The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 18 | Issue 8 | Number 2 | Article ID 5391 | Apr 15, 2020

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Korea’s Sipjangsaeng Iconography: The Quest for Longevityand Immortality in the Visual Arts of the Joseon Dynasty

Penny Bailey

Abstract

This article introduces Korea’s sipjangsaengiconography in the visual arts, including itsproliferation in Joseon’s elite and folk contexts,its codification in the painted screens of thecourt, and its application in works of art held atvarious international museums. It considershow Chinese motifs came to be used so widelyin Korea; which individuals or groupscommissioned and produced the sipjangsaengdesign; and why, despite its resolutely Neo-Confucian worldview, the Joseon dynastyplayed host to the proliferation of a genreemanating largely from a Daoist tradition. Toaddress these questions, it investigates thetransnational, ideological, and social contextsthat gave r ise to Korea’s dist inct ivesipjangsaeng imprint on the longevity themeand highlights the intrinsic importance ofsymbolism to Korea’s cultural heritage, and itscontribution to the articulation of artisticidentity and difference in East Asian visualculture.

Introduction

In the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museumof Art in Seoul, there is a magnificent exampleof Korea’s ten longevity symbols (十長生sipjangsaeng) iconography, artfully depictedin an eighteenth century painted screen (Fig.1).[i] (https://apjjf.org/#_edn1) Its grand scale,detailed brushwork, and chaesaek (“brilliantcolours”) style are characteristic features ofworks commissioned for use in the Joseondynasty (1392–1910) court. The work presents

a dramatic departure from the classicalrestraint of contemporaneous monochromaticink paintings (sumukhwa), in which artists usedvariegated washes and spatial voids to relaythe complexity of nature’s forms andtextures.[ii] (https://apjjf.org/#_edn2) Thescreen is intended to be read from right to left,in accordance with East Asian pictorialconventions. In the opening panels, thedominant motif is a solitary pine tree (sonamu),long regarded in East Asia as a symbol oflongevity for its ability to withstand the harshwinter. It rises from verdant mountainousterrain (san), also associated with enduranceand constancy. Scattered across the ground arethe mythical red and pink fungi (yeongji)believed to contain the elixir of immortality,and nearby are various groupings of twelvedeer (saseum), the only animal reputed to beable to locate them. The life-giving andreplenishing properties of water (mul) aredynamically represented as a river, waterfalls,and the sea; boisterous waves carry the fourturtles (geobuk) whose long lifespans connotean obvious association with the scene.Venerated for its flexibility and durability, aclump of bamboo (daenamu) sits on the rockyoutcrop above the sea. In the upper part of thecomposition, wispy clouds (gureum) reiteratingthe water theme are interspersed with sixteenflying and stationary cranes (hak). As one of themost celebrated birds in East Asian mythologyand folklore, the crane is endowed with manylofty attributes, including wisdom, promotion,and filial piety, but it is also widely associatedwith longevity. Finally, the glowing red sun(hae) warrants inclusion in the sipjangsaengiconography for its constant provision ofwarmth and regenerative power (Lachman,

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2006, pp. 25–45). Overall, the composition isharmonious and whimsical, imparting a senseof cosmic balance in a paradisiacal realm.

Figure 1. Painting on silk (210cm x 552.3cm),late 18th century. Image courtesy of Leeum,Samsung Museum of Art.

Longevity and the closely related theme ofimmortality are recurring themes in the visualcultures of East Asia. In many artistic traditionsin China, Korea, and Japan, patterns and motifshave historically been employed not only fordecorative purposes, but also as symbolicmeans of advancing ideological, philosophical,and social meaning. The Korean sipjangsaengscheme featuring the ten longevity symbols waspopularised in the late Joseon dynasty, andcontinues to be widely used by contemporaryKorean artists such as Hyun Mi Woo (b.1963)and Sunny Kim (b.1969). Extant Joseon objectsfeaturing the iconography range frompaint ings , ceramics and text i les tolacquerware, metalwares and domestic items.The motifs comprising the scheme fall into oneof four groups: celestial (sun, clouds),terrestrial (mountains/rocks, water), botanic(pine, bamboo, fungus), and animal (deer,crane, turtle). Throughout East Asia, each ofthese motifs is independently connected tonotions of longevity and/or immortality, oftenappearing as decorative modes clustered ingroups of two, three, or five (Fig. 2). Thesipjangsaeng grouping of ten motifs, however,is unique to Korea, and reflects a long historyof ornamental and symbolic expression, whichdeveloped through the amalgamation of

assimilated Chinese iconographic conventionsand indigenous ideas that gradually evolvedinto a new artistic genre with a distinctivelyKorean sensibility. Although the genre isthought to be ideologically rooted in the Daoistcult of immortality, it also draws from elementsof Korean folk beliefs, Shamanism and animism(Yoon, 2003, pp. 13–17). The auspicioussymbolism was understood and utilised acrossall Joseon social classes as a visual expressionof the universal human desire to live a long andhealthy life, and more broadly, as a means ofinviting good fortune and protecting againstevil spirits (Moes, 1983, pp. 21–22).

Figure 2. Ming vase with longevity design(crane, deer, peach, bamboo, fungus) paintedin underglaze cobalt, Jiajing period(1522–1566). Image courtesy of MetropolitanMuseum of Art.

