Lazzerini E_Jadidism in Turn of the Twentieth Century

7/30/2019 Lazzerini E_Jadidism in Turn of the Twentieth Century

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Edward J. Lazzerini

adidism at the turn of the twentieth century : A view from withinIn: Cahiers du monde russe et sovitique. Vol. 16 N2. pp. 245-277.

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Lazzerini Edward J. adidism at the turn of the twentieth century : A view from within. In: Cahiers du monde russe et sovitique.

Vol. 16 N2. pp. 245-277.

doi : 10.3406/cmr.1975.1239

http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/cmr_0008-0160_1975_num_16_2_1239
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_cmr_220http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cmr.1975.1239http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/cmr_0008-0160_1975_num_16_2_1239http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/cmr_0008-0160_1975_num_16_2_1239http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cmr.1975.1239http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_cmr_220


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Rsum

Edward J. Lazzerini, Le adidisme l'aube du XXe sicle : une vue de l'intrieur.

Ismail Bey Gasprinskii, un des chefs du mouvement de rforme et de rnovation du mode de vie

islamique des musulmans de Russie (adidism) crivit en 1901 un essai proposant de faire le bilan du

vaste dveloppement culturel que l' Islam russe a connu entre 1880 et le tournant du XXe sicle. Cet

essai dont la traduction a t donne ci-dessus retrace les progrs accomplis, vus de l'intrieur, et

fournit l'historien une source concise et approprie pour comprendre ce que Gasprinskii, et en gnral

les autres adidists considraient comme les faiblesses subsistantes du mode de vie islamique,

faiblesses auxquelles il fallait porter remde. Enumeration des uvres qui, aux yeux des adidists,

constituaient un ensemble de connaissances diffuser auprs du peuple musulman pour l'aider

accomplir de nouveaux progrs, la bibliographie jointe cet essai par Gasprinskii est d'une importance

capitale en elle-mme. Des notes et des commentaires abondants augmentent tant la valeur de l'essai

que celle de la bibliographie.

Abstract

Edward J. Lazzerini, adidism at the turn of the twentieth century: a view from within.

Ismail Bey Gasprinskii, one of the leaders of the movement for the reform and renovation of the Islamicway of life among Russian Muslims (adidism) , wrote an informative essay in 1901 that sought to

survey the broad cultural advancement that had taken place in Russian Islam between 1880 and the

turn of the twentieth century. The essay, translated here, provides an insider's view of the progress

made and offers the historian a convenient and concise source for an understanding of what

Gasprinskii, and by extension, other adidists understood to be the weaknesses in the Muslim way of

life that required remedy. The bibliography that Gasprinskii appended to his essay is of paramount

importance in its own right as a listing of those works which, from the adidist viewpoint, constituted a

body of knowledge which should be imparted to the Muslim people as an aid to achieving further

progress. Extensive notes and commentaries serve to increase the value of both the essay and the

bibliography.


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DOCUMENT et BIBLIOGRAPHIE

Problmes de nationalits en Russie et en URSS

EDWARD J. LAZZERINI*

GADIDISM1 AT THE TURNOF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY:

A VIEW FROM WITHIN

The following pages contain a translation of one of Ismail Bey Gasprinskii'sost significant essays, Mebadi-yi temeddun-i Islamiyan-i Rus (First stepsoward civilizing the Russian Muslims), published in igoi.2 The reasons fo r* The author would like to take this opportunity to thank Mme Dilek Desaiveof Paris for her unselfish assistance during the early stages of translation when

she perused my first drafts and offered corrections and suggestions. My thanksgo also to Professors Walter Andrews and Robert J. Burch, both of the Universityof Washington: to the first fo r his advise concerning the final draft of the translation,and to the latter for his reading of the entire manuscript on more than one occasionand for his judicious criticisms. To the American Council of Learned Societiesand the Social Science Research Council, joint sponsors of the Foreign Area Fellowshiprogram, I owe a debt of gratitude fo r providing me with the funds for oneand one-half years of research both abroad and in the United States. This articleis one product of that research.1. Throughout this article I have generally retained the word gadid, and itsderivatives gadidism and gadidist, rather than rendering them into English. Theword has entered the Turkic languages from Arabic and bears the meaning "new"(as in usl-i gadid /"the new method"). But in the context of the Muslim revivalin nineteenth and early twentieth-century Russia it came to connote the movementfor reform and progress spearheaded by Ismail Bey Gasprinskii, and anything oranyone connected with it . Gasprinskii himself employed the word in this sense;to render the simple idea of "new" or "recent" he usually used the Turkic wordyeni. For a succinct treatment of gadidism, see B. Spuler, "Djadid", Encyclopediaof Islam (New series), (London, 1965), II: 366. A much needed full-scale studyof the gadidist phenomenon, however, awaits an ambitious scholar.2. References to this work are rare both in contemporary sources and morerecent studies. The Hungarian orientalist, Arminius Vambry, drew attention tothe essay and provided translations of certain portions of it in at least two of hisown works, principally the latter: Western culture in Eastern lands. A comparisonof the methods adopted by England and Russia in the Middle East (London, 1906):272, 361-362; and "Die Kulturbestrebungen der Tataren", Deutsche Rundschau,CXXXII (July-Sept., 1907): 74-76. One of the few "modern" references to thisessay by Gasprinskii is in Gerhard von Mende's superb study Der nationale Kampfder Russlandtrken (Berlin, 1936): 61-62. Von Mende, however, cites Vambry8

Cahiers du Monde russe et sovitique, XVI (2), avril-juin 1975, pp.


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246 EDWARD J. LAZZERINIundertaking such a translation are several. First, the essay was written by theman most often acknowledged as the leader and guiding force behind the initialconcerted drive to improve the lot of Russian Muslims. In this respect, it amounts toan insider's view of what had been accomplished by the Islamic community between1880 and 1901 in terms of broad cultural advancement. Secondly, the workprovides a convenient and concise source for an understanding of what Gasprinskiiand, by extension, later gadidists believed to be the weaknesses in the Muslim wayof life that required remedy, and it reveals the steps taken to overcome thoseweaknesses. Thirdly, the bibliography that Gasprinskii has appended to his essayis of paramount importance in its own right. It is not simply a compilation ofMuslim works published in Russia, but a partial listing of gadid books, essays, andtreatises. For Gasprinskii, writing and publishing were fundamentally toolswith which to propagandize ideas, and these works constituted a body of knowledgewhich he obviously felt should be imparted to the Muslim people as an aid toachieving progress. The availability of this list will provide scholars with onemore source for defining the scope of Gasprinskii's activities and the gadidistmovement.

A movement for the reform and renovation of the Islamic way of life emergedamong Russia's Muslim subjects beginning with the third quarter of thenineteenth century. This phenomenon was initiated by an extremely smallsection of the Muslim intelligentsia which had gained an acquaintance with"Western" life, made the almost inevitable comparison between the general progressand power of Western "Christian" nations and the decadent condition of Muslimlife in Russia and elsewhere, and concluded that at least some borrowing from,and accommodation with, Western ideas and practices were necessary for the verysurvival of Dar-ul-Islam (the realm of Islam).3In Russia the Muslim voices first raised in the early and mid-nineteenth centuryin favor of change were isolated ones. Their demands were generally limited toproposals which sought to break the grip of obscurantism on Islamic theology andintroduce secular subjects into the rigidly scholastic curriculum of the Muslimschools. Such men as 'Abdulnasir al-Kursavi,4 ihabeddin al-Margani,6 andHuseyn Feizkhanov8 were all prominent during the early struggle for enlighten-as his source. Vambry states in the first of the above works that Mebadi-yitemeddun-i Islamiyan-i Rus appeared in both Russian and Turkic. However,the only two copies which I have been able to turn up (one in the British Museumin London, and the other in the Bibliothque Nationale in Paris), have been inTurkic alone. I have worked from the copy found in the Bibliothque Nationale.3. The intellectual trauma resulting from confrontation with the West washardly peculiar to Russian Muslims. Many of their co-religionists in the OttomanEmpire (including Egypt), and in India had already begun to experience it someyears before, and Muslims in Persia, Afghanistan, and elsewhere would shortly gothrough it as well. The significance of this phenomenon for the modern historyof Islam has not escaped recent scholarship, and the result has been a growingbody of literature dealing with the issue in both general and specific terms. Ofthis literature, the following are of particular value: R. N. Frye, d., Islam andthe West (The Hague, 1956); G. E. von Griinebaum, Modern Islam: the search fo rcultural identity (Los Angeles, 1962); B. Lewis, The Middle East and the West(Bloomington, 1964); W. Smith, Islam in modern history (Princeton, 1957);B. Lewis, The emergence of modern Turkey (London, 1961); N. Berkes, The developmentf secularism in Turkey (Montreal, 1964); A. Hourni, Arabic thought in theliberal age, 1798-1939 (London, 1962); and H. Sharabi, Arab intellectuals and theWest: the formative years, 1875-1914 (Baltimore, 1970).4. Born among the Volga Tatars, 'Abdulnasir al-Kursavi (1783-1814 accordingto one source, but 1776-1818 according to another) was educated in the classicalIslamic tradition and became a young theologian and professor at a medresse(higher theological school) in Bukhara, a leading center of Muslim theology at the

(Suite notes 4, 5 et 6 page suivante)


