomwere also members of the Harlem

Writers Cuild.^' Some Cuild members, suchas novelist Rosa Cuy, spoke and read French.Cuy's work as a writer and activist wouldallow her to meet and befriend many of theCongolese students and government repre-sentatives visiting or studying in the UnitedStates. These organizations had already beenpaying close attention to the crisis brewing inthe Congo. And many had already writtenstatements of solidarity or support forLumumba. For example, on January 21,1961, the LCA issued an immediate pressrelease, a copy of a telegram sent to theattention of Mrs. Patrice Lumumba inLeopoldville. Signed by Dan Watts, it stated:

[Y]our husband. Premier Patrice Lumumba,remains the legitimate head of the Congo, andthe symbol of liberation for all Africans at homeand abroad. The arrest and public abuse of Pre-mier Patrice Lumumba bas aroused the sympathyof many Americans, black and white.̂ ^

Watts then called for all interested to peti-tion the United Nations and demand theimmediate release of Lumumba. Althoughthe news was not released to the world press,Lumumba had been killed three days priorto Watts's press release. The deaths of

Lumumba and his associates, Maurice Mpoloand Joseph Okito, were not announced untilFebruary 13, 1961.^^ When the news wasfinally made public, the LCA mustered upanother press release. This time itdenounced the U.S. government. UnitedNations Secretary Ceneral Dag Ham-marskjold and his assistant, Ralph Bunche,as the individuals responsible for Lumum-ba's abduction and murder.^''

Upon receiving news of Lumumba's assas-sination On Cuard, Harlem Writers Cuildmembers and others felt it was their respon-sibility to demonstrate their anger and dis-content in front of the world leaders assem-bling at the United Nations. These activistsdemanded that someone be held account-able for the heinous and tragic murders ofLumumba and his close associates. Hickscould not recall exactly the specifics of theplans for follow-up after the protest, but theconsensus among all of the groups involvedin the demonstration was that the UnitedStates was complicit in this murder.^^ Fromthat moment forward the Liberation Com-mittee for Africa saw its charge as exposingthe role of the United States government indisrupting the political and economic free-dom anticipated throughout newly indepen-dent Africa. The pages of the Liberator wouldbe dedicated to documenting and dissemi-nating information about the struggles forblack liberation around the world.

INSPIRED TO BUILD on the energy captured atthe protest, the Liberator would utilize the

passion and talents of a politicized group ofcultural workers who would become stalwartsin the Black Arts/Black Power movementsand those whose work was influential tothese movements. Though the Liberatorwould eventually publish the writings ofJulian Mayfieid, Carlos Russell, Askia Toure(then Rolland Snellings), Amiri Baraka(then Leroi Jones), Abbey Lincoln, RichardB. Moore, Sonia Sanchez, James Baldwin,Larry Neal, Toni Cade (Bambara) and oth-ers, it initially relied solely on the work of atiny cadre of three individuals: Watts, Bev-eridge and Cibson.̂ ^

As the United Nations, located close by onFirst Avenue and 46* Street, became a target

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of protest, in August 1961, the LiherationCommittee for Africa announced that itsoffice was moving to a new location acrossthe street. With its relocation to 244 East 46*Street in New York City, it also listed the edi-torial hoard of the Liberator ior the first time,indicating L.P. Beveridge, Jr. as editor, along-side John H. Clarke and Daniel H. Watts.̂ ^ InDecemher of that year they announced thememhers of the LCA executive committee,which listed Watts as Chairman, Beveridge asSecretary and Evelyn Battle as Social Direc-tor.̂ * Though Watts, Beveridge and Clarkewere listed as the initial editorial hoard ofthe Liberator, Watts and Beveridge were pri-marily responsihle for the collection of arti-cles, the meeting of deadlines, copyediting,printing and distrihution.^^ The four-pagereview of African and African Americanstruggles against colonialism and racism wasslowly growing into a respectahle magazineof radical thought, and proudly announcedthat it had reached a modest circulation of1,500 hy Septemher of that year.̂ "

WATTS HAD OBTAINED a printing dealthrough family ties. His wife at the

time, Marilyn, was the niece of a Brooklynprinter named Maurice Golden. Wattsarranged to have the Liberator printedthrough Golden's shop at a lower price thanhe would normally charge. Watts and hisassociates were responsible for the distrihu-tion. According to Marilyn, distrihution wasa problem Watts regularly lamented.^' Ahouta year later. Rose and James Finkenstaedtjoined the Liberator staff. Rose got involvedthrough her evolving political consciousnessand willingness to play a supporting role inblack liberation efforts while working towarda Ph.D. at Columbia University. JamesFinkenstaedt, who was vice president ofWilliam Morrow publishers, got involvedthrough his wife's urging. James (also knownas "Fink") and Charlie Russell, another staffwriter and the brother of basketball star BillRussell, took over the responsihilities of mag-azine distribution. According to Rose, news-stands in Queens, Brooklyn, Greenwich Vil-lage and the Lower East Side sometimescarried the magazine. Regarding nationaldistribution, she recollects Watts saying that

the Liberator was being read in San Franciscoand Detroit, but "otherwise it was a New Yorkoperation."^^ Nonetheless, the letters to theeditor reveal that by 1965 the Liberator wasbeing read in Detroit, Michigan, SilverSprings, Maryland, Lake Charles, Louisiana,Memphis, Tennessee, Berkeley and Downey,California, Laramie, Wyoming, and Seattle,Washington.

