Savar Savara Sehria ShikariPardhis Shompen Siddi Sikalgârí Singiwala Soar Sonkar Sor Soregar Sosia Sudugabusiddha Tagus Takankar Takari Takaris Takia Targala Targala Thepatkari Thoris TipperahSavar.: -Sabar,1 Saur, Sar, Sayar, Suri, Swiri, a Dravidian cultivating and servile tribe of Orissa, Chota Nagpur, Western Bengal, Madras, and the Central Provinces. Colonel Dalton 2 regards them as Dravidian, while Friedrich Muller, General Cunningham, and Mr. R, Cust, place them on linguistic grounds in the Kolarianl group of tribes. The evidence from language, however, is meagre and inconclusive; while on the other hand it is tolerably certain that the Savaras, scattered and partially Hinduised as they, represent the main body of an ancient race, an isolated of which survives in the Male or Saur of the Rajmahal hills. The 3 Savars are usually identified with the Suari and Sabarai mentioned by Pliny and Ptolemy. General Cunningham shows in the paper referred to above that the tribe is very widely diffused at the present day; and local tradition ascribes to the Savars the conquest of the Cheros, and their expulsion from the plateau of Shahabad, in about the year 421 of the Shahabad era, or A.D. 500. A number of ancient monuments in the Shahabad district are still put down to the Savars or Suris, who are supposed to have been driven south by the inroad of Rajputs under the Bhojpur cheif, which made an end of their rule. 1 See Risley " The origin of the name of Savara," says General Cunmigham, " must be sought for outside thelanguage of the Aryans. In Sanskrit savara simply means a 'corpse'. From Herodotus, however, we learn the Seythianword for an 'axe' was sagaris ; and as J and v are interchangeable letters, savar is the same word as sajar. It seemstherefore not unreasonable to infer that the tribes who were so called took theirname from habit of carrying axes. Nowit is one of the striking peculiarities of the Savaras that they are rerely seen without an axe in t6heir hands. Thispeculiarity has been frequently noticed bu all who have seen them."---Archaological Survey, xvii, 113.2 Allgem. Ethnog., 4623 Nat. Hist., vol. vi. 23. " Suari, quorum Mons Mallus."1 A good observer describes the Savaras near Mahendyagiri in Ganjam as small but wiry, often very dark in colour and sometimes quite black, which agrees with Stirling's account. "Their hair is generally tied in a top-knot, and sometimes it is cut short over the forehead, two long locks being permitted to hang over the ears. A few individuals have frizzled locks, with which no such arrangement is attempted. Most of the men have small, square beards. The nose is in general broad, with wide nostrils. Of those races in Bengal with whose appearance I am familiar, they reminded me most strongly of the Bhumij, who belong to the Munda family; but I could also perceive in them some points of resemblance to the Dravidian Paharias of the Rajmahal hills. They have not, however, the manly bearing and good physique of the latter. Their manner of dancing resembles that of the Rajmahal Paharias, as I have on one occasion witnessed it, rather than that of either the Santals or Kols." The exogamous septs current among the Savars of Bankura are shown in Appendix I. The totems Salmachh and Kasibak occur also among the Bagdis and several other Dravidian races of Western Bengal. The eponyms Gargrishi and Sandilya appear to have been borrowed from the Brahmanical system. The Savars of Orissa are said to have no septs, and it is possible that the Bankura branch of the tribe may have picked up their totemistic septs locally. The case of the Telingas (see article on that caste) rather bears out this view. Mention had been made in the article on the Male tribe of the remarkable fact that they have no exogamous divisions, and regulate marriage by the more modern system of counting prohibited degrees. It follows from this that the section-names of the Savars throw no light upon their connexion with the Male. Mr. W.B. Oldham, however, considers the two tribes to the one and the same, and this view may, I think be accepted as correct. The Savars of the Orissa Tributary States are divided into four sub-tribes: Bendkar, Parira, Jharua, and Palli, which are strictly endogamous. The origin of the names is obscure, but is seems possible that both Palli and Parira may have some reference to the practice of using leaves as clothing. Varaha Mihira, quoted by General Cunningham, speaks of the Parna or 2 leaf-clad Savaras; and a Savara messenger mentioned in the Katha Sarit Sagara is a described as carrying a bow in his hand "with his hair tied up in a knot behind with a creeper, black himself and wearing a loin cincture of vilwa leaves." Girls may be married either as infants or after they have attained the age of puberty. Infant-marriage is deemed the more respectable usage, but no social stigma attaches to a family which is unable by reason of poverty or any other cause to comply with the demands of fasnion on this point. Sexual license before marriage, though vehemently condemned, is said to be tolerated, and if an unmarried girl becomes pregnant her fault is condoned by marriage to the father of her child. The Savars of Bankura observe a Hinduised ceremony, the binding portions of which are gatrantar, or the transfer of the bride from her own sept to that of the bridegroom, and the smearing of vermilion on her forehead and the parting of her hair. In Orissa the ritual is more simple, and appears to have been less affected by the influence of Brahmanical usage. On the arrival of the bridegroom at the bride's house he is met by her female relatives, who greet him with cries of lu lu, and burn ghi, rice, areca nuts, turmeric, etc., in his honour. This is followed by a curious practice called seka believed to be peculiar to the Savars, in which the bridesmaids warm the tips of their fingers at a lamp and press them on both cheeks of the bridegroom. The couple then pass on towards the bedi, a raised platform of earth, in the countyard of the house, stopping on the way to sprinkle each seven times with a mixture of mustard seed and salt. On reaching the bedi they make two and a half turns round a pot of water, in which are mango leaves, after which an elder if the tribe, nominated as priest for the occasion, makes them sit down side by side, and binds their hands 1 V. Ball, Jungle Life in India, p. 267. 2 Professor Kern identifies the Parna Savaras with the Payllite of Ptolemy but explains the name to mean " feeding upon leaves," which seems improbable. together with durba grass and leaves of the borkoli plum tree. This is the closing and essential part of the ceremony. The bride-price varies with the means of the families. Among the Bendkar Savars, according to Colonel Dalton, it comprises two bullocks-- one for the girl's father and another for her maternal uncle-- and a cloth and one rupee presented to her mother. Polygamy is permitted, and no theoretical limit is set to the number of wives a man may have. Few Savara, however, indulge in

more than two, and usually a second wife is only taken in the event of the first being barren. In Orissa (but not in Bankura), a widow may marry again, and is ordinarily expected to marry her first husband's brother or cousin. No compulsion, however, is exercised in the matter, and a window may marry any one the pleases, provided that she returns to her first father's and remains unmarried for a year after her first husband's death. No regular ceremony is ordained for use on such occasions, and the union is celebrated by a feast given to the relations of both parties. Divorce is permitted for adultery or any other serious conjugal offence. The case is considered by the members of the husband's family, who, if they find it impossible or unadvisable to effect a reconciliation between the parties, formally escort the woman to the house of her father or guardian and leave her there. Divorced wives may marry again in the same manner as widows. The Savars of Bankura have become thoroughly Hinduised, and Brahmans serve them as priests in the worship of the standard gods. These Brahmans are received on equal terms by the purohits of Bagdis, Koras, Kewats and other low castes. In Orissa the original faith of the tribe had been less modified by the influence of Hindu usage. The worship of the Brahmanical deities is indeed gaining ground among them, but the elder gods, Thanpati, who dwells in the than or sacred grove of the village, and "Bansuri or Thakuraini, no doubt the same as the blood-thirsty she-devil revered by the Bhuiyas," still receive offerings of goats or fowls at the hands of the elders of the community, who have not yet been supplanted in their office by the professional Brahman. The Orissa Savars recognize both burial and cremation as proper modes of disposing if the dead. The Bankura branch of the tribe only burn and perform the ceremony of sraddh more or less in accordance with regular Hindu usage. The Savars believe their original condition to have been that of a wandering tribe, roaming through the hills of Orissa and Chota Nagpur, living on the fruits of the forest and acknowledging the rule of no recognized chief. The memory of this primitive state is almost the only tradition which the tribe still preserve, and it can hardly be doubted that this primitive mode of life must have lasted, at any rate among some branches of the Savars, down to comparatively recent times. The bulk of the tribe have taken to plough cultivation and have massed themselves in regular villages; but the Bendkars of Keunjhar still adhere in the main to the nomadic habits which their traditions describe. An interesting account of this branch of the Savars was given in 1842 by Colonel Tickell, of the South-West Frontier Agency, who found them inhabiting a tangled tract of hill and forest bounded on the north and north-east by the cultivated land of the Ho communities or pirs of Kotgarh and Bar. They had lost their primitive dialect and spoke either Ho or Uriya. In physical appearance they resembled the Bhuiyas of that part of the country, and were fair, well-made, and intelligent. They worshipped Kali, with several minor tutelary deities. In matters of food they appear to have been rather exclusive. A Bendkar would take water from a Ho, but would not eat with him, nor would he touch any food that had been cooked by a Hindu. Their material condition was extremely poor. They possessed no cattle, and only a few fowls. The houses were hovels, not massed together in villages, but dotted about on the hillside in separate groups of two or three, like those of Birhors in Palaman. The crops usually cultivated were maize, high-land rice (gora dhan), and gram (chana), which were grown in straggling fields formed by banking up the hillside water-courses. Edible jungle products were largely used as food, and frequently made up an entire day's subsistence. They paid no rent for their land, but were liable to be called upon for begari or gratuitous labour by the Raja of Kalikaprasad in Keunjhar. Their funeral ceremony consisted in simply burning the dead body; they did not collect the ashes from the pyre, nor did they, like the Kols, destroy any of the deceased person's property with his corpse. In writing of the same people Colonel Dalton specially notices their style of dancing: "The girls dance with their heads covered, bodies much inclined, and faces looking to the ground or to their feet, which have to perform a somewhat intricate step while the right hand holds down at arm's length the portion of the dress that is thrown over the head. The men, plying on tambourines or half drums, sing as they dance. The girls appear too intent on their steps to respond to them; but their peculiar attitude in the dance, the steps, and the melody, are the same for all Bhuiyas, and are unmistakeable charactersities of the race from the Ganges to the Mahanadi. The Kolarian dances are quite different." It seems to me that the argument from similarity of custom to tribal affinity has in this case been pressed too far. Subject races everywhere have not been slow to imitate the usages of the dominant people with whom they were brought into contact, and the Savars have been too long under the virtual control of the Bhuiyas for it to be at all surprising that they should have adopted the dances characteristic of the latter. The Kolarian races, on the other, hand, have either maintained their isolation and independence or have been brought in contact only with Hindus, whose ideas on the subject of dancing would certainly not commend themselves to a sociable non-Aryan community. Regarding the Bendkar methods of agriculture, Colonel Dalton says that "When first I saw the Bendkar hand-plough it was of wood, only a branch cut with a large piece of the stem, from which it sprung attached, and that shaped so as to give it the appearance of a miniature Native plough; but they have improved on this, and now insert a piece of iron as a share, in further imitation of the Native plough. The implement answers well enough in preparing for seed the light vegetable mould of the forest, to which they confine their cultivation; but in a stiff clay it would be inoperative. The hill Bendkars cultivate kangni (Panicum Italicum), kheri, khodo (Eleusine coracana) or marua, gangoi makai (Zea mays) or maize, a species of coxcomb, the seeds of which they eat, a cereal called siko and a large bean, which is intoxicating or acts as an emetic if eaten raw, but is pleasant and wholesome when well cooked; also urid . They have ordinarily no rice cultivation. They know well and use all the spontaneous edible productions of the forests, and showed me some wild yams, which they largely consume; they take an immensity of cooking." Here the suggestion seems to be that the Bendkar plough was consciously shaped in imitation of the implement in use in India. It is, however, possible, and I think on the whole more probable, that it represents the earliest form of the Indian plough-- a type which, though improved out all recognition in the plains, may still be traced back to the clumsy wooden hoe which the Bendkar drags after him through the light ashes of his plot of jhum land.The social position of the Orissa Savars, like that of many non-Aryan tribes, does not admit of precise definition. Hindus alone are recognized members of the caste system, and the Savars have not yet come to be admitted as members of the Hindu community, though their promotion to that position cannot be deferred. Their first step will doubtless be to provide themselves with Brahmans, as the Savars of Bankura have already done. The latter affect to maintain a high standard of ceremonial purity, and will not take cooked food from the hands of any one except a Brahman. Their pretensions, however, are not admitted by their neighbours and at present their social rank is certainly not higher than of Bagdis, Lohars, Koras, and similar castes who hang on the outskirts of the Hindu social system.