A number of scholarly studies published inEnglish have investigated specific aspects of

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the use of Korea’s sipjangsaeng iconography inthe visual arts, including its proliferation inJoseon’s elite and folk contexts (Han, 2013;Kim, 2011), its codification in the paintedscreens of the court (Jungmann, 2007; Kim,1993), and its application in works of art heldat various international museums (Park, 2002;Lachman, 2006). None, however, havepresented a wider contextual interpretation ofthe range of questions that arise whenexamining the many extant objects featuringthe sipjangsaeng scheme. How, for instance,did Chinese motifs come to be used so widely inKorea, and why was meaning ascribed to thisparticular group of ten motifs? Whichindividuals or groups commissioned andproduced the sipjangsaeng design? And why,despite its resolutely Neo-Confucian worldview,did the Joseon dynasty play host to theproliferation of a genre emanating largely froma Daoist tradition? In order to address each ofthese questions, this article investigates thetransnational, ideological, and social contextsthat gave r ise to Korea’s dist inct ivesipjangsaeng imprint on the longevity theme. Inaddition to promoting understanding of thefactors that influenced the transformation ofChinese designs into a distinct Koreaniconographical genre, this article highlights theintrinsic importance of symbolism to Korea’scultural heritage and its role in contributing toartistic identity and difference in East Asia.

C h i n e s e I n f l u e n c e s o n K o r e a nIconographical Schemes Prior to Joseon

The geographical proximity of Korea andmainland China has long spurred mutualinterest in the social, political, and culturalcodes of the Other. As noted above, theChinese precedent of investing auspiciousmeaning in patterns and symbols appealed toKoreans, who augmented their own ornamentalrepertoires with designs from the continent(Welch, 2008, p. 12). From the fourth century,the Korean assimilation of Chinese ideographs,which became the lingua franca among East

Asian elites, further helped facilitate andenhance contact, trade, and diplomaticrelations (Sun, 2011, p. 14). Early ornamentalpatterns used in Korea, such as the lozenge,key fret, and trefoil, can be traced to art formsdating back as far as China’s Shang dynasty(ca.1600–1100 BCE) (Stuart, 1993, p. 35).Many of the iconographical schemes from thisperiod originated in ancient cosmological andmythical beliefs heavily influenced by animism,which asserted that all elements of the naturalworld were inhabited by the spirits of ancestorswatching over their living descendants. Birdswere revered as symbols of the free soul, andsupernatural creatures such as the dragon andtaotie were commonly depicted on bronzes(Ebrey, 2014, pp. 14–15). Over time, othercreatures were chosen for auspiciousiconographical schemes as visual metaphors orthrough linguistic connections. For example,the motif of the bat (蝠) is ubiquitously used inChinese art as a rebus signifying “good fortune,happ iness” (福) , due to the sharedpronunciation fu. The familiar grouping of fivebats (五蝠 wufu) is representative of the FiveBlessings (五福 wufu), which articulate thedesire for affluence, health, longevity, virtue,and a natural death (Welch, 2008, pp. 112–113;Fang, 2004, p.80).

Two important transitional periods mark theearly history of ornamentation in China, whichin turn influenced the development of Koreandesigns. The first occurred in the tumultuousperiod between the collapse of the Han dynasty(206 BCE–220 CE) and the advent of the Suidynasty (581–618), when Buddhism was firmlyestablished. The growth and dissemination ofBuddhism led to the diversification of themesand subjects for ritual and symbolic decoration.For example, in sculpture and painting,Buddhism initiated the practice of depictinggods in human form, while the construction ofBuddhist temples introduced floral and foliagemotifs into the Chinese iconographicrepertoire. Particularly emblematic of the newreligion was the lotus motif, which was used to

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signify compassion, purification, andtranscendence (Kim, 2000, p. 251; Ebrey, 2014,p. 71; Rawson, 1984, p. 14). As Buddhismtravelled eastward and carried over into theThree Kingdoms Period (57 BCE–668 CE),Koreans adopted sinified iconography andstyles, but over time, became more selective intheir interpretations of the continentalprototypes (Lee, 2002, n.p.).

T h e s e c o n d t r a n s i t i o n a l p e r i o d i nornamentation coincided with the Tang dynasty(618–907), when contact with the West, openedup through trade routes with Central Asia,diversified knowledge of foreign artisticconventions (Rawson, 1984, p. 77; Barrow inWilliams, 2006, pp. 21–22). The politicalunification of the Korean peninsula in theseventh century, enabled by the victoriousalliance between the Tang army and the SillaKingdom, solidified Korea’s tributary status asa vassal state of China. Periodic gift exchangesfacilitated the transmission of iconographicstyle, as Korean envoys to the Tang courtreturned with highly ornamented objects anddesigns that artists self-consciously strove toimitate and adapt. The visual arts of this periodare imbued with a cosmopolitanism thatreflects the convergence of disparate traditionsacquired through diplomacy, conquest, andpilgrimage. For example, a number of objectsheld at Tōdaiji Temple’s Shōsōin in Nara,Japan, indicate that Chinese versions of thegrape motif (in turn derived from Hellenisticdecorative modes) were introduced to Koreaduring this period (Sun, 2011, pp. 13–14).

The importation of Chinese designs continuedinto the Goryeo dynasty (918–1392), as theartistic achievements of the Song dynasty(960–1279) reached an efflorescence widelyconsidered as a pinnacle of Chinese culture.The educated elite scholar-official class wereadept at a wide range of skills in the arts, andmany became enthusiastic painters of naturalthemes containing metaphorical meanings(Ebrey, 2014, p. 136). The abundant depictions