Watts and Beveridge used their personalfinances to cover the costs of publishing themagazine, and according to Beveridge, thecosts were generally more than they wereable to recoup through memberships, sub-scriptions and other forms of revenue."Though there are no indications of exactlyhow many members the LCA had, a summa-ry of finances published in June, 1961, indi-cated that membership dues, literature sales,magazine subscriptions and contributionsdonated to cover costs for ads in the NewYork Times brought in $4,395. Their overallexpenses at the time totaled $3,218.'''Though a good public gesture, this was thelast time the LCA published a financial sum-mary of this type. And although many writersand artists published in the Liberator, veryfew were actually members of the LCA.

ACCORDING TO GiBSON, Watts was inspiredto engage in the international black

freedom movement by Gibson's work with theUnited Nations and his role in the leadership ofthe New York chapter of the Fair Play for CubaCommittee (FPCC) .'* Between 1959-1960 Wattsand Gibson were neighbors in Park West Vil-lage on the Upper West Side. After his time atCBS News, Gibson acquired a position with theAlgerian National Liberation Front (FLN)Observer Mission to the United Nations whileliving in New York. He worked at CBS Newsuntil the FPCC became belabored with contro-versy concerning its origins and membership.Gihson's activities in this period ranged fromserving as Acting Executive Secretary of theFPCC, to participation in the Monroe DefenseCommittee (MDC), "a broad, non-partisandefense committee." As Calvin Hicks, the com-mittee's Executive Secretary stated in a lettersoliciting support for the MDC:

The committee was organized and is sponsoredby many individuals who may not agree with each

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other on the way in which full equality for Afro-Americans is to be achieved. However, they doagree that the oppression, brutality and travestyof justice in Monroe, North Carolina, whichforced Robert F. Williams to flee for his life mustbe rectified.'"

THE MDC SPONSOR LIST as identified inHicks's letter contained the names of a

number of important political and culturalfigures including James Baldwin, John Hen-rik Clarke, Richard Gibson, Jesse Grey, LeroiJones, Paule Marshall, Julian and Ana May-field, Bayard Rustin, Dan Watts, Max Roachand Abbey Lincoln, Ruby Dee and OssieDavis, and Maya Angelou, among others."Angelou was at this time married to VuzumsiMake of the Pan-African Congress of SouthAfrica. According to Gibson, Make "the dar-ling of black militants" in New York City, wasalso a key infiuence on the formation of theLiberation Committee for Africa. "LikeWilliams," Gibson wrote, "[Make] was con-vinced that an armed struggle would be nec-essary to end white rule in South Africa..."Make's role in supporting the liberationstruggle in the U.S. for black rights was anextension of the struggle against SouthAfrican apartheid.^*

Make was a featured speaker alongsideauthors John O. Killens, Baldwin, and jour-nalist William Worthy at a May 1961 publicforum entitled "Nationalism, Colonialismand the United States" and hosted by theLCA. In April of 1962, one of the few articlesMake published in the U.S was printed inthe Liberator. In the article. Make, in seekingto provide a context for the on-going strug-gle against apartheid South Africa, tellinglydemonstrated the complicity of the NorthAdantic Treaty Organization (NATO) coun-tries in the apartheid regime's massacring ofblack South Africans. NATO "aid," Makewrote, assisted the build up of a military statein South Africa. Make pointed out howammunitions and tanks purchased fromBritain were used in the Sharpeville andLanga massacres of March 21, 1960. Sincethat time, he warned, "the South Africanregime has been preparing for...a civilwar."'® The Liberator re.i\ecteA the growingsense of urgency to rid the world of colonial-ism with a critical eye on the world's largest

perpetuator and beneficiary, the U.S. And itsguiding perspective viewed the victory overimperialism squarely in the fight againstracist capitalist oppression in the U.S.

IN ITS ROLE as watchdog of U.S. foreign poli-cy towards Africa, the Liberator also high-

lighted efforts to uproot colonialism on thecontinent. Again, its pan-Africanist perspec-tive is evident in the following editorial, dis-cussing the importance of the All AfricanPeoples Conference:

This Conference, attended by over 200 delegatesrepresenting 69 parties, organizations andunions from 36 African countries was virtuallyignored by the American press. The LiberationCommittee for Africa and all other Africanfriends of African freedom must take the speech-es and resolutions of the Cairo conference as adirect challenge to demonstrate solidarity withthe Freedom Fighters of Africa by opposing andexposing the racist, imperialist policies of theforemost Neo-Colonial power not only in theCongo and Liberia; in Laos and the Philippines;in Cuba and Brazil; but in Alabama and Mississip-pi as well.'"'

