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Letter from the Executive Board

Dear delegates,

We welcome you to the simulation of the General Assembly (SPECPOL) at CENMUN 2019. The agenda at

hand which is “Resolving the question of Hong Kong and Morocco” is a very vast and analytical agenda

for both the situations(Hong Kong and Morocco).

This background guide has been created while keeping in mind that the agenda is a bit technical and

you’ll be tested based upon your analytical and research skills both.

The background guide is not supposed to restrict your research base and in no way can be used as

source of proof in the committee. The guide has been created to help you start your research and give

you hints about the important aspects of the committee.

The guide has been divided into following parts in order to ease the process of research for you:

1. How to prepare for the committee?

2. Valid source of proof in the committee

3. Important documents

4. Agenda Description

5. Discussion Topics (For reference)

6. Expected Bloc positions

7. Additional Links for research and understanding

You are requested to go thru the Background guide in the order it has been made because each is

connected to the previous section in some way or the other.

If I have to give you one tip before you start research regarding the agenda, that’ll be, keep in mind that

this is an analytical agenda and how you interpret the agenda from your country’s point of view.

Analysis and Foreign Policy would play a major role in keeping your point forward in the committee,

hence make sure you understand the terminologies and research you find regarding the agenda.

Apart from that, in case of any queries related to the committee or Rules of Procedure you may contact

me via email or text me on the information given below.

Wishing you best of luck,

Dr. Abhishek Puri Jagriti Tripathi Instagram: @abhishek_puri4 (Vice Chairperson) Email: abhishekpuri.16@gmail.com (CHAIRPERSON)

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PART I: How to prepare for the committee? One of the major misconceptions about the concept of MUN’s are that you just research from the

internet and speak in the committee. However that’s not the only thing you do, you are required to

research for the committee AND ANALYSE whatever you’ve studied. When it comes to the term

analysis, a lot of people don’t know what it means so for example:

You see someone’s marksheet and see that person has scored 90+ out of 100 in 4 out 5 subjects

however in the 5th subject, the person has scored just 53 out of 100. The part till here is called your

research, this is something you’ve found out by searching somewhere.

When it comes to analysis, analysis means interpretation, now for example in the above example a good

analysis would be finding out that the person if gives more time to the 5th subject rather spending so

much time on other subjects, his/her marks in the individual subjects might fall a bit but he/she would

improve overall because now that person would be scoring well in 5th subject as well. This is what the

analysis part is.

In simple language, analysis means to interpret and understand what you’ve research and being able to

present it as an argument in the committee which will help in the flow of the debate. So for 2 days of

the conference you’ll be marked upon following things:

1. Verbatim (5+5)- Research (5) and Analysis (5)

2. Chits (5+5)- Research (5) and Analysis (5)

3. Guidance of debate (3)- Being able to lobby in the committee and ensuring your points in the

committee are creating good arguments and ensuring debate in the committee including in the

unmoderated caucuses;

4. Direction to Debate (2)- Being able to get your motions passed and making sure the point raised

by you is discussed further in the committee by other delegate in any way possible;

5. Foreign Policy (3)- Ensuring the fact that the statements made by a delegate in the committee in

the verbatim or chits are in line with the their foreign policy; which basically means that your

statements should not oppose something which has been said by high positioned

representatives of your state/country;

6. Solution implementation and discussion (2)- Being able to get your point in the final document

and ensuring the point is well made and discussed in the committee once the document is

discussed.

Chits Chits play an important role in conveying messages in the committee to delegates and the executive

board. Now the chits can be used in 2 ways:

1. Lobbying by asking questions and sending points to other delegates

2. Display of substantive knowledge by sending chits to the Executive Board

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Now when it comes to Substantive chits, they can be used to display your research and analytical skills.

The only thing it won’t help you in is your guidance of debate as the matter which you’ll send would be

only known to the Executive Board and you.

A few tips before sending substantive chits:

NEVER EVER write long paragraphs

Underline/Highlight your main point which you want to convey (Display of research)

No need to write much of substantive matter, in fact, just make sure the substantive matter

being written is important and relevant

Try to concentrate on the analysis part. Which basically means what you interpret from the

research you have done, what are things being conveyed by the substantive matter which you

are giving to us? What do we do with the substantive matter? Research can be found anywhere

on the internet, but what matters is how you interpret and analyse it while keeping your foreign

policy in mind. That is when you need to carefully use your brain.