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 247time. While in Bukhara, he began to speak out against those who would transformIslamic theology from a living body of teachings into an abstract, scholastic system.For his "radical" ideas he made many enemies, including the Emir, and wasultimately sentenced to death for heresy. To avoid this fate, Kursavi fled thecity and returned to the Volga region where he opened his own medresse in thevillage of Kursa (his home town). He subsequently achieved notoriety onceagain for his beliefs, and was accused of impiety by some other teachers. Hiscase reached the Mufti of the Muslim Spiritual Assembly in Orenburg for adjudication,ut the outcome of the matter is not known. None of his writings have beenpublished, but his religious views are said to be well expressed in a manuscriptentitled "Irsad al-'Ibad" (A guide for servants of God). See M. Gainullin, Tatar -kaia literatura i publitsistika nachala XX veka (Tatar literature and publicism atthe beginning of the 20th century) (Kazan', 1966): 120. For a brief biographicalnote on Kursavi, consult Dzh. Validov, Ocherk istorii obrazovannosti i literaturyTatar do revoliutsii 1917 g. (An essay on the history of the enlightenment andliterature of the Tatars up to the revolution of 191 y) (Moscow, 1923): 32-33.5. ihabeddin al-Margani (1818-1889) was a noted theologian and historianfrom the Kazan' region. Until the age of twenty he studied in his own father'smedresse, but then continued his education in the two major Central Asian religiouscenters, Bukhara and Samarkand. It was during his sojourn in Central Asiathat Margani began to rebel against the doctrinaire teachings of the local imamand became involved in the theological controversies which would profoundlyinfluence the course of his life. [See Dzh. Validov, op. cit. : 35-39, for a discussionof the major controversies which Margani used as a means to achieve two goals:the separation of theology and religion, and a return to a primitive Islam shornof the complexities that had grown up around it over the centuries.] As a historianand biographer, he produced a number of significant works of lasting value. Briefanalyses of Margani as a historian can be found in G. Gubaidullin, "Razvitieistoricheskoi literatury u tiurko-tatarskikh narodov" (The development of historicalliterature among the Turko-Tatar peoples), in Pervyi vsesoiuznyi tiurkologicheskiis"ezd (Baku, 1926): 40-42, and M. F. Togay, "Qazan Turk tarihine bakislar: miiverrihehabettin Mercan" (Views on the history of the Kazan' Turks: the historianehabettin Mercan), Turk Amaci, I (1942/43): 343-348. Of immense value fora study of Margani is S. Gubaidullin, d., ihabeddin al-Margani hazretleriniveladetlerine yuz ytl Mu (1233-1333) munasebetiyle neri etildi (On the occasionof the one hundredth anniversary of the birth of ihabeddin al-Margani) (Kazan',I333/I9I4-I5)-6. Hiiseyn Feizkhanov was born in 1826 in the village of Sabachai, SimbirskProvince. At first a student of Margani (see note 5), Feizkhanov subsequentlyattended courses in the Oriental Faculty at Kazan' University and later at St. Petersburg niversity, where he forged a close scholarly relationship with the Russianorientalist Vladimir Vel'iaminov-Zernov. At some point during his studiesFeizkhanov developed an interest in the problems of Muslim education in Russia.This interest came to the fore in i860 when he raised the question of reform ofthe Tatar medresse in a project entitled "Islah-i Medaris" (Reform of the medresse).In his project, Feizkhanov envisioned a Tatar secondary school in Kazan' whereIslamic and secular sciences, and the Russian language, would be taught accordingto European methods. On this same subject he carried on a correspondencewith his former mentor Margani who was also interested in educational reform,but who found his erstwhile pupil's project too bold and likely to open the wayto the russification of the Tatars. During Feizkhanov's lifetime (he died in 1865),nothing came of his ideas, but by the end of the nineteenth century a number ofmedresse had implemented similar reforms. On Feizkhanov's life and work onecan consult Riza'eddin Fakhreddin, Asar (Monuments), 2 vols (Kazan' andOrenburg, 1900-1909), II: 432-443, and G. von Mende, op. cit. : 38-39. Some ofthe correspondence between Feizkhanov and Margani have been published in theoriginal Tatar in Asar and in the review ura (The Council), 14-19 (July 15-Oct. 1, 1916). On Feizkhanov's association with the Kazakh enlightener ChokanValikhanov, see . Kh. Marghulan, "Shoqannyng zhangadan ashylghan dosykhiisain Faizkhanov zhne onyng peterbordan zhazghan khattary" (A recentlyunveiled friend of Chokan ValikhanovHiiseyn Feizkhanov and his Petersburgletters), Izvestiia AN Kaz. SSR, Seriia obshchestvennykh nauk, 3 (1965): 12-24.


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248 EDWARD J. LAZZERINIment, but at no time was there any effort to form ties, on the basis of a broadreform program, among the various groups of Muslims in Russia.'For the elaboration of a well-defined program of action which sought to treata wide range of Muslim societal problems on an all-Russia basis, we have to turnto the Crimean Tatar Ismail Bey Gasprinskii.8 Born in a small village in theCrimea in 1851, Gasprinskii carried on an unremitting attack against the ills ofRussian Islam from the late 1870's until his death in 1914. At root an educator,he sought to raise the cultural and economic status of his co-religionists througha broad reform not only of the curriculum in the Muslim schools, but also of themethod of instruction. His creation of a "new method" of education (usl-igadid) became the cornerstone upon which he constructed his own multifacetedprogram,8 and through his journalistic activities Gasprinskii propagandized hisideas and gave birth to what became known as gadidism.Ismail Bey's primary instrument of propaganda was Terguman /Perevodchik(The Interpreter), a newspaper which he owned, edited, and published between1883 and 1914.10 A dual-language publication,11 Tergiiman IPerevodchik wasprinted both in Russian and in a Turkic language based upon a simplified OttomanTurkish, but sprinkled with tatarisms.12 One of the special features of thisnewspaper was the appearance from time to time of supplements, generally in theform of full-page inserts or small pamphlets.

7. Certainly the vast distances between the various Muslim communities inRussia and the concomitant low level of inter-community contact contributed tothe absence of any unified action on the part of the early "enlighteners". Buteven more striking, and less explicable, was the apparent lack of cooperationon the intra-community level. Dzh. Validov (op. cit. : 42) cited one noteworthyexample of this: "Nasyrov ['Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri (see note 17)] was a contemporaryf Margani [see note 5] and lived nearby him, but between them there was nointernal moral bond nor any active contact. "8. There exists a substantial literature concerning Gasprinskii, but most of itmust be handled with extreme caution. Fortunately, much of what Gasprinskiihimself wrote is extant outside of the Soviet Union, and this corpus of materialprovides us with a reasonably clear understanding of his life and work. For afull-scale study of Gasprinskii, with accompanying exhaustive bibliography, seemy doctoral dissertation entitled "Ismail Bey Gasprinskii and Muslim modernismin Russia, 1878-1914", Seattle, University of Washington, 1973.9. Gasprinskii's program, although never articulated fully in a single manifesto,very clearly comprised the following points: (a) reform of the Muslim educationalsystem in order to bring it into conformity with "modern" pedagogy; (b) creationof a common Turkic literary language; (c) emancipation of women; (d) organizationof cooperative and philanthropic societies; (e) strengthening of ties among Russia'sTurco-Muslim peoples; and (f) cooperation with the Russian government and people.10. Tergiiman/Perevodchik survived until February, 1918, when publicationwas suspended by order of the fledgling Bolshevik government. On this andother journalistic enterprises pursued by Ismail Bey, see A. Bennigsen andCh. Lemercier-Quelquejay, La presse et le mouvement national chez les musulmansde Russie avant I20 (The Hague: Mouton, 1964): 37-42, 138-143, and E. Lazzerini,op. cit., especially ch. 11 and ni.11. After the first few years of Terguman/Perevodchik' s existence, the Turkicsection was gradually expanded at the expense of the Russian section. Beginningin late 1905, except on rare occasions thereafter, articles were published in Turkicalone.12. For an analysis of the language of Terguman, and by extension, a studyof Gasprinskii's common Turkic literary language, see G. Burbiel, "Die SpracheIsma'il Bey Gaspyralys", doctoral dissertation, University of Hamburg, 195.and E. Lazzerini, op. cit., ch. vn. There are a number of criticisms of Burbiel'swork, not the least of which was the use of only seven issues of Terguman fo rhis analysis. Nevertheless, his basic conclusions as to the nature of the newliterary language appear to be valid.


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 249As a supplement to issue forty (October 31, 1901), Gasprinskii offered hisreaders Mebadi-yi temeddun-i Islamiyan-i Rus. The pamphlet comprises anessay of seven and one-half pages outlining the course of Muslim advances inRussia during the previous quarter century, plus a bibliography of selected readings.The essay itself is straightforward enough not to require a lengthy explanatoryintroduction on my part. Gasprinskii's prose style will undoubtedly appearnaive to present-day readers, but it should be kept in mind that much of hisliterary output was purposefully written in this manner. After all, his Muslimaudience was not composed of worldly sophisticates, and much about which hewrote was novel and unfamiliar to his readers. Gasprinskii always tried to beinstructive, and this led him to strive constantly for simplicity of expression.In my translation I have endeavored to remain faithful to the original text, andwherever possible the style of the Turkic has been preserved. For the sake ofclarity and the English language, however, some parts have been freely recast.As for the bibliography, the original was very poorly done, at least by modernstandards. In most cases Gasprinskii provided the author's name, the title ofthe work, and the place and date of publication. Wherever possible, in order

to increase the list's future usefulness to scholars, I have liberally added informationthat is missing (e.g., the name of the publisher), corrected all incorrect data (theoriginal is notoriously inaccurate so far as dates of publication are concerned),rearranged the works by author, provided complete titles where only abbreviatedones were given, supplied data on various editions of each work, and noted thelibraries outside of the Soviet Union in which copies of many of the works havebeen located. The latter is provided for, at the end of each bibliographic entry,by the following set of abbreviations:18BrM British Museum (London)D Dar ul-Kutub (Cairo)EPHE Bibliothque du Centre d'tudes sur l'URSS et l'Europetale, EPHE (Paris)H Library of the University of HelsinkiIUK Istanbul niversitesi KutiiphanesiLO Bibliothque de l'cole des Langues Orientales Vivantes (Paris)NYPL New York Public LibraryTE Tiirkiyat Enstitiisu KutiiphanesiTTK Tiirk Tarih Kurumu KutiiphanesiWL Widener Library, Harvard University (Cambridge,setts)

To both the essay and the bibliography I have provided hopefully useful commentariesnd additional information.New Orleans, 1975. E. L.13. Knowledge of the library collections in Paris, Helsinki, Istanbul, andAnkara has resulted from this researcher's personal, on-the-spot perusal of theircatalogues. As for holdings in other libraries, I have relied upon data gatheredby Prof. A. Bennigsen and Ch. Lemercier-Quelquejay, and upon a recent publicationof Prof. Edward Allworth entitled Nationalities of the Soviet East : publicationsand writing systems (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971) The informationon library holdings is not meant to be exhaustive, but should serve as a guideto the availability, outside of the Soviet Union, of the works in Gasprinskii'sbibliography.