The relationship of the Civil Rights strug-gle of black people in the U.S. to the anti-imperialist struggle in Africa and across theglobe positioned the LCA as a direct benefi-ciary of the internationalism inspired by theBandung conference of 1955."" Its efforts tofollow the developments at the UnitedNations, coupled with close attention paid tothe African press and the relationshipsbetween Africans and African Americans inthe U.S., shaped its outlook.

In the years 1961-1965 the Liberator wel-comed several talented writers to its staff.Including Ossie Sykes, Carlos Russell, LarryNeal, Clayton Riley, C.E. Wilson, Askia Toure(Rolland Snellings) and Harold Cruse(notably from 1963-1964), these figures wouldhelp to shape the overall perspective of theLiberator. John Henrik Clarke, listed as an orig-inal member of the editorial staff, publishedonly two book reviews, in 1961 and 1963respectively. Cruse, arguably the most percep-tive, and without a doubt the most obstreper-ous of the writing staff, contributed some ofhis most infiuential writings and conceptual-izations of Black Nationalism and Black Liber-ation in the pages of the Liberator.

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Harold Cruse and the Liberator

IN CRUSE'S FAMOUS BOOK, The Crisis of the

Negro Intellectual, he criticizes the Liberatorfor a variety of reasons; a central point of hiscriticism was its lack of ideological coher-ence."*̂ Yet I find Carlos Russell's descriptionmore palatable in evaluating the success orfailure of the magazine. As an early memberand staff writer throughout the magazine'sexistence, he argued the Liberator-was "eclec-tic.'"" By this he meant that, though they allshared the commitment to black liberation,its writers consisted of people from differentbackgrounds, experiences, motives, aspira-tions and ideological perspectives. Theircoherence came through a commitment firstto understand the transnational situationsblack people faced and a shared acceptanceof the responsibility to black liberation strug-gle. This eclecticism was arguably its greatestattribute as it called into focus the diversityof black radical thought among activists andintellectuals in this period. As the publica-tion grew in popularity in movement circlesand at bookshops, it attracted more up-and-coming writers.

As mentioned, many of the writers abovewould become major theorists of the ensuingBlack Power/Black Arts Movement. Thesefigures played increasingly significant rolesin affirming and emphasizing African Ameri-cans' non-Western cultural heritage and val-ues.''"' Moreover, their work in many waysrefiected Harold Cruse's call for a culturalrevolution. Highlighting some of the genera-tional differences that surfaced among Liber-ator staff, Askia Toure commented, "Larryand I were 'young Turks' working with ourelders. So from time to time minor differ-ences would occur, as in any family.'"'̂ Toure,for example, published a number of infiuen-tial articles. These include "The New Afro-American Writer," published in October1963, "Toward Repudiating Western Values,"published in November 1964, "Afro-Ameri-can Youth and the Bandung World," pub-lished in February 1965, and "Malcolm X:International Statesman" in February 1966.

THE FIGURE who was often at the center ofthe disputes referred to by Toure was

Cruse. Despite his disagreements with DanWatts, Cruse offered penetrating analyses onthe state of African American progress andpublished several seminal articles in the Lib-erator from 1963-1964. His four-part series"Rebellion or Revolution?" was publishedfrom October 1963-January 1964. In thisseries Cruse called for a Cultural Revolutionin which black people would acquire owner-ship of American cultural communication,"i.e. films, theaters, radio and television,music performing and publishing." This, heargued, was the only way that African Ameri-cans could move the struggle from a rebel-lion to a revolution. In the November 1963issue he wrote an article entitled "ThirdParty: Facts and Forecasts," which analyzedthe viability of forming an all-black politicalparty and the possible effects on the Ameri-can political landscape. "The Roots of BlackNationalism" was published in two parts inMarch and April 1964. Cruse penned thetwo-part series "Marxism and the Negro" inMay and June of that year. And his last series,"The Economics of Black Nationalism" waspublished in July and August. In these arti-cles. Cruse attempted to provide a criticalappraisal of the movement as a whole. Healso intended to give the black intellectualcommunity a historical context for itspredicament. Cruse's Liberator analyses ofAmerican society and Black Liberationformed the basis of his book Rebellion or Revo-lutionP^ Yet, his experiences working as astaff writer for the Liberator would form thebasis of his discussion of the magazine in hisnow famous The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual,wherein he offers a historical analysis of theshortcomings of black leadership.""

Though Cruse's Liberator contacts made Cri-sis possible, in the book he nonetheless excori-ated the Liberator as a journalistic example ofthe failure of" the movement as a whole.''*According to Cruse, until the movement couldresolve such questions as "What is integration?What is nationalism? What is Marxist Commu-nism, and how does it relate to the first twoideas?" the Liberator could not offer a programof its own. Moreover, the magazine did notmaximize its ability to clarify these questions.''̂

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Ironically, Cruse's articles attempted to tacklethe very questions he posed in the Crisis. Anoth-er uncomfortable issue for Cruse was the Libera-tot's ties to the Old Left. Though many in theLiberator circle interacted on some level withmembers of the Communist Party, only he andBeveridge had ever been members. Yet it isclear that some members of the Liberator's advi-sory board, such as former Freedom editorGeorge B. Murphy and activist-historianRichard B. Moore, for example, had ties to theCommunist Party at certain points in theircareers. Though by 1964 Cruse decided that histenure with the Liberator was over, his writingsmade a lasting impression on the periodical'saudience.