Whatever research you do, try to find the application of it. As in, why is this substantive matter

needed in the committee? How is it relevant? How can it help?

A chit is meant to be short, crisp and detailed at the same time. So always try to keep it brief

and to the point.

PART II: Valid source of proof in the committee Evidence or proof is from the following sources will be accepted as credible in the General Assembly:

1. State-operated News Agencies – These reports can be used in the support of or against the State that

owns the News Agency. These reports, if credible or substantial enough, can be used in support of or

against any country as such but in that situation, they can be denied by any other country in the council.

Some examples are,

i. RIA Novosti (Russia) [http://en.rian.ru/]

ii. IRNA (Iran) [http://http://www.irna.ir/en/]

iii. BBC (United Kingdom) [http://bbc.co.uk/]

iv. Al Jazeera (Qatar) [http://www.aljazeera.com]

v. Xinhua News Agency (PR China) [http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/china/]

2. Government Reports:

These reports can be used in a similar way as the State Operated News Agencies reports and can, in all circumstances, be denied by another country. However, a nuance is that a report that is being denied by a certain country can still be accepted by the Executive Board as credible information. Some examples are,

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i.) Government Websites like the State Department of the United States of America

[http://www.state.gov/index.htm] or the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation

[http://www.eng.mil.ru/en/index.htm]

ii.) Ministry of Foreign Affairs of various nations like India [http://www.mea.gov.in/] or People’s

Republic of China [http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/].

iii.) Permanent Representatives to the United Nations Reports

http:/www.un.org/en/members/

iv.) Multilateral Organizations like the NATO [http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/index.htm],

ASEAN [http://www.aseansec.org/], OPEC [http://www.opec.org/opec_web/en/], etc.

3. United Nations Reports:

All UN Reports are considered are credible information or evidence for the Executive Board of the NSG.

i) UN Bodies like the UNSC [http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/] or UNGA

[http://www.un.org/en/ga/].

ii.) UN Affiliated Bodies like the International Atomic Energy Agency [http://www.iaea.org/],

World Bank [http://www.worldbank.org/], International Monetary Fund

[http://www.imf.org/external/index.htm], International Committee of the Red Cross

[http://www.icrc.org/eng/index.jsp], etc.

iii.) Treaty Based Bodies like the Antarctic Treaty System [http:// www.ats.aq/e/ats.htm], the

International Criminal Court [http://www.icc-cpi.int/Menus/ICC]

NOTE — Sources like Wikipedia [http://www.wikipedia.org/], Amnesty International [http://www.amnesty.org/], Human Rights Watch [http://www.hrw.org/] or newspapers like the Guardian [http://www.guardian.co.uk/], Times of India [http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/], etc. are typically not accepted as PROOF/EVIDENCE. However, they can be used for better understanding of any issue or on rare occasions, be brought up in debate if the information given in such sources is in line with the beliefs of a Government. Further, the information submitted as evidence citing reportage from sources such as specified in this note may be at best, treated as having significance in terms of persuasive value - e.g. to cement one’s assertions, but never as binding, indisputable fact.

PART III: Important Documents Following is the list of documents that need to be perused by all delegates before they come to the

council, without which you may find yourself standing on shore, while the council will sail away. Please

understand that you need to know the following aspects regarding each of the mentioned documents:

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The reason why this document exists (for e.g. the Geneva Conventions were enacted to lay

down the rules of war and for the treatment of all parties concerned )

The nature of the document and the force it carries, i.e. whether it is a treaty, a convention, a

doctrine, or a universally accepted custom or norm.

The areas where the document can be applied or has jurisdiction on (for e.g. international

humanitarian law applies only to situations of armed conflict, whereas the human rights laws

applies at all times of war and peace alike.)

The contents of the document at hand. You need not memorize any articles or rules of any

convention or treaty, but should know what the document has to say in various situations that

may arise in the council.

PART IV: Agenda Description “Resolving the question of Hong Kong and Morocco”

Introduction (Morocco)

Have you ever looked at a world map, and noticed a grey area on the North West of the African coast?