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250 EDWARD J. LAZZERINI

FIRST STEPS TOWARD CIVILIZING THE RUSSIAN MUSLIMSuadid books Uadid mekteb Students Women Thetheater Charitable societies Publishing houses The titlesof gadid booksAt the present time, despite the fact that the Muslim subjects ofRussia lag far behind [other peoples], and that they share in so littleof modern life, this great [Muslim] society is not all that incognizant[of what is happening around it]; and one cannot deny that within ita revival is taking place. Granted that this revival is not imposing;

and so long as you do not pay close attention you will not even notice it.Yet it is enough for us that with some attention it can be observed,because it undoubtedly represents the beginning of progress andcivilization.Twenty or twenty-five years ago, God be praised, although a considerable number of [Muslim] religious works were published in Russia,14only "three" items dealing with "science" and "literature" were writtenin our language.15 Of these, one was the Bilik published by the14. As part of Empress Catherine II's (1762-1796) final attempt to createa successful state policy toward the Muslim subjects of the Russian Empire, allbooks used in Muslim schools after 1786 were to be printed and translated atgovernment expense in dual-language editions: in Russian and Tatar. [A. W. Fisher,"Enlightened despotism and Islam under Catherine II", Slavic Review, XXVII,4 (Dec, 1968): 549.] In 1800, at the request of certain Kazan' Tatars, a specialAsiatic press was established at Kazan' University by imperial order for the printingof books in languages employing the Arabic script. Once in operation, this presseventually was turning out hundreds of thousands of copies of such works annually.On the activities of the Asiatic press and for a list of all works published by itbetween 1800 and 1896, see N. F. Katanov, Katalog knig, otpechatannykh v tipo-grafii imperatorskago Kazanskago universiteta s 1800 po i8g6 god (A catalogue ofbooks printed at the Imperial University of Kazan' from 1800 to i86) (Kazan': tip.Imperatorskago Universiteta, n. d.): 1-8 and 324-416. For other informationon Muslim publishing activity in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century,one may consult the following: V. D. Smirnov, "Musul'manskiia pechatnyiaizdaniia v Rossii" (Muslim printed publications in Russia), Zapiski vostochnago

otdeleniia imperatorskago russkago arkheologicheskago obshchestva, III (1888): 97-114;G. Gubaidullin, "Iz proshlogo Tatar" (From the Tatar past), Materily po izucheniiuTatarstana, Part II (Kazan': izd. Akademicheskogo Tsentra TNKP, 1925): 103-105.15. One of the fundamental aims of Gasprinskii's "program" was the creationof a common Turkic literary language that would serve as a means of uniting,at least culturally, all Muslim in Russia. Gasprinskii seems to have formulatedsuch a language sometime during the 1880's, utilizing what amounted to a simplifiedOttoman Turkish as a base to which were added certain Tatarisms. Tergumanwas gradually printed in this language and became a vehicle for its dissemination.Whether this is the language to which Gasprinskii is referring when he writes"our language", or whether he merely means one or the other of the various Turkiclanguages in which most works were being written, is difficult to determine.Gasprinskii was later to admit in his newspaper Millet (The Nation), (1906): i,that before 1905-1906 it was too risky in Russia to raise openly the subject of a


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GADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 25 1orientalist Radlov,16 the second was Qayyum Efendi Nasiri's almanac,17and the third comprised the comedies of Mirza Fatih 'Ali Akhundov.18common Turkic literary language, and that he had had to resort to "implication,hints, and examples... [in order to] make those who read understand in some way..."Perhaps this is an example of Gasprinskii's indirect approach to the subject;much more plausible, however, may be the following explanation: given the extremely low state of Muslim publishing activity, Gasprinskii was willing to acceptgadid works written in any Turkic language used by Muslims. After all, onecannot be too discriminating when there are only several hundred such worksfrom which to choose.16. Vasilii Vasil'evich Radlov (1837-1918) was a well-known Russian orientalist,one-time inspector for the Tatar, Bashkir, and Kirgiz schools in the Kazan' SchoolDistrict, and a member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. For a biographicalsketch of Radlov, see the article by P. Ritter in Entsiklopedicheskii slovar' (Theencyclopedic dictionary), 58 vols (7th d.; Moscow: izd. "Grant", 1910-1948),XXXV: 444-446. For biographical information and for a survey of his work,see O. Pritsak's introduction to the reprint of Radlov's Ver uch eines Wrterbuchesder Trk-Dialecte (4 vols; The Hague: Mouton, i960), I: v-xxvii. A completelist of Radlov's works can be found in Materily dlia bibliograficheskago slovariadeistvitel'nykh chlenov imperatorskoi akademii nauk (Material for a bibliographicaldictionary of the members of the Imperial Academy of Sciences) (2 parts; Petrograd:tip. Imperatorskago Akademii Nauk, 1915-1917), Part II: 121-136. The Bilikmentioned above is a reference to Radlov's large study of the old Turkic literarymonument Qutadgu Bilig, which he began in 1884 and later published as DasKudatku Bilik des Jusuf Chass-Hudschib aus Blasagun (2 parts; St. Petersburg:izd. Imperatorskago Akademii Nauk, 1891-1910).17. Many studies have been devoted to the erudite Tatar scholar 'Abdulqayyumal-Nasiri (1825-1902), particularly in Russian. For a biographical sketch and anextensive bibliography of Nasiri's own works and works about him, see Ch. Lemer-cier-Quelquejay, "Un rformateur tatar au xixe sicle: 'Abdul Qajjum al-Nasyri",CMRS, IV, 1-2 (1963): 117-142. Of similar import is S agatay, "Abd-ul-KayyumNasiri", Ankara niversitesi DU ve Tarih-Cografya Fakltesi Dergisi, X, 3-4 (1952):147-160. Between 1871 and 1897 (except for the years 1886, 1887, and 1895),Nasiri edited an annual almanac entitled Qazan Kalindan (Kazan' Almanac),which provided the reader with information on a variety of topics. Copies of thealmanac for the following years are available outside of the Soviet Union: 1873,66 p. [BrM]; 1874, 52 p. [BrM]; 1876, 60 p. [LO]; 1881, 80 p. [H]; 1885, 38 p. [LO];1897, 4 P- [. [Ch. Lemercier-Quelquejay, art. cit. : 135.]18. Mirza Fatih fAli Akhundov (1812-1878) was a major figure in the generalcultural development of nineteenth-century Azerbadjan. Educated both in atraditional Muslim and a Russian-sponsored school, Akhundov passed up a careeras a theologian in favor of a position as oriental language translator in the Chanceryof the Governor-General of the Caucasus, Baron Gregor von Rosen. He remainedin the Russian state service until his retirement in 1876. Akhundov's greatcontribution to the Azeri people, however, lay in his activities and interests outsideof his official duties. Spurred on by a desire to bring about change in the traditionallife style of the Azeri Muslims, he turned to literature as a means of attackingold and propagandizing new ideas. After an early fascination with classicalIslamic literature, Akhundov abandoned the elitist literary language and turnedto writing in the Azeri vernacular which could be understood by even the semi-literate. He was a pioneer of the theater among the Turkic peoples, famous fo rthe comedies to which Gasprinskii alludes above; and he was the first Azeri towrite a novel in the vernacular. For the last twenty years of his life Akhundovworked diligently to reform the Azeri language either by simplifying the Arabicscript or by proposing the adoption of the Latin alphabet. Much like Gasprinskiihimself, Akhundov viewed education and enlightenment as the keys to a betterlife for Muslim society. An exhaustive bibliography of over 1,700 Russian sourcesdealing with Akhundov is provided by A. N. Lerman in Mirza Fatah Akhundov vvusskoi pechati 1837-IQ62 gg. Bibliografiia (Mirza Fatali Akhundov in Russianpublications, i83j-ig62. A bibliography) (Baku: tip. "Krasnyi Vostok", 1962).


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252 EDWARD J. LAZZERINITwo of these works appeared in Kazan', while the third was publishedin Tiflis. At that same time a Turkic-language newspaper entitledEkingi was founded in Baku by Hasan Bey Meliko v.19 Although ithad only a brief existence, the newspaper cast a ray of light, like alightning bolt, upon [long] dormant ideas.Even though a few works such as the tale of Tahir ve Zuhra(Tahir and Zuhra) were available [at that time], these cannot be included[in our discussion] because of their lack of literary significance.[Among Muslims] the state of general knowledge was regrettablypitiful. Unaware of the discoveries of "Kepler" and "Newton", Muslimsociety viewed the world and universe through the eyes of "Ptolemy",and was heedless of both contemporary affairs and the life-styles ofother nations. In short, whatever may have been the circumstancesof the civilized world four hundred years ago, we Muslims find ourselvestoday in exactly the same circumstances; that is, we are four hundredyears behind!But now in this same Islamic world characterized by a dearth ofknowledge, a lack of information, and torpor, one can discern a slightrevival, a degree of awakening and understanding. This revival is notthe result of some external influence, but is a marvellous, naturalphenomenon born from within.In 1881 we published an essay in Russian entitled Rusyada ehl-iIslam (Russian Islam).20 In this essay we called upon Muslims toBiographical information can be found in D. Dzhafarov, M. F. Akhundov (Moscow,1962.) For appreciations of Akhundov's role in the modernist trend in Azerbaidjan,see H. W. Brands, Azerbaidschanische Volksleben und modernistische Tendenz indes Schauspielen Mirza Feth-Ali Ahundzades (Gravenhage, 1958), and T. A. Swieto-chowski, "Modernizing trends and the growth of national awareness in 19th centuryRussian Azerbaidjan", doctoral dissertation (New York University, 1968): 76-158.19. Hasan Bey Melikov Zerdabi (1842-1907), an Azeri educator, journalist,and grass-roots "enlightener", worked fo r the modernization of Muslim life inmuch the same way as did Gasprinskii, except that the scope of his activity wasparochial rather than pan-islamic. He devoted his adult life to improving theMuslim schools, developing education for girls, establishing charitable societies,and promoting an Islamic theater. From July, 1875 to September, 1877 he waseditor and publisher of Ekingi, the first private newspaper in a Turkic languageto be published in Russia. He and Gasprinskii were essentially contemporaries,and while there is evidence that they knew of and admired each other's work, thereis nothing that points to any serious cooperation between them. ConcerningHasan Bey there is an extensive Soviet literature, of which the following shouldbe noted: Z. B. Geiushev, Mirovozzrenie G. B. Zardabi (The world view of G. B. Zar-dabi) (Baku, 1962), and M. M. Kasumov, "G. Zardabivydaiushchiisia Azerbai-dzhanskoi prosvetitel'" (G. ZardabiDistinguished Azeri enlightener), TrudyInstituta istorii i filosofii AN Az.SSR, VIII (1955): 136-178. In English thereis T. A. Swietochowski, op. cit., 171-197.20. An extremely important early essay, Russkoe musul'manstvo (RussianIslam) first brought Gasprinskii's name and ideas to public attention. Originallyserialized in issues 43-47 (1881) of the newspaper Tavrida, it was subsequentlyexpanded and reprinted as a separate publication. In this essay Ismail Beydiscussed the situation of the Islamic community in Russia and raised the issueof its modernization. The key to a better life fo r his co-religionists was, he felt,active cooperation between an enlightened Russian government and an awakenedMuslim people. For a Russian reaction to this essay, see M. Miropiev, "Kakiianachala dolzhny by polozheny v osnovu obrazovaniia russkikh inorodtsev-


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 253write and translate works concerning science, literature, and contemporaryrogress. P se God, for we were fortunate that our appealcoincided with the intentions and thoughts of many individuals. As aresult, today, some twenty years later, as many as three hundredscientific and literary works have been published in our own language.I realize that for a people numbering in the millions the publication ofthree hundred items in twenty years is not a great deal. Nevertheless,compared with th e "three" works that I mentioned above, one hundredtimes those three is not insignificant.Generally speaking, the contents of these three hundred national21works are such as to encourage people to read and learn. Among thebooks themselves are those which discuss geography, introductoryphilosophy, astronomy, the preservation of health, and other usefulknowledge. New method [usl-i gadid] primers and reading books,plays, and one or two national novels make up the literary contributions.