Savar.: -Sawara, Savara, Saonr, Sahra1 (and several other variations. In Bundelkhand the Savars, there called Saonrs, are frequently known by the honorific title of Rawat). A primitive tribe numbering about 70,000 persons in the Central Provinces in 1911, and principally found in the Chhattisgarh Districts and those of Saugor and Damoh. The eastern branch of the tribe belongs chiefly to the Uriya country. The Savars are found in large numbers in the Madras Districts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam and in Orissa. They also live in the Bundelkhand Districts of the United Provinces. The total number of Savars enumerated in India in 1911 was 600,000 of which the Bunkelkhand districts contained about 100,000 and the Uriya country the remainder. The two branches of the tribe are thus separated by a wide expanse of territory. As regards this peculiarity of distribution General Cunningham says: "Indeed there seems good reason to believe that the Savaras were formerly, and that their power lasted down to a comparatively late period, when they were pushed aside by other Kolarian tribes in the north and east, and by the Gonds in the south. In the Saugor District I was informed that the Savaras had formerly fought with the Gonds and that the latter had 2 conquered them by treacherously making them drunk." . Similarly Cunningham notices that the zamindar of Suarmar in Raipur, which name is derived from Savar, is a Gond. A difference of opinion has existed as to whether the Savars were Kolarian or Dravidian so far as their language was concerned, Colonel Dalton adopting the latter view and other authorities the former and correct one. In the Central Provinces the Savars have lost their own language and speak the Aryan Hindi or Uriya vernacular current around them. But in Madras they still retain their original speech, which is classified by Sir G. Grierson as Mundari or Kolarian. He says "The most southerly forms of Munda speech are those spoken by the Savars and Gadabas of the north-east of Madras. The former have been identified with the Suari of Pliny and the Sabarae of Ptolemy. A wild tribe of the same name is mentioned in Sanskrit literature, even so far back as in late Vedic times, as inhabiting the Deccan, so that the name 3 at least can boast great antiquity." As to the origin of the name Savar, General Cunningham says that it must be sought for outside the language of the Aryans. "In Sanskrit 'savara' simply means 'a corpse'. From Herodotus, however, we learn that the Scythian word for an axe was savar is the same word as sagar. It seems therefore not unreasonable to infer that the tribe who were so called took their name from their habit of carrying axes. Now it is one of the striking peculiarities of the Savars that they are rarely seen without an axe in their hands. 4 The peculiarity has been frequently noticed by all who have seen them." The above opinion of Cunningham, which is of course highly speculative, is disputed by Mr. Crooke, who says that "The word Savara, if it is as some believe, derived from sava a corpse, comes from the root sav 'to cause to decay,' and need not necessarily therefore be of non-Aryan origin, while on the other hand no distinct inference can be drawn from the use of the axe by the Savars, when it is equally used by various other Dravidian jungle tribes such as the Korwas, Bhuiyas 5 and the like." . In the classical stories of their origin the first ancestor of the Savara is sometimes in several Sanskrit works written between 800 B.C. and A.D, 1200, and it seems probable that they are a Munda tribe who occupied the tracts of country which they live in prior to the arrival of the Gonds. The classical name Savar has been corrupted into various forms. Thus in the Bundeli dialect 'ava' changes into 'av' and a nasal is sometimes interpolated. Savar has here become Saunr or Saonr. The addition of 'a' at the end of the word sometimes expresses contempt, and Savar becomes Savara as Chamar is corrupted into Chamra . In the Uriya country 'v' is changed into 'b' and an aspirate is interpolated, and thus 1 . See Russell. This article is principally based on papers by Munshi Gopinath, Naib-Tahsildar, Sonpur, Mr. Kaluram Pachore, Assistant Settlement Officer, Samtalpur, and Mr. Hira Lal, Assistant Gazetteer Superintendent. 2 . Archaological Reports, vol. xvii. pp. 120, 122. 3 . India Census Report (1901), p. 283.. 4 . Archaological Reports vol. xvii. p.113. 5 . Crooke's Tribes and Castes of N. W. P. , art. Savara. Savara became Sabra or Sahara, as Gaur has become Gahra. The word Sahara, Mr. Crooke remarks, has excited speculation as to its derivation from Arabic, in which Sahara means a wilderness; and the name of the Savars has accordingly been deduced from the same source as the great Sahara desert. This is of course incorrect. Various stories of the origin of the Savars are given in Sanskrit literature. In the Aitareya Brahmana they are spoken of as the descendants of Vishwamitra, while in the Mahabharat they are said to have been created by Kamdhenu, Vasishtha's wonder-working cow, in order to repel the aggression of Vishwamitra. Local tradition traces their origin to the celebrated Seori of the Ramayana, who is supposed to have lived somewhere near the present Seori-narayan in the Bilaspur District and to have given her name to this place. Ramchandra in his wanderings met her there, ate the plums which she had gathered for him after tasting each one herself, and out of regard for her devotion permitted her name to precede his own of Narayan in that given to the locality. Another story makes one Jara Savar their original ancestor, who was said to have shot Krishna in the form of a deer. Another states that they were created for carrying stones for the construction of the great temple at Puri and for dragging the litter of Jagannath, which they still do at the present time. Yet another connecting them with the temple of Jagannath states that their ancestor was an old Bhil hermit called Sawar, who lived in Karod, two miles from Seorinarayan. The god Jagannath had at this time appeared in Seorinarayan and the old Sawar used to worship him. The king of Orissa had built the great temple at Puri and wished to install Jagannath in it, and he sent a Brahman to fetch him from Seorinarayan, but nobody knew where he was except the old hermit Sawar. The Brahman besought him in vain to be allowed to see the god and even went so far as to marry his daughter, and finally the old man consented to take him blindfold to the place. The Brahman, however, tied some mustard seeds in a corner of his cloth and made a hole in it so that they dropped out one by one on the way. After some time they grew up and served to guide him to the spot. This story of the mustard seeds of course finds a place in the folklore of many nations. The Brahman then went to Seorinarayan alone and assuming the form of a log of wood floated down the Mahanadi to Puri, where he was taken out and placed in the temple. A carpenter agreed to carve the god's image out of the log of wood on condition that the temple should be shut up for six months while the work was going on. But some curious people opened the door before the time and the work could not proceed, and thus the image of the god is only half carved out of the wood up to the present day. As a consolation to the old man the god ordained that the place should bear the hermit's name before his own as Seorinarayan. Lastly the Saonrs of Bundelkhand have the following tradition. In the beginning of creation Mahadeo wished to teach the people how to cultivate the ground, and so he made a plough and took out his bull Nandi to yoke to it. But there was dense forest on the earth, so he

created a being whom he called Savar and gave him an axe to clear the forest. In the meantime Mahadeo went away to get another bullock. The Savar after clearing the forest felt very hungry, and finding nothing else to eat killed Nandi and ate his flesh on a teak leaves, which, when rubbed give out sap which is the colour of blood to the present day. After some time Mahadeo returned, and finding the forest well cleared was pleased with the Savar, and as a reward endowed him with the knowledge of all edible and medicinal roots and fruits of the forest. But on looking round for Nandi he found him lying dead with some of his flesh cut off. The Savar pleaded ignorance, but Mahadeo sprinkled a little nectar on Nandi, who came to life again and told what had happened. Then Mahadeo was enraged with the Savar and said, 'You shall remain a barbarian and dwell for ever in poverty in the jungles without enough to eat.' And accordingly this has always been the condition of the Savar's descendants. Other old authors speak of the Parna or leaf-clad Savars; and a Savar messenger is described as carrying a bow in his hand "with his tied up in a knot behind with a creeper, black himself, and wearing a loin-cloth of bhilawan leaves 2 ", an example of 'a leaf-fringed legend.' . 1Tribes and Castes of N. W. P., art. Savara. . 2 Tribes and Cates of Bengal, art. Savar The Bundelkhand Savars have been so long separated from the others that they have sometimes forgotten their identity and consider themselves as a subtribe of the Gonds, though the better informed repudiate this. They may be regarded as a separate endogamous group. The eastern branch have two main devisions called Laria and Uriya, or those belonging to Chhattisgarh and Sambalpur respectively. A third division known as the Kalapithia or 'Black Backs' are found in Orissa, and are employed to drag the litter of Jagannath. These on account of their sacred occupation consider themselves superior to the others, abstain from fowls and liquor, and sometimes wear the sacred thread. The Larias are the lowest subdivision. Marriage is regulated by exogamous septs or bargas . The northern Savars say that they have 52 of these, 52 being a number frequently adopted to express the highest possible magnitude, as if no more could be imagined. The Uriya Savars say they have 80 bargas. Besides the prohibition of marriage within the same barga, the union of first cousins is sometimes forbidden. Among the Uriya Savars each has the two further divisions of Joria and Khuntia, the Jorias being those who bury or burn them near a khhunt or old tree. Joris and Khuntias of the same barga cannot intermarry, but in the case of some other subdivisions of the barga as between those who eat rice at one festival in the year and those eating it at two, marriage is allowed between menbers of the two subdivisions, thus splitting the exogamous group into two. The names of the bargas are usually totemistic, and the following are some examples: Badaiya, the carpenter bird; Bagh, the tiger; Bagula, the heron; Bahra, a cook; Bhatia, a brinjal or egg-plant; Bisi the scorpion; Basantia, the trunk of the cotton tree; Hathia, an elephant; Jancher, a tree (this barga is divided into Bada and Kachcha, the Bada worshipping the tree and the Kachcha a branch of it, and marriage between the two subdivisions is allowed); Jharia (this barga keeps a lock of a child's hair unshaved for four or five years after its birth); Juadi, a gambler; Karsa, a deer: Khairaiya, the Khair or catechu tree; Lodhi, born from the caste of that name (in Saugor); Markam, the name of a Gond sept; Rajhans, a swan; Suriya Bansia, from the sun (members of this barga feed the caste-fellows on the occasion of a solar eclipse and throw away their earthen post); Silgainya from sil , a slate; and Tiparia from tipari , a basket (these two septs are divided into Kachcha and Pakka groups which can marry with each other); Sona, gold (a member of this sept does not wear gold ornaments until he given a feast and a caste-fellow has placed one on his person). Marriage is usually adult, but in places the Savars live near Hindus they have adopted early marriage. A reason for preferring the latter custom is found in the marriage ceremony, when the bride and bridegroom must be carried on the shoulders of their relatives from the bride's house to the bridegroom's. If they are grown up, this part of the ceremony entails no inconsiderable labour on the relatives. In the Uriya country, while the Khuntia subdivision of each barga sees nothing wrong in marrying a girl after adolescence, the Jorias consider it a great sin, to avoid which they sometimes marry a girl to an arrow before she attains puberty. An arrow is tied to her hand, and she goes seven times round a mahua branch stuck on an improvised altar, and drinks ghi and oil, thus creating the fiction of marriage. If this mock ceremony has not been performed before the girl becomes adult, she is taken to the forest by a relative and there tied to a tree, to which she is considered to be married. She is not taken back to her father's house but to that of some relative, such as her brother-in-law or grandfather, who is permitted to talk to her in an obscene and jesting manner, and is subsequently disposed of as a widow. Or in Sambalpur she may be nominally married to an old man and then again married as a window. The Savars follow generally the local Hindu form of the marriage ceremony. On the return of the entrance to the bridegroom's house. Some relative takes rice and throw it at the persons returning with the marriage procession, and then pushes the pair hastily across the lines and into the house. They are thus freed from the evil spirits who might have accompanied them home and who are kept back by the rice and the seven lines. A price of Rs. 5 is sometimes paid for the bride. In Saugor if the bride's family cannot afford a wedding feast they distribute small pieces of bread to the guests, who place them in their head-cloths to show their acceptance of this substitute. In some places the widow is bound to marry her late husband's younger brother unless he declines to take her. If she marries somebody else the new husband pays a sum by way of compensation either to her father or to the late husband's family. Divorce is permitted on the husband's initiative for adultery or serious disagreement. If the wife wishes a divorce she simply runs away from her husband. The Laria Savars must give a marti-jiti ka bhat or death-feast on the occasion of a divorce. The Uriyas simply pay a rupee to the headman of the caste. The Savars both burn and bury their dead, placing the corpse on the pyre with its head to the north, in the belief that heaven lies in that direction. On the eleventh day after the death in Sambalpur those members of the caste who can afford it present a goat to the mourners. The Savars believe souls of those who die become ghosts, and in Bundelkhand they used formerly to bury the dead near their fields in the belief that the spirits would watch over and protect the crops. If a man has died a violent death they raise a small platform of earth under a teak or saj tree, in which the ghost of the dead man is believed to take up its residence and nobody thereafter may cut down that tree. The Uriya Savars take no special measures unless the ghost appears to somebody in a dream and asks to be worshipped as Baghiapat (tiger-eaten) or Masan (serpent-bitten). In such cases a gunia or sorcerer is consulted, and such measures as he prescribes are taken to appease the dead man's soul. If a person dies without a child a hole is made in stone, and his soul is induced to enter it by the gunia. A few grains of rice are placed in the hole, and it is then closed with melted lead to imprison the ghost, and the stone is thrown into a stream so that is may never be able to get

out and trouble the family. Savars offer water to the dead. A second wife usually wears a metal impression of the first wife by way of propitiation to her. The Savars worship Bhawani under various names and also Dulha Deo, the young bridegroom who was killed by a tiger. He is located in the kitchen of every house in some localities, and this has given rise to the proverb, 'Jar chulha, tai Dulha,' or 'There is a Dulha Deo to every hearth.' The Savars are considered to be great sorcerers. 'Sawara ke pange, Rawat ke bandhe,' '"The man bewitched by a Savar and the bullock tied up by a Rawat (grazier) cannot escape"; and again, 'verily the Saonr is a cup of poison.' Their charms, called Sabari mantras, are especially intended to appease the spirits of persons who have died a violent death. If one of their family was seriously ill they were accustomed formerly to set fire to the forest, so that by burning the small animals and insects which could not escape they might propitiate the angry gods. The dress of the Savars is of the scantiest form. The women wear khilwan or pith ornaments in the ear, and abstain from wearing nose-rings, a traditional method of deference to the higher castes. The proverb has it, 'The ornaments of the Sawara are gumchi seeds.' These are the red and black seeds of Abrus precatorius which are used in weighing gold and silver and are called rati . Women are tattooed and sometimes men also to avoid being pierced with a red-hot iron by the god of death. Tattooing is further said to allay the sexual passion of women, which is eight times more intense than that of men. Their occupations are the collection of jungle produce and cultivation. They are very clever in taking honeycombs: 'It is the Savar who can drive the black bees from their hive.' The eastern branch of the caste is more civilised than the Saonras of Bundelkhand, who still sow juari with a pointed stick, saying that it was the implement given to them by Mahadeo for this purpose. In Saugor and Damoh they employ Brahmans for marriage ceremonies if they can afford it, but on other occasions they use their own caste priests. In some places they will take food from most castes but in others from nobody who is not a Savar. Sometimes they admit outsiders and in others the children only of irregular unions; thus a Gond woman kept by a Savar would not be recognised as a member of the caste herself but her children would be Savars. A woman going wrong with an outsider of low caste is permanently ex-communicated.