Often unlabelled, often ignored and visualised as an area of ‘no data’ (Figure 1), this piece of land known

as Western Sahara doesn’t make the news much. A population almost two times smaller than

Bhubaneswar, but a land area akin to that of The United Kingdom, Western Sahara is an enigma. Not

quite country, not quite territory. Not quite anything. But yet the geopolitical importance of this strange

piece of land is striking.

Historically, Western Sahara was a former Spanish colony, remaining under European control until

decolonization in 1975. When the Europeans left, a power vacuum emerged igniting centuries old claims

over the land.

Contemporarily there are two key players within the region. The first is Morocco, who claim Western

Sahara is entirely Moroccan, claiming the region is an integral part of their Southern provinces. The

second is the Polisario front, an independence movement fighting for recognition as The Sahrawi Arab

Democratic Republic. After decades of struggle, in 1992 Morocco and the Polisario discussed a peace

treaty overlooked by the UN. One condition of such a treaty was that a referendum should be held on

whether Western Sahara was wholly Moroccan, or if it should pursue independence. Currently Morocco

administers 80% of the region and such a referendum has never been held as the Moroccan government

has consistently and ferociously denied the Sahrawi their right to choose.

Academics have asserted that “the dispute over Western Sahara... is as much a struggle over the

potency of international law as it is a row over land” (Spector, 2009). On the surface, it may look like just

a spat over territory, but because the concept of sovereignty is incomplete and ambiguous within

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international law, this is what makes the situation so complex and the debate so challenging. Western

Sahara has never really belonged to anyone, and is steeped in rhetoric regarding a right to self-

determination. For as long as Morocco has claimed it as part of them, there have been those shouting

loud for independence. Although the United Nations has long had a presence in the region as ‘the

United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara’ - also known as MINURSO - some claim

the focus on the referendum does little to bring peace, arguing self-determination is not a one-size-fits

all remedy for such a troubled part of the world.

Introduction (HONG KONG)

The Hong Kong Protests has its roots from a controversial **Extradition bill** introduced in the 2019.

This bill is an amendment the frameworks of Hong Kong’s current extradition laws, aiming to fix legal

loopholes existing in the current law.

The loophole was that fugitives in HK cannot be surrendered to Taiwan (as demonstrated by a Taiwan

murder suspect currently detained in HK), for two reasons:

* HK has no long term extradition agreement with Taiwan

* The current Extradition law forbids any special agreement with the People’s Republic of China (and

since Taiwan is *de jure* part of China, no special agreement can be made either)

The Extradition Bill will allow special transfers of fugitives to countries without an extradition agreement

(includes China and Taiwan), but with slightly higher requirements (charged with any of the 37 listed

serious offences, no political or religious offences, and must be found guilty by HK Courts).

While the bill’s main intent is to fix this loophole, there is another concern about the bill. The Public

worries that the bill will be used by China to arrest political opponents in HK. There is also a concern that

the punishments for these listed crimes are far harsher in China. The Extradition Bill sparked widespread

protest among the public coming from every parts of society (Lawyers, Businessmen, White collar

workers, Professors, and even some Civil servants).

Despite the widespread disapproval of the bill by the public, the leader of HK, Carrie Lam, insisted on

pushing the bill’s process of becoming law. Having full support of pro-Beijing legislators in HK and the

Central Government, she set the bill’s second reading on June 12. The public was further outraged by

this decision, so a large scale strike and protests occurred on June 12 to call for the bill’s withdrawal

The protest on June 12 was so serious that the bill’s second reading was suspended. The Legislative

building was blocked, and there were intense clashes between protesters and the police. The Police

Force were also criticised for their excessive use of force and the fact that they characterised June 12

protest as ‘riots.’

On July 9, Carrie Lam announced that the “bill is dead,” without any clarification whether it still

suspended or already withdrawn. People are upset with this, and they demand it be formally

withdrawn.

In the aftermath of June 12, the protesters issued 4 more demands:

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* an independent commission of inquiry, that will investigate the Police’s excessive use of force

* retraction of the characterisation of the protest as “riots”

* release of all arrested protesters

* resignation of Carrie Lam, for her incompetence, with her successor being determined by universal

suffrage

Hong Kong held one of its biggest rallies in recent years earlier this month to honor the hundreds

or possibly thousands killed in the army assault.The events in the former British colony mark

possibly its biggest political crisis since its handover to Chinese rule in 1997.The demonstrations

follow the 30th anniversary of China’s bloody suppression of the student-led pro-democracy

protests centered on Beijing’s Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989.This march for democracy

poses a profound challenge to Chinese rule under Communist Party.