of birds, fish, flowers, and mountains in Songpaintings also delighted the emerging class ofelite Goryeo officials (sinjin sadaebu), whocommissioned artists to incorporate continentalsymbols of lofty idealism and literary allusion intheir own paintings. For example, the Songliterati’s great admiration for artistic worksdepicting the grouping of the plum blossom,bamboo, orchid, and chrysanthemum thatformed the so-called Four Gentlemen (四君子C h . s i j u n z i ; K r . s a g u n j a ) [ i i i ](https://apjjf.org/#_edn3) also gainedpopularity in Korea as an aspirational subjectfor Confucian scholars to display in theirsurroundings. In addition to its representationof the four seasons, the iconographical schemealso alludes to the metaphorical virtues towhich the Confucian man of letters shouldaspire, namely endurance, filial piety, elegance,and propriety (Welch, 2008, p. 21; Itoh, 1998,pp. 299–300). Similarly, the Three Friends ofWinter (歲寒三友 Ch. suihan sanyou; Kr. sehansamwu) motif featuring the plum blossom, pine,and bamboo was highly regarded by Confuciansas representative of the scholarly ideals ofperseverance and integrity. It was popularisedamong the Song literati through the works ofartist Zhao Mengjian (1199–before 1267), anaccomplished scholar and calligrapher who wasa member of the Song imperial family. In somecontexts, the motif also represented ChineseDaoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism (Hutt,1987, p. 97). The motif’s popularity in Chinaprompted widespread imitation in Goryeo artforms as well (Welch, 2008, p. 37; Mino, 1991,pp. 32–33).

An important difference between the use ofthese conventional Chinese motifs in Korea andthe sipjangsaeng theme, however, is that thelatter is not a wholesale imitation of acontinental mode, but a transformation ofborrowed elements into a new, Korean,decorat ive id iom ta i lored to nat iverequirements and preferences. The use ofindependent longevity motifs in Korea has beentraced to murals from the Three Kingdoms

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Period, as well as to ornamental objects inBaekja (18 BCE–660 CE) culture, but it seemslikely that the development of the iconographyas a complete scheme comprising all ten motifswas not employed until much later (Yoon, 2007,pp. 12, 27). The first mention of sipjangsaeng inextant literary records is recorded by scholar YiSaek (1328–1396; a.k.a. Mokeun Sigo), in thepoem “Sehwa Sipjangsaeng” (New Year’sPainting of Ten Longevity Symbols), which waspenned during his recovery from a seriousillness:

It is now October but the newyear’s painting

of the Ten Longevity Symbols inmy room still looks fresh.

When one is ill, his only wish isfor a long life.

I wrote a short comment on eachsymbol. (quoted in Kim, 2006, p.29)

This record confirms firstly that the tenlongevity symbols iconography was in use atleast by the late Goryeo dynasty, and secondly,that new year offerings from monarch tomeritorious subjects were conveyed throughthe presentation of auspicious paintingsinviting prosperity and good fortune, as well aswarding off evil and misfortune (Kim, 2011, pp.347–348; 2003, p. 64). This custom may havebeen adopted from China, where it wascommon to gift auspicious works, such asspecial new year woodblock prints produced inBeijing, Shanghai, Suzhou, and Tianjin (Hutt,1987, pp. 64, 66).

Joseon’s Adoption of Neo-Confucianismand Subsequent Changes in Visual Culture

The transit ion from Goryeo to Joseonprecipitated sweeping changes in the social,political, and cultural fabric of Korea as YiSeonggye (1335–1408) ascended the throne as

King Taejo (r.1392–1398), the first of Joseon’stwenty-seven rulers. The dynastic change waslargely enabled by political developmentsunfolding in China. In 1368, the Ming had risento power in the wake of the Mongol retreat,claiming legitimacy as the restorers of ethnicrule – and by extension, all Confuciancivil isation – wrested from barbariandomination. In 1392, in an attempt to distancehis fledgling state from the corruption of theMongol-tainted Goryeo regime, Yi establishedvassalage to the Ming state, which he viewedas the perfect model upon which to structureJoseon society. To reflect Korea’s reneweddevotion as a member of Confucian civilisation,the Joseon architects installed a monarchy witha governing bureaucracy of civil and militaryofficials (the elite yangban class), and draftedsumptuary laws based on the wisdom ofC o n f u c i a n i s m ’ s F o u r B o o k s [ i v ](https://apjjf.org/#_edn4) (Chung, 1985, pp.63–80). Confucianism had entered Korea asearly as the fourth century, but Neo-Confucianism – the groundswell of new thoughtthat emerged from the Confucian revival inSong China – only achieved a dedicatedfollowing under the auspices of the Joseoncourt , more than a century a f ter i tsintroduction in 1286 (De Bary, 1985, pp. 4–5;K a n g , 2 0 0 6 , p p . 1 4 0 , 1 5 8 ) . [ v ](https://apjjf.org/#_edn5) It is not a religion,but an ethical doctrine that emerged from amixture of traditional Confucian teachings andideas from other orthodoxies, including China’sother two major belief systems, Buddhism andDaoism. There are various strains of Neo-Confucianism, but in Korea, the ideology’sdevelopment was guided mainly by the writingsof the eminent Chinese scholar and statesmanZhu Xi (1130–1200), who emphasised the ideathat prolonged peace and prosperity were onlyachievable if strict moral codes weremaintained at each level of society (Kang, 2006,pp. 14, 120–121).[vi] (https://apjjf.org/#_edn6)This included tributary missions dispatched toChina several times a year, with contingents oftwo to three hundred people who stayed in the

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capital for forty days. Korea offered gifts ofpaper, ginseng, and cotton, and in return,received books, medicines, and art objects(Kim, 2006, p. 38–39).