Savara.: -Saura, Sowra1. The Savara or Sowra is a Dravidian cultivating and more or less servile tribe inhabiting the hills of Orissa, Chota Nagpur, Western Bengal, Madras, Ganjam and the Central Provinces. On Linguistic grounds certain authorities are inclined to place this tribe amongst the Kolarian group. The language, however, yields only meagre and inconclusive evidence, while it may be considered tolerably certain that the Savaras, scattered and partially Hinduised as they are, represent the main body of an ancient race, an isolated fragment of which still survives in the Male or Sour of the Ramahal Hills. The tribe at the present day is very widely diffused, and local tradition ascribes to the Savars, the conquest of the Cheros, and their expulsion from t˙e Plateau of Shahabad in about the year 421 of the Salivahana era, or A.D. 500. A number of ancient monuments in the Shahabad district are still put down to the Savars or Suris, who are suposed to have been driven south by the inroad of Rajputs under the Bhojpur Chief, which appears to have ended their rule. The Savara is said by some to be a descendant of the sons of Vismavitra, who were cursed to become impure by their father for an act of disobedience. There are certain legends in Sanskrit litetature, with regard to their origin, and as these have a certain bearing in the religion practised by these people, it may not be out of place here to relate some of those which are more generally known. In the Aitareya Brahmana also, they are spoken of as the descendants of Vishmavitra, while in the Mahabarat they are said to have been created by Kamdhenu, Vashistha's wonder cow, in order to repel the aggression of Vishmavitra. One authority states that Jara Savar was their origimal ancestor who was said to have shot Krishna in the form of a deer. Another suggests that they were created for the purpose of carrying stones for the construction of the great temple at Puri, and for dragging the car of Jagannath, which certain sections of the tribe do even up to the present time in the performence of their religious ceremonies. The following rather interesting legend is also related. In the beginning of creation Mahadeo wished to teach the people how to cultivate the ground, so he made a plough and took out his bull Nandi to yoke to it. But there was a dense forest on the earth, so he created a being whom he called a Savar, and gave him an axe to clear the forest. In the meantime, Mahadeo went away to get another bullock. The Savar after clearing the forest felt very hungry and finding nothing else to eat, killed Nandi and ate his flesh on a teak leaf, and for this reason the young teak leaves when rubbed give out sap which is the colour of blood. After some time Mahadeo returned, and finding the forest well cleared was pleased with the Savar, and as a reward endowed him with the knowledge of all edible and medicinal roots and fruits of the forest. But on looking round for Nandi he found him lying dead with some of his flesh cut off. The Saver pleaded ignouance, but Mahadeo sprinkled a little water on Nandi who came to life again and told what had happened. Mahadeo was then enraged with the Savar and cursed him saying "Ye will remain in the jungles with never enough to eat, scantily clothed, and occupying a servile position for the remainder of your days." Appearance and Customs. In appearance the Savara man is rather small in statrue, but strongly and sturdily built. His physique is in every way superior to the Ooriya of the plains. He has a manly bearing and accustomed as he is roaming the virgin forest and hunting while living primitive, self-willed and independant to an extent seldom found in the Plains. He undoubtedly shares many of the good and bad qualities of his cousin, the Munda, and in fact some authorities are of opinion that the two tribes are much more closely allied than has ever been proved. The languages spoken bear a certain similarity also, though this fact may not be considered as indicating relationship. The women folk in certain parts are reported to wear but scanty, if any, clothing. 1See Mr. J. Buchanan account in the Hand Book.They garb themselves in a wreath of twigs and leaves supported by a string from the waist. One case is reported of a Savara woman, who was persuaded to wear clothes. In a short time, however, she took ill, and her friends insisted on a return to the former and more naked state. She then recovered and on no other occasion could she or any other female members of her tribe be persuaded to conform to the more civilized conventions. The Savaras near Ganjam and Mehendragiri are small and wiry, dark in colour and sometimes quite black. The hair is usually tied in a top knot and is sometimes cut short over the forehead, two long locks being permitted to hang over the ears. They are of a happy and cheery disposition, indulging much in dancing and sports of all kinds. They are extremely superstitious and are of a very enquiring disposition. The weapons in use while

hunting are mainly the axe and the bow and arrows and with these they are wonderfully accurate. The arrow has also some religious significance, as will be seen in the description of their marriage customs. The bulk of the tribe have taken to cultivation and massed themselves in villages, but the Bendkhar Savara of Khannighar still adheres to the nomadic habits which their traditions describe. In their natural state the Savaras build their houses on a machan some two or three feet above the ground. The houses are the usual "kutcha" type of bamboos and thatch. It is further stated that in many cases they build their houses actually across the chasms, and their reason for selecting such sites is in order that they may quietly make their escape in the event of an attack by dropping through the floor of the house into the stream beneath and thence make their way into the jungle by devious paths. The villages are usually built in the midst of vast jungles. When selecting a site for a new house the Maliah Savars place on the proposed site as many grains of rice as there are married members of the family. These are examined next day and if found undisturbed the house is built. The Savaras are extremely illiterate and cannot or will not count above 12. It is said that in one occasion some cultivators were measuring up their crop and counted to 13. On that instant a tiger leapt on them and killed some of them and since then they have carefully avoided counting above 12 for fear of some similar calamity occurring. Religion. The Savaras of Bankura having become thoroughly Hinduised, Brahmans serve them as Priests in the worship of the standard Gods, they offer up goats and fowls as sacrifices, at the hands of the elders of the elders of the community, who have not yet been supplanted in their offices by the professional Brahmans. Sub-castes. The Hill Savaras, the Jati Savaras or Malia Savaras consider themselves superior to the other divisions. They will eat the flesh of a buffalo but not of a cow. Arsi, Arisi or Lambo Lanjiya. Arsi means monkey and Lombo Lanjiya (Lumba Lanjia) meaning long-tailed is the name by which members of the section are called in reference to the long piece of cloth which the males allow to hang down behind. The Luara (Lohara) or Muli. These are the workers in iron who make arrow heads and other articles. Kindal. Basket makers, who manufacture rough baskets for holding grain. Jadu. Said to be a name among the Savaras for the hill country beyond Kollakota and Puttasinghi. It is considered possible, however, that this word may be the same as is used in most parts of Assam, indicating witchcraft. Kumbi or Potters. These make the earthen vessels which are used for cooking, etc., and for use during religious festivals. Among the Uriya Savars each bharga has two further divisions of Joria and Khuntia-- the Jhorias bury their dead near a Jhor or brook and the Khuntias near a:"Khunt" or old tree. Jhorias and Khuntias do not intermarry. Marriage. A Savara seldom takes more than two wives though no actual limit is set as to the number of wives a man may take. In Orissa (but not in Bankura), a widow may marry again but is ordinarily expected to marry her first husband's younger brother or cousin. No compulsion, however, is exercised in the matter and she may marry anyone she pleases provided that she returns to her father's house and remains there unmarried for a year. No regular ceremony is ordained for use on such occasions and the union is celebrated by a feast given to the relatives of both parties. Divorce is permitted for adultery, and if the relatives find it impossible or inadvisable to effect a reconcilation between the parties they formally escort the woman to the house of her father or guardian and leave her there. The manner of taking the first wife is as follows: "When the parents of a young man consider it time to seek a bride for him, they make enquiries and consult their relatives and friends as to a suitable girl. The girl's parents are informally apprised of their selection. On a certain day the male relatives of the youth go to the girl's house to make a proposal of marriage. Her parents having received previous notice of the visit leave the door of the house open or closed according to whether they approve or disapprove of the match. If the girl's parents object to the match they remain silent and will not touch the liquor brought by the visitors, who then go away. Should they, however, approve of the match, they charge the visitors with intruding, shower abuse upon them and beat them in some cases so severely that blood is shed. This ill-treatment is borne cheerfully and without resistance, as it is a sign that the girl's hand will eventually be bestowed on the young man. The liquor is placed on the floor and after more abuse, all present partake thereof. If the girl's parents refuse to give her in marriage after the performance of this ceremony, they have to pay a penalty to the parents of the disappointed suitor". Two or three days later the young man's relatives go a second time to the girl's house, taking with them three pots of liquor, and a bundle composed of as many arrows as there are male members in the girl's family. The liquor is drunk and the arrows presented, one to each male. After an interval of some days a third visit is paid, and three pots of liquor, smeared with turmeric paste, and a quantity of turmeric are taken to the house. The liquor is drunk and the turmeric paste smeared over the back and haunches of the girl's relatives. Sometime afterwards the actual marriage ceremony takes place. The bridegroom's party proceed to the house of the bride, dancing and singing to the accompaniment of all the musical instruments with the exception of the drum, which is only played at funerals. With them they take twenty big pots of liquor, a pair of brass bangles and a cloth for the bride's mother, and head cloths for the father, brothers and other male relatives. When everything is ready the priest is called in. One of the pots is decorated and an arrow is fixed in the ground at its side. The priest then repeats prayers to the invisible spirits and ancestors, and pours some of the liquor into leaf cups prepared in the names of the ancestors (Jojonji and Yoyonji, male and female), and the chiefs of the village. This liquor is considered very sacred and is sprinkled from a leaf over the shoulders and feet of the elders present. The father of the bride then addresses the priest saying "Boya, I have drunk the liquor brought by the bridegroom's father, and thereby accepted his proposal for a marriage between his son and my daughter. I do not know whether the girl will afterwards agree to go to her husband or not, therefore, it is well that you should ask her openly to speak out her mind." The priest accordingly asks the girl if she has any objection and she replies, "My father and mother all my relatives have drunk the bridegroom's liquor. I am a Savara. Why then should I not marry him?" All the people present then declare that they are now husband and wife. This done, the big pot of liquor which has been set aside from the rest, is taken into the bride's house. This pot, with another pot of liquor purchased at the expense of the bride's father, is given to the bridegroom's party when they retire. Every householder receives the bridegroom and his party at his house, and offers them liquor, rice and flesh, which they cannot refuse to partake of without giving offence. In the event of two or more wives being kept the wives live separately each in her own house with a plot of land attached, which she looks after and cultivates by herself with no help or interference from the other wives. On no account will one wife help another wife to cultivate her plot and the grain produced from the plots is kept separately by each wife. All wives cooperate, however, in the cultivation and harvesting of the paddy fields owned by the husband. During large feasts it appears that the Savaras give themselves up to

much sensuality and on these occasions there is promiscuous intercourse, leading in many cases to fighting and bloodshed. The original custom appears to have been for each man to take his wife by force and carry her to his house. If she liked him she remained with him, if not she ran away. He would then bring her back. If she ran way three times he abandoned her. On the occasion of a widow re-marrying, a religious ceremony must be performed, during which a pig is sacrificed. The fresh kill with some liquor is offered to the ghost of the widow's deceased husband and prayers offered up by the "Boyas" to propitiate the ghost, so that it may not torment the woman and her second husband. When a divorcee marries another man, her former husband pounces upon him, shoots his buffalo or pig and takes it to his house. Besides the prohibition of marriage within the same Barga, the union of first cousins is sometimes forbidden. It is interesting to note that this is not always forbidden as is the case with most other Hindu castes and one is inclined to think that this places beyond doubt the social status of this caste, for it is only among the lower castes that this custom is permitted. Marriage is usually adult, but in places where the Savars have lived near Hindus they have adopted early marriage. The usual Hindu practice of carrying at least the bride (and sometimes the bridegroom also) to the bridegroom's house is in vogue also amongst this caste. In the Uriya country the Jorias consider it a great sin for anyone to marry a girl after adolescence. To avoid this they sometimes marry a girl to an arrow before she attains puberty. An arrow is tied to her hand and a fiction of marriage is thereupon performed. The arrow is then thrown or shot into a river to imply that her husband is dead or she is afterwards disposed of by the ceremony of widow marriage.

Savara.: -The Savaras, Sawaras, or Saoras, are an important hill-bribe in Ganjam and 1 Vizagapatam . The name is derived by General Cunnigham from the Scythain sagar, an axe, in reference to the axe which they carry in their hands. In Sanskrit, sabara or savara means a mountaineer, barbarian, or savage. The tribe has been identified by various authorities with the Suari of Pliny and Sabarai of Ptolemy. " Towards the Ganges," the latter writes, " are the Sabari, in whose country the diamond found in great abundance." This diamond-producing country is located by Cunningham near Sambalpur in the Central Provinces. In one of his grants, Nandivarma Pallavamalla, a Pallava king, claims to have released the hostile king of the Sabaras, Udayana by name, and captured his mirror-banner made of pea-cock's feathers. The Rev. T. Foulkes * identifies the Sabaras of this copper-plate grant with the Savaras of the eastern ghats. But Dr. E. Hultzsch, who has re-edited the grant, + is of opinion that these Sabaras cannot be identified with the Savaras. The Aitareya Brahmana of the Rig-veda makes the Savaras the descendants of the sons of Visvamitra, who were cursed to become impure by their father for an act of disobedience, while the Ramayana describes them as having emanated from the body of Vasishta's cow to fight against the sage Visvamitra. The language of the Savaras is included by Mr.G. A. Grierson+ in the Munda family. It has, he writes, " been largely influenced by Telugu, and is no longer an unmixed form of speech. It is most closely related to Kharia and Juang, but in some characteristics differs from them, and agrees with the various dialects of the language which has in this (linguistic) survey been described under the denomination of Kherwari.1See Thurston." The Savaras are described by Mr. F. Fawcett * as being much more industrious than the Khonds. " Many a time," he writes, " have I tried to find a place for an extra paddy (rice) field might be made, but never with success. It is not too much to say that paddy is grown on every available foot of arable ground, all the hill streams being utilized for this purpose. From almost the very tops of the hills, in fact from wherever the springs are, there are paddy fields; at the top of every small area a few square yards, the front perpendicular revetment [of large masses of stones ] sometimes as large in area as the area of the field; and;larger and lager, down are hillside, taking every advantage of every available foot of ground there are fields below fields to the bottoms of the valleys. The Saoras show remarkable engineering skill in justice. They seem to construct them in the most impossible p;aces, and certainly at the expense of great lobour. Yet, with all their superior activity and industry, the Saoras are decidedly physically inferior to the Khonds. It seems hard the Saoras should not be allowed to reap the benefit of their industry, but must give half of it to the parasitic Bissoyis and their retainers. The greater part of the Saoras' hills have been denuded of forest owing to the persistent hacking down of tress for the purpose of growing dry crops, so much that, in places, the hills look almost bare in the dry weather. Nearly all the jungle (mostly sal, Shorea robusta ) is cut down every few years. When the Saoras want to work a piece of new ground, where the jungle has been allowed to grow for a few years, the trees are cut down, and, when dry, burned, and the ground is grubbed up by the women with a kind of hoe. The hoe is used on the steep hill sides, where the ground is very stony and rocky, and the stumps of the felled tress are numerous, and the plough cannot be used. In the paddy fields, or on any flat ground, they use plough of lighter and simpler make than those used in the plains. They use cattle for ploughing." It is noted by Mr. G.V. Ramamurti Pantulu, in an article on the Savaras, that " in some cases the Bissoyi, who was originally a feudatory chief under the authority of the zemindar, and in other cases the zemindar claims a fixed rent in kind or cash, or both. Subject to the rents payable to the Bissoyis, the Savaras under them are said to exercise their right to sell or mortgage their lands. Below the ghats, in the plains, the Savara has lost his right, and the mustajars or the renters to whom the Savara villages are farmed out take half of whatever crops are raided by the Savaras." Mr. Ramamurti states further that a new-comer should obtain the permission of the Gomongo (headman) and the Boya before he can reclaim any jungle hand, and that at the time of sale or mortgage, the village elders should be present, and partake of the flesh of the pig sacrificed on the occasion. In some places, the Savaras are said to be entirely in the power of Paidi settlers from the plains, who seize their entire produce on the plea of debts contracted at a usurious rate of interests. In recent years, some Savaras emigrated to Assam to work in the tea-gardens. But emigration has now stopped by edict. The sub-divisions among the Savaras, which, so far as I can gather, are recognised, are a follows: Hill Savaras. (1). Savara, Jati Savara (Savara par excellence), or Maliah Savara. They regard themselves as superior to the other divisions. They will eat the flesh of the buffalo, but not of the cow. (2). Aris, Arisi, or Lombo Lanjiya. Arsi means monkey, and Lombo Lanjiya, indicating long-tailed, is the name by which members of this section are called, in reference to the long piece of cloth, which the males allow to hang down. The occupation is said to be weaving the coarse cloths worn by members of the tribe, as well as agriculture. (3). Luara or Muli. Workers in iron, who make arrow heads, and other articles. (4). Kindal Basket-makers, who manufacture rough baskets for holding grain. (5). Jadu. Said to be a name among the Savaras for