The authors of the above are "young " who have been trainedin our national medresse and who, through self-education, have acquiredscientific knowledge.22 But those youth who have entered the [Russian]gymnasia and universities have not yet shown a service to our nationalliterature. Although the mulla have taken many steps forward, theseothers have just made a beginning.23There is a very simple explanation for this regrettable state ofaffairs. While our enlightened, educated Muslims24 know Russianand European languages, and while they enter various professions suchas medicine, engineering, mining, and law, they are unable to read andwrite in their own national language! There is no educated Russianwho does not read and write his own native tongue, no educatedAustrian, Pole, Georgian, or Armenian who is not literate in his ownnational language. Unfortunately, this is not the case with our people.musul'man? Po povodu broshiury Ismail-beia Gasprinskago" (What sort ofprinciples should be established as a basis fo r the education of Russian native-Muslims? A propos the essay of Ismail Bey Gasprinskii), Rus', IV, 17 (Sept. 1,1884): 24-41.21. In the original essay, Gasprinskii used the word mitt which, althoughusually translated as "national", merely refers to the community of Muslims asa religious community and has nothing to do with the Western concept of "nation".22. Mulla were Islamic teachers trained in the medresse for service in themekteb (primary schools). The "young mulla" to whom Gasprinskii refers areclearly representatives of the modernist wing of that professional group; men whohad become aware of the need to broaden the range of their intellectual inquiryto include secular as well as religious (Islamic) subjects. The phrase "throughself-education" is an obvious reference to the fact that only theological studieswere pursued in the medresse.23. Here Gasprinskii directs mild criticism toward those of the intelligentsiawho have become so westernized that they have lost all touch with their Islamicroots. From many of his other writings, it is clear that he felt very strongly thatthose who had succeeded in life, whether it be materially or intellectually, hadan obligation to share with their brethren the fruits of their own success. Thisattitude, so pronounced in Gasprinskii, probably results from the triple influenceof traditional Islamic teaching, French Utopian socialism, and Russian populism.24. That is, those Muslims who had attended non-Islamic schools in whichTurkic was seldom if ever taught.


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254 EDWARD J. LAZZERINI

Above all else Islam makes two demands [on its adherents]: one iseducation, the other is prayer. As a consequence, in every place whereMuslims are to be found, a mekteb25 is built for the former and a mosquefor the latter. Depending upon the locality, they are constructedeither of stone, wood, or felt cloth. Those of sedentary Muslims arefound in fixed places; those of the nomads are portable and travel alongwith them. Everyone knows that the Islamic world's largest andmost important buildings and building complexes consist of mekteb andmosques. In every village, in every quarter, somehow or other onewill find a place of instruction. In Russia, at a time when educationwas hardly considered, and there were only two Russian schools to befound in the whole country, every Muslim village had one mekteb apiece.But, if in former days these schools sufficed and were competent, wemust all acknowledge that to meet th e demands of today they are inneed of reform.For several years I was in the teaching profession,26 and [duringthat time] I became intimately acquainted with conditions in the Russianschools and Muslim mekteb. [In the latter] the poor students wouldrock at their reading desks for six or seven hours everyday for five orsix years.27 There were many nights when I was unable to sleepbecause of my bitterness and regret at seeing them deprived of theability to write and of a knowledge of the catechism and other matters,and their inability to acquire, in the end, anything other than the talentfor repeating an Arabic sentence.28

25. On the role of the mekteb in Islamic society, consult L. Brunot, "Maktab",in Encyclopedia of Islam (London, 1936), III: 177-180.26. According to . Seydahmet, Gaspirali Ismail Bey (Istanbul, 1934):18 , after his departure from, the Moscow Military Academy in 1867, Gasprinskiiaccepted a position as a Russian language instructor in Bakhchisarai at the Zingirlimedresse. Beginning in 1869 he taught for two years at the Dereky mekteb inYalta, before once again returning to teach at Zingirli. He failed to retain hispost for very long when, as a result of his criticism of the traditional educationalmethod then in use, he incurred the wrath and enmity of both students and facultyalike. Under pressure to recant or resign, and even threatened with physicalharm, Gasprinskii quit the medresse in 1871. Around 1875, Ismail Bey againtried his hand at formal teaching, but his outspoken views once more led to conflictwith the educational establishment. See O. Aqoqraqh, "Qart mu'allim ve yazigi-lanmizdan Isma'il Gasprinski" (Ismail GasprinskiiOne of our former teachersand writers), Oku Ileri, 2 (June, 1925): 9.27. In the traditional mekteb the students were required to recite their lessonsaloud, both to help them to memorize the material and to permit the instructorto correct their pronunciation. The rhythm of their recitations was aided byrocking their upper bodies as they sat cross-legged on the floor.28. Here we are introduced to the basic criticism of the old method of Muslimeducation: it was based upon learning by rote with no concern for student comprehension. Knowledge of the Kuran and other religious writings (this being theonly knowledge deemed worthy of mastering), was to be limited to their memorization. For Turkic children this was particularly difficult because the materialto be mastered was in Arabic, a language in which they were all too often given notraining. For a list of the reading materials used in an old method mektebmaterialswhich point up the entirely religious content of the curriculum ee S. Rybakov,


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 255School time was being wasted. The teaching of skills, techniques,the Russian language, and other matters was [so inadequate] that afifth-year mekteb student could neither perform his daHy prayers properlynor write a simple letter. A remedy had to be found for this state ofaffairs. It was necessary to complete the teaching of religion well andin a short time, and then to find a way to provide [the students] with th eskills, languages, and information needed for today's world.It was because of this that we opened a discussion of th e newmethod [usul-i gadid] in 1884 in Tergiiman, the newspaper that we hadfounded in 1883. A graded and phonetic primer was published29 anda mekteb in Bakhchisarai was changed over to this method and system.The visible progress made by the students of this mekteb compelled otherschools to adopt the method.30 In six months, after mastering readingand writing in Turkish and the four basic arithmetical processes, thenovice students had begun lessons to learn Arabic, and were reading a

book that taught the elements of religion. [Their successes] reverberatedin far-off provinces, and today the "phonetic method" [usul-i savtiye]has spread all th e way to Chinese Turkistan. [In th e intervening period]over five hundred old [method] mekteb have been reformed. Becausethe opportunity presented itself, Russian language teachers have beeninvited to a number of mekteb, and one hears that perfect Russian hasbeen acquired with ease. (For example, in mekteb in Bakhchisarai,Sheki, Kuldzha, Shirvan, Nakchivan, and other places.)Great success has been achieved in awakening public opinionconcerning the mekteb because Muslims are an alert people whc, oncethey are exposed to something, come to know and understand it.Consequently, I am hopeful that there will be other reforms andthat th e idea of change will not be reserved only for the primary schools.Reform of the Arab medresse as well has been engraved on the heartof the nation. After spending eight or ten years studying grammar,which is the primary section of the Arabic and Islamic sciences, and afterbeing "imprisoned in the medresse" for fifteen years, the student doesnot know Arabic. He will have come across the names of Ghazl,Bukhr, and Taftzn, but will have had no acquaintance with th e"Novometodisty i starometodisty v russkom musul'manstve" (New methodistsand old methodists within Russian Islam), Mir Islama, II, 12 (1913): 856, citingan article in the Turkic review Suva, 14 (Jul. 15 , 1913).

29. The primer was entitled Khoga-yi sibyan. A z vaqitta oqumaq yazrnaq vehisab bildirir (The teacher of children. Provides knowledge of reading, writing,and arithmetic in a short time). Gasprinskii contended that the material coveredby this book could be mastered in only six months, instead of the usual four orfive years using the old method.30. The first new method mekteb was opened in the Kaytaz Aga quarter ofBakhchisarai with an enrolment of twelve students and an instructor named BekirEmekdar Efendi. The success of the enterprise was such that, despite strongopposition from local traditionalists, forty new students were enrolled after onlytwo months. As news of the school spread, from the Caucasus and theVolga region came to Bakhchisarai in order to learn the new method, then returnedhome to establish their own reformed mekteb. By the end of the 1880's, everyRussian province contained two or three such institutions. See I. Gasprinskii,"Turk Yurtgularma" (To the men of Turk Yurdu), Turk Yurdu, I (1328/1910):194, 236-237.


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256 EDWARD J. LAZZERINIlikes of eAli Htisayn Ibn Sn, Frb, or Ibn Khaldun.31 Consequently,it dawns on many men that this is not a very~s*ound or reasonable wayto terminate their education. Thanks to this [realization], and withthe intention of renovating th e educational method, they have beenrather successful in reforming and reorganizing the following medresse:the Zingirli in Bakhchisarai, the Barudi in Kazan', the 'Osmanov inUfa, and the Huseynov in Orenburg. In order to facilitate the teachingof Arabic, newly organized grammar books have been published. Forexample, there are the works of Ahmed Hadi Efendi Maksudi [published]in Kazan'.32The search for knowledge does not take this path alone. Profitingfrom the state-run primary schools,33 Muslim students are entering th e[Russian] gymnasia and universities in order to become acquaintedwith contemporary progress and learning, and the number who complete[these schools] is increasing.

