Kollas in Argentina, The Struggle of the Territory

Dedicated to Lucía, Susana and Mario Brunetto, who made this

adventure possible, opened my eyes to the beauties of Northern

Argentina and taught me Spanish.

Gracias.

Aalborg University 2013

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Table of Contents 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................................. 3

2. Methodology............................................................................................................................................. 6

2.1. Specifications and Limitations ............................................................................................................ 6

3. Concepts & Theory: Exploring Indigenous People, Identity, Nation and Modernization ............ 8

3.1. Indigenous, Identity and Nation conceptualized .......................................................................... 9

3.1.1. Indigenous People ......................................................................................................................... 9

3.1.2. Nation & Identity .................................................................................................................... 11

3.1.3. Modernization theory ............................................................................................................ 13

4. Historical background: a People Descending from Boats ............................................................... 16

4.1. The Rise of a Nation ...................................................................................................................... 16

4.2. Malon de la Paz 1946 ..................................................................................................................... 17

4.3. 1990s - The rise of Qullamarka ..................................................................................................... 19

5. Analysis and Discussion ...................................................................................................................... 21

5.1. Kollas and Territory ....................................................................................................................... 21

6. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 28

7. Appendix 01 - Qullamarka .................................................................................................................... 30

8. Appendix 02 - Indigenous in Argentina ............................................................................................... 32

9. Appendix 03 - Excerpts from a Qullamarka Press-statement : 2012 March. ................................... 33

10. Bibliography ....................................................................................................................................... 36

Kollas in Argentina - Their Struggle for Territory

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1. Introduction

In 1993 Kicza predicted that the remaining indigenous resistances in Latin America would

disintegrate and assimilate. Similar, other authors, as for example Young, concluded that

indigenous people in Latin America had suffered from such brutal fragmentation and

cultural starvation that it was highly unlikely that a mobilization could take place within a

Latin American context ( Warren & Jackson, 2003 :1).

However, despite these pessimistic predictions, Latin America has experienced an

increasing and growing indigenous uprising and mobilisation during the last two decades.

In some cases, the mobilisation have lead to the election of indigenous presidents, as

exemplified by Juan Evo Morales Ayma in Bolivia. In others, they are still an opposition to

governments, yet an opposition that is managing to influence those governments’

decisions.

Indigenous populations in the Americas are the descendants of the original inhabitants of

the continents. Nevertheless, they have arguably been profoundly shaped by centuries of

colonisation and by more modern processes of globalization.

Scholars have argued that the recent uprising of the indigenous populations, can be seen

as a response to, and a critique of the neo-liberal economic trends of the Washington

Consensus that swept over the continent in the 1980-90s. The critique of the neo-liberal

paradigm is arguably reflected by the emergence of an indigenous discourse, which

celebrates the otherness of the indigenous people. An agenda which emphasizes the non-

materialist, non-consumer and spiritual relations to the land, consensual decision-making,

a holistic environmentalist perspective, and a reestablishment of harmony in the social and

physical worlds (Morrissey, 2009; Warren & Jackson, 2003: 13).

The seemingly contradiction between indigenous tradition and western thinking can be

approached and analysed from a number of different perspectives. Due to the immense

amount of indigenous population groups situated around the globe, it is not possible to

investigate all cases. I have, therefore, decided to explore the indigenous peoples'

territorial struggle inside Argentina and what importance the access to territory has for the

identity of an indigenous population. Furthermore, I have limited my case-study to one


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indigenous people, the Kollas. They were selected for the case-study as I in 2012

undertook a three month internship with their organisation - Qullamarka1, which gave me

an opportunity to observe them more closely2.

The Kollas are an indigenous people living on the high planes of the Andes in Argentina

and Bolivia. According to themselves, and scholars, they are descendants of the native

peoples that formed part of the Inca Empire (Valente, 2006).