Under the Joseon state, the parameters guidingthe production of visual culture significantlychanged. Throughout the Goryeo dynasty, theBuddhist clergy had committed sizeableresources to worship, commissioning artists toproduce elaborate relics as expressions ofspiritual devotion. The Joseon state, bycontrast, viewed the primary function of objectsas vehicles to communicate correct modes ofbehaviour and reminders for righteous conduct(Cho, 2014, p. 8). Accordingly, various stylemandates were drafted stipulating that visualcultures should encourage the ideals ofintegrity, probity, and moral pragmatism(Deuchler, 2006, pp. 6, 8; Best, 2000, p. 36;Kang, 1993, p. 82). In the public arena,ceremonial ritual accrued a heightenedsignificance, and royal patronage of the artsbecame crucial to conveying a sense of dynasticlegitimacy, political authority, and monarchicdignity (Kim, 1993, pp. 35–36, 42). To this end,early Joseon rulers enthusiast ical lyacculturated the vastly simplified aestheticprinciples of the Ming. Undecorated whiteporcelains (baekja) based on Ming prototypes,for example, were considered eminently suitedemblems of the new aesthetic code (Robertsand Brand, 2000, p. 11; Lee, 2009, pp. 40, 62).A portion of early baekja works were decoratedwith motifs executed in iron, cobalt, and copperpigments, using pictorial conventions inspiredby inherited traditions and the paintingmanuals that arrived in Korea with Chineseenvoys (Kim, 2006, pp. 39–42). Generally,Joseon visual arts are elegant and modest,reflecting the early rulers’ desire to build theconsummate Neo-Confucian state based onstrict adherence to Zhu’s instruction. Thisparticular iteration of Confucianism was themost rigid, and Koreans were subsequentlyregarded in the Confucian sphere as morepious than their counterparts in China or Japan

(Duncan, 2002, p. 65; Kim, 2014, p. 14; Wells,2000, p. 16).

In order to faithfully adhere to the new asceticvalues and ritual requirements, a number ofJoseon rulers launched campaigns to suppressother religions or belief systems. Despite thehistorically peaceful coexistence betweenBuddhism and Confucianism in Korea, forexample, in the early days of the dynasty,Buddhism became the object of censure fromthe state (Yi, 1985, pp. 140–157; Haboush,2009, p. 3). During the reign of King Taejong(r.1400–1418), for instance, the occupants ofBuddhist temples and monasteries wereexpelled and forced to practise their faith inremote locations under restricted conditions(Deuchler, 1992, p. 198). The push to purgeBuddhism was furthered by King Yejong(r.1468–1469), who drastically culled themonastic population by abolishing the monkregistration system, and Yeonsangun(r.1494–1506), who, in addition to withdrawingstate recognition of the faith, also intensifiedcampaigns targeting the destruction of templesand devotional objects (Haboush, 2009, p. 4).Daoism also came under fire as fourteen of thefifteen sacred sites constructed for Daoistofferings during the Goryeo period, when thereligion flourished, were abolished. Prior to hisaccession, King Taejo had performed Daoistrites to the planet Venus, but following advicefrom the Ministry of Rites in his inaugural year,he d isso lved a l l Daois t s i tes exceptSogyeokjeon, the Sanctuary of BrilliantInvestigation. The site was renamed anddemoted under King Saejo (r.1455–1466), evenas ceremonies to exorcise evil spirits andharness good fortune continued. During KingJungjong’s reign (1506–1544), Sogyeokjeon wasclosed by a Confucian reformist faction, andthen reopened by a competing faction. It wasfinally abolished after the Japanese attacks onKorea initiated by Toyotomi Hideyoshi(1592–1598), precipitating the decline ofKorean Daoism in the official sphere (Jung,2000, p. 797–801). The general pattern of

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oppressing Buddhism and Daoism in the publicrealm cleared the way for Neo-Confucian elites,who exerted their authority in all matters ofmoral and intellectual endeavour.

However, historical records also indicate thatin both the public and private sectors, membersof Joseon society were still receptive to culturalsystems not officially sanctioned by the state.For example, more than a few Joseon monarchsturned to Buddhism for reassurance on matterspertaining to the afterlife, and under somemonarchs, the court even requested thattemples conduct Buddhist rituals for the royalfamily (Woo, 2014, p. 231), or commissionlarge-scale Buddhist ceremonial banners(gwaebul) for display at liturgical ceremonies(Kim, 2014, p. 21; Kim, 2006, p. 27). In theearly years of the dynasty, Buddhist practiceswere also quietly propelled by yangban womenand members of the non-elite classes, who werenot permitted to participate in Neo-Confucianrituals until the seventeenth century (Wells,2000, p. 19). Shamanism and Daoism alsocontinued, through the performance of ritualprayers for the dead, healing, and wish-granting (Haboush, 1993, p. 32). The Daoistfollowers, displaced after the abolition ofSogyeokjeon, formed private groups tomaintain Daoist learning and conductexperiments in inner alchemy. As withBuddhism, some ceremonies remained in theofficial realm, such as the Worship of theDeified Heaven, which was jointly run by theOffice of Daoist Rituals and the Office ofConstellation Rituals (administered byShamans) (Kim, 1993, p. 44; Kang, 1993, pp.79, 82, 85). This intermingling of Neo-Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, andShamanism led to a blurring of lines regardingthe origins and use of decorative and symbolicelements from each system. For example, thethemes of inviting good fortune and repellingevil spirits are common to Daoism andShamanism, and, even more intriguingly, theShaman mountain spirit Sanshin manifestsvariously as a Confucian sage, a bodhisattva,

and a Daoist Immortal (Jung, 2000, p. 798; Kim,2006, p. 27).