Twenty years ago "one of our people" had received a universityeducation; now such people number more than one hundred. FiftyMuslim young men who have received a [Russian] higher educationand who have entered the professions of engineering, medicine, law, etc.,can be found in Baku alone. There are also those who have beeneducated in, and returned home from, French and German universities.It is noteworthy that there is a greater number of Muslims in thesouthern provinces who study Russian than there are in the innerprovinces. We hope that our coreligionists up and down the Volgawill recognize that they are being delinquent in this matter, and thatthey will endeavor to become acquainted with contemporary progressthrough a knowledge of the Russian language. There are thousandsof scientific and technical works written in Russian; it is necessary toprofit from them.3431. All of those mentioned were outstanding and much revered Islamic intellectuals.32. Specifically Al-qavanin al-nahviya (The rules of grammar), Kazan', 1893.See item 21.33. Gasprinskii is referring to both the regular Russian primary schools andthe special Russo-Tatar (or Russo-Native) schools, the second of which appearedin small numbers beginning in the 1870's. The latter type of school was specificallyset up to provide state-controlled education for Muslim and other inorodtsy (non-Russian) children, and was based upon the pedagogical ideas of N. I. Il'mmskii.For a useful analysis of the role of Il'minskii in the education of non-Russianminorities, see I. T. Kreindler, "Education policies toward the Eastern nationalitiesin Tsarist Russia: a study of Il'minskii's system", unpublished doctoral dissertationColumbia University, 1970) which also contains a thorough bibliography.K. E. Bendrikov, in his Ocherki po istorii narodnogo obrazovaniia v Turkestane,X865-IQ24 (Essays on the history of public education in Turkestan, i86^-i24)(Moscow, i960), has provided scholars with an excellent study of the Russo-Nativeschools in Turkestan.34. That Gasprinskii took pains to point out that many Muslims had beenlax with regard to learning Russian is noteworthy on two counts: first, it reflectsthe intense indifference, even abhorrence, of traditionalist Muslims toward acquiringa non-Islamic language; secondly, it reveals Ismail Bey's conviction that Russianas well as other European languagesmust be learned if Muslims are to enterthe mainstream of modern life. For many Russian Muslims, to study the statelanguage was tantamount to inviting ultimate russification. Traditionalistscertainly have a valid point to make in this regard; nevertheless, committed as


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 257

In a similar way the national theater is the product of recent years.Besides the comedies of Mirza Fatih 'Ali, which have been around forsome time, several new comedies have been written and published.Theatrical plays in the national language have appeared in Baku,Karabagh, Gendzhe, and Bakhchisarai. In Baku a permanent theatrical company has been formed, and one or two plays have beentranslated from Russian. Armenian, Georgian, and Jewish girls servein the roles of women. We are thankful [for all of this], but it cannotbe denied that our theater rests on one leg.

One notices traces of awakening and progress among Muslim women,who have remained even further behind in comparison with Muslim men.If you want proof [of progress in this area], I can only give you a little.In the last days of winter there is a "white flower" which grows in thesnow; surely you know it. If this blooming flower is not proof thatsummer has arrived, it is a certain sign that the beginning of summeris near. There are some signs just like this one [with regard to theadvancement of our women]. Twenty-five years ago the respectedwife of Hasan Bey (who was one of our journalists),35 was th e onlyMuslim woman who had received an education; now there exist perhapstwenty such women. In St . Petersburg, in a women's medical[nursing?] school, three Muslim women are studying medical science,and one is practicing medicine.36 It is well known that two Muslimwomen are writing, and their results are being published.37 Let thembe examples and models for emerging authors. This world is one ofhope; why should we despair?

Charity, giving alms, and helping others are fundamental to theIslamic faith. Because of this, God be praised, we can say that thereis no one who does not tithe, give alms and [other assistance]. Everyonecontributes within his means, and thus every year a great deal of moneyhe was to achieving a syncretic solution to the problem of "Islam in the modernworld", Gasprinskii felt that the benefits to the Islamic community derived fromlearning Russian far out-weighed the threat that knowledge of the languagemight pose.35. The reference is to Khanifa Khamm, wife of Hasan Bey Melikov Zerdabi.See note 19.36. In Perevodchik, 10 (Mar. 12 , 1895): 20, Gasprinskii noted that Razia Kutluia-rova, a Muslim woman, had completed her medical studies in St. Petersburg andhad been granted permission to practice. The exact nature of Razia Khanim'smedical training, however, is unclear.37. See the bibliographic entries for Khanifa Khamm (also entered under thenom de plume 'Alimat al-Benat), and Ibnet-ul-Suleymani.


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258 EDWARD J. LAZZERINIis dispensed in this way. Nevertheless, while there are those who helpthemselves to these charities, there are others too ashamed to do so,and, as a result, go hungry. Being aware of the fact that there is a lotfor some and nothing for others, the public has begun to rectify th esituation. In recent years, to provide order to charitable activitiesand to increase the opportunities for such projects, the idea of the"charitable society" has emerged. Twenty-five years ago in all ofRussia there was only one "Muslim charitable society", in Vladikavkaz.Today such societies have been established and are performing theirtasks in each of the following places: Khankerman, Kazan', Troitsk,Semipalatinsk, Ufa, and Hadzhi Terhan.38

[The extent of] publishing activity and the book trade is the mostconcrete testimony to the degree of advancement and progress of anation; it is the most direct proof. Twenty years ago there were twoprinting presses in Muslim hands: that of the 'Abdullin Tas publishinghouse in Kazan', and of the Insizade press in Tiflis. Now there existthe "Terguman" press in Bakhchisarai, the press of Ilias Mirza Boraganiin St . Petersburg, of the Karimov brothers in Kazan', of MullaIbrahim Karimov in Orenburg, and of Doctor Akhundov and 'AliMerdan Bey in Baku. In all we have progressed from two such establishments to eight.39

I am leaving it up to each reader to make his own evaluation as tothe degree of progress and advancement that has been made in each ofthe areas [of Muslim life] about which I have been writing.Following are the works which we reviewed this evening, and whichcomprise a part of our new [gadid] literature. This list is by no meanscomplete; if we may, we have postponed its completion until anothertime.40

38. Copies of the regulations and Dy-laws oi a number of charitable societiesare available in the turcica collection of the Helsinki University Library. In 1908,a standardized form for writing up the by-laws of such organizations was publishedin Z man kalindar. Taqvim igog (A calendar of the times. An almanac for igog)(Kazan', 1908): 20-25.39. Information on the "Terguman" press is readily available in the manyworks dealing with Gasprinskii. Of the other publishing enterprises, only theInsizade press has had its activities adequately chronicled. Yusuf Aquraoglu,Turkguluk" (Turkishness), in Turk Yili 18 (Istanbul, 1928): 336-337, maybe used with caution in this regard; much more accurate, however, is A. Bennigsenand Ch. Lemercier-Quelquejay, op. cit. : 30-31, which is also a mine of informationfor all Muslim periodical publishing in Russia before 1920.40. Gasprinskii appears never to have completed the list.


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 259PART I

BOOKS PERTAINING TO INSTRUCTION1 - 'Abdullah Muhammed Feyzi, Mukhtasar 4lm-i hal (A short catechism) Kazan',tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1316/1898-99, 58 p. [H]. Other editions: 2nd, lito-tip.I. N. Kharitonova, 1903, 56 p. [H]; 1908, 56 p. [H].2 - 'Abdullah Muhammed Feyzi, Mukhtasar gografya-yi 'umum (A short universalgeography), Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1898, 95 p. [H]. Other editions:2nd, lito-tip. I. N. Kharitonova, 1905, 84 p. [H]; 3rd, tipo-lit. I. V. Ermolaeva,1908, 88 p. [H].3 - 'Abdullah Muhammed Feyzi, Qava 'id-i turkiye (The rules of Turkish), Kazan',tipo-lit. M. Chirkova, 1898, 42 p. [H]. Other editions: 2nd, tipo-lit. I. V. Ermolaeva, 1907, 40 p. [H].4 - 'Abdullah Na'metullin Vyatqali, Qtrq rayet-i trk (Forty Turkish banners),Kazan', n.p., 1899.5 - 'Abdullah Sadiqi al-ayqi, Tarikh-i enbiya (A history of the prophets), Part I,Kazan', tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1895, 63 p. [H]. Other editions: 1897, 63 p. [H];tip. Chirkova, 1899, 43 p. [H]; Part II, tip. Ermolaeva, 1907, 32 p. [H]; other editions:tip. "Millet", 1909, 34 p. [H].6 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Akhlq risalesi (A treatise on morals), Kazan',tip. imper. Universiteta, 1890, 24 p. Other editions: 1893, 24 p. [H]; 1898,24 p. [H, TE]; 1904, 24 p. [H].On 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, see note 17.7 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Enmuzeg. Lisanimizni sarf ve nahv qa'ideleri (Amodel. The grammatical and syntactical rules of our language), Kazan', tip. imper.Universiteta, 1895, 87 p. [H].One of Nasiri's major concerns was the creation of a Tatar literary language freefrom Arabic and Persian borrowings and closer to the Volga region vernacular thanChagatai. Enmuzeg is an attempt by Nasiri to systematize his work in this area.See A. Sa'adi, Tatar edebiyati tarihi (Tatar literary history) (Kazan',8 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Hisabhq (A manual of arithmetic) Kazan', tip. imper.Universiteta, 1873, 52 p. [H]. Other editions: 1899, 85 p.This was a pioneering work for which Nasiri had to create appropriate Tatarvocabulary for the mathematical terminology. He wrote the book to satisfy theneed for a mathematical textbook in his own school, where he sought to introducesecular subjects into the curriculum. See Ch. Lemercier-Quelquejay, art. cit.: 122.To the same genre of scientific writings belong 'Ilm-i hendese and the three parts ofUsl-i gografya-yi kebir listed below.9 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, 'Ilm-i hendese (Geometry), Kazan', tip. imper.Universiteta, 1895, 24 P- [-10 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Miikemmel ruse ve tolar "a lgat (A complete Russianand Tatar dictionary), Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1892, 263 p. [LO, TE].Other editions: 2nd, 1905-6, 263 p. [TE, WL].This work is more commonly known under its Russian title Polnyi russko-tatarskiislovar'.