Connections to the Old Left

FROM 1962-1964 the Liberator carried arti-cles on the expatriate community then

living in Chana.^" Several of these articleshighlighted the work of Du Bois, AlpheausHunton, Julian Mayfield and others. As anorganization with a Pan-African internation-alist outlook, it regarded Du Bois as a heroof the black freedom struggle. The article itpublished on Du Bois's and Hunton's Ency-clopedia Africana is an indication of the highregard the LCA held for their work, activismand political perspective. Yet, their supportfor these men was more than distant admira-tion. Beveridge, for instance, took classes atthe Jefferson School of Social Science, aMarxist adult education institute in NewYork City that was associated with the Com-munist Party, USA (CPUSA) in the late 1940sand closed down under the Subversive Activi-ties Control Board in 1956. There he met DuBois, Doxey Wilkerson and Herbert Apthek-er, who taught courses on world history,world revolution and Marxism. He wouldalso interact with Hunton and William L."Pat" Patterson of the Civil Rights Congress,who would have an immense influence onhis ideological maturation.^'

Beveridge developed lifelong relation-ships with many of these figures, but heholds that the major influences on his lifeand perspective were Hunton and Patterson.About them, he wrote:

Both men had made history, had written and spo-ken cogently about it, and shared their knowl-edge and experience with me freely, but it wasthe warmth and mutual respect of our friendshipthat I remember more than the content of anyparticular intellectual or ideological intercotirse.

After meeting Hunton while attending ascreening of a film entitled "Spotlight onSouth Africa" sponsored by the Council onAfrican Affairs, where he would also meet hisfuture wife, Hortense "Tee" Sie, Beveridgewrote that he would go on to spend moretime with Hunton.^^ The two would remainfriends throughout the 1950s up to 1960when Hunton and his wife Dorothy left theU.S. for Africa. .

PATTERSON, a Berkeley-trained attorneyand long-time CPUSA member who

became the national executive secretary ofthe Civil Rights Congress, and is perhapsbest known for his leadership in the 1951"We Charge Cenocide" campaign, along withPaul Robeson and a number of othernotable artists, intellectuals and activists in1951, was also one of Beveridge's mentors.Of Patterson, Beveridge wrote:

I first met Patterson about 1950 when as Presi-dent of Young Progressives at Harvard I chaired ameeting which I had invited him to address. Thisis what I had to say about it in my memoirs: "BillPatterson taught me an important lesson the dayhe spoke: the audience was quite hostile andheckled him, but he handled it very well. At theend of the meeting the atmosphere was so verytense that I went over to him and started to pro-tectively usher him back stage with the intentionof smuggling him out the back door. Instead hetook me by the elbow and whispered, 'Never letthem know you are afraid.' and proceeded towalk right down through the middle of the crowdand out the front door. Everything remainedcalm."'̂ '

These influential figures help explain Bev-eridge's role in the Liberator from 1961-65,though due to attitudes of racial rejection, itprobably did not end as he would havewished. Hunton and Patterson were his mod-els of radicalism, which enabled him to bringhis knowledge of African history obtainedfrom his academic studies and CPUSA studygroups to the Liberator's effort to be the voiceof international black protest.

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Liberator Women

THE ACTIVISM of Shirley Graham Du Boisand Dorothy Hunton, though mainly

viewed through the work of their husbands,indirectly contributed to the formation ofthe LCA, and was also influential to a gener-ation of activists both male and female.Nonetheless, in evaluating the presence ofwomen in the Liberator it is worth acknowl-edging that at least two women served on itsstaff, Evelyn Kalibala, listed on early LCA sta-tionery as social director, and Rose Finken-staedt who has already been mentioned.Beyond these women, it was a predominantlymale organization.'^''

However, the Liberator did not ignore theimportant questions being raised on the roleof women in the Black Liberation move-ment. Though as shown above, women suchas Rosa Guy, Abbey Lincoln, Mae Malloryand others played a critical role in the radi-calism of this period, the question of thewoman's role remained a common questionthat urged explanation, discussion anddebate. In recognition of the increasingattention paid to women's roles and aware-ness of women's issues in the liberationstruggle, the Liberator became another spacefor women to articulate their concerns.

Although, there was never an explicitposition statement, the Liberator madeattempts to display black women's politicalagency, ideas and perspectives. Blackwomen's Liberator articles and poetry oftencontained critical remarks about the state ofthe black community, the health of blackchildren, the function of public schools andthe education of black youth, and the role ofwomen in American society. As such, the Lib-erator included the presence, role and voiceof women, as part of a broadly defmed blackliberation struggle. Though the articles thatdealt with such "women's issues" were smallin number in the early years of the maga-zine, by the mid 1960s the voices of blackwomen were presented more frequently.Reviewing the articles and entries of womenwill yield greater insight into the Liberator'sperspective on the role of women in blackliberation struggle.