Although the vast majority of extant objectsemploying sipjangsaeng date to the late Joseond y n a s t y ( Y o o n , 2 0 0 7 , p . 2 ) , [ v i i ](https://apjjf.org/#_edn7) it is likely thatdespite its predominantly Daoist message, theiconography was also popular in the dynasty’sfirst two centuries. Of the heterodox systems ofthought, the state considered Daoism the leastincompatible with Neo-Confucianism, perhapsbecause Daoist elements entailed appealingtalismanic themes of luck and fortune, whichtranscended institutionalised religion andphilosophy. Unfortunately, material records forthe early Joseon period are scant, as manyartworks, along with all of the meticulouslydocumented Records for Royal Ceremonies(Uigwe) detailing the use of objects at theJoseon court, were destroyed in Hideyoshi’sattacks on Korea. However, a literary sourceagain proves invaluable in illuminating whatthe limited number of objects cannot: the poem“Susa Sehwa Sipjangsaeng” (Receiving a NewYear Painting of the Ten Longevity Symbolsfrom the King) by yangban scholar SeongHyeon (1439–1504) details a gift fromYeonsangun in 1502, conf irming thecontinuation of the Goryeo custom noted above(Kim, 1998, p. 15; Kim, 2006, p. 177).

Fur thermore , by the Ming dynas ty(1368–1644), a number of motifs and narrativeson the longevity theme were firmly ensconcedas standard themes in China’s visual arts(Welch, 2008, p. 10), which facilitated thereinforcement of the theme through tradecontacts and official exchanges. Curiously,some emblems of longevity, such as Shoulao,t h e G o d o f L o n g e v i t y , [ v i i i ](https://apjjf.org/#_edn8) were not widelyimitated in Joseon, but his standard peachaccessory became a permanent fixture inimmortality myths. In Chinese Daoist lore, thepeach is associated with immortality throughthe narrative of Xiwangmu (Queen Mother of

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the West), who resided in the paradisiacalgrounds of Mount Kunlun in western China.Typically, she is portrayed in her peachorchard, where she distributes the fruit at herlavish birthday celebrations held once every3,000 years. The peaches were reputed toconfer immortality and eternal youth on herheavenly guests (Welch, 2008, p. 55). Thetransmission of the motif to early Joseonvernacular is confirmed by one of the mostfamous paintings of the period, Mongyudowondo (Dream Journey to the Peach BlossomLand, 1447). The work depicts majesticmountains and lyrical streams dotted withpeach blossoms reminiscent of Mount Kunlunor Mount Penglai (the home of the EightImmortals in Chinese mythology), or perhapsKorea’s Geumgangsan (Diamond Mountains). Itwas painted by the famous landscape artist AnGyeon (1418–after 1464), who was stronglyinfluenced by the Chinese landscapes ofNorthern Song artist Guo Xi (ca.1000–ca.1090).Gyeon was commissioned by Prince Anpyeongto paint his dream of landing in the utopianworld described by the Chinese poet TaoYuanming (365–427). Dream Journey attests tothe widespread appreciation among Joseonelites for the continent’s artistic traditionssurrounding the longevity/immortality theme(Jungmann, 1995, p. 311; Kim, 2006, p. 40).

The catastrophic incursions into Korea by Japanin the late sixteenth century, and by theManchus in the early seventeenth century werecompounded by the chaos that ensued from thefall of the Ming to the Manchus in 1644.Beyond its obligations to the newly ensconcedQing dynasty (1644–1911), the Joseon courtattempted to free the country from outsidecontact by adopting a policy of isolationism. Itwas widely accepted that the change to foreignrulership in China meant that Joseon was nowthe sole entity responsible for the maintenanceof authentic Confucianism (Kim, 2014, p. 14).In a radical move away from Joseon’s earlyideological elitism, Neo-Confucian ethics andmores were vigorously disseminated among the

non-elite classes (Deuchler 2002, 323–24). Atthe same time, the conflicts with foreignaggressors inspired a renewed sense ofpatriotism across all levels of society. Supportfor the preservation of distinctively Koreancultural characteristics gained momentum,prompting strong interest in traditional artforms. In the visual arts, the mid-Joseon periodushered in an age of creative flexibility andinnovation as artists focused on defining a newnative vernacular by retaining only the Chineseelements that interested them (Kim and Kim,1966, p. 22). It remains uncertain whether thes ip jangsaeng theme was used in theseventeenth century, but the indigenous originof the design, the flowering sense of freedomand energy in the visual arts, and a growings o p h i s t i c a t i o n i n i c o n o g r a p h i cconceptualisation in this period suggest thatthe theme appealed to the sophisticated tastesof the Joseon court. In ceramic production, forexample, designs of underglazed painteddragons symbolising the ultimate power ofimperial rule acquired a vitality and whimsy,reflected both in exuberant free-stylecompositions and deft, unevenly applied ironpigment brushstrokes (Fig. 3). This dynamic,uninhibited, and freeform style was antitheticalto the meticulously detailed versionscontemporaneously produced at China’s officialJingdezhen kilns and provincial kilns.

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Figure 3. Porcelain jar painted in underglazeiron, 17th century. Image courtesy of Ho-Am ArtMuseum.

Ideological Syncretism in Late Joseon andthe Prominence of Daoist Themes

The economic prosperity achieved under theenlightened rulership of King Yeongjo(r.1724–1776) and his grandson King Jeongjo(r.1776–1800) generated a wave of culturalrevitalisation across Joseon society (Kim,2003z, p. 252). One striking example ofdramatic changes in the arts during this periodwas the development of jingyeong sansuhwa(“true view landscape painting”) by Jeong Seon(1676–1759), which proposed an alternative toconventional Chinese landscape themes, suchas the popular Eight Views of the Xiao andXiang Rivers (瀟湘八景圖Ch. Xiaoxiang bajing;Kr. Sosang palgyeong). Ideologically, Neo-Confucianism managed to retain its position asthe dynasty’s ideological mainstay, but from theeighteenth century onwards, iconoclasticsystems of thought were increasingly toleratedand integrated into the fabric of society. In