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20 EDWARD J. LAZZERINI11 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Numune-yi qava'id-i rusya ve tatarya (The patternof the rules of Russian and Tatar), Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta [?], 1891.12 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Otuz va'z (Thirty sermons), Kazan', tip. imper.Universiteta, 1888, 180 p. [TE].A collection of the teachings of certain great Muslim saints ncluding Anas ibnMalik, Ibn 'Abbas, and even Jesus Christ or use by imam during Ramazan andother religious feasts. The texts are in Arabic.13 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Qava'id-i lisan-i 'arab (The rules of the Arabiclanguage), Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1896, 74 p.Nasiri's textbook was evidently used in old method as well as new method schools.See la. Koblov, Konfessional'nyia shkoly Kazanskikh Tatar (Kazan' Tatar confessional schools), Kazan', 1915, p. 24.14 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Qava'id-i qira'at-i Rusiye (The rules for readingRussian), Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1889, 24 p.A Russian primer for young Tatars.15 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Usul-i gografya-yi kebir. I: Azya qit'asi (Thefundamental principles of geography. I: The Asian continent), Kazan', tip. imper.Universiteta, 1894, 206 p. [H]; II: Afriqa qiast (II: The African continent), Kazan',tip. imper. Universiteta, 1898, 200 p. [H]; III: Evsaf-i geziretui-'Arab ('Arabistan)(III: Description of the Arabian peninsula-Arabia), Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta,899, 138 p. [H].16 - 'Abdurrahman ibn Isma'il, Mu'allim-i sarf-i lisan al-'arab (A teacher ofArabic grammar), Kazan', n.p., 1896.17 - 'Abdusselam Akhundzade, Risale-yi 'umdetlahkm (A treatise on the fundamentals of legal decisions), part I, Baku, n.p., 131 1 /1893-94, 136 p.'Abdusellam Akhundzade (1843 or 1844-1906), was born and educated in theTranscaucasus. In 1872, after serving as imam in the village of Salyan, hedeparted for Tiflis where he was appointed instructor of Turkic and Persian at theMuslim Spiritual Assembly. Seven years later he became a teacher of Islamiclaw, Turkic, and Persian at the well-known Gori Pedagogical College. In 1894 hewas named head of the Spiritual Assembly and eyk ul-Islam of the Transcaucasus.For brief biographical notices on Akhundzade, see Perevodchik, 33 (Sept. 17 , 1894):66 and Z man kalindar, op. cit. : 35.18 - 'Abdusselam Akhundzade, Tarikh-i muqaddes-i enbiya (The holy history ofthe prophets), Part I, Baku, lit. G. I. Demurova, 1310/1892-3, 228 p. [H].19 - Ahmed Hadi al-Maqsudi, Al-durus al-ifdhiya (Oral lessons), Part I, Kazan',tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1899, 192 p. [TE]. Other editions: 4th, 1910, 152 p. [H].Part II, Kazan', n.p., 1899.Educator and journalist, Ahmed Hadi (1867- 1945) was an important figure in thegadidist movement. Along with the numerous educational texts that he wrote,he founded in 1906 the Kazan' newspaper Yoldiz (The Star), which served as anorgan for moderate reformism. On Ahmed Hadi, and his more famous brotherSadreddin, see A. Battal-Taymas, Iki Maksudiler (The two Madsudis) (Istanbul,1959). as well as Tergiiman, 26 (Mar. 15 , 1906): 1-2.20 - Ahmed Hadi al-Maqsudi, Mu'allim-i evvel (The first teacher), Part I, Kazan',tip. imper. Universiteta, 1892, 142 p. [H, TE]. Other editions: 2nd, 1897,72 p. [H]; 3rd, 1898, 64 p. [H, NYPL]; 4th, tipo-lit. M. Chirkova, 1900, 88 p. [H];5th, tipo-lit. Brat'ev Karimovykh, 1902, 70 p. [H]; 7th, lito-tip. I. N. Kharitonova,1904, 56 p. [H]; 10th, 1908, 48 p. [H]; and 1909, 48 p. [TE]; 14th, 1910, 48 p. [H].


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 2IA new method primer based upon the ideas of Gasprinskii, with whom Maqsudi hadbecome acquainted while teaching at the Zingirli medresse in Bakhchisarai. Thepublication of at least fourteen editions f this textbook attests to its great popularity.aqsudi also wrote a companion volume entitled Mu'allim-i sani (Thesecond teacher). See A. Battal-Taymas, op. cit. : 58.21 - Ahmed Hadi al-Maqsudi, Al-qavanin al-nahviya (The yules of grammar),Kazan', n.p., 1893. Other editions: 3rd, lito-tip. I. N. Kharitonova, 1911, 60 p. [H].An advertisement in Perevodchik, 12 (Mar. 24, 1894): 12 , states that Al-qavaninal-nahviya is an Arabic grammar "prepared according to the new method". In aprevious issue of the same newspaper (5 , Febr. 4, 1894: 10), Gasprinskii commentsthat Maqsudi's textbook is better than those turned out by the Egyptians.22 - Ahmed akir, Akhlq risalesi (A treatise on morals), Parts I and II, Kazan',tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1899, 23 p., 22 p. [H].23 - 'Alimgan ibn Muhammedgan al-Barudi, Medkhal-i 'arabiye (Introductoryprinciples of Arabic), Kazan', tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1894, 55 p. [H]. Othereditions: tip. I. N. Kharitonova, 1903, 54 and 32 p. [H].'Alimgan al-Barudi (1857-1921) was a well-known mudarris {medresse professor)and reformer. He was the founder of the Muhammadiyya medresse in Kazan'which instituted a curriculum composed of both religious and secular subjects,including the Russian language. An active gadidist, he wrote a number of textbooks for use in the reformed schools; Medkhal-i 'arabiye is probably one of thoseworks. Barudi is the subject of two studies: Yusuf Aquraoglu, Damulla Alimganal-Barudi (Kazan', 1907), and A. Battal-Taymas, Alimcan Barudi (Istanbul, 1958).One should also consult the review Al-Din va'l-Adap (issued irregularly beginningin March, 1906), of which Barudi was editor-in-chief.24 - Baha'eddin al-Maqsudi, Mu'allim-i khat-i suis ve neskh (A manual for teachingsuis" and "neskhi" calligraphy), Ufa, n.p., 1891.25 - Cherniaevskii, A. O., Vatan dili, Part I: Trk-azerbigan dilinde (The nationallanguage, Part I: The Turk-Azerbaidjan tongue), Tiflis, n.p., 1895. Other editions:3rd, 1896, 70 p. [H]; 4th, 1898, 71 p. [H]; 5th, 1901, 70 p. [H]; 6th, 1908, 65 p. [H].A. O. Cherniaevskii (1840- 1894) was an Azerbaidjani-born Russian who served asdirector of the Gori Pedagogical College from its inception in 1876. His textbookVatan dili first published in 1883was a popular grammar of Azeri Turkicutilizing the phonetic method of presentation. A brief study of Cherniaevskii'spedagogical ideas is L. Vekilova, "Metodicheskoe nasledie A. O. Cherniaevskogo"(The legacy of A. O. Cherniaevskii's method), Russkii iazyk v natsional'noi shkole,4 (1964): 34-38.26 - Fehmi Efendi, Usl-i fars (The fundamentals of Persian), n.p., 1894.27 - Gasprinskii, Isma'il, ihan name (An atlas), Bakhchisarai, "Terguman"matbaasi, 1889, 14 p.Concerning this publication (or perhaps a later edition), the St. Petersburgnewspaper Russkaia zhizn' wrote that Gasprinskii had accomplished somethingworthwhile by publishing an atlas with a Tatar text; the hope was also expressedthat he would continue to publish a whole series of scientific and belletristic worksin that language. "Efforts such as this will eliminate one of the major obstaclesto the spread of education among non-Russian peoples: the lack of textbooks inthe native tongues." {Perevodchik, 14 (Apr. 10 , 1894): 28.)28 - Gasprinskii, Isma'il, Hisab. Mukhtasar 4lm-i hisab ve mesa*il-i hisabiye(Calculations. A short book on arithmetic and mathematical problems), Bakhchisarai,Terguman" matbaasi, 1897, 46 p. [H].


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22 EDWARD J. LAZZERINIA textbook designed to teach the four fundamental arithmetical processes, witheach section followed by exercises. The text lacks any introduction which mighthave explained the expected duration of the course.29 - Gasprinskii, Isma'il, Khoga-yi sibyan (The teacher of children) Bakhchisarai,Terguman"

matbaasi, 1884. Other editions: 3rd, 1892, 90 p. [H, IUK]; 7th, 1898,52 p. [H, D].See note 29.30 - Gasprinskii, Isma'il, Qira'at-i turM (The reading of Turkish), Bakhchisarai,Terguman" matbaasi, 1886. Other editions: 1894, 26 p. [H].A textbook to be used in a new method mekteb after the students had masteredKhog"a-yi sibyan.31 - Gasprinskii, Isma'il, Ser meq destesi (The choicest calligraphy paper),Bakhchisarai, "Terguman" matbaasi [?], 1893.32 - Gasprinskii, Isma'il, Sara'it al-Islm (The stipulations of Islam), Bakhchisarai,Terguman" matbaasi, 1897, 83 p. [H].33 - Haris Feyzi, Hifz-i sihhat-i izdivag (Preserving the correctness of marriage),Kazan', n.p., 1901.A gadidist pedagogue, Haris Feyzi was also editor-in-chief of the Kazan' Tatarnewspaper Akhbar (The News). See A. Bennigsen and Ch. Lemercier-Quelquejay,op. cit.: 71.34 - Haris Feyzi, Rehber-i iml (A guide to orthography), Orenburg, n.p., 1900.35 - Haris Feyzi, Ta4im-i qira'at-i ve tahrir-i trk (Exercises for reading andwriting Turkish), Kazan', n.p., 1900.36 - Ibrahim Imurad, Gografya matematiqi (The mathematics of geography),Kazan', n.p., 1889.37 - Khayrullah ibn 'Osman, Sarf-i 'arabi tatbiqath (The application of Arabicgrammar), Kazan', n.p., 1898 [H].The author was an Ufa akhund (theologian). His textbook was used in oldmethod as well as new method schools, according to la. Koblov, op. cit. : 24.38 - Lutfullah (Imam), Tergiime al-mesa'il ve gevab al-sa'il (The interpreting ofquestions and an answer to the critics), Kazan', n.p., 1898.39 - Mansurof, 'Abdurrahman, Mu'allim al-sibyan (The teacher of children),Kazan', tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1899 or 1900, 32 p. [H].40 - Muhammed ibn Fatih Molla Muhammed 'Ata, Ebvab al-tasrif (Aspects ofgrammatical inflection), Kazan', n.p., 1895.41 - Muhammed erif Ahmedganoglu, ografya-yi 'umum (A universal geography)Kazan', n.p., 1898.42 - 'Osman Aqoqraqh, Khutut-i islmiye (Islamic writings), St. Petersburg,n.p., 1900.'Osman Nuri Aqoqraqh was a Crimean Tatar historian, author, translator ofRussian literature into Turkic, and a faithful disciple of Gasprinskii. A one-timecollaborator with the newspapers Vlfet (Rapprochement) and Vaqt (The Times),he joined the staff of Terguman in 1906.43 - Qisas al-enbiya ve ahval-i duvel al-islm (The history of the prophets and theaffairs of the States of Islam), Kazan', tip. Brat'ev Karimovykh, 1901, 132 p. [H].