About Hong Kong Hong Kong is an autonomous territory, and former British colony, in southeastern China.

It became a colony of the British Empire at the end of the First Opium War in 1842.Sovereignty

over the territory was returned to China in 1997.As a special administrative region, Hong Kong

maintains governing and economic systems that are separate from those of mainland China.The

1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration guarantees the Basic Law for 50 years after the transfer of

sovereignty.It does not specify how Hong Kong will be governed after 2047, and the central

government’s role in determining the territory’s future system of government is the subject of

political debate and speculation.

The controversial legislation The furious mob broke out against the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in

Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019 proposed by the Hong Kong

government.Concerns are raised over the removal of the firewall of the legal systems between

Hong Kong and Mainland China.With the law being passed, Hong Kong citizens and foreign

nationals passing through the city could fall victim to the Chinese legal system where the courts

are under political control.

A scuffle with West The disturbances pose a challenge to Western governments at a particularly fraught moment in

global affairs. Relations between the US and China are on a knife’s edge over trade and other

issues.This includes sales of sophisticated weaponry to Taiwan, tightening sanctions on Iran’s oil

exports, moves to bar the telecommunications supplier Huawei from building 5G networks of US

allies, including Australia, and a confrontational approach to China in Washington more

generally.

Chinese stance China perceives these activities to be foreign-inspired.Beijing’s moves to tighten its grip over

Hong Kong which was promised the right to maintain its own political, economic and social

institutions for 50 years following the end of British rule.Be it human or political rights issue is

very much contested in China.

Certain controversial events and political movements are often described by China as the

“subversion of state power” and “protection of state secrets”.

Why have protests surged in recent months?

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Over the past ten weeks, the situation in Hong Kong has become increasingly tense. The broad

protests, which on one occasion totaled roughly two million people, were sparked late this spring

by the government’s attempt to adopt a bill that would have enabled the People’s Republic of

China (PRC) to request extradition of suspected criminals from Hong Kong. The city’s chief

executive, Carrie Lam, eventually announced that the bill was dead, but she has refused to

formally withdraw it. She has also refused to resign.

What Does the Pause of Hong Kong’s Extradition Bill Mean? Incidents of police violence have added fuel to the fire. The Hong Kong government has not

established an independent investigation into police brutality, including reports of excessive use

of tear gas, rubber bullets, and other weapons. Especially infuriating to many has been police

tolerance of gangs that have assaulted protesters.

Frustrated by the government’s unresponsiveness, some protesters turned to violence. However,

most protests, including a one-day general strike and the initial occupation of Hong Kong

International Airport, were peaceful.

The protesters have expanded their demands. Many now insist on electoral reforms that the PRC

has long rejected, as well as the reversal of the Hong Kong government’s removal of some

democratically elected members from the Legislative Council. They want to exercise the

political freedoms that they believe they were promised by the “one country, two systems”

provisions of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984 and Hong Kong’s Basic Law.

Hundreds of protesters in black shirts completely fill the terminal of the Hong Kong airport.

Will Beijing use force against the protesters? The PRC has thus far left the growing crisis to the Hong Kong government and given it strong

backing, but there are now serious signals that its patience may be expiring, and the threat of

intervention by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is growing. Agencies and propaganda

organs of the central government have called the protests “terrorist” activities and intensified

their claims that Hong Kong’s turmoil is the result of American “black hands” seeking to create a

color revolution.

Beijing knows that military repression in Hong Kong would be even more disastrous to its

international relations than the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre. Yet it will use force if

necessary.

The Hong Kong government’s strategy is to make no concessions to the protesters, rely on

aggressive police tactics, persuade community leaders of the desirability of stability, and engage

in a war of attrition against protesters who continue to interfere with public, commercial, and

social life. Such a policy ended the 2014 protests known as the Umbrella Movement.But will this

strategy be successful again, especially against a newly-energized younger generation that is the

backbone of the current struggle? Most observers believe that Chairman Xi Jinping, recognizing

that China now confronts a more serious challenge than in 2014, will not await the outcome of a

war of attrition.