particular, Daoism – which had always stronglyimpacted Korean consciousness and ways oflife, but eluded the status of state religion –experienced a resurgence, prompted in part byincreased receptivity to the culture of QingC h i n a ( 1 6 4 4 – 1 9 1 1 ) . [ i x ](https://apjjf.org/#_edn9) The religious strandof Daoism that particularly appealed tomembers of Joseon society was organised byZhang Daoling (34–156), centuries after theestablishment of philosophical Daoism by thegreat sage Laozi (ca. sixth century BCE). Zhangpurportedly received the title of CelestialMaster (Tianshi) in a revelation from Laozi in142, and thereafter launched a campaign forthe reformation of what he viewed asdegenerative religious practices. He drew fromthe formative texts Daode jing and Zhuangzi todisseminate an understanding of the Dao(usually translated as the Way) as theinexplicable and undefinable infinite void thatspontaneously generates the cosmos. Amongother things, Dao teachings advocate freedomand spontaneity, yielding over assertion, andliving in harmony with the natural world(Fowler, 2005, pp. 4–7; Little, 2000, pp. 16–17,115). Like many Daoist adepts, Zhang stressedthe importance of attaining spiritualenlightenment, and he and his devoteesattempted to engineer immortality through theregulation of consciousness, dietary restrictionsand physical exercise, exorcisms, and the use ofalchemy and magical elixirs (Robinet, 2005, p.9954).

The spread of disparate cultural traditions isreflected in the arts produced late in theperiod, when religious and philosophical motifsdrawn f rom Buddhism, Daoism, andShamanism were sometimes intermingled withNeo-Confucian themes (Wells, 2000, p. 19;Fong, 1983, p. 192). Late Joseon objects areoften more densely decorated than earlierworks, as the emphasis on Confucian austeritygave way to more spontaneity and lyricism.Daoist subjects ranged from simple designs ofLaozi riding an ox or Shoulao accompanied by a

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deer, to more elaborately painted utopianlandscapes similar to the Leeum screen,alluding to the mythical realms of theImmortals. One motif that is sometimes used toaugment the ten longevity symbols is thepeach. As noted above, it is most famouslyconnected to the longevity and immortalitythemes through its central role in the Daoistnarrative of Xiwangmu, as well as somethingShoulao carries, but it also appears in Shamanrepresentations of the mountain spirit Sanshin.Its addition to the Leeum screen in two treesheavily laden with ripened fruit indicates thatthere was some degree of flexibility in theexecution of the sipjangsaeng theme, andsuggests that the meaning of “ten” (sip) wasnot necessarily limited to a numerical value,but may have also encompassed the definitionof “auspicious” or “unlimited” (Park, 2002, p.393). The colouring of the peaches and theirintentionally exaggerated forms are suggestiveof the vulva and the nipple, which connotefertility and forge a link to the concept ofattaining immortality through the continuationof the family line. A number of scholars haveargued that the predominance of thesipjangsaeng scheme in late Joseon reflected aconscious shift away from the unattainableChinese dream of granting eternal life to thehuman body, and towards the more realisticdesire for a long and healthy life, articulated inserene images of the natural world (Yoon,2007, p. 15). Whatever the case, the diversityin medium and style among extant objectsemploying the sipjangsaeng theme attests tothe iconography’s enduring impact andwidespread popularity in late Joseon’s visualarts.

Visual Culture Employing Sipjangsaeng inLate Joseon

Painted works employing the sipjangsaengtheme occur in horizontal or vertical single-panelled scrolls, or large folding screens. Manyextant examples of the latter format wereproduced for use at court functions celebrating

weddings, sixtieth birthdays, anniversaries, andinvestitures. These works generally do notinclude signatures or production dates (Park,2002, p. 385), but fortunately, the Records forRoyal Ceremonies after the Japanese andManchu attacks meticulously detail thecommission and consumption of art objects forthe court. These documents indicate the use ofsipjangsaeng large folding screens at royalevents until the end of the dynasty, both toindicate the elevated status of the personseated before them and to inculcate a feeling ofauspicious festivity among the guests (Park,2002, p. 391). In order to meet the court’sspecific requirements, such paintings wereexecuted by court painters (hwawon) employedby the Bureau of Painting (Dohwaseo), whichfell under the authority of the Ministry of Rites(Yejo). Due to the seminal role of visual culturein reinforcing the authority and legitimacy ofthe royal court, hwawon were bound to adhereto strict protocols. The sipjangsaeng thememust have aligned with the preferences of thecourt, as the painters were not permitted totransgress the boundaries of convention tocreate their own original designs (Cho, 2014,pp. 5–6; Park, 2002, p. 392). They were,however, called upon to furnish the yangbanclass with screens to celebrate sixtiethbirthdays and wedding anniversaries, as well asto decorate porcelains for elite use. In order tocope with the demanding requirements of theposition, candidates were vetted through arigorous examination process, which testedtheir degree of technical proficiency in fourcategories: bamboo, landscapes, figures andanimals, and plants and flowers (Kim, 1998, p.14). Once accepted, the painters were requiredto create works with didactic, commemorative,celebratory, documentary, or topographicalcontent. Works painted in the sipjangsaengtheme must have been particularly challenging,as they required dexterity in all four categories.