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 263Other editions: lito-tip. I. N. Kharitonova, 1906, 120 p. [H]; 3rd, n.d., 120 p. [H];4th, tip. A. Umerova, 1909, 108 p. [H].44 - Ruseden qirgizgaya qirgizgadan ruseye lgat (A Russian-Kirghiz, Kirghiz-Russian dictionary), Tashkent, n.p., 1883.45 - Sadreddin ibn Nizameddin al-Maqsudi, Terguman rus (The translation ofRussian), Part I, Kazan', tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1900, 60 p. [TE].Of the two Maqsudi brothers, Sadreddin (1879-1957) was perhaps the more famous.Well-educatedhe took a degree at the Sorbonn in Paris and an inveteratetraveller, he became a major Muslim political figure through his participation inthe Russian State Dumas. Besides A. Battal-Taymas', Iki Maksudiler, op. cit.,a special issue of Turk Kulturu, 53 (Mar. 1967) has been devoted to Sadreddin.46 - Salihgan ibn Muhammedgan al-Barudi, Sarf-i 'arabi (Arabic grammar),Kazan', tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1898, 71 p. [H].Salihgan ibn Muhammedgan al-Barudi was a Kazan' .47 - Salihgan ibn Muhammedgan al-Barudi, Taqrib al-ezhan min tegvid al-qur'an(The meeting of minds by means of the proper recitation of the Koran), Kazan',Khazane matbaasi, 1309/1891-2, 23 p. [H].According to Gasprinskii, Perevodchik, 10 (Mar. 19 , 1893): 19 , Taqrib al-ezhan is"a guide to the correct reading and pronunciation of Arabic".48 - Sarf-i turk (A grammar of Turkish) n.p., 1897.49 - akirgan ibn Ahmedgan al-Tahiri, Beda' al-ta'lim nam miikemmel elifba (Acomplete primer known as the beginning of education) Kazan', tip. imper. Univer-siteta, 1893, 104 p. [H].50 - akirgan ibn Ahmedgan al-Tahiri, Mukhtasar qava'id al-tegvid (Brief rulesfor reading the Koran), Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1895, 40 p. [H]. Othereditions: 2nd, 1317/1899-1900, 32 p. [H].51 - akirgan Akhundzade, 'Aqa'id-i islmiye (The doctrines of Islam), Kazan',n.p., 1899.52 - Sultan Megid Ganizade, Istilah-i Azerbigan (The idiom of Azerbaidjan)Baku, n.p., 1890.Sultan Megid Ganizade (1866-?), an Azeri pedagogue and litterateur who was very-active in the gadidist movement, was well acquainted with Gasprinskii and accompanied the Crimean reformer on his important journey to Central Asia in 1893.A brief biographical note on Ganizade is found in Zaman kalindar igio (Calendarof the times, igio) (Kazan', 1909): 39.53 - Sultan Megid Ganizade, Kilid-i edebiyat (The key to literature), Baku, tip.Akhundova, 1901, 72 p.A collection of readings, in Persian, fo r beginning students. See Perevodchik,34 (Sept. 16 , 1901): 134.54 - Tegvid (The art of reading the Koran), n.p., 1898.Possibly the work of M. Aqura published in Bakhchisarai in 1897. There is acopy of this in Helsinki.55 - Usl-i tedris (A method of instruction) Kazan', n.p., 1899.


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264 EDWARD J. LAZZERINIPART II

BOOKS PERTAINING TO SCIENCE AND LITERATURE56 - 'A., Yel gemisi (The wind boat), Tiflis, n.p., 1889.57 - A. Alvayzi, Tegriibename (A book of experiments [?]), Tashkent, n.p., 1891.58 - 'Abbas Khalifa, Zubdet ul-fera'iz ve 'ilm al-miras (The fundamentals ofinheritance laws and the science of bequests), Kazan', n.p., 1888.59 - 'Abdul'allam Feyizkhanoglu, Muharrik al-efkr (The movement of ideas),Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1893, 46 p. [H, IUK].The brother of Huseyn Feizkhanov (note 6), 'Abduallam (d. 1910) studied Russianafter receiving a medresse education. His book Muharrik al-efkr provides acritical discussion of the political, and particularly, the economic status of theRussian Tatars. As such, it would appear to be a significant contribution to theliterature of the Muslim "renaissance" of the pre-1905 period. Brief descriptionsof this work can be found in A. Zeki Velidi Togan, Bugunkii Turkili (Tiirkistan)ve y akin tarihi (Present-day Turkistan and its recent history) (Istanbul, 1942-1947):540-541; and Perevodchik, 13 (Apr. 18 , 1893): 26.60 - 'Abdullah al-Makhdumi, Ta'addud zevgati hifz-i sihhata tafbiq (The applicationof the science of good health to polygamy), Orenburg, tip. Karimova, 1901, 20 p. [H].61 - 'Abdullah Sadiqi al-Gayqi, Byuk bir servet-i hikaye (A great wealth of tales),Kazan', n.p., 1898.62 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Efsane-yi Gulrukh ve Qarnergan. Roman (The taleof Glrukh and Qamergan. A novel), Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1896,54 p. [H, TE].The tale of princess Gulrukh, daughter of the Emperor of China, and Qamergan,son of the ah of Khwarezm. Professor N. F. Katanov published a review of thiswork in Deiatel', 4 (1897).63 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Fevakih ul-gulesa (The fruits of the companions),Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1884, 615 p. [LO, TE, TTK].Reflecting his wide range of interests, this volume by Nasiri is a collection oftales and anecdotes drawn from the Kuran and the Hadiths concerning all aspectsof life. Appended to the work are a number of specimens of Tatar folk literature.64 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Hava ve su (Air and water), Kazan', n.p., 1889.65 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, 'Ilm-i zira'at (The science of agriculture), Kazan',tip. imper. Universiteta, 1892, 24 p. [TE].Contains advise on how to sow grain and cultivate gardens.66 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Khavas-i nebatat (The particular qualities of plants),Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1893, 112 p.Provides information on some three hundred and thirteen useful plants, with theirnames given in Russian, Tatar, and Latin.67 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Lehge-yi talari (A Tatar dictionary), 2 vols, Kazan',tip. imper. Universiteta, 1895-1896, 226 p., 156 p. [TE].This represents the first dictionary of its kind in that Nasiri drew all of hisdescriptive examples from the Tatar spoken language. He ignored the written


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 265language of the time, overwhelmed as it was by Arabic, Persian, and Central Asianinfluences, in order to create a new literary language out of the Tatar vernacular.68 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Qava4d-i kitabet (The book of regulations), Kazan',tip. imper. Universiteta, 1892, 32 p. [H].69 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Qtrq vezir qtssasi (The tale of the forty vezirs), Kazan',tip. imper. Universiteta, 1881, 160 p. Other editions: 3rd, 1888, 160 p. [LO];4th, 1891, 160 p. [TE]; 5th, 1896, 160 p. [BrM, H]; St. Petersburg, tip. Boraganskago,1902, 160 p. [H]; Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1907, 160 p. [TE]; 1908,160 p. [H]; tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1910, 160 p. [H, WL].A translation into Tatar from the Ottoman Turkish of eyhzade.70 - 'Abdulqayyum al-Nasiri, Ziibdet min tevarikh al-rus (Excerpts from Russianhistory), Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1890, 27 p. [TE].A pamphlet containing the biographies of the Russian sovereigns from 862 to 1880.It represents one of the few of Nasiri's historical works that were published.71 - 'Abdurrahim Qazanli Efendi, Kitab-i muhimmet ul-zaman (The book of theimportant affairs of the time), Kazan', tip. Vecheslava, 1889, 64 p. [IUK].72 - 'Abdurrahman al-Mansuri, Ma4umat-i nafi'ye (Useful information), Orenburg,n.p., 1901.73 - Abulgazi Bahadir Khan, Tarikh-i segere-yi turk (A history of Turkic genealogy), trans, from agatai by 'Abdul'allam Feyizkhanoglu, Kazan', tip. imper.Universiteta, 1891, 222 p.The author is the famous seventeenth century Khivan historian. His Tarikh-iueg"ere-yi tiirk is a historical and genealogical study of the aybanid dynasty, whichtraced its ancestry to ingis Khan. On Abulgazi, see Jno Eckmann, "Dietschaghataische Literatur", in Philologiae turcicae fundamenta (Wiesbaden, 1964),II: 382-385.74 - Ahmed Hadi Maqsudi, Mantiq-i gedid (The new logic), Kazan', n.p., 1900.See item 19.75 - Ahmed Midhat, Yahq yollarhq (The ways of youth), trans, by Sadreddinal-Maqsudi, Kazan', tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1897, 30 p. [H].Besides playing an important role in the development of journalism in the lateOttoman Empire, Ahmed Midhat (1844- 19 1 3) was a prolific writer both of fictionand what might be called works of popularized knowledge. Most, if not all, ofhis writings were instruments of social criticism or aimed at bringing modernEuropean knowledge to his compatriots in a simple and attractive form. In this,and many other respects, there is a striking similarity between Ahmed Midhat andGasprinskii, and indirect evidence points to the influence of the former upon thelatter. For brief but penetrating discussions of Midhat, see B. Lewis, "AhmadMidhat", Encyclopedia of Islam (London, i960), I: 289-290, and N. Berkes, op. cit. :281-285.76 - Ahmed akirMulla, Qurban risalesi (A treatise on sacrifice) Kazan', n.p., 1898.77 - Alekseev, Sart ve rus mukalemesi (A S rt and Russian dialogue), Tashkent,n.p., 1884.78 - *Ali Asgar Kemal, Bakhtsiz yigit. Dram (The unfortunate young man. Adrama), Kazan', tip. Karimova, 1900, 20 p. [H]. Other editions: Elektro-tip.Sarafa, 1907, 108 p. [NYPL, TE].'Ali Akbar oglu Kemaleddin, better known as 'Ali Asgar Kemal (1879-1933),was a talented poet and dramatist given credit for being one of the founders of


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266 EDWARD J. LAZZERINIthe Tatar national theater. The above drama was his first. A chapter is devotedto Kemal in the study by M. N. Gainullin and G. G. Vazieva, Tatar dbiyatyXXyz (20th century Tatar literature) (Kazan', 1954): 86-202.79 - 'Alimat al-Benat Khanim, Husn al-vasiyet (Good advice), St. Petersburg, tipo-lit. I. Boraganskago, 1899, 20 p. [H].'Alimat al-Benat is a pseudonym meaning "erudite woman". According to A. Vam-bry {art. cit}: 77) it is the pen name of Khanifa Khanim, the daughter of a certainIsmetulluf. Since Vambry's identification of this woman is so vague, there isthe possibility that she was the wife of Hasan Bey Meliko v Zerdabi (notes 19and 35). Another possibility is that she was a teacher in the city of Tara, inTobol'skProvince, " famous for her learning". See Perevodchik, 18 (May 8, 1894): 36.80 - 'Alimat al-Benat Khanim, Mu'aseret-i edebi (The rules of good manners),2nd d., St. Petersburg, tip. I. Boraganskago, 1899, 23 p. [H].81 - 'Alimgan ibn Muhammedgan al-Barudi, Kitab al-erba'infi al-hadis (The bookof the forty Hadiths), St. Petersburg, n.p., 1899.See item 23.82 - 'Alimgan ibn Muhammedgan al-Barudi, Lgat-i suis (The third dictionary),Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1893, 41 p. [H]. Other editions: 2nd, tipo-lit.M. Chirkova, 1897, 4 P- [; 3rd, tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1902, 40 p. [H];4th, tipo-lit. I. V. Ermolaeva, 1907, 40 p. [H].83 - 'Alimgan ibn Muhammedgan al-Barudi, Niimune-yi hisab (A model forcalculation) Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1891, 24 p. Other editions: 2nd,1896, 24 p. [H]; 3rd, 1898, 24 p. [H]; 4th, 1903, 20 p. [H].84 - 'Alimof, Muhammed Safa ibn Badreddin, Nasa4h-i nafi'a (Useful advice),St. Petersburg, tipo-lit. I. Boraganskago, 1899, 69 p. [H].This work, written by a Moscow , is a collection of moralizing tales for children."It is written in simple, but good language, and is suitable for reading at homeand school." See Perevodchik, 35 (Sept. 23, 1901): 138.85 - 'Aliyef, Mulla Qari Qurban, Kitab-i tarikh (The book of history), Kazan',n.p., 1889.86 - 'Ayfullah ibn Muhammed, Hifz al-sihhat (The preservation of health), St. Petersburg,n.p., 1900.87 - Baramaihq barasmda (On sericulture), transi, by V. V. Bezobrazov,Tiflis, n.p., 1885.88 - Bikiyof, Muhammed Zahir ibn Garullah, Eluf yaki giizel qiz Khadige. Roman(Eluf, or the beautiful girl Khadige. A novel), Kazan', tip. M. Chirkova, 1889,77 p. [TTK]. Other editions: Kazan', tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1896, 77 p. [H];tip. "Bayan ul-Hak", 1908, 59 p. [TE].Muhammed Zahir (1870-1902) was one of the earliest modern Tatar writers.A social critic, he attacked the destructive influences of vice, much of it introducedto the Tatars by Russians, on the fabric of Tatar society in his novels Eluf andGuneh-i keba'ir (see item 129).89 - Bukhara Amiri, Ruzname-yi sefer khayriyet (The diary of a good will trip),Kazan', n.p., 1900.Undoubtedly a work describing a trip to Russia by the Emir of Bukhara, AbdulAhad (1885-1910). The Emir frequently travelled throughout Russiamany ofthese travels were chronicled by Gasprinskii in Perevodchik nd was often aguest of the Russian royal family in St. Petersburg. A man with some reformist