Thus, after celebrating the PRC’s seventieth anniversary on October 1, Beijing may well deploy

the PLA. This would have tragic consequences for Hong Kong and its people, the PRC’s world

standing, and international security.

Why does Hong Kong matter to Beijing? Although Hong Kong’s economic importance to the PRC has diminished as mainland cities

develop, it continues to be the PRC’s major international financial and business center and, as a

special administrative region, enjoys a privileged status in its relations with the United States and

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other countries. Additionally, Hong Kong’s return to the Chinese motherland in 1997 symbolized

the restoration of continental China’s territorial integrity and the vindication by the PRC of

Chinese nationalism and sovereignty.

Beijing would never tolerate losing control over Hong Kong. Furthermore, the historic

completion of China’s territorial integrity, in the PRC’s eyes, requires that Taiwan is ultimately

restored to China. Losing control over Hong Kong would end the forlorn hope of reintegrating

Taiwan in the foreseeable future.

Is the situation hopeless for the protesters? Perhaps not if Hong Kong’s risk-averse nonofficial community leaders, who thus far have

largely behaved like proverbial deer in the headlights, respond urgently to the crisis instead of

continuing to dither.

They can organize an unofficial but public investigative, reconciliation, or unity commission to

press for a peaceful resolution. Such an effort would never be possible in mainland China,

because Communist Party repression has prohibited the growth of politically active

nongovernmental organizations and independent public organizations.

Hong Kong is still strong in this respect. The Law Society and the Bar Association, for example,

could take the lead in what would be a desperate but worthwhile attempt to avoid another

Chinese Communist tragedy.

As of today, non of these demands have been met, so the protests still continues with

escalation on both sides.

Part V: Discussion Topics

MINURSO

We would expect the current UN peacekeeping mission, ‘The United Nations Mission for the

Referendum in Western Sahara’ (MINURSO) to be debated by delegates within moderated caucus at

length. Examining both the history and mandate of MINURSO is vital when formulating any resolutions,

and we would expect critical analysis of the lack of progress MINURSO has had within the region since it

was established.

On 29th April 1991, Resolution 690 establishes MINURSO in accordance with settlement proposals

accepted on 30 August 1988 by Morocco and the Polisario. This resolution initially included an

implementation plan in which participants would be able to choose one of two outcomes; integration

with Morocco or Western Saharan independence. Due to lack of resolve, MINURSO is constantly

extended and the ‘referendum’ which it was set up to oversee, postponed.

The UN outlines MINURSO’s mandate thusly:

• Monitor the ceasefire;

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• Verify the reduction of Moroccan troops in the Territory;

• Monitor the confinement of Moroccan and Polisario troops to designated locations;

• Take steps with the parties to ensure the release of all Western Saharan political prisoners or

detainees;

• Oversee the exchange of prisoners of war, to be implemented by International Committee of the Red

Cross, (ICRC);

• Repatriate the refugees of Western Sahara, a task to be carried out by the United Nations High

Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR);

• Identify and register qualified voters.

The Discussion of why the referendum has been constantly postponed may be a salient topic to debate.

Some academics believe the rigidity of MINURSO has been its downfall. By only considering two possible

outcomes (either integration or independence), the likelihood of a compromise between the regions

two key players was diminished. Furthermore, the Polisario and Morocco had indeed put forward

alternative suggestions for resolve, such as autonomy for the Sahrawi, yet MINURSO was steadfast on a

referendum which never materialised.

There have also been claims that “members of the Secretariat and MINURSO had been working in a

contradictory manner, often sending confusing messages to the Security Council and the parties as to

what the UN was trying to achieve”, (Theofilopoulou) raising questions of fragmentation which the

debate could also address.

Human Rights and Refugees

Human rights issues are critical to ESS debate. As outlined within the fictitious rationale for this session,

the conflict and violence seen in Western Sahara will immediately catalyse debate around human rights.

The discussion between delegates may concern, but is not limited to: their countries commitment to

aiding those in the region, treatment of refugees, NGO intervention, economic commitments and

perceived international terrorist threats.

The most contemporary human rights issue within Western Sahara today surrounds the 165,000 or so

refugees scattered across Polisario controlled camps in Western Sahara itself or neighbouring south-

west Algeria. This figure is estimated by the UNHCR and numerous NGOs but is, however, disputed.