A number of extant documentary paintingsconfirm the placement of the longevity screensbehind members of the royal family at

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celebratory events. The eight-panelled RoyalBanquet in the Year of Mushin (1848, Fig. 4),[x](https://apjjf.org/#_edn10) for instance, detailsfour lavish events held at the Changdeok andChanggyeong Palaces in the fourteenth year ofKing Heonjong’s reign (r.1827–1849) tocelebrate the sixtieth birthday of the king’sgrandmother, Elder Dowager Queen Sunwon(1789–1857), and the forty-first birthday of theDowager Queen Sinjeong (1808–1890).[xi](https://apjjf.org/#_edn11) As the DowagerQueen dec l ined to part ic ipate , [x i i ](https://apjjf.org/#_edn12) the screen depictsthree banquets held in honour of ElderDowager Queen Sunwon (Han, 2013, pp.122–123). Figure 4 illustrates the panel of thefinal night’s banquet. The seat of honour isempty, because with the exception of royalportraits, artists were not permitted to depictroyal figures in paintings. However, the elderdowager’s presence at the event is indicated bythe careful attentions of her ladies-in-waitingand the sipjangsaeng screen placed behind herelevated throne (Cho, 2014, p. 5; Han, 2013, p.145). This aniconic representation followed thecustom of placing the ilwol obong (Sun, Moon,and Five Peaks) iconography behind the king’sthrone to indicate his presence. This particularmotif was chosen for the exclusive use of theking as a symbolic reminder of his role asmediator between Heaven and Earth(Jungmann, 2007, pp. 95, 100; Han, 2013, pp.20–25). By contrast, the sipjangsaeng themewas frequently invoked for the women of thecourt, as indicated by an 1879 commission of ascreen by King Gojong (r.1863–1907). As itstitle suggests, Celebrating the Recovery of theCrown Prince from Smallpox commemoratesthe remarkable convalescence of the boydestined to be the last ruler of Joseon. As a signof his deep appreciation, the king orderedmultiple copies of the painting to bestow uponall the members of the medical team (Woo,2014, pp. 30–32). Reflecting its popularity inscreens and paintings, the sipjangsaeng themewas also featured in the majestic high-neckedunderglaze-decorated jars that became

enormously popular from the early nineteenthcentury on (Smith, 2000, pp. 100–103). Thelavish use of cobalt and copper confirms thatthis work (Fig. 5) was destined for use in thecourt.

Figure 4. Royal Banquet in the Year of Mushin,1848. Last two (of eight) panels, Ink andcolours on silk (each 141.5cm × 49.5cm).Image courtesy of National Museum of Korea.

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Figure 5. Porcelain jar painted in underglazecobalt and copper, 19th century. Image courtesyof National Museum of Korea.

The ten longevity symbols are also found inother media, such as embroidery, lacquer, andeven architecture. In the course of restoringGyeongbok Palace in 1865, King Gojongconstructed Jagyeong Hall as living quartersfor the Dowager Queen Sinjeong. Behind thebuilding, a number of chimneys were built tofacilitate the construction of an ondol heatingsystem to warm its floors. The chimney wall isprofusely decorated with sipjangsaeng motifs(Fig. 6) and a number of other auspicioussymbols including chrysanthemums, lotus, batsand grapes. The choice of design was mostbefitting for a woman who, in addition to beingthe most senior member of the royal household,had also outlived both her husband and her son(Han, 2013, p. 126). Many other extant objectsalso attest to the popularity of the designamong Joseon elites. For instance, the wooden

spectacles case in Figure 7 beautifully capturessix of the sipjangsaeng symbols, embroideredonto the lower part of its silk covering. Forconvenience, the cases were made to befastened at the waist (Woo, 2014, p. 179). Thecase opening is decorated with the simplifiedcharacter denoting longevity (寿su) on thefront, complemented by good fortune (bok) onthe reverse. A tobacco box (Fig. 8) providesanother stunning example of Joseon artistryand craftsmanship on the theme of longevity.The practice of smoking tobacco wasintroduced to Korea in the early seventeenthcentury. It spread across social classes, causinga spike in demand for objects that couldcontain shredded tobacco leaves (Woo, 2014, p.156). Accordingly, this box’s elaborate exteriorwas inlaid with very thin strips of silver, cut ina manner similar to the traditional Koreanpractice of inlaying mother-of-pearl intolacquer. On each side, a delightful rendition ofeach of the ten longevi ty symbols iscomplemented by the stylised hanja longevitycharacter (壽 su) on the box’s lid. Eachdecorative element in the pictorial scheme isaccentuated by the bands of key fret,arabesque, and floral patterning occupying thespaces between them.

Figure 6. Jagyeongjeon chimney wall,Gyeongbok Palace, 19th century. Photograph byauthor.

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Figure 7. Embroidered silk spectacle case, lateJoseon dynasty. Image courtesy of NationalFolk Museum of Korea.

Figure 8. Silver inlaid tobacco box, 19th

century. Image courtesy of Ewha WomansUniversity Museum.

The increased diversity in religious andphilosophical motifs at court and among elitesfiltered through to the homes of commoners,where a vibrant genre of folk painting (minhwa)evolved. Like the royal family and elite classes,commoners used the iconography of the tenlongevity symbols as auspicious charms thatcould bring favourable circumstances into theirlives (Moes, 1983, pp. 22, 120; Welch, 2008, p.11). As socioeconomic changes of the dynasty’slast two centuries dramatically increased thewealth of the middle class, the custom ofcreating decorative living spaces becamepopular. Minhwa works were created by localor itinerant amateur painters, who had little orno formal training for decorative, talismanic, orceremonial purposes (Kim, 2006, p. 31). Unlikehwawon, however, who were concerned withthe constraints of officialdom, these paintersenjoyed a freedom of expression, which gaverise to diverse styles, formats, and artistictechniques (Moes, 1983, pp. 20–21). Thescholar-official Yi Gyugyung (1788–?) noted inhis work “Oju Yeonmun Jangjeon Sango”(Random Expatiations of Oju, c. 1850) thatsipjangsaeng was a common decorative themein the entertaining areas of the commonerclasses, appearing in everything from mountedhanging scrolls and screens, to works nailed orpasted to walls, pillars, storage chests, anddoors (Yoon, 2007, pp. 4, 9). Mirroring thecustom among Joseon’s elites, weddings in thecommoner classes also often used sipjangsaengscreens (usually borrowed) as backdrops forthe festivities, in addition to the moreconventional screens of peonies (signifyingfemale beauty and reproduction) and multiplechildren (fertility). The longevity theme alsoappeared in the vividly embroidered ceremonialhwalot robes worn by brides – robes that wereotherwise only for royal use (Han, 2013, p. 188;Kim, 2006, p. 258). The proliferation of theiconography in these contexts not only createdan auspicious ceremonial atmosphere, but alsoemphasised the connection between the Joseonroyal families and their faithful subjects.