In 1963, it endorsed female political figures

such as Cambridge, Maryland's GloriaRichardson, chairperson of the CambridgeNon-violent Action Committee (CNAC), anadult-led affiliate of SNCC. A picture ofRichardson at the speaker's podium at whatappears to be a community rally graced thefront cover of the magazine that November.Inside this issue, Watts editorialized Richard-son's struggle and called for a unified front ofblack community support for her "courageousand effective leadership. "̂ ^ In this same issue,the Liberator published an ad announcing theNorthern Negro Leadership Conference, tobe held in Detroit, Michigan from November8-10, 1963, which Richardson, Watts, Jamesand Grace Lee Boggs and others attended,and where Malcolm X made the famousspeech "Message to the Grassroots. "̂ ''

OTHER ISSUES of the magazine featuredarticles written by members of the

Women's Strike for Peace organization, high-lighted Lorraine Hansberry's work, and thatof artist Valerie Maynard, and published cri-tiques of integration by black women. InDecember of 1963, Edith Schomburg's arti-cle "The Crux of Black Non-Violence," waspublished. In this article Schomburg ques-tioned the Civil Rights Movement's adher-ence to a non-violent philosophy. Couchingher critique in her evaluation of the messageof Christianity, she wondered if the religionprevented black people from defendingthemselves in the face of violence andopined, "But non-violence is questionable asa technique for black America's attainmentof peace on earth, and out of the question asthe single major weapon in the black man'sstruggle for freedom.""

A particularly sensitive issue for manywomen was interracial marriage. Eor example,in July 1965, the Liberator published a "Letterto Black Men" by Katy Gibson, which singled-out "the 'angry' Black nationalist intellect whohas chosen a non-Black mate." She continuedstating, 'The fact that they have chosen non-Black mates to love, honor, cherish and tobear their off-spring, leaves little doubt in mymind that their pro-Black, nationalistic, angrywritings, speeches, etc. should not be takenseriously."̂ * While an article summarizing thepresentations of a panel on 'The Role of the

THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 3 7, NO. 4 Page 11

Black Woman in a White Society" stated: "therole of the Black woman in this period of revo-lution is to help the Black man reject that soci-ety has attempted to destroy him and exploither,"̂ ^ by the next year other female writerswould ask: "Will the real Black man stand upor will the Black woman have to make this rev-olution?'"^" Anticipating the emergence ofblack women's radicalism, Betty ErankLomax's article "Afro-American Woman:Growth Deferred" offered a poignant critiqueof masculinity and the dilemma many womenand men struggled with. 'The Black man frus-trated by white America," she wrote, "turnsinwards to a perverted form of male suprema-cy in his relationship with the Black woman.Male supremacy is just as immoral as whitesupremacy, in that it prevents the female fromdeveloping and realizing her full potential."However, she did offer an example of man-hood that stood as a model of what the blackman should be: "Brother Malcolm did morefor her Black womanhood than any other socalled leader. At last, at long last, there he was,a man, a Black man whom she could really beproud of.""' Later in the year, a domestic work-er named Louise Moore, anticipating ErancesBeal's 1969 pamphlet, "Double Jeopardy,"located black women's oppression in the con-text of American culture, politics and econo-my, commenting, "We are tired of being cheat-ed of our womanhood by Black men, whitemen, white women and a whole capitalist-mili-tary system "62

IN THE LATE SIXTIES, these issues would con-tinue to receive coverage in the Liberator.

These issues ushered in a renewed sense ofidentity for many black women, informedtheir consciousness, and served as an earlyplatform on which black women's collectivesand organizations were formed. The debatescarried out in the Liberator would fmd fullexpression in the 1970 anthology. The BlackWoman (New York: New American Library,1970), edited by Toni Cade Bambara, whobefore the arrival of that ground-breakingcollection of black women's writings, hadpublished a series of book reviews and a fewshort stories in the Liberator, while publishingher own novels, short stories and essays.''̂

Racism at the United Nations

IN MANY WAYS the LCA came into publicawareness through the dramatic protest

at the UN in Eebruary 1961. Though thatunforgettable event galvanized many of theblack nationalist groups in New York City, italso embarrassed the U.S. government.

Throughout the mid 1960s, the Liberatorwould continue to track developments at theUnited Nations through the correspondenceof Ozzie Sykes and Richard Gibson, who oftenreported on African affairs, especially inNorthern Africa where he worked as a journal-ist. Eor a time, Dan Watts was able to personal-ly attend deliberations at the UN by accompa-nying a member of the press into the gallery.However, a letter signed by Osgood Caruthers,Acting Director of Press, Publications and Pub-lic Services at the UN, states that Watts couldonly receive a "temporary accreditation" thatwould expire at the end of a month. The let-ter, addressed to M. Jacques Verges, Directorof Revolution Africaine, indicated that Watts was"permanently barred from the UnitedNations" due to his participation in the Eebru-ary 15, 1961 protest."