the hill country beyond Kollakota and Puttasingi. (6). Kumbi. Potters who make earthen pots. "These pots," Mr. Fawcett writes, "are made in a few villages in the Saora hills. Earthen vessels are used for cooking, or for hanging up in houses as fetishes of ancestral spirits or certain deities." Savaras of the low country. (7). Kapu (denoting cultivator), or Pallapu. (8). Suddho (good). It has been noted that the pure Savara tribes have restricted themselves to the tracts of hill and jungle-covered valleys. But, as the plains are approached, traces of amalgamation become apparent, resulting in a hybrid race, whose appearance and manners differ but little from those of the ordinary denizens of the low country. The Kapu Savaras are said to retain many of the Savara customs, whereas the Suddho Savaras have adopted the language and customs of the Oriya castes. The Kapu section is sometimes called Kudunga or Baseng, and the latter name is said by Mr. Ramamurti to be derived from the Savara word basi, salt. It is, he states, applied to the plains below the ghats, as, in the fairs held there, salt is purchased by the Savaras of the hills, and the name is used to designate the Savaras living there. A class name Kampu is referred to by Mr. Ramamurti, who says that the name "implies that the Savaras of this class have adopted the customs of the Hindu Kampus (Oriya for Kapu). Kudumba is another name by which they are known, but it is reported that there is a subdivision if them called by this name." He further refers to Bobbili and Bhima as the names of distinct sub-divisions. Bobbili is a town in the Vizagapatam district, and Bhima was the second of the five Pandava brothers. In an account of the Maliya Savarulu, published in the 'Catalogue Raisonne of Oriental Manuscripts,' it is recorded that "they build houses over mountain torrents, previously throwing trees across the chasms; and these houses are in the midst of forests of fifty or more miles in extent. The reason of choosing such situations is stated to be in order that they may more readily escape by passing underneath their houses, and through the defile,. in the event of any disagreement and hostile attack in reference to other rulers or neighbours. They cultivate independently, and pay tax and tribute to no one. If the zemindar of the neighbourhood troubles them for tribute, they go in a body to his house by night, set it on fire, plunder, and kill; and then retreat, with their entire households, into the wilds and fastnesses. They do in like manner with any of the zemindars who are troublesome to them. If they are courted, and a compact is made with them, they will then abstain from any wrong or disturbance. If the zemindar, unable to bear with them, raises troops and proceeds to destroy their houses, they escape underneath by a private way, as above mentioned. The invaders usually burn the houses, and retire." The modern Savara settlement is described by Mr. Fawcett as having two rows of huts parallel and facing each other. "Huts," he writes, " are generally built of upright pieces of wood stuck in the ground, 6 or 8 inches apart, and the intervals filled in with stones and mud laid alternately, and the whole plastered over with red mud. Huts are invariably built a few feet above the level of the ground, often, when the ground is very uneven, 5 feet above the ground in front. Roofs are always thatched with grass. There is usually but one door, near one end wall; no windows or ventilators, every chink being filled up. In front of the doorway there is room for six or eight people to stand, and there is a loft, made by cross-beams, about 5 feet from the floor, on which grain is stored in baskets, and under which the inmates crawl to do their cooking. Bits of sun-dried buffalo meat and bones, not smelling over-sweet, are suspended from the rafters, or here and there stuck in between the rafters and the thatch; knives, a tangi (battle-axe), a sword and bows and arrows may also be seen stuck in somewhere under the thatch. Agricultural implements may be seen, too, small ones stuck under the roof or on the loft, and larger ones against the wall. As in Ireland, the pig is of sufficient importance to have a room in the house. There is generally merely a low wall between the pig's room and the rest of the house, and a separate door, so that it may go in and out without going through that part of the house occupied by the family. Rude drawings are very common in Saora houses. They are invariably, if not always, in some way that I could never clearly apprehend, connected with one of the fetishes in the house." "When," Mr. Ramamurti writes, "a tiger enters a cottage, sacrifices are offered to some spirits by all the inhabitants. The prevalence of small-pox in a village requires its abandonment. A succession of calamities leads to the same result. If a Savara has a number of wives, each of them sometimes requires a separate house, and the house sites are frequently shifted according to the caprice of the women. The death or disease of cattle is occasionally followed by the desertion of the house." When selecting a site for a new dwelling hut, the Maliah Savaras place on the proposed site as many grains of rice in pairs as there are married members in the family, and cover them over with a cocoanut shell. They are examined on the following day, and, if they are all there, the site is considered auspicious. Among the Kapu Savaras, the grains of rice are folded up in leaflets of the bale tree (AEgle Marmelos), and placed in split bamboo. It is recorded by Mr. Fawcett, in connection with the use of the duodecimal system by the Savaras that "on asking a Gomango how he reckoned when selling produce to the Panos, he began to count on his fingers. In order to count 20, he began in the left foot (he was squatting), and counted 5; then with the left hand 5 more; then with the two first fingers of the right hand he made 2 more, i. e., 12 altogether; then with the thumb of the right hand and the other two fingers of the same, and the toes of the right foot he made 8 more . And so it was always. They have names for numerals up to 12 only, and to count 20 always count first twelve and then eight in the manner described, except that they may begin on either hand or foot. To count 50 or 60, they count by twenties, and put down a stone or some mark for their numerals being limited to 12." The Savaras are described by Mr. Fawcett as "below the middle height; face rather flat; lips thick; nose broad and flat; cheek bones high; eyes slightly oblique. They are as fair as the Uriyas, and fairer than the Telugus of the plains. Not only is the Saora shorter and fairer than other hill people, but his face is distinctly Mongolian, the obliquity of the eyes being sometimes very marked, and the inner corners of the eyes are generally very oblique. [The Mongolian type is clearly brought out in the illustration.] The Saora's endurance in going up and down hills, whether carrying heavy loads or not is wonderful. Four Saoras have been known to carry a 10-stone man in a chair straight up a 3,800 feet hill without relief, and without rest. Usually, the Saora's dress (his full dress) consists of a large bunch of feathers (generally white) stuck in his hair on the crown of his head, a coloured cloth round his head as a turban, and worn much on the back of the head, and folded tightly, so as to be a good protection to the head. When feathers are not worn, the hair is tied on the top of the head, or a little at the side of it. A piece of flat brass is another head ornament. It is stuck in the hair, which is tied in a knot at the crown of the head, at an angle of about 40 from the perpendicular, and its waving up and down motion as a man walks has a curious effect. 3 Another head ornament is a piece wood, about 8 or 9 inches in length and 4 inch in diameter, with a flat button about 2 inches in diameter on the top, all covered with hair or coloured thread, and down in the same position as the flat piece of brass. A peacock's feather, or one or two of the

tail feathers of the jungle cock, may be often seen stuck in the knot of hair on the top of the head. A cheroot or two, perhaps half smoked, may often be seen sticking in the hair of a man or woman, to be used again when wanted. They also smoke pipes, and the old women seem particularly fond of them. Round the Saora's neck are brass and bead necklaces. A man will wear as many as thirty necklaces at a time, or rather necklaces of various lengths passed as many as thirty times round his neck. Round the Saora's waist, is tied a cloth with coloured ends hanging in front and behind. When a cloth on the body is worn, it is usually worn crossed in front. The women wear necklaces like the men. Their hair is tied at the back of the head, and is sometimes confined with a fillet. They were only one cloth, tied round the waist. During feasts, or when dancing, they generally wear a cloth over their heads, and an earring of silver in the right nostril, and every female wears a similar ring in each nostril, and in the septum. As I have been told, these rings are put in the nose on the eighth or tenth day after birth. Bangles are often worn by men and women. Anklets, too are sometimes worn by the women. Brass necklets and many other ornaments, are made in Saora hills by the Gangsis, a low tribe of workers in brass. The Saora's weapons are the bow, sometimes ornamented with peacock's feathers, sword, dagger, and tangi. The bow used by the Saoras is much smaller than the bow used by any of the other hill people. It is generally about 3;r 2 feet long, and the arrows from 18 to 21 inches. The bow is always made of bamboo, and so is the string. The arrows are reeds tipped with iron, and leathered on two sides only. A blunt-headed arrow is used for shooting birds. Every saora can use the bow from boyhood, and can shoot straight up to 25 or 30 yards." As regards the marriage customs of the Savaras, Mr. Fawcett writes that "a Saora may marry a woman of his own or of any other village. A man may have as many as three wives, or, if he is a man of importance, such as Gomango of a large village, he may have four. Not that there is any law in the matter, but it is considered that three or at most four, are as many as a man can manage. For his first marriage, a man chooses a young woman he fancies; his other wives are perhaps her sisters, or other women who have cone to him. A woman may leave her husband whenever she pleases. Her husband cannot prevent her. When a woman leaves her husband to join herself to another, the other pays the husband she has left a buffalo and a pig. Formerly, it is said, if he did not pay up, the man she left would kill the man to whom she went. Now arbitration comes into play. I believe a man usually takes a second wife after his first has had a child; if he did so before, the first wife would say he was impotent. As the getting of the first wife is more troublesome and expensive than getting the others, she is treated the best. In some places, all a man's wives are said to live together peaceably, though it is not the custom in the Kolakotta villages. Knowing the wives would fight if together, domestic felicity is maintained by keeping up different establishments. A man's wives will visit one another in the daytime, but one wife will never spend the night in the house of another. An exception to this is that the first wife may invite one of the other wives to sleep in her house with the husband. As each wife has her separate house, so has she her separate piece of ground on the hill-side to cultivate. The wives will not co-operate in working each other's cultivation, but they will work together, with the husband, in the paddy fields. Each wife keeps the produce of the ground she cultivates in her own house. Produce of the paddy fields is divided into equal shares among the wives. If a wife will not work properly, or if she gives away anything belonging to her husband, she may be divorced. Any man may marry a divorced woman, but she must pay to her former husband a buffalo and a pig. If a man catches his wife in adultery (he must see her in the act), he thinks he has a right to kill her, and her lover too. But this is now generally (but not always) settled by arbitration, and the lover pays up. A wife caught in adultery will never be retained as a wife. As any man may have as many as three wives, illicit attachments are common. During large feasts, when the Saoras give themselves up to sensuality, there is no doubt a great deal of promiscuous intercourse. A widow is considered bound to marry her husband's brother, or his brother's sons if he has no younger brothers. A number of Saoras once came to me to settle a dispute. They were in their full dress, with feathers and weapons. The dispute was this. A young woman's husband was dead, and his younger brother was almost of an age to take her to wife. She had fixed her affections on a man of another village, and made up her mind to have him and no one else. Her village people wanted compensation in the shape of a buffalo, and also wanted her ornaments. The men of the other village said no, they could not give a buffalo. Well, they should give a pig at least-- no, they had no pig. Then they must give some equivalent. They would give one rupee. That was not enough-- at least three rupees. They were trying to carry the young woman off by force to make her marry her brother-in-law, but were induced to accept the rupee, and have the matter settled by their respective Bissoyis. They young woman was most obstinate, and insisted on having her own choice, and keeping her ornaments. Her village people had no objection to her choice, provided the usual compensation was paid. In one far out-of-the-way village the marriage ceremony is thus described by a groom: "I wished to marry a certain girl, and, with my brother and his son, went to her house. I carried a pot of liquor, and arrow, and one brass bangle for the girl's mother. After I arrived at the house, I put the liquor and the arrow on the floor. I had the two with me drink the liquor-- no one else had any. The father of the girl said 'Why have you brought the liquor?' I said 'Because I want your daughter'. He said 'Bring a big pot of liquor, and we will talk about it.' I took the arrow I brought with me, and stuck it in the thatch of the roof just above the wall, took up the empty pot, and went home with those who came with me. Four days afterwards, with the same two and three others of my village, I went to the girl's father's house with a big pot of liquor. About fifteen or twenty people of the village were present. The father said he would not give the girl, and, saying so, he smashed the pot of liquor, and, with those of his village, beat us so that we ran back to our village. I was glad of the beating, as I know by it I was pretty sure of success. About ten days afterwards, ten or twenty of my village people went with me again, carrying five pots of liquor, which we put in the girl's father's house. I carried an arrow, which I stuck in the thatch beside the first one. The father and the girl's nearest male relative each took one of the arrows I had put in the thatch, and, holding them in their left hands, drank some of the liquor. I now felt sure of success. I then put two more arrows in the father's left hand, holding them is his hand with both of my hands over likewise placed in the left hands of all the girl's male relatives, while I asked them to drink. To each female relative of the girl I gave a brass bangle, which I put on their right wrists while I asked them to drink. The five pots of liquor were drunk by the girl's male and female relations, and the villagers. When the liquor was all drunk, the girl's father said 'Come again in a month, and bring more liquor.' In a month I went again, with all the people of my village, men, women and children, dancing as we went (to music of course), taking with us thirty pots of liquor, and a little rice and a cloth for the girl's mother; also some hill dholl (pulse), which we put in the