Accounts of brutality and horrific treatment of refugees are constantly reported from these camps

where conditions are basic and policing is low.

Due to these issues, some report that these Polisario camps are breeding grounds for Islamist terrorist

cells which, as an issue with as much contemporary salience, should definitely be considered by

delegates. In October 2011, three European aid workers were kidnapped from Polisario-administered

camps and one can assume an escalation of violence within the region would breed more terrorist

activity.

Self Determination

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We would expect delegates to confront the issue of self-determination within debate, as this is

paramount to the Western Sahara question. The Charter of the United Nations refers to self-

determination explicitly in Chapter One, quoting “that a people, based on respect for the principle of

equal rights and fair equality of opportunity, have the right to freely choose their sovereignty and

international political status with no interference”.

Although this sounds like a straightforward issue, the boundaries of self-determination within

international law are hazy at best. Contemporarily, the Spanish government has blocked the attempts of

independence fighters in Catalan and “countries” like Kosovo, Transnistria and South Ossetia are yet to

have full UN recognition despite hugely significant breakaway movements and support from UN

member states.

We would urge delegates to apply the theory of self-determination to Western Sahara. In international

law, do the Polisario have the right to fight for their independence without interference from Morocco,

or are they just a group of rebels with no respect for the country which they should show allegiance

too? Can the principles in the UN Charter support an independence movement?

One must note that the UN Charter does not state how a people should fight for independence. In fact,

it doesn’t even specify what constitutes a ‘people’.

Use this ambiguity, dear delegates, to your advantage when building your country’s unique perspective.

Part VI: Expected Bloc positions

1. African Union: SADR has been recognised by the African Union (AU) and many African countries

support their independence claim. Furthermore, the AU in the past has held weekly meetings with

MINURSO, Morocco and the Polisario to ensure conversation is kept open. An escalation of conflict in

the region would be of key concern to African countries and their main concern would be to keep

peace. It is expected, however, that African countries would lean more towards supporting the

Polisario and would not support Morocco’s claim over the land.

2. The European Union : Academics have coined the term “fish before peace” when referencing

Morocco’s relationship with the EU. During the Barcelona process the EU signed many bilateral

agreements with Morocco aimed at deepening their economic integration with many agreements

involving fishing. Because of this, we would expect to see EU countries give their full support to

Morocco.

3. European countries may have the capacity to help refugees and others affected by the conflict by

providing aid and assistance, however delegates should thoroughly research their countries

conditions for giving aid.

4. 2. Group of Friends of Western Sahara: I. France:

A. United States of America:

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• We would EXPECT the United States to support Morocco, however we would urge the delegate of

United States to be creative when forming The United States position considering their unique outlook

on international relations and Islamic majority countries under President Trump.

• The United States will be highly concerned about the allegations of terrorist activities in the area.

1. Vehement Supporters of the Polisario Front would include:

• Iran

• Algeria

• Libya

• Cuba

• Lebanon (more specifically Hezbollah

Part VII: Links for further research The links given below are to help you start your research:

MINURSO. (1991). Mandate. [online] Available at: https://minurso.unmissions.org/mandate [Accessed

12 Aug. 2018].

- The European Union Approach Towards Western Sahara. (2016).

- "SUMMER 2009 A• VOLUME XVI: NUMBER 3." Western Sahara and the Self Determination Debate.

[online]

- Available at: http://

www.meforum.org/2400/western-sahara-selfdetermination. [Accessed 12 Aug 2018]

- Theofilopoulou, A. (2008). The United Nations and Western Sahara: A Never-ending

Affair. [online] United States Institute of Peace. Available at:

https://www.usip.org/publications/2006/07/united-nations-and-western-sahara-never-ending-a ffair

[Accessed 18 Aug. 2018].

- Van Brunt Smith, D. (2004). Summary — Forced Migration Online.

[online]Forcedmigration.org.Availableat:http:// www.forcedmigration.org/research-resources/expert-

guides/western-sahara/summary [Accessed 16 Aug. 2018]

- https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/1490210/files/A_AC-109_1999_11- EN.pdf

- https://www.icj-cij.org/files/case-related/61/061-19751016-ADV-01-00- EN.pdf

- http://arabcenterdc.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/MC-Four- Approach-Western-Sahara.pdf