Though it had long been viewed as a stageto vocalize the denial of Human Rights toAfrican Americans, Watts found himself atodds with the value of the United Nations.Nonetheless, using his network of contacts.Watts would continue to provide coverage ofthe UN That April, Beveridge ran an editori-al entitled, "Racism in the UN" In this pieceBeveridge noted that Watts was deniedaccess to the UN, pointing out that whitejournalists had no problem receiving accred-itation. "Afro-American visitors to the UNare considered suspect by the security guardsand often subjected to embarrassment andharassment. It is common knowledge, on theother hand, that white Americans have virtu-ally free access to the Secretariat building..."This incident served as but another examplefor black radicals and their white allies thatU.S. government interests would still deter-mine who could and could not participate inthe practice of international government.''*

Page 12 THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 3 7, NO. 4

Conclusion

HAROLD CRUSE was partially correct: theLiberator magazine reflected the com-

plications and contradictions found in themovement as a whole. It sought to give a voiceto black liberation struggle and to play a centralrole in the articulation and expression of inde-pendent political thought. It supported the for-mation of all-black organizations and an all-black political party, yet it allowed in supportfrom selected white writers and intellectualswho served on its production staff. It tried tochart an autonomous route far from the CivilRights establishment and beyond the reacb ofthe Old Left. And, as Van Gosse notes, theemergence of the New Left should berethought within the context of the black radi-calism the Liberator helped to define.'"'̂ More-over, it strived to demonstrate tbe interdepen-dence of African and African Americanstruggles for political self-determination andcultural affirmation. And it linked tbese to tbesweeping anti-colonial forces around the world.As tbe self-proclaimed voice of tbe black protestmovement, tbe Liberator played a critical role inproviding an outlet wbere many of tbe newideas of black liberation were tbougbt about,reinterpreted and challenged. As sucb, it servedas an incubator of black radical tbougbt—BlackNationalist, socialist and Pan-Africanist—in tbecritical transition period between tbe CivilRigbts and Black Power Movements.

Endnotes

1. Peniel E. Joseph, ed. The Black Power Movement:Rethinking the Civil Rights-Black Power Era (New York:Routledge, 2006); Peniel E.Joseph, "Where Black-ness is Bright? Cuba, Africa and Black LiberationDuring the Age of Civil Rights" in New Formations,Vol. 45 (Winter 2001-2002): 111-124; Van Gosse,Where the Boys Are: Cuba, Cold War America and theMaking of a New Left (New York: Verso, 1993).

2. An important recent discussion of the chronology ofthe Black Liberation Movement is Sundiata Cha-Juaand Clarence Lang "The 'Long Movement as Vam-pire': Temporal and Spatial Fallacies in Recent BlackFreedom Studies," in The Journal of African AmericanHistory, Vol. 92, No. 2 (Spring 2007): 265-288.

3. P. Olisanwuche Esedebe, Pan-Africanism: The Idea andMovement, 1776-1991,'T'' edition (Washington, DC:Howard University Press, 1994), 5.

4. The Council on African Affairs was founded in 1942

and quickly emerged as the leading voice of anti-colonialism and Pan-Africanism in the United Statesand abroad before becoming a casualty of Cold Waranti-communism in the early 1950s. In 1953 theCouncil was charged with subversion under theMcCarran Act. Its leaders, including Paul Robeson,W.E.B. Du Bois, and Alphaeus Hunton, were subject-ed to harassment, indictments, and in the case ofHunton, imprisonment. Under the weight of inter-nal disputes, government repression, and financialhardships, the Council on African Affairs disbandedin 1955. Source: Daren Salter, University of Washing-ton, "Black Past" on-line reference guide to AfricanAmerican History. Website: Black Past.org; webpage:http://www.blackpast.org/?q=aah/council-african-affairs-1942-1955.

5. Although published works mention Dan Watts as theleader of On Guard, this is incorrect (see KomoziWoodard, A Nation within A Nation and CynthiaYoung, Soul Power); Calvin Hicks was the actualleader of this organization.

6. Clarke, "New Afro-American Nationalism;" Robert L.Teague, "Negroes Say Conditions in U.S. ExplainNationalists' Militancy: Negroes Explain ExtremistDrives," New York Times (1857-current file), March 2,1961, p.l (accessed September 15, 2007).

7. James E. Smethurst, The Black Arts Movement: LiteraryNationalism in the 1960s and 1970s (Chapel Hill: TheUniversity of North Carolina Press, 2005).