father's house. The liquor was set down in the middle of the village, and the villagers and those who came with me, drank the liquor and danced. The girl did not join in this; she was in the house. When the liquor was finished, my village people went home, but I remained in the father's house. For three days I stayed, and helped him to work in his fields. I did not sleep with the girl; the father and I slept in one part of the house, and the girl and her mother in another. At the end of the three days I went home. About ten days afterwards, I with about ten men of my village, went to watch for the girl going to the stream for water. When we saw her, we caught her, and ran away with her. She cried put and the people of her village came after us, and fought with us. We got her off to my village, and she remained with me as my wife. After she became my wife, her mother gave her a cloth and a bangle." The same individual said that, if a man wants a girl, and cannot afford to give the liquor, etc., to her people, he takes her off by force. If she likes him, she remains, but, if not, she runs home. He will carry her off three times, but not more; and, if after the third time she again runs away, he leaves her. The Saoras themselves say that formerly every one took his wife by force. In a case which occurred a few years ago, a bridegroom did not comply with the usual custom of giving a feast to the bride's people, and the bridegroom's party, however, managed to carry off the bride. Her mother raised an alarm, whereon a number of people ran up, and tried to stop the bridegroom's party. They were outnumbered, and one was knocked down, and died from rupture of the spleen. A further account of the Saora marriage customs is given by Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu, who writes as follows. "When the parents of a young man consider it time to seek a bride for him, they make enquiries and even consult their relatives and friends as to suitable girl for him. The girl's parents are informally apprised of their selection. On a certain day, the male relatives of the youth go to the girl's house to make a proposal of marriage. Her parents, having received previous notice of the visit, have the door of the house open or closed, according to whether they approve or disapprove of the match. On arrival at the house, the visitors knock at the door, and, if it is open, enter without further ceremony. Sometimes the door is broken open. If the girl's parents object to the match, they remain silent, and will not touch the liquor brought by the visitors, and they go away. Should, however, they regard it with favour, they charge the visitors with intruding, shower abuse on them, and beat them, it may be so severely that wounds are inflicted and blood is shed. This ill-treatment is borne cheerfully, and without resistance, as it is a sign that the girl's hand will be bestowed on the young man. The liquor is then placed on the floor, and, after more abuse, all present partake thereof. If the girl's parents refuse to give her in marriage after the performance of this ceremony, they have to pay a penalty to the parents of the disappointed suitor. Two or three days later, the young man's relatives go a second time to the girl's house, taking with them three pots of liquor, and a bundle composed of as many arrows as there are male members in the girl's family. The liquor is drunk, and the arrows are presented, one to each male. After an interval of some days, a third visit is paid, and three pots of liquor smeared with turmeric paste, and a quantity of turmeric, are taken to the house. The liquor is drunk, and the turmeric paste is smeared over the back and haunches of the girl's relatives. Some time afterwards, the marriage ceremony takes place. The bridegroom's party proceed to the house of the bride, dancing and singing to the accompaniment of all the musical instruments except the drum, which is only played at funerals. With them they take twenty big pots of liquor, a pair of brass bangles and a cloth for the bride's mother, and head cloths for the father, brothers, and other male relatives. When everything is ready, the priest is called in. One of the twenty pots is decorated, and an arrow is fixed in the ground at its side. The priest then repeats prayers to the invisible spirits and ancestors, and pours some of the liquor into leaf-cups prepared in the names of the ancestors [Jojonji and Yoyonji, male and female], and the chiefs of the village. This liquor is considered very sacred, and is sprinkled from a leaf over the shoulders and feet of the elders present. The father of the bride, addressing the priest, says, "Boya, I have drunk the liquor brought by the bridegroom's father, and thereby have accepted his proposal for a marriage between his son and my daughter. I do not know whether the girl will afterwards agree to go to her husband, or not. Therefore it is well that you should ask her openly to speak out her mind." The priest accordingly asks the girl if she has any objection, and she replies, "My father and mother, and all my relatives have drunk the bridegroom's liquor. I am a Savara, and he is a Savara. Why then should I not marry him?" Then all the people assembled proclaim that the pair are husband and wife. This done, the big pot of liquor, which has been set apart from the rest, is taken into the bride's house. This pot, with another pot of liquor purchased at the expense of the bride's father, is given to the bridegroom's party when it retires. Every house-holder receives the bridegroom and his party at his house, and offers them liquor, rice, and flesh, which they cannot refuse to partake of without giving offence." "Whoever," Mr. Ramamurit continues, "marries a window, whether it is her husband's younger brother or someone of her own choice, must perform a religious ceremony, during which a pig is sacrificed. The flesh, with some liquor, is offered to the ghost of the widow's deceased husband, and prayers are addressed by the Boyas to propitiate the ghost, so that it may not torment the woman and her second husband. "Oh! man," says the priest, addressing the deceased by name, "Here is an animal sacrificed to you, and with this all connection between this woman and you ceases. She has taken with her no property belonging to you or your children. So do not torment her within the house or outside the house, in the jungle or on the hill, when she is asleep or when she wakes. Do not send sickness on her children. Her second husband, has done no harm to you. She chose him for her husband, and he consented. Oh man!, be appeased; Oh! unseen ones; Oh! ancestors, be you witnesses." The animal sacrificed on this occasion is called long danden (inside fine), or fine paid to the spirit of a dead person inside the earth. The animal offered up, when a man marries a divorced woman, is called bayar danda (outside fine), or fine paid as compensation to a man living outside the earth. The moment that a divorcee marries another man, her former husband pounces upon him, shoots his buffalo or pig dead with an arrow, and takes it to his village, where its flesh is served up at a feast. The Boya invokes the unseen spirits that they may not be angry with the man who has married the woman, as he has paid the penalty prescribed by the elders according to the immemorial custom of the Savaras. From a still further account of the ceremonial observances in connection with marriage, with variations, I gather that the liquor is the fermented juice of the Salop or sago palm ( Caryota urens) , and is called ara-sal. On arrival at the girl's house on the first occasion, the young man's party sit at the door thereof, and, making three cups from the leaves kiredol (Uncaria Gambier) or jak (Artocarpus integritolia), pour the liquor into them, and lay them on the ground. As the liquor is being poured into the cups, certain names, which seem to be those of the ancestors, are called out. The liquor is then drunk, and an arrow (am) is stuck in the roof, and a brass bangle (khadu) left, before the visitors take their departure. If the match is unacceptable to the girl's family, the arrow and bangle are returned. The

second visit is called pank-sal, or sang-sang-dal-sol, because the liquor post are smeared with turmeric paste. Sometimes it is called nyanga-dal-sol, because the future bridegroom carries a small pot of liquor on a stick born on the shoulder; or pojang, because the arrow which had been stuck in the roof, is set up in the places, several visits take place subsequent to the first visit, at one of which, called rodai-sal, a quarrel arises. It is noted by Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu that, among the Savaras who have settled in the low country, some differences have arisen in the marriage rites "owing to the introduction of Hindu custom, i.e., those prevailing among the Sudra castes. Some of the Savaras who are more Hinduised than others consult their medicine men as to what day would be most auspicious for a marriage, erect pandals (booths), dispense with the use of liquor, substituting for it thick jaggery (crude sugar) water, and hold a festival for two to three days. But even the most Hinduised Savara has not yet fallen directly into the hands of the Brahman priest." At the marriage ceremony of some Kapu Savaras, the bride and bridegroom sit side by side at the auspicious moment, and partake of boiled rice (korra) from green leaf-cups, the pair exchanging cups. Before the bridegroom and his party proceed to their village with the bride, they present the males and females of her village with a rupee, which is called janjul naglipu, or money paid for taking away the girl. In another form of Kapu Savara marriage, the would-be bridegroom and his party proceed, on an auspicious day to the house of the selected girl, and offer betel and tobacco, the acceptance of which is a sign that the match is agreeable to her parents. On a subsequent day, a small sum of money is paid as the bride-price. On the wedding day the bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom, where the contracting couple are lifted up by two people, who dance about with them. If the bride attempts to enter the house, she is caught hold of, and made to pay a small sum of money before she is permitted to do so. Inside the house, the officiating Desari ties the ends of the cloths of the bride and bridegroom together, after the ancestors and invisible spirits have been worshipped. Of the marriage customs of the Kapu Savaras, the following account is given in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district. "The Kapu Savaras are taking to menarikam (marriage with the maternal uncle's daughter) , although the hill custom requires a man to marry outside his village. Their wedding ceremonies bear a distant resemblance to those among the hill Savaras. Among the Kapu Saavaras, the preliminary arrow and liquor are similarly presented, but the bridegroom goes at length on an auspicious day with a large party to the bride's house, and the marriage is marked by his eating out of the same platter with her, and by much drinking feasting, and dancing." Children are named after the day of the week on which they were born, and nicknames are frequently substituted for the birth name. Mr. Fawcett records, for example, that a man was called Gyio because, when a child, he was fond of breaking nuts called gylo, and smearing himself with their black juice. Another was called Dallo because, in his youthful days, he was fond of playing about with a basket (dalli) on his head. Concerning the death rites, Mr. Fawcett writes as follows. "As soon as a man, or child dies in a house, a gun, loaded with powder only, is fired off at the door, or, if plenty of powder is available, several shots are fired, to frighten away the Kulba (spirit). The gun used is the ordinary Telugu or Uriya matchlock. Water is poured over the body while in the house. It is then carried away to the family burning-ground, which is situated from 30 to 80 yards from the cluster of houses occupied by the family, and there it is burned, [It is stated by Mr. Rice that "the dead man's spirit passed through them. Two men then carry the corpse, slung in this fashion, to the burning-ground. When it is reached, two posts are stuck up, and the bamboo, with the corpse tied to it, is placed crosswise on the posts. Then below the corpse a fire is lighted. The Savara man is always burnt in the portion of the ground-- one cannot call it a field-- which he last cultivated."] The only wood used for the pyre is that of the mango, and of Pongamia glabra. Fresh, green branches are cut and used. No dry wood is used, except a few twigs to light the fire. Were any one to ask those carrying a body to the burning-ground the name of the deceased or anything about him, they would be very angry. Guns are fired while the body is being carried. Everything a man has, his bows and arrows, his tangi, his dagger, his necklaces, his reaping-hook for cutting paddy, his axe, some paddy and rice, etc., are burnt with his body. I have been told in Kolakotta that all a man's money too is burned, but it is doubtful if it really ever is-- a little maybe. A Kolakotta Gomango told me "If we do not burn these things with the body, the Kullba will come and ask us for them, and trouble us." The body is burned the day a man dies. The next day, the people of the family go to the burning-place with water, which they pour over the embers. The fragments of the bones are then picked out, and buried about two feet in the ground, and covered over with a miniature hut, or merely with some thatching grass kept in the place by a few logs of wood, or in the floor of a small hut (thatched roof without wall) kept specially for the Kulba at the burning-place. An empty egg-shell (domestic hen's) is broken under foot, and buried with the bones. It is not uncommon to send pieces of bone, after burning, to relations at a distance, to allow them also to perform the funeral rites. The first sacrificial feast, called the Limma, is usually made about three or four days after the body had been burnt. In some places, it is said to be made after a longer interval. For the Limma a fowl is killed at the burning-place, some rice or other grain is cooked, and, with the fowl, eaten by the people of the family, with the usual consumption of liquor. Of course, the Chiding (who is the medium of communication between the spirits of the dead and the living) is on the spot, and communicates with the Kulba. If the deceased left any debts, he, through the Kudang, tells how they should be settled. Perhaps the Kulba asks for tobacco and liquor, and these are given to the Kudang, who keeps the tobacco, and drinks the liquor. After the Limma, a miniature hut is built for the Kulba over the spot where the bones are buried. But this is not done in places like Kolakotta, where there is a special hut set apart for the Kulba. In some parts of the Saora country, a few logs with grass on the top of them to keep the grass in its place, are laid over the buried fragments of bones, it is said to be for keeping rain off, or dogs from disturbing the bones. In the evening previous to the Limma, bitter food-- and partake of it at no other time. [The same custom, called pithapona, or bitter food, obtains among the Oriya inhabitants of the plains.] After the Limma, the Kulba returns to the house of the deceased, but it is not supposed to remain there always. The second feast to the dead, also sacrificial, is called the Guar. For this, a buffalo, a large quantity of grain, and all the necessary elements and accompaniments of a feast are required. It is a much larger affair than the Limma, and all the relations, and perhaps the villagers, join in. The evening before the Guar, there is a small feast in the house for the purpose of calling together all the previously deceased members of the family, to be ready for the Guar on the following day. The great feature of the Guar is the erection of a stone in memory of the deceased. From 50 to 100 yards (sometimes a little more) from the houses occupied by a family may be seen clusters of stones standing upright in the ground, nearly always under a tree. Every one of the stones has been put up at one of these Guar feasts. There is a great deal of drinking and dancing. The men,

armed with all their weapons, with their feathers in their hair, and adorned with coloured cloths, accompanied by the women, all dancing. as they go, leave the house for the place where the stones are. Music always accompanies the dancing. At Kolakotta there is another thatched hut for the Kulba at the stones. The stone is put up in the deceased's name at about 11 A.M. and at about 2 P.M. a buffalo is killed close to it. The head is cut off with an T 1 axe, and blood is put on the stone. he stones one sees are generally from 1T- to 4 feet high. 2 There is no connection between the size of the stone and the importance of the deceased person. As much of the buffalo meat as is required for the feast is cooked, and eaten at the spot where the stones are. The uneaten remains are taken away by the relatives. In the evening the people return to the village, dancing as they go. The Kolakotta people told me they put up the stones under trees, so that they can have all their feasting in the shade. Relations exchange compliments by presenting one another with a buffalo for the Guar feast, and receive one in return on a future occasion. The Guar is supposed to give the Kulba considerable satisfaction, but it does not quite satisfy the people as it did before. But, as the Guar does not quite satisfy the Kulba, there is the great biennial feast to the dead. Every second year (I am still speaking of Kolakotta) is performed the Karja or biennial feast to the dead, in February or March, after the crops are cut. All the Kolakotta Saoras join in this feast, and keep up drinking and dancing for twelve days. During these days, the Kudangs eat only after sunset. Guns are continually fired off, and the people give themselves up to sensuality. On the last day, there is which slaughter of buffaloes. In front of every house in which there has been a death in the previous two years, at least one buffalo, and sometimes two or three, are killed. Last year (1886) there were said to be at least a thousand buffaloes killed in the afternoon. Some grain is cooked in the houses, and, with some liquor, is given to the Kudangs, who go through a performance of offering the food to the Kulbas, and a man's or a woman's cloth, according as the deceased is a male or female, is at this time given to the Kudang for the Kulba of each deceased person, and of course the Kudang keeps the offerings. The Kudang then tells the Kulba to begone, and trouble the inmates no more. The house people, too, sometimes say to the Kulba 'We have now done quite enough for you: we have given you buffaloes, liquor, food, and cloths; now you must go'. At about 8 P.M., the house is set fire to, and burnt. Every house, in which there has been a death within the last two years, is on this occasion burnt. After this the Kulba gives no more trouble, and does not come to the burnt one. It never hurts grown people, but may cause some infantile diseases, and is easily driven away by a small sacrifice. In other parts of the Saora country, the funeral rites and ceremonies are somewhat different to what they are in Kolakotta. The burning of bodies, and burning of the fragments of the bones, is the same everywhere in the Saora country. In one village the Saoras said the bones were buried until another person died, when the first man's bones were dug up and thrown away, and the last person's bones put in their place. Perhaps they did not correctly convey what they meant. I once saw a gaily ornamented hut, evidently quite new, near a burning-place. Rude figures of birds and red rags were tied to five bamboos, which were sticking up in the air about 8 feet above the hut, one at each T 1 corner, and notched for ornament. he hut was about 4^: feet square, on a platform three feet 2 high. There were no walls, but only four pillars, one at each corner, and inside a loft just as in a Saora's hut. A very communicative Saora said he built the hut for his brother after he had performed the Limma, and had buried the bones in the raised platform in the centre of the hut. He readily went inside, and showed what he kept there for the use of his dead brother's Kulba. In the loft were baskets filled with everything the Kulba wanted. Generally, where it is the custom to have a hut for the Kulba, such hut is furnished with food, tobacco, and liquor. The Kulba is still a Saora, though a spiritual one. Weapons, ornaments, etc., are rarely burned with it. In some places the Limma and Guar feasts are combined, and in other places (and this is most common) the Guar and Karja are combined, but there is no burning of houses. In some area one sees, placed against the upright stones to the dead, pieces of ploughs for male Kulbas, and baskets for sifting grain for female Kulbas. I once came across some hundreds of Saoras performing the Guar Karja. Dancing, with music, fantastically dressed, and brandishing their weapons, they returned from putting up the stones to the village, and proceeded to hack to pieces with their axes the buffaloes that had been slaughtered-- a disgusting sight. After dark, many of the feasters passed my camp on their way home, some carrying legs and other large pieces of the sacrificed buffaloes, other trying to dance in a drunken way, swinging their weapons. During my last visit to Kolakotta, I witnessed a kind of combination of the Limma and Guar (an uncommon arrangement there) made owing to peculiar circumstances. A deceased Saora left no family, and his relatives thought it advisable to get through his Limma and Guar without delay so as to run no risk of the non-performance of these feasts. He had been dead about a month. The Limma was performed one day, the feast calling together the deceased ancestors the same evening; and the Guar on the following day. Part of the Limma was performed in a house. Three men, and a female Kudang sat in a row; in front of them there was an inverted pot on the ground, and around it were small leaf cups containing portions of food. All chanted together, keeping excellent time. Some food in a little leaf cup was held near the earthen pot, and now and then as they sang, passed round it. Some liquor was poured on the food in the leaf cup, and put on one side for the Kulba. The men drank liquor from the leaf cups which had been passed round the earthen pot. After some silence in honor of ancestors who had died violent deaths, they request them to receive the spirit of the deceased among them; and portions of food and liquor were put aside for them. Then came another long chant, calling on the Kulbas of all ancestors to come, and receive the deceased and not to be angry with him." It is stated that, in the east of Gunupur, the Savaras commit much cattle theft, partly, it is said, because custom enjoins big periodical sacrifices of cattle to their deceased ancestors. In connection with the Guar festival, Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu writes that well-to-do individuals offer each one or two animals, while, among the poorer,members of the community, four or five subscribe small sums for the purchase of a buffalo, and a goat. "There are," he continues, "special portions of the sacrificed animals, which should, according to custom, be presented to those that carried the dead bodies to the grave, as well as to the Boya and Gomong. If a man is hanged, a string is suspended in the house on the occasion of the Guar, so that the spirit may descend along it. If a man dies of wounds caused by a knife or iron weapon, a piece of iron or an arrow is thrust into a rice-pot to represent the deceased." I gather further that, when a Savara dies after a protracted illness. On the ground is placed a pot, supported on three stones. The pots are smeared with turmeric paste, and contain a brass box, chillies, rice, onions, and salt. They are regarded as very sacred, and it is believed that the ancestors sometimes visit them. Concerning the religion of the Savaras, Mr. Fawcett notes that their name for deity is Sonnum or Sunnam, and describes the following: (1) Jalia. In some places thought to be male, and in others female. The most widely