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Conclusion

The sipjangsaeng iconography, featuring theunique grouping of ten symbols of longevityand immortality, is illustrative of the ways inwhich Koreans created distinct themes indecorative and symbolic art by augmentingtheir own cultural traditions with elementsselectively borrowed from China. The earliestrecord of sipjangsaeng is in the writings of ascholar official of the late Goryeo dynasty, whodescribes a New Year painting he had receivedfrom the king. With the inauguration of theJoseon dynasty in 1392, the parameters ofartistic production were radically altered byNeo-Confucian dictates requiring simplicity,austerity, and pragmatism in the visual arts.Although there are no surviving objects fromthis period, the continuation of the new yearcustom of offering sipjangsaeng paintings isconfirmed by another literary record datingb a c k t o 1 5 0 2 , s u g g e s t i n g t h a t t h eiconography’s universal appeal may haveoutweighed the ascetic and ritual demands ofthe court. Following Korea’s closure to theoutside world in the seventeenth century, thepursuit of dynamic and exploratory indigenousthemes in the ar ts a lso impl ies thatsipjangsaeng remained a cherished subject.Extant Joseon objects employing the tenlongevity symbols date back to the eighteenthand nineteenth centuries, when a renaissancein Joseon’s cultural development spurredinterest in and tolerance of philosophicalsystems other than Neo-Confucianism. Inparticular, the flourishing of religious Daoismled to a proliferation of art objects with codifiedillustrations of the Daoist worldview. Theordered and harmonious depiction ofsipjangsaeng landscapes, reminiscent of theparadisiacal realms of the Immortals, held wideappeal among all sectors of Joseon society.Surviving objects range from painted screens,scrolls, and minhwa folk paintings to works ofembroidery, metalwork and lacquerware. Theenduring use of the ten longevity symbols’iconography in contemporary media reflects

both the continued significance of symbolicrepresentation in the artistic canon, and thedeep imprint of Daoist tradition in Korea’scultural heritage.

Notes

[i] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref1) Equallyspectacular examples are found in thecollections of the National Museum of Korea,Ho-Am Art Museum, and the National PalaceMuseum.

[ii] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref2) During theJoseon dynasty, the ink monochrome paintinggenre was so revered as a form of self-expression and erudition that the responsibilityof keeping chaesaekhwa alive fell to courtpainters and Buddhist monk-painters (Kim,2006, p. 25).

[iii] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref3) “The FourGentlemen” is also translated as the “FourNoble Characters,” or the “Four Plants ofVirtue.”

[iv] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref4) Namely, Lun-yü (Analects of Confucius), Meng-tzu (Works ofMencius), Ta-hsüeh (Great Learning), andChung-yung (Doctrine of the Mean) (Deuchler,1992, p. 20).

[v] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref5) Although Neo-Confucianism derives from Confucianism, thetwo terms are often used interchangeably indiscussions of the Joseon dynasty (Chŏng andHan, 1996, pp . 3 -4) . In th is ar t ic le ,“Confucianism” denotes the broader ideology,while “Neo-Confucianism” refers specifically tothe ideology’s iteration under the Songdynasty, an iteration that was widely practisedin Joseon Korea.

[vi] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref6) In China, ZhuXi’s Neo-Confucianism was the dominant stateideology from 1241 (Song dynasty) until the

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rise of the Republic of China in 1912 (Best,1991, p.18).

[vii] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref7) Yoon (p. 30)mentions the use of sipjangsaeng in Goryeobronze mirrors, but thus far, I have beenunable to locate them in public or privatecollections.

[viii] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref8) Shou is thirdof the Three Stars of Wealth, Status, andLongevity (福祿壽三星Fu Lu Shou Sanxing).

[ix] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref9) The debatesurrounding the origins of Korean Daoism isbeyond the purview of this article, but briefly,the widespread belief that Daoism enteredKorea by way of China is questioned byscholarship asserting that an intrinsicallyKorean tradition, which shared manycharacteristics, existed in the peninsula prior tothe introduction of Chinese Daoism in the Tangdynasty (Jung, 2000, pp. 792–795).

[x] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref10) There are fiveextant screens of the 1848 celebration (all inthe collection of the National Museum ofKorea), but of these, only three are intact withall eight screens (Han, 2013, pp. 140, 162 note20).

[xi] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref11) In Korea (asin China and Japan) the sixtieth birthday(hwangap) is particularly auspicious, as itrepresents the completion of the sexagenarycycle of the Korean zodiac. The forty-firstbirthday (mang-o) was also consideredauspicious as it literally means “lookingforward to the fiftieth” (Han, 2013, p. 160 note4).

[xii] (https://apjjf.org/#_ednref12) Sinjeong wasobserving a period of mourning for her fatherand was thus reluctant to participate in acelebratory banquet. She eventually acquiescedto a ceremony to grant her honorary titles(Han, 2013, pp. 134–135).

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Penny Bailey is a researcher in Japanese and Korean art history at The University ofQueensland. Her doctoral research examined the ways in which the founder of Japan’s Mingei(Folk Craft) Movement, Yanagi Sōetsu, theorised Korean visual cultures during Korea’scolonial period (1910–1945) in an effort to campaign for Korean sovereignty. ORCID id here(https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3601-6640).