In Argentina the Kollas are found in the provinces of Jujuy and Salta3, and are according to

the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) "the most developed of the

Argentine indigenous groups". However, economically and socially they remain

disadvantaged in comparison to the majority of the Argentine population (UNHCR, 1993).

According to the Kollas themselves, the main problem they face is the controversy over

land. Land is regarded as a common good, and for that reason they have never held

individual ownership titles to the land on which they live (Qullamarka 2012a). For centuries

the Kollas have been displaced from their ancestral land, and today they find themselves

without a legally valid document demonstrating their rights to the land (UNHCR, 1993) for

which they have been fighting for more than a 150 years.

The main research question that I seek to answers is :

To what extent, if any, has the Kolla's perception on territory been seen as an opposition

to development in Argentina?

To explore the issue above, we need to, first of all, undercover, how the Kollas perceive

territory. In order to do this, ideas of identity and nation-state are to be utilized. The

modern nation is seen as a part of the modernizing project of industrialized societies

1 See appendix 01

2 See "2.1. Specifications and Limitations" for more explanation with regard to my choice of case-study.

3 See appendix 02


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(Guibernau & Rex: 1997: 2), thus to explore whether their held perceptions can be

considered as an barrier to development, the notions of the modernization theory will be

applied.

Based on the above question the paper is structured as follows:

Section two outlines the methodological foundation on which the paper is resting.

Section two is split into two sub-sections. Sub-section one, advances a number of

definitions of key concepts and formulates a framework for the analysis. Sub-section two

formulates a theoretical framework for the analysis, based on the modernization theory.

Section three presents an analysis and discussion, based on the gathered qualitative data.

Finally, a conclusion - based on the findings from the analysis - will be provided.


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2. Methodology

The paper sets out to add to existing literature on the topic of indigenous, territory, identity,

and nation in Argentina, as in my perspective, much academic writings have tended to

overlook indigenous groups in Argentina.

A fast scan of the academic discussion of indigenous groups in Latin America, reveals that

while the indigenous movements of Bolivia, Ecuador, Mexico, and Peru are widely studied,

indigenous groups in Argentina have mainly been left out and remain largely an

undiscovered case. There may be several of reasons for that, one being that the

indigenous movements of these countries, as indicated by Morrissey, "represent the

strongest form of indigenous mobilization" (Morrissey, 2009: 495). A view supported by

Warren and Jackson who argue that the mobilisation of indigenous in Argentina is

immature compared to other countries within the region (2003: 6).

The somewhat narrow focus of this paper means that only a small fraction of this issue is

explored. Before moving on to an explanation of the utilized data and its limitations, an

explanation of the choice of focus is presented, followed by some remarks on the selected

theoretical framework.

2.1. Specifications and Limitations

My paper represents a case study, chosen due to personal affiliations, as explained

earlier. Thus, it does not necessarily represents other cases or can illustrate a specific trait

or problem. As indicated by the research question the focus of this paper is on the issue of

territorial rights. This focus was chosen, as it has and continues to be the most persistent

demand of not only the Kollas, but indigenous organisations throughout the region

(Rutledge, 1977: 236), and it therefore offers a constant factor in the struggle of

indigenous in Latin America which makes it an ideal component for an overtime analysis.

While I managed to achieve some insight into the more recent fight (2000- 2012) of the

Kolla from their perspective, I have not been equally successful with discovering material

from a government perspective. Thus, the explore time period will mainly focus on late


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19th century to late 20th century. However, when possible a present day context will be

included.

To answer the research question, a qualitative stocktaking and evidence-gathering

process, which included a desk-based review of academic and grey literature was

undertaken, on which the base of this paper rests. Needless to say, the presented

secondary data, - as this type of data constitutes - is a more indirect approach to exploring

the chosen problem, as opposed to conducting interviews or undertaking a direct personal

observation for the purpose of collecting primary data. However, this paper combines

these secondary data with primary documents, observations and conversations.

From September to December 2012, I visited local communities and encountered Kolla

community members in the provinces of Salta and Jujuy, and in