known, very malevolent, always going about from one Saora village to another causing illness or death; in some place said to eat people. Almost every illness that ends in death in three or four days is attributed to Jalia's malevolence. When mangoes ripen, and before they are eaten cooked (though they may be eaten raw), a sacrifice of goats, with the usual drinking and dancing, is made to this deity. In some villages, in the present year (1887), there were built for the first time, temples--square thatched places without walls-- in the villages. The reason given for building in the villages was that Jalia had come into them. Usually erections are outside villages, and sacrifice is made there, in order that Jalia may be there appeased, and go away. But sometimes he will come to a village, and if he does, it is advisable to make him comfortable. One of these newly built temples was about four feet square, thatched on the top, with no walls, just like the hut for departed spirits. A Saora went inside, and showed us the articles kept for Jalia's use and amusement. There were two new cloths in a bamboo box, two brushes of feathers to be held in the hand when dancing, oil for the body, a small looking-glass, a bell, and a lamp. On the posts were some red spots. Goats are killed close by the temple, and the blood is poured on the floor of the platform thereof. There are a few villages, in or near which there are no Jalia erections, the people saying that Jalia does not trouble them, or that they do not know him. In one village where there was none, the Saoras said there had been one, but they got tired of Jalia, and made a large sacrifice with numerous goats and fowls, burnt his temple, and drove him out. Jalia is fond of tobacco. Near one village is an upright stone in front of a little Jalia temple, by a path-side, for passers-by to leave the ends of their cheroots on for Jalia. Kitung. In some parts there is a story that this deity produced all the Saoras in Orissa, and brought them with all the animals of the jungles to the Saora country. In some places, a stone outside the village represents this deity, and on it sacrifices are made on certain occasions to appease this deity. The stone is not worshipped. There are also groves sacred to this deity. The Uriyas in the Saora hills also have certain sacred groves, in which the axe is never used. Rathu. Gives pains in the neck. Dharma Boja, Lankan (above), Ayungang (the sun) . The first name is, I think, of Uriya origin, and the last the real Saora name. There is an idea in the Kolakotta country that it causes all births. This deity is not altogether beneficent, and causes sickness, and may be driven away by sacrifices. In some villages, this deity is almost the only one known. A Saora once told me, on my pointing to Venus and asking what it was, that the stars are the children of the sun and moon, and one day the sun said he would eat them all up. Woman-like, the moon protested against it, but eventually had to give in. She, however, managed to hide Venus while the others were being devoured. Venus was the only planet he knew. In some parts, the sun is not a deity. Kanni. Very malevolent. Lives in big trees, so they are never cut in groves which this deity is supposed to haunt. I frequently saw a Saora youth of about 20, who was supposed to be possessed by this deity. He was an idiot, who had fits. Numerous buffaloes had been sacrificed for the youth, but to no purpose. "There are many hill deities known in certain localities-- Derema, supposed to be on the Deodangar hill, the highest in the neighbourhood, Khistu, Kinchinyung, Ilda, Lobo, Kondho, Balu Baradong, etc. These deities of the hills are little removed from the spirits of the deceased Saoras. [Mr. Ramamuti Pantulu refers to two hills, one at Gayaba called Jum-tang Baru, or eat cow hill, and the other about eight miles from Parlakimedi, called Media Baru. At the former a cow or bull is sacrificed, because a Kuttung once ate the flesh of a cow there; at the latter the spirits require only milk and liquor. This is peculiar as the Savaras generally hold milk in abhorrence.]" "There is invariable one fetish, and generally there are several fetishes in every Saora house. In some villages, where the sun is the chief deity (and causes most mischief), there are fetishes of the sun god; in another village, fetishes, and three other fetishes in one house. There are also especially about Kolakotta, Kulba fetishes in houses. The fetishes, is generally an empty earthen pot, about nine inches in diameter, slung from the roof. The Kudang slings it up. On certain occasions, offerings are made to the deity or Kulba represented by the fetish on the floor underneath it. Rude pictures, too, are sometimes fetishes. The fetish to the sun is generally ornamented with a rude pattern daubed in white on the outside. In the village of Bori in the Vizagapatam Agency, offerings are made to the sun fetish when a member of the household gets pains in the legs or arms, and the fetach is said in such occasion to descend of itself to the floor. Sacrifices are sometimes made inside houses, under the fetishes, sometimes at the door, and blood put on the ground underneath the fetish." It is noted by Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu that "the Kittungs are ten in number, and are said to be all brothers. Their names are Bhima, Rama, Jodepulu, Peda, Rung-rung, Tumanna, Garsada, Jaganta, Mutta, and Tete. On some occasions, ten figures of men, representing the Kittungs, are drawn on the walls of a house. Figures of horses and elephants, the sun, moon and stars, are also drawn below them. The Boya is also represented. When a woman is childless, or when her children die frequently, she takes a vow that the Kittung-purpur ceremony shall be celebrated, if a child is born to her, and grows in a healthy state. If this comes to pass, a young pig is purchased, and marked for sacrifice. It is fattened, and allowed to grow till the child reaches the age of twelve, when the ceremony is performed. The Madras Museum possesses a series of wooden votive offerings which were found stacked in a structure, which has been described to me as resembling a pigeoncot. The offerings consisted of a lizard (Varanus) , paroquet, monkey, peacock, human figures, dagger, gun, sword, pick-axe, and musical horn. The Savaras would not sell them to the district officer, but parted with them on the understanding that they would be worshipped by the Government. I gather that, at the sale or transfer of land the spirits are invoked by the Boya, and after the distribution of liquor, the seller or mortgager holds a pipal (Ficus religiosa) leaf with a lighted wick in his hand, while the purchaser or mortgagee holds another leaf without a wick. The latter covers the palm of the former with his leaf, and the terms of the transaction are then announced. Concerning the performance of sacrifices, Mr. Fawcett writes that "the Saoras say they never practiced human sacrifice. Most Saora sacrifices, which are also feasts, are made to appease deities or Kulbas that have done mischief. I will first notice the few which do not come in this category. (a) The feast to Jalia when mangoes ripen already mentions, is one. In a village where the sun, and not Jalia, is the chief deity, this feast is made to the sun. Jalia does not trouble the village, as the Kudung meets him outside it now and then, and sends them away by means of a sacrifice. [Sacrifices and offerings of pigs or fowls, rice, and liquor, are also made at the mahua, hill gain, and red gram festivals] (b ) A small sacrifice, or an offering of food, is made in some places before a child is born. About Kolakotta, when a child is born, a fowl or a pound or so of rice, and a quart, of liquor provided by the jungle, and the fowl sacrificed to Kanni. Blood, liquor, and rice are left in leaf cups for Kanni, and the rest it eaten. In every paddy field in Kolakotta, when the paddy is sprouting, a sacrifice is made to Sattira for good crops. A stick of the tree called in Uriya kendhu, about five or six feet long. is stuck in the ground. The upper end is sharpened to a point, on which is impaled a live young pig

or a live fowl, and over to an inverted earthen pot daubed over with white rings. If this sacrifice is not made, good crops cannot be expected. [It may be noted that the impaling of live pigs is practiced, in the Telugu country.] When crops ripen, and before the grain is eaten, sacrifice is made to Lobo (the earth). Lobo Sonnum is the earth deity. If they eat the grain without performing this sacrifice, it will disagree with them, and will not germinate properly when sown again. If crops are good, a goat is killed, if not good, a pig or a fowl. A Kolakotta Saora told me of another sacrifice, which is partly of a propitiatory nature. If a tiger or panther kills a person, the Kudang is called, and he, on the following Sunday, goes through a performance, to prevent a similar fate overtaking others. Two pigs are killed outside the village, and every man, woman, and child is made to walk over the ground whereon the pig's blood is spilled, and the Kudang gives to each individual some kind of tiger medicine as a charm. The Kudang communicates with the Kulba of the deceased, and learns the whole story of how he met his death. In another part of the Saora country, the above sacrifice is unknown; and, when a person is killed by a tiger or panther, a buffalo is sacrificed to the Kulba of the deceased three months afterwards. The feast is begun before dark, and the buffalo is killed the next morning. The blood must flow on the stone. Then liquor and grain are set forth, and a feast is made. About Kolakotta the belief in the active malevolence of Kulbas is more noticeable than in other parts, where deities cause nearly all mischief. Sickness and death are caused by deities or Kulbas, and it is the Kudang who ascertains which particular spirit is in possession of, or has hold of any sick person, and informs him what is to be done in order to drive it away. He usually divines in the following way. He places a small earthen saucer, with a little oil and lighted wick in it, in the patient's hand. With his left hand he holds the patient's wrist, and with his right drops from a leaf cup grains of rice on to the flame. As each grain drops, he calls out the name of different deities, and Kulbas, and, whichever spirit is being named as a grain catches fire, is that causing the sickness. The Kudang is at once in communication with the deity or Kulba, who informs him what must be done for him, what sacrifice made before he will go away. There is, in some parts of the Saora country, another method by which a Kudang divines the cause of sickness. He holds the patient's hand for a quarter of an hour or so, and goes off in a trance, in which the deity Kulba causing the sickness communicates with the Kudang, and says what must be done to appease him. The Kudang is generally, if not always, fasting when engaged in divination. If a deity or Kulba refuses to go away from a sick person, another more powerful deity or Kulba can be induced to turn him out. A long account of a big sacrifice is given be Mr. Fawcett, of which the following is a summary. The Kudang was a lean individual of about 40 or 45, with a grizzled beard a couple of inches in length. He had a large bunch of feathers in his hair, and the ordinary Saora waist-cloth with a tail before and behind. There were tom-toms with the party. A buffalo was tied up in front of the house, and was to be sacrificed to a deity who had seized on a young boy, and was giving him fever. The boy's mother came out with some grain, and other necessaries for a feed, in a basket on her head. All started the buffalo along, with the Kudang driving it from behind. As they started, the Kudang shouted out some gibberish, apparently addressed to the deity, to whom the sacrifice was to be made. The party halted in the shade of some big tress. They said that the sacrifice was to the road god, who would go away by the path after the sacrifice. Having arrived at the place, the woman set down her basket, the men laid down their axes and the tom-toms. and a fire was lighted. The buffalo was tied up 20 yards off on the path, and began to graze. After a quarter of an hour, the father took the boy in his lap as he sat on the path, and the Kudang's assistant sat on his left with a tom-tom before him. The Kudang stood before the father on the path, holding a small new earthen pot in his hand. The assistant beat the tom-tom at the rate of 150 beats to the minute. The Kudang held the earthen pot to his mouth, and, looking up to the sun (it was 9 A.M.), shouted some gibberish into it, and then danced round and round without leaving his place, throwing up the pot an inch or so, and catching it with both hands, in perfect time with the tom-tom, while he chanted gibberish for a quarter of an hour. Occasionally, he held the pot up to the sun, as if saluting it, shouted into it, and passed it round the father's head and then round the boy's head, every motion in time with the tom-tom. The chant over, he put down the pot and took up a toy-like bow and arrow. The bow was about two feet long, through which was fixed an arrow with a large head, so that it could be pulled only to a certain extent. The arrow was fastened to the bow. He then stuck a small wax ball on to the point of the arrow head, and, dancing as before, went on with his chant, accompanied by the tom-tom. Looking up at the sun, he took aim with the bow, and fired the wax ball at it. He then fired more balls of wax, and afterwards other small balls, which the Uriyas present said were medicine of some kind, at the boy's head, stomach, and legs. As each ball struck him, he cried. The Kudang, still chanting, then went to the buffalo, and fired a wax ball at its head. He came back to where the father was sitting, and, putting down the bow, took up two thin pieces of wood a foot long, an inch wide, and blackened at the ends. The chant ceased for a few moments while he was changing the bow for the pieces of wood, but, when he had them in his hands, he went on again with it, dancing round as before, and striking the two pieces of wood together in time. This lasted about five minutes, and, in the middle of the dance, he put an umbrella-like shade on his head. The dance over, he went to the buffalo, and stroked it all over with the two pieces of wood, first on the head, then on the body and rump, and the chant ceased. He then sat it front of the boy, put a handful of common herbs into the earthen pot, and poured some water into it. Chanting, he bathed the boy's head with the herbs and water, the father's head, and then the buffalo's head, smearing them with the herbs. He blew into one ear of the boy, and then into the other. The chant ceased, and he sat on the path. The boy's father got up, and, carrying the boy, seated him on the ground. Then, with an axe, which was touched by the sick boy, he went up to the buffalo, and with a blow almost buried the head of the axe in the buffalo's neck. He screwed the axe about until he disengaged it, and dealt a second and a third blow in the same place, and the buffalo fell on its side. When it fell, the boy's father walked away. As the first blow was given, the Kudang started up very excited as if suddenly much overcome, holding his arms slightly raised before him, and staggered about. His assistant rushed at him, and held him round the body, while he struggled violently as if striving to get to the bleeding buffalo. He continued struggling while the boy's father made his three blows on the buffalo's neck. The father brought him some of the blood in a leaf cup, which he greedily drank, and was at once quiet. Some water was then given him, and he seemed to be all right. After a minute or so, he sat on the path with the tom-tom before him, and, beating it, chanted as before. The boy's father returned to the buffalo, and, with a few more whacks at it, stopped its struggles. Some two or three men joined him, and, with their axes and swords, soon had the buffalo in pieces. All present, except the Kudang, had a good feed, during which the tom-tom ceased. After the feed, Kudang went at it again, and kept it up at intervals for a couple of hours. He once went 25 minutes at 156 beats to the minute