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 267inclinations, the Emir began receiving Gasprinskii's newspaper in 1892 [Perevod-chik, 27 (July 31, 1892): 53]. Gasprinskii expended a great deal of time andeffort trying to obtain the Emir's permission to open new method schools fornative children in Bukhara. That permission was finally granted in 1908, butthe school that resulted continued to function for just a short time owing to theviolent opposition of the traditionalist Bukharan clergy.90 - Al-ulpani, 'Arabidan manzuman Mevlud tergiimesi (A verse translation fromArabic of the Mevlud), Orenburg, n.p., 1900.91 - Damulla ihabeddin hazretinin mersiyesi (Damulla Sihabeddin's elegy),Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1892, 15 p. [H].An elegy to ihabeddin al-Margani (see note 5).92 - Fasiheddin ibn Mulla Muhi'eddin, Tib kitabt (A book of medicine), Kazan',n.p., 1896.93 - Fasiheddin ibn Mulla Muhi'eddin, Veba ve andan saqlanmaq icin isti'malqihna turgan esbab ve areler (The cures and remedies in current use for protectionagainst the plague), Kazan', tip. Vecheslava, 1893, 35 p. [TE].94 - F[atih] K[arimi], Bir akird ile bir istudent (The medresse student and theuniversity student), Kazan', tip. B. L. Dombrovskago, 1899, 40 p. [H].Muhammed Fatih Gilman oglu Kerimi (i87o?-i945), the son of an akhund, completedis studies in an old method medresse and then spent five years in Istanbul.Upon his return to Russia, he bought a printing house in Orenburg with the aidof the gadidist 'Abdulgani Bey Huseynov (a millionaire merchant) and commenceda career in writing and publishing. He collaborated with a number of Muslimnewspapers, including arq-i Rus (The Russian Orient) and Al-'Asr al-Gadid (TheNew Age), and in 1906 became chief editor of the newspaper Vaqt (The Times).In addition he wrote a number of works ranging from a geographical textbookand a teaching manual, to belletristic pieces such as Bir akird ile bir istudent.In the latter Kerimi launched an attack upon both the old Muslim educationalsystem and the ignorance and lack of culture of the Muslim clergy. Brief noticesconcerning Kerimi can be found in Z man kalindar... io, op. cit. : 39-40;Dzh. Validov, op. cit. : 78-80; and A. Vambry, "The awakening of the Tatars",The Nineteenth Century, LVII (Febr. 1905): 219 ff.95 - F[atih] K[arimi], Sahh babaymn uylenuvi (The marriage of old Sahh), Orenburg, tip. Karimova, 1901, 16 p. [H].Like the previous work, this short story is a critique of the old ways in Muslimlife.96 - Gafil ibn 'Abdullah, Selime yani 'iff t (Selime, or innocence), Kazan', tip.B. L. Dombrovskago, 1316/1898-9, 80 p. [H]. Other editions: 2nd, lito-tip.I. N. Kharitonova, 1904, 48 p. [H].The author is the same as Riza'eddin ibn Fakhreddin (see item 146). Selime yani*iffet was the first of his two novels, and for both he used the pseudonym Gafilibn 'Abdullah in order to avoid public recognition. See A. Battal-Taymas,"La littrature des Tatars de Kazan", in Philologiae Turcicae Fundamenta, II: 767;also A. Sa'adi, op. cit. : 106-107.97 - Galvanoplastin (Electrotypography), Kazan', n.p., 1899.98 - Gasprinskii, Isma'il Bey, Rehber-i mu'allimin yani mu'allimlere yolda (A guideor companion for teachers), Bakhchisarai, "Tergiiman" matbaasi, 1898, 30 p.[D, H].One of Gasprinskii's most important works, in which he thoroughly discussed his


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268 EDWARD J. LAZZERINIeducational ideas and the fundamentals of the new method. Rehber-i mu'alliminwas meant to be a guide for those who desired to administer or teach in a newmethod mekteb. As such it provided detailed information on curriculum planning,teaching techniques, and even classroom organization, as well as a spirited defenseof the new method itself.99 - Gasprinskii, Isma'il Bey, Salname-yi tiirk (A Turkish almanac), Bakhchisarai,Basmakhane-yi Islmiye, 1882, 81 p. [IUK].One of Ismail Bey's earliest publications. In it he provided a wealth of informationon a wide variety of subjects ranging from history and geography, to contemporaryevents, education in various countries, the press, train schedules, and even adiscussion of the history, spread, and treatment of syphilis.100 - Guerli Feridun, Ta'limat-i Soqrat (The instructions of Socrates), Bakhchisarai, "Tergiiman" matbaasi, 1891.A graduate of, and later instructor at, the Gori Pedagogical College, Feridun Beyacquired fame as a critic and historian of Azeri literature. His best work in thisarea is Azerbaygan edebiyati tarihi materyallan (Materials for Azerbaidjanliterary history), 4 vols (Baku, 1925). B. E. Nabiyev has written a full lengthstudy of Guerli entitled Firidunbey kch'rli (Baku, 1963), which contains anextensive bibliography.101 - Habib al-Nigar ibn Mulla Efendi, Miftah al-tevarikh (The key to the histories),Kazan', n.p., 1889.102 - Hafiz Muhammed Zakir Efendi, Enbiya* tarikh-i (The history of the prophets),Part I, Kazan', tip. M. Chirkova, 1899, 74 p.103 - Hakim Franklin'nin tergume hah (A biography of Master Franklin) trans,by Sadiq Abdurrahman, Orenburg, tip. Karimova, 1901.According to Gasprinskii, Perevodchik, 27 (July 23, 1901), this is a biography ofthe American Benjamin Franklin translated "into local Tatar from Ottoman".N. Berkes (op. cit. : 282), notes that Franklin became quite popular in Turkeyaround 1870, when his Poor Richard came into vogue.104 - Haqverdof, 'Abdurrahim Bey, Dagilan tifaq (The scattered brood), St. Petersburg,n.p., 1899, 46 p. [H].'Abdurrahim Bey Haqverdof (Haqverdili, 1870-1933), was an important Azeriplaywright and stage director. Dagilan tifaq, the first of his tragedies, was writtenwhile he was still a student. In this play Haqverdof treats the problems associatedith decaying feudalism by focusing on the inability of an aristocratic landowner,Ngf Bey, to confront the changes in the world around him. The play accuratelyportrays the crisis facing the Azeri landowning class in the 1880'sand 1890's, andis an indictment of that class. For further information concerning Haqverdofand his work, see K. Mamedov, Abdurragimbek Akhverdov (Baku, 1959).105 - Hasan 'Ata Qazani, Basiret (Understanding), Part I, Kazan', n.p., 1888.Possibly Hasan 'Ata, a mulla from Kazan', who authored a work entitled Fen-imesaha al-arz (The science of land surveying) (Kazan', 1893). See Perevodchik,12 (Apr. 2, 1893): 23.106 - Hasan 'Ata al-Sulabai, Mukhtasar al-viqaye (A short prophylaxis), Kazan',n.p., 1892.107 - Hasangayef, Tarikh-i Islam (The history of Islam), Kazan', n.p., 1899.108 - Huseynof, emseddin, Merhaba-yi ehr-i Ramazan (Welcoming the monthof Ramazan), Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1889, 18 p. [H]. Other editions:tip. M. Chirkova, 1894, 16 p. [H]; tip. imper. Universiteta, 1902, 16 p. [H].


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ADIDISM AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 269109 - Huseynof, emseddin, Pend name-yi 'Attar (The book of advice of 'Attar),Kazan', tip. imper. Universiteta, 1890, 92 p. Other editions: 1899, 92 p. [H].no - Ibnet-iil-suleymani, Tergib al-benat fi ta'allum al-edebiyat (The encouragementof daughters in the reading and writing of literature), St. Petersburg, n.p., 1897.in - Ibrahimof, 'Abdurreid, d., Mir' t (The mirror), St. Petersburg, tip. Ibra-gimova, 1900. [H: 2, 8-1 1, 13-18, 20-22; NYPL: complete.]'Abdurreid Ibrahimof (1856-1944) was a major figure among the reformist ulema.His religious training was extensive, and included years of Kuranic study underfamous scholars in Mecca. After his return to Russia Ibrahimof became a mulla,and in 1893 was elected hadi (judge) at the Muslim Spiritual Assembly in Orenburg.Because of his high position, he was allowed access to all of the secret documentsof the Assembly, documents which exposed the subservient relationship of theMuslim hierarchy to the Russian government. This revelation resulted in hisbecoming increasingly anti-Russian, an attitude which was central to his participation in Muslim cultural and political developments from the mid-1890's onward.He took an active part in Tatar journalism, particularly after the liberalizationof the Russian press laws in 1906, by editing or collaborating with such newspapersas lfet (Rapprochement) Al-Tilmiz (The Student), and Bay an ul-Haq (TheRevelation of the Truth). It was earlier, however, in 1900, that Ibrahimof initiallybecame involved in periodical publishing when the first issue

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