8. Liberation Committee for Africa, "Statement ofAims," circa 1960.

9. Md.

10. News of the assassination of Lumumba led to a riotin the gallery of the United Nations in February1961. According to John Henrik Clarke, the riot "inprotest against the foul and cowardly murder ofPatrice Lumumba introduced the new Afro-Ameri-can Nationalism. ...The demonstrations...interpret-ed the murder of Lumumba as the internationallynching of a black man on the altar of colonialismand white supremacy. Suddenly, to them at least,Lumumba became Emmett Till and all of the otherblack victims of lynch law and the mob. The plight ofthe Africans still fighting to throw off the yoke ofcolonialism and the plight of the Afro-Americans,still waiting for a rich, strong and boastful nation toredeem the promise of freedom and citizenshipbecame one and the same." John Henrik Clarke,'The New Afro-American Nationalism," Freedomways,Vol. 1, No. 3 (Fall, 1961): 285-295.

11. Advertisement, "What Africa Means to Americans,"TheNation, May 13, 1961.

12. Gibson found himself at the center of several contro-versies in the late 1950s and early 1960s, the mostsignificant perhaps is that of being accused of serv-ing as an agent provocateur by some in the libera-tion movement. In at least two publications from theperiod, Gibson's credibility is questioned though nofacts are provided in either account. See RevolutionAfricaine circa 1965 and SoulbookVol. 1, No. 4, Winter

THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 37, NO. 4 Page 13

1965-1966; and Vol. 2, No. 1, Summer 1966. When Iasked Gibson about this issue he responded by say-ing that the statement accusing him "appeared inthe last issue of the Revolution Africaine when [pub-hsher] Jacques Verges sought to insinuate that thefinancial ruin of his publication, no longer in Alge-ria and Switzerland, had been due to some sinisterimperial plot. You will note that he did not mentionthe CIA because I would have sued him for libel.Eventually, I did that years later in London, and wonmy case and a substantial settlement." (Author corre-spondence with R. Gibson, September 12, 2007).Gibson is listed as a member of the editorial boardof the Ljierator beginning in March, 1966, though heacknowledges that he merely sent articles to Wattsfor publication and had no hand in the actual pro-duction of the magazine. He had published only onearticle in the Liberator prior to that point: "The Alger-ian Story: A Million Lives for Freedom," Liberator,Vol. Ill, No. 4 (April, 1963): 4. His name remainedon the magazine's editorial staff list from 1966 until1971, when it ceased publication. He closed theabove correspondence by referencing the long essayhe published, entitled "Richard Wright's 'Island ofHallucination' and the 'Gibson Affair'" in ModernFiction Studies, Vol. 51, No. 4 (Winter, 2005): 896-920.For an extended account of Gibson's time with theFair Play for Cuba Committee in New York, seeGosse, Where the Boys Are, 137-174. See, also, "TheIsland Affair," by James Campbell, The Guardian, Sat-urday, January 7, 2006. Also see Besenia Rodriguez,"De la Esclavitude Yanqui a la Libertad Cubana':U.S. Black Radicals, the Cuban Revolution and theFormation of a Tricontinental Ideology," Radical His-tory Review 92 (Spring 2005): 62-87. (Thanks toAnthony Ratcliff for providing me with the Soulbookdocumentation).

13. Author interview with Pete Beveridge, April 8, 2006.14. Ibid.15. "Freedom Riders Go Beyond the New Frontier," /.ifr-

CT-a(or (June 1961): 1-3.16. John Henrik Clarke, "The New Afro-American

Nationalism,"/Ve«rfo»ii:«a)ii, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Fall, 1961):285-295.

17. James H. Meriwether, Proudly We Can be Africans:Black Americans and Africa, 1935-1961 (Chapel Hilland London: The University of North CarolinaPress, 2002); Komozi Woodard, A Nation within aNation: Amiri Baraha (LeRoi fones) and Black Power Pol-itics (Chapel Hill and London: The University ofNorth Carolina Press, 1999). John Henrik Clarke,"The New Afro.-American Nationalism," Freedomways,Vol. 1, No. 3 (Fall, 1961): 285-295.

18. "Riot in Gallery Halts UN Debate," Neiu York Times,February 16, 1961, p. 1.

19. Correspondence with author, April 13, 2006.20. Author interview with Calvin Hicks, June 13, 2007.21. Smethurst, 118-123.22. "Copy of Telegram Sent to Mrs. Patrice Lumumba,

Leopoldville, Congo," dated January 21, 1961.

23. Ludo De Witte, The Assassination of Lumumba, trans-lated by Ann Wright and Renee Fenby (London andNew York: Verso, 2001).

24. Liberation Committee for Africa, Press Release,dated February 13, 1961.

25. Ibid.26. Interestingly, when I spoke to Beveridge, he men-

tioned that he never met Gibson though they hadbeen in the same room on occasion. He explainedthat Watts was a person who kept his contacts sepa-rate. Marilyn Watts Lieberman, Watts' first wife con-firmed this, indicating that she rarely knew fully allof the projects Watts had going.

27. Liberator, September, 1961.28. Liberator, December, 1961.29. Pete Beveridge, interview with author, April 8, 2006.30. Op. Git.31. Author phone interview with Marilyn Watts Lieber-

man, October 9, 2006.32. Rose Finkenstaedt, correspondence with author.