without ceasing. A variant of the ceremonial here described has been given to me by Mr. G.F. Paddison from the Gunapur hills. A buffalo is tied up to the door of the house, where the sick person resides. Herbs and rice in small platters, and a little brass vessel containing toddy, balls of rice, flowers, and medicine, are brought with a bow and arrow. The arrow is thicker at the basal end than towards the tip. The narrow part goes, when shot, through a hole in the bow, too small to allow of passage of the rest of the arrow. The Beju (wise woman) pours toddy over herbs and rice, and daubs the sick person over the forehead, breasts, stomach, and back. She croons out "Duru," to attract her attention. She then takes the bow behind the kneeling patient, and shoots balls of medicine stuck on the tip of the arrow at her. The construction of the arrow is such that the balls are dislodged from the tip of the arrow. The patient is thus shot at all over the body, which is bruised by the impact of the balls. Afterwards the Beju shoots one or two balls at the buffalo, which is taken to a path forming the village boundary, and killed with a tangi (axe). The patient is then daubed with blood of the buffalo, rice and today. A feast concludes the ceremonial. The following account of a sacrifice to Rathu who had given fever to the sister of the celebrant Kudang, is given by Mr. Fawcett. "The Kudang was squatting, facing west, his fingers in his ears, and chanting gibberish with continued side-shaking of his head. About two feet in front of him was an apparatus made of split bamboo. A young pig had been killed over it, so that the blood was received in a little leaf cup, and sprinkled over the bamboo work. The Kudang never ceased his chant for an hour and a half. While he was chanting, some eight Saoras were cooking the pig with some grain, and having a good feast. Between the bamboo structure and the Kudang were three little leaf cups, containing portions of the food for Rathu. A share of the food was kept for the Kudang, who when he had finished his chant, got up and ate it. I saw on the same day another performance, for which some dried meat of a buffalo that had been sacrificed a month previously was used. Three men, a boy, and a baby, were sitting in the jungle. The men were preparing food, and said that they were about to do some reverence to the sun, who had caused fever to someone. Portions of the food were to be set out in leaf cups for the sun deity." It is recorded by Mr. Ramamurti Pantulu that, when children are seriously ill and become emaciated, offerings are made to monkeys and blood-suckers (lizards), not in the belief that illness is caused by them, but because the sick child, in its emaciated state, resembles an attenuated figure of these animals. Accordingly, a blood-sucker is captured, small toy arrows are tied round its body, and a piece of cloth is tied on its head. Some drops of liquor are then poured into its mouth, and it is set at liberty. In negotiating with a monkey, some rice and other articles of food are placed in small baskets, called tanurjal, which are suspended from branches of trees in the jungle. The Savaras frequently attend the markets or fairs held in the plains at the foot of the ghats to purchase salt and other luxuries. If a Savara is taken ill at the market or on his return thence, he attributes the illness to a spirit of the market called Biradi Sonum. The bulls, which carry the goods of the merchant, convey this spirit. In propitiating it, the Savara makes an image of a bull in straw, and, taking it out of his village, leaves it on the foot-path after a pig had been sacrificed to it. "Each group of Savaras, "Mr. Ramamutri writes, "is under the government of two chiefs, one of whom is the Gomong (or great man) and the other, his colleague in council, is the Boya, who not only discharges, in conjunction with the Gomong, the duties of magistrate, but also holds the office of high priest. The offices of primogeniture regulates succession, subject to the principle that incapable individuals should be excluded. The presence of these two officers is absolutely necessary on occasions of marriages and funerals, as well as at harvest festivals. Sales and mortgages of land and liquor-yielding tress, partition and other dispositions of property, and divorces are effected in the council of village elders, presided over by the Gomomg and Boya, by means of long and tedious proceedings involving various religious ceremonies. All cases of a civil and criminal nature are heard and disposed of by them. Fines are imposed as a punishment for all sorts of offences. These invariably consist of liquor and cattle, the quantity of liquor and the number of animals varying according to the nature of the offence. The murder of a woman is considered more heinous than the murder of a man, as woman, being capable of multiplying the race, is the more useful. A thief, while in the act of stealing, may be shot dead. It is always the man, and not the woman, that is punished for adultery. Oaths are administered, and ordeals prescribed. Until forty or fifty years ago, it is said that the Savara magistrate had jurisdiction in murder cases. He was the highest tribunal in the village, the only arbitrator in all differences arose between his men and the inhabitants of a neighbouring village, for settling which it was necessary that a battle should be fought, the Gomong became the commander, and, leading his men, though discharging such onerous and responsible duties, are regarded as in no special degree superior to other in social position. They enjoy no special privileges, and receive no fees from the suitors who come up to their court. Except on occasions of public festivals, over which they preside, they are content to hold equal rank with the other elders of the village. Each cultivates his field, and builds his house. His wife brings home fuel and water, and cooks for his family. Bissoyis have, however, accorded to these Savara officers some distinction. When the Governor's Agent, during his annual tour, invites the Savara elders to bheti (visit), they make presents of a fowl, sheep, eggs, or a basket of rice, and receive cloths, necklaces, etc. The Bissoyis exempt them from personal service, which is demanded from all others." At the Sankaranthi festival, the Savaras brings loads of firewood, yams (Dioscorea tubers), pumpkins, etc., as presents for the Bissoyi, and receive presents from him in return. Besides cultivating the Savaras collect Bauhinia leaves, and sell them to traders, (Bauhinia purpurea) and are believed to be particularly appreciated by the Savara spirits, and offerings made to them should be placed in cups made thereof. The Savaras also collect various articles of minor forest produce, honey and wax. They know how to distil liquor from the flowers of the mahua (Bassia latifolia) . The process of distillation had been thus described. "The flowers are soaked in water for three or four days, and are then boiled with water in an earthenware chatty. Over the top of this is placed another chatty, mouth downwards, the join between the two being made air-tight by being tied round with a bit of cloth, and sealed with clay. From a hole made in the upper chatty, a hollow bamboo leads to a third pot, specially made for the purpose, which is globular, and has no opening except that into which the bamboo pipe leads. This last is kept cool by pouring water constantly over it, and the distillate is forced into it through the bamboo, and there condenses." Criminal activities In a report on his tour through the Savara country in 1863, the Agent to the Governor of Madras reported as follows. "At Gunapur I heard great complaints of the thievish habits of the Soura tribes on the hills dividing Gunapur from Pedda Kimedy. They are not dacoits, but very expert burglers, if the term can be applied to digging a hole in the night through a mud wall. If discovered and hard pressed, they do not hesitate to discharge their arrows, which they so with unerring aim, and

always with fatal result. Three or four murders have been perpetrated by these people in this way since the country has been under our management. I arranged with the Superintendent of Police to station a party of the Armed Reserve in the ghaut leading to Soura country. One or two cases of seizure and conviction will suffice to put a check to the crime." It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district that "in 1864 trouble occurred with the Savaras. One of their headmen having been improperly arrested by the police of Pottasingi, they effected a rescue, killed the Inspector and four constables, and burnt down the station-house. The Raja of Jeypore was requested to use his influence to procure the arrest of the offenders, and eventually twenty-four were captured, of whom nine were transported for life, and five were sentenced to death, and hanged at Jalteru, at the foot of the ghat to Pottasingi. Government presented the Raja with a rifle and other gifts in acknowledgment of his assistance. The country did not immediately calm down, however, and, in 1865, a body of police, who were sent to establish a post in the hills, were attacked, and forced to beat a retreat down the ghat. A large force was then assembled, and, after a brief but harassing campaign, the post was firmly occupied in January, 1866. Three of the ringleaders of this rising were incarcerated for life. The hill Savaras remained timid and suspicious for some years afterwards, and, as late as 1874, the reports mention it as a notable fact that they were beginning to frequent markets on the plains, and that the low-country people no longer feared to trust themselves above the ghats." In 1905, Government approved the following proposals for the improvement of education among the Savaras and other hill tribes in the Ganjam and Vizagapatam Agencies, so far as Government schools are concerned: That instruction to the hill tribes should be given orally through the medium of their own mother tongue, and that, when a Savara knows both Uriya and Telugu, it would be advantageous to educate him in Uriya; That evening classes be opened whenever possible, the buildings in which they are held being also used for night schools for adults who should receive oral instruction and that magic-lantern exhibitions might be arranged for occasionally, to make the classes attractive; That concessions, if any, in the matter of grants admissible to Savaras, Khonds, etc., under the Grant-in-aid Code, be extended to the pupils of the above comminities that attend schools in the plains; That an itinerating agency, who could go round and look after the work of the agency schools, be established and that, in the selection of hill school establishments, preference be given to men educated in the hill schools; That some suitable form of manual occupation be introduced, wherever possible, into the day's work, and the schools be supplied with the requisite original."

Savara.: -Savara is the southernmost dialect of the Mundâ family1, and it is spoken by about 150,000 individuals. Name Of The Dialect. Savara, or rather Sawara, is the name of a cultivating and servile tribe of Orissa, Chota Nagpur, Western Bengal, Madras, and the Central Provinces. The Savars are usually identified with the Sabaras of Vedic and Sanskrit literature, a wild forest tribe, who are supposed to be the same as the Suari and Sabarae mentioned by Pliny and Ptolemy. One of the most famous passages in the Râmâyanâ of Tulsí Dâs deals with a meeting between Râm and a Sabara with his wife. Home Of The Tribe. The tribes is very widely spread at the present day. Their stronghold is the two northernmost districts of the Madras Presidency and the neighbouring districts of Bengal and the Central Provinces. Thus we find them largely spread over the Orissa division and the Orissa Tributary States, Singbhum, Sambalpur, Raipur, Bilaspur, Patna, Kalahandi, Sarangarh, Raigarh, and so on. Farther to the north they occur in Saugor and in former times they are said to have been settled in Shahabad. According to Mr. Risley, "local tradition ascribes to the Savars the conquest of the Cheros, and their expulsion from the plateau of Shahabad, in about the year 421 of the Salivahana era, or A. D. 500. A number of ancient monuments in the Shahabad district are still put down to the Savars or Suirs, who are supposed to have been driven south by the inroad of Rajputs under the Bhojpur chief, which made an end of their rule." 1 Linguistic Survey of India. Most Savars have now become Hinduised, and speak Aryan forms of speech, generally Oriyâ. Mr. Driver remarks: "The purest representatives of the race call themselves Sobors, and speak a dialect of the Kolarian language which could be understood in Chutiya Na`gpur. These people are only to be found in the most jungly parts of the Native States of Orissa and Sambalpur, and a few are also found in Gangpur." The so-called Sobors alluded to by Mr. Driver have not been returned as speaking a separate language at the last Census, and local information collected for the purposes of this Survey does not make any mention of the Savara dialect in those districts which are said to be the home of the Sobors. Mr. Driver publishes a short vocabulary which contains words from various sources, Aryan, Dravidian, and Mundâ. The Sobors of Sambalpur probably speak Khariâ, and those of the Orissa Tributary States some form of Kherwârí. There dialect is no longer Savara. That latter form of speech is almost exclusively spoken in the hilly tracts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. It is the prevailing language in the Ichchhapuram, Parlakimedi, and Sompeta taluks of the Ganjam Agency and, together with Telugu, in the Gunapur taluk of the Vizagapatam Agency. Elsewhere it is spoken side by side with other languages in the hills. The Savaras are divided into several sub-tribes and are, accordingly, known under various names such as Sonds, Sowras, Jara Savaras, Jara Savaras, Luda Savaras, Arisa Savaras, and Tekkati Savaras. Their dialect, however, is everywhere the same. Number Of Speakers.Owing to its being spoken only in the Madras Presidency, the Savara dialect does not falldirectly within the scope of the operations of this Survey, and no local estimates of the numberof speakers are therefore available. At the Census of 1891, the number of speakers wasreturned as follows:Madras Presidency 101,638Central Provinces 401--------------Total 102,039The corresponding figures at the last Census of 1901 were as follows:

Madras Presidency-Ganjam 40,448Ganjam Agency 68,689Vizagapatam 340Vizagapatam Agency 47,623Central Provinceschanda3------------Total 157,103The grand total at the last Census was 157,136. The remaining 33 speakers are found in the Mysore State. Grammar. Savara has been largely influenced by Telugu and is no longer an unmixed form of speech. It is most closely related to Khariâ and Juâng, but in some characteristics differs from them and agrees with the various dialects of the language which has in this Survey been described under the denomination of Kherwârí. The notes on Savara grammar which follow are based on the materials printed below. They do not pretend to be more than a mere sketch of the principal features of the dialect. Pronunciation. There are no indications in the specimens of the existence of semi-consonants. Such sounds are perhaps meant in mad , eye; to and tod, mouth: î and în hair; dâ and dân, water, etc.

Sehria.: -See Sahariyas

Shikari Pardhis.: -A sub-section of the Pardhis. See also Advichincher.

Shompen.: -They are a community of the Nicobar and Andaman Islands. They live in groups of five to ten families. They are hunters, fishermen and food gatherers. Their language is considered to be part of the Austro-Asiatic family.

Siddi.: -African Tribe in Karnataka.

Sikalgârí.: -The caste known as Saiqalgars, Siqligars, Sikligars1. etc., are armourers and polishers of metal. The name is a Persian word, ∆aiqalgar, a cleaner, polisher, derived from the Arabic base ∆aqal, to polish. "Since the disarming of the country," says Mr. Crooke, "the trade of the armourer and cutler has become depressed. The ordinary Siqligar seen in towns is a trader of no worth, and his whole stock-in-trade is a circular whetstone (sân) worked by a strap between two posts fixed in the ground. He sharpens a four-bladed knife, a pair of scissors or two razors for a pice. Their status is that of ordinary Muhammadans of the lower artizan class." Number. The number of Sikligars returned at the Census of 1911 was 5,922, of whom 2,096 were recorded in the Rajputana Agency, the rest being shown as "elsewhere." Of these 4,548 were returned as Hindîs, 818 as Sikhs, and 556 as Musalmâns. Languages. We do not possess any information to the effect that the Sikligars, as a whole, possess a language of their own. A separate dialect called Sikalgârí was, however, during the preliminary operations of this Survey returned from the Belgaum District of Bombay, where it was said to be spoken by 25 individuals in the Sampgaon ta'luqa in the south of the district. Two specimens and the Standard List of Words and Sentences in Sikalgârí have been forwarded from that place. To judge from these materials Sikalgârí in most particulars agrees with Gujarâtí. Compare forms such as dikaró, son; dikarâ, sons; gâydíyó, cows; the case suffixes dative -né; ablative -tó (Gujarâtí -thó); genitive -nó; locative -mâ; pronouns such as mâró, my; ham, we; tumé, you; verbal forms such as chhé, is; hotó, was; lidyó, took; mayî, it was got; charâwâ-nó, to tend; thél, become, and so forth. Some few characteristics, however, point in other directions. With regard to phonology we may note the frequent doubling of consonants and the common disaspiration of aspirates; compare chhukkó, hungering; chóllâwâ, to be called; duttíné, having eaten; nitté, always; guttâ, bale; khubó, standing; sâdíné, having searched; ható, hand. Both features are found in Linguistic Survey of India. other Gypsy languages. The former may point towards Pañjâbí; the latter reminds us of Dravidian. Of inflexional forms which are not Gujarâtí we may note the peripharastic future in gó; thus, thaungâ, we shall become. Similar forms of the future are also used in Râjasthâní . The termination of the singular is gó as in Eastern Râjasthâní. Connexion with Siyâlgorí. The g- future is also used in some Bhíl dialects, and it is possible that there is a connexion between Gypsy dialects such as Sikalgârí and Bhíl. Thus it is probable that the dialect described as Siyâlgirí in Vol. lX, Part iii, pp. 197 and ff., has something to do with Sikalgârí. Both dialects mainly agree with Gujarâtí. They also agree in not possessing the case of the agent, in dropping a v before i and in the frequent use of a kh instead of an s . This kh has been treated as a spirant kh in dealing with Siyâlgirí. In Sikalgârí, however, it is certainly an aspirate as in other Gypsy argots. The Siyâlgirs of Midnapore, who are supposed to have immigrated from the west some five or six generations ago, now follow a variety of occupations. Some sell fish, some make and sell bamboo mats, some are cultivators, and a few sell groceries. If they were originally Sikligars, the many points in which their dialect agrees with Sikalgârí are easily explained. The points of disagreement do not present any serious obstacle to this hypothesis, if we remember that the Siyâlgirs have long lived among strangers and must necessarily have come under the influence of the dialects spoken by their surroundings. It is more to be wondered that the two forms of speech still present so many points of agreement. Argot. The substitution of a kh instead of an s and also of other sounds in Sikalgârí mentioned above must be compared with the various devices for disguising words in other Gypsy dialects. Sikalgârí is not a simple dialect, but also an artificial argot. There are several peculiar words such as kóyrâ, people, men; khâlmânyî , seine; khédó, village; khól, house; gâr, give; chingâ, dress; chókó, good; chhimnó, horse; dut, eat; dhótríyó, belly; nikat, run; nikar, die; nikdíyó, thief; pâdó, bull; pottî, child; ranban, wife; sabâdâ, rupee. Moreover we find some of the common devices of disguising ordinary words by

means of various additions. A kh is sometimes prefixed before words beginning with a vowel; thus, khubó, standing; khuppar, above; kheklâ-mâ, in so much, in the meantime; khaikíné, having heard; kh is also frequently substituted for an initial s; thus, khât, seven; khâmó, before; khârâ, all; khâpdyó, he was found; khó, hundred. In khyâpâryó, a tradesman, it has replaces a v, cf. Gujarâtí vépârí. Ch and chh are apparently only substituted for labials, as in other Gypsy argots; compare chóllâwâ, to be called; châyé, way, means, if this is derived from upây; chhândí, having bound; chhukkó, hungering. An n has been substituted for an initial p in nâpchí, sin. Several words receive additions at the end, and a final consonant is often dropped before such additions. Several additions contain a guttural. The simplest one consists of a kh, which is substituted for a final s; thus, kâpukh=kapâs, cotton; íkh, twenty; dakhalî, ten; man; warakh, year. A t is added to this kh in forms such as âkhtí, she came; lékhtyó, took. In nikat, run, kat seems to be used in the same way. The addition gót in kagótyó, did; ghâgótó, put, is perhaps also connected. An n is also sometimes added to these suffixed gutturals; thus, jâkan, he goes; gaknyó, went; chhóknó, boy, compare Gujarâtí chhókró; rhâkan, he lives; rhakanyó, he remained. We may add the suffix gal in words such as ghâgal, put; jâgat, go; dhagal-wâ-nî, of catching; phaglíné, again. It is tempting to compare these additions with the Mundâ suffixes kat', kan, which play a great rôle in the conjugation of verbs. See Vol. ll , Part iii , p. 7. A khl or kl has been added in words such as ekhlâ, so many; kekhalâ, how many? kheklâ- mâ, so-much-in, in the meantime. A ch has been suffixed in words such as nâpchí, sin; mhéchví-lé, putting, take; compare Gujarâtí mélwû. Other additions are t, d and p; thus, déwtâ-nî, of God; jiwtó, alive; nâkódî, nose; mhódî, mouth; anpî, food.

Singiwala.: -See Bede.

Soar.: - See Sahariyas

Sonkar.: - See Od.

Sor.: -See Sahariyas

Soregar.: -They are sub-section of the Binds. See Binds.

Sosia.: - See Sahariyas

Sudugabusiddha.: - They are mendicant nomads.

Tagus.: -They look very much like Brahmins and wear the sacred thread. But quite often they give in to the temptation to steal a few things from here and there. They live in the Gangetic basin.

Takankar.: - They wander from village to village making grinding stones. They live in Maharashtra and Madiya Pradesh. They are a sub-section of the Pardhis.

Takari.: - See Od and Beldar

Takaris.: -See Takankar

Takia.: - See Takankar.

Targala.: -See Bhavariya.

Thepatkari.: - See Od.

Thoris.: -A vagrant caste. In the past they were good hunters now they are merchants similar to the Aheris of Punjab and Rajasthan.

Tipperah.: -Tipperah, Triprâ, Mrung, 1a wandering tribe of Hill Tipperah and the Chittagong Hill. Tracts, who live by the jhîm cultivation described in the article on the Magh tribe. Lewin identifies them with the Mrungs of Arrakan, who according to Colonel Phayre, believe themselves to be the descendants of persons carried away from Tipperah by the Arrakan kings. The Maghs speak of the entire tribe by the name Mrung, and do not use the Bengali word Tipperah. Members of the Tippearh tribe have no general name for their race, and when speaking his own language a man describes himself by mentioning the sept to which he belongs. When speaking Bengali, however, he would say he was a Tipperah. It seems to follow from this that the term Tipperah is not a genuine tribal name, but a designation conferred by outsiders by reason of the tribe being specially numerous in Hill Tipperah. Whether this was their original habitat or not is uncertain, and some have supposed that they came from Manipur. To attempt to trace the earliest home of a wandering tribe who live by jhîm cultivation and have neither written records nor definite oral traditions must always be a somewhat hopeless task, and the most reasonable view of the matter seems to be that taken by Friedrich Müller and other German ethnologists, who class all the wild tribes of the Chittagong and Tipperah Hills under the head Lohitic, a word which denotes some sort of connexion with the Brahmaputra river, and describe them in general terms as standing in the same ethnic relation to the Burmese as the Himalayan races do to the 2 Tibetans. The classification into Toungtha and Khyoungtha, hill-people and river-people, 3 adopted by Captain Lewin, however convenient for local use, fails, as Professor Virchow has observed, to bring out the true racial affinities of the various tribes. Internal structure. The Tipperahs are described in a survey report by Mr. H.J. Reynolds as having strongly-marked Mongolian features, with flat faces and thick lips. They are of much the same stature as Bengalis, but their frames are far

more muscular and strongly made. Many of them have fair complexions, scarcely darker than a swarthy European. The tribe is divided into a number septs, which are shown in the Appendix. They appear to be exogamous, but on this point there is some difference of opinion. I have only been able to discover the meaning of one sept name, Kâkulu, a kind of gourd, and with regard to this no one could tell me whether the members of the Kâkulu sept were forbidden to eat this gourd or were subject to any king of taboo in respect of it. The point seems to demand further inquiry in the Hill Tracts by some one thoroughly acquainted with the language of the tribe. The Riâng sept serve as palanquin-bearers, and are said to be looked down upon by the others; but it does not appear that they have on this account been excluded from the right of intermarriage with other septs. 1 See Risley 2 . F. Müller, Allgemeine Ethnographie, p. 405 3 . Ricbeck's Chittagong Hill-Tribes, Anthropological Remarks. The Mahârâjas of Hill Tipperah, who now put forward an untenable claim to be Râjputs, are believed to belong to the Áfang and Jumâtya septs, the members of which frequently call themselves Râjbansi by way of recalling their relationship to the royal family. The Kâli sept furnish the guards of the chief. Intermarriage. Tipperahs admit into their tribe Lushais, Maghs, and Hindus. The ceremony of admission consists simply of a feast given by the new members. at which a pig is served up and a huge quantity of drink consumed. The proselyte declares himself to have entered the tribe, and is treated thenceforth as if he had been a Tipperah by birth. The liquors drunk on these and similar occasions are khung (ferment form rice), sipâ (fermented from birni), and arrack (distilled from rice). Marriage. Adult-marriage is the universal rule, and "great freedom of intercourse is allowed between the sexes, but a Tipperah girl is never known to go astray outside of the caste. An illegitimate birth, also, is hardly known among them, for the simple reason that should a girl become pregnant her lover has to marry her. The girls are totally free from the prudery that distinguishes Mahomedan and Hindu women, and they have an open, frank manner, combined with a womanly modesty that is attractive. At a marriage there is no particular ceremony, but a great deal of drinking and dancing. A pig is killed as a sacrifice to the deities of the wood and stream, the crowning point of the affair being this: the girl's mother pours out a glass of liquor and gives it to her daughter, who goes and sits on her lover's knee, drinks half, and gives him the other half; they afterwards crook together their little fingers. If a match be made with the consent of the parents, the young man has to serve three years in his father-law's before he obtains his wife or is formally married. During the period of probation his sweetheart is to all intents and purposes a wife to him. On the wedding night, however, the bridegroom has to sleep with his wife surreptitiously, entering the house by stealth and leaving it before dawn. He then absents himself for four days, during which time he makes a round of visits among all his friends. On the fourth day he is escorted back with great ceremony, and has to give another feast to his cortége. A Tipperah widow may remarry if it so seems good to her. Every lad before marriage has his sweetheart, and he cohabits with her whenever opportunity serves. This, however, is without the knowledge of the elders. "Divorce," says Major Lewin, "can be obtained among the Tipperahs, as among all the hill tribes, on the adjudication of a jury of village elders. One such case I remember to have seen. The divorce was sued for by the wife on the grounds of habitual cruelty. The jury deliberated and found that the cruelty was proved, and that the divorce should be granted. Some check, however, they determined, must be put upon the woman, or otherwise every wife would complain if her husband raised his little finger at her. Accordingly they gave sentence that the divorce was granted, but that as the women was wrong to insist upon abandoning her lawful husband, she should give up all her silver ornaments to him, pay a fine of thirty rupees, and provide a pig with trimmings, in the shape of ardent spirits, to be consumed by the jury." Religion. The religion of the Tipperahs is a debased form of Hinduism. They offer to Kâli black goats, rice, plantains, sweetmeats, areca nut, curds, red lead, etc. The goddess has no image, but is represented for sacrificial purpose by a round lump of clay, the edges of which are drawn out into four points or legs, so that the whole, seen from above, bears a rough resemblance to sea-urchin with four arms. Satya-Nârâyan is also worshipped, but in his case the offerings consists only of fruits or flowers. The tribe do not employ Brahmans, but have priests, or rather exorcists, of their own, called Áuchâi, whose office is hereditary. Disposal of the dead. "When a Tippearh dies, his body is immediately removed from within the house to the open air. A fowl is man's feet. The body is burnt at the water side. At the spot where the body was first laid out, the deceased's relatives kill a cock every morning for seven days, and leave it there with some rice as an offering to the manes of the dead. A month after death, a like offering is made at the place of cremation, and this is occasionally repeated for a year. The ashes are deposited on a hill in a small hut built for the purpose, in which are also placed the dead a man's weapons, a spear, dâos of two sorts (one his fighting dâo, the other his everyday bread-winner), arrow heads, his metal-stemmed pipe, earrings, and ornaments. The place is held sacred." In connection with the beliefs of the Tipperahs regarding the spirits of the dead, Major Lewin speaks of a curious practice. He says:"We were travelling once through the jungles, and the path led across a small streamlet. Here observed a white thread stretched from one side to the other, bridging the stream. On inquiring the reason of this it appeared that a man had died away from his home in a distant village; his friends had gone thither and performed his obsequies, after which it was supposed that the dead man's spirit would accompany them back to his former abode. Without assistance, however, spirits are unable to cross running water; therefore the stream here had been bridged in the manner aforesaid." Another use of the white thread mentioned by Lewin as practised by the Tipperahs and most of the hill races seems to be a survival of the primitive animistic belief which attributes to the action of malevolent spirits, who nevertheless can be propitiated by the exorcist who knows the proper means of turning away their wrath. When an epidemic breaks out in a village, the Tipperahs and many other hill tribes call in the Áuchâri to appease the demon of sickness by a sacrifice. The entire village is encircled with a newly-spun white thread, and the blood of the animal sacrificed is freely sprinkled about. This is followed by careful sweeping and cleansing, and the house and gates are decorated with green boughs. For three days afterwards the thread is maintained unbroken, and no one is allowed to enter or leave the village. The theory seems to be that if the demon who presides over the malady can be kept at bay for that time, he will go away disappointed, while a breach of

the quarantine or khang would lead to a renewal of the outbreak. Dress. "The dress of the Tippearh," says Lewin, "is of the simplest description. Among the men a thick turban is worn, and a narrow piece of home-spun cloth, with a fringed end hanging down in front and rear, passes once round the waist and between he legs. In the cold season they wear a rudely-sewn jacket. The males wear silver earrings, crescent-shaped, with little silver pendants on the outer edge. The dress of the women is equally unornate. The petticoat is short, reaching a little below the knee, and made of very coarse cotton stuff of their own manufacture. It is striped in colours of red and blue. If the woman be married, this petticoat will form her whole costume; but the unmarried girls cover the breast with a gaily-dyed cloth with fringed ends. The women never cover their heads; they wear earrings like the men; but in addition to this ornament they distend the lobe of the ear to the size of half a crown by the insertion of a concave-edged ring of silver, placed, not through but in the lobe. Both sexes have long, black, abundant hair, which is worn in a knot at the back of the head. The use of false hair is common among them, especially the women. The meshes of false hair are woven in among the back hair to make the knot look larger."