May 2007.33. Pete Beveridge, interview with author, April 8, 2006.34. Liberator (June 1961): 2.35. Richard Gibson, correspondence with the author,

April 13, 2006.36. Calvin Hicks, Letter—dated September 20, 1961.

Robert F. Williams Papers, Microfilm collection.37. Ibid.38. Gibson, correspondence with the author, April 13,

2006.39. Liberator (May 1961): 1; Vusumzi L. Make, "NATO

Countries Aid Military Preparations of VerwoerdGovernment to 'Shoot the Black Masses,'" Liberator,Vol. II, No. 4 (April 1962): 2.

40. Ibid.41. The Bandung Conference of 1955 was a meeting of

representatives of Asian and African states, most ofwhich were newly independent, organized by Egypt,Indonesia, Burma, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), India, andPakistan, which took place on April 18-April 24,1955, in Bandung, Indonesia, It was coordinated byRuslan Abdulgani, secretary general of the Indone-sian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The conference'sstated aims were to promote Afro-Asian economicand cultural cooperation and to oppose colonialismor neocolonialism by the United States, the SovietUnion, or any other imperialistic nation.

42. Harold Cruse, Crisis of the Negro Intellectual (NewYork: Morrow, 1967), 402-419; Van Gosse, "Morethan Just a Politician: Notes on the Life and Times ofHarold Cruse" in Harold Cruse's Crisis of the NegroIntellectual, Reconsidered, edited by Jerry Watts (NewYork and London: Roudedge), 17-40.

43. Carlos E. Russell, interview with author, March 25,2006.

44. Rolland Snellings, "Toward Repudiating WesternValues," Liberator, Vol. IV, No. 11 (November 1964),11-12; James E. Smethurst, The Black Arts Movement:

Page 14 THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 37, NO. 4

Literary Nationalism in the 1960s and 1970s (ChapelHill and London: The University of North CarolinaPress, 2005), 131-132.

45. Askia Toure, correspondence with author. May 15,2006.

46. Cruse, Rebellion or Revolution'? (New York: WilliamMorrow, 1968).

47. Cruse, The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual (New York:William Morrow & Company, 1967), 404-419.

48. Joseph, Waiting, 201-202; Van Gosse, "More ThanJust a Politician: Notes on the Life and Times ofHarold Cruse," in Harold Cruse's The Crisis of the NegroIntellectual Reconsidered, edited by Jerry Watts (NewYork and London: Roudedge, 2004), 17-40.

49. Cruse, Crisis, 407.

50. Kevin K. Gaines, American African in Ghana: BlackExpatriates and the Civil Rights Fra (Chapel Hill: TheUniversity of North Carolina Press, 2006).

51. Author interview with Pete Beveridge, April 8, 2006.

52. Gibson, correspondence with author, April 13, 2006.

53. Ibid.

54. Finkenstaedt, correspondence with author. May2006.

55. Dan Watts, "Mrs. Richardson's Revolt," Liberator, Vol.Ill, No. 11 (November, 1963): 2.

56. Peniel Joseph, Waiting Til the Midnight Hour: A Nar-rative History of Black Power in America (New York:Henry Holt, 2006), 84-92.

57. Edith Schomburg, "The Crux of Black Non-Vio-lence," Liberator, Vol. Ill, No. 12 (December, 1963):10.

58. Katy Gibson, "Letter to Black Men," Liberator, Vol. V,No. 7 (July 1965): 29-30.

59. Writer's Gonference Report: "The Role of the BlackWoman in a White Society," Liberator, Vol. V, No. 8(August 1965): 4-5.

60. Louise Moore, "When Will the Real Black ManStand Up?" Liberator, Vol. 6, No. 5 (May 1966): 4-6.

61 . Betty Frank Lomax, "Afro-American Woman:Growth Deferred," Liberator, Vol. 6, No. 5 (May1966): 18.

62. Louise Moore, "Black Men vs. Black Women," Libera-tor, Vol. 6, No. 8 (August 1966): 16-17; Frances Beal,"Double Jeopardy: To be Black and Female," inWords of Fire: An Anthology of African-American FeministThought, edited by Beverly Guy-Sheftall (New York:The New Press, 1995), 146-155.

63. Gail Stokes, "Black Woman to Black Man" in Libera-tor, Vol. 8, No. 12 (December 1968): 17; Edith Ham-brick "Black Woman to Black Woman" in Liberator,Vol. 9, No. 2 (February 1969): 8. Stokes also pub-lished in Toni Cade Bambara's The Black Woman: AnAnthology (New York: Washington Square Press,2005), 137-139 [New York: New America Library1970]); See also Kimberly Springer, Living for the Rev-olution: Black Feminist Organizations, 1968-1980(Chapel Hill: Duke University Press, 2005).

64. Osgood Caruthers to M.Jacques Verges, letter datedFebruary 8, 1963.

65. Pete Beveridge (unsigned), "Racism in the UN," Lib-erator, Vol. Ill, No. 4 (April 1963): 2.

66. Van Gosse, Rethinking the New Left: An Interpretive His-tory (NewYork: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 111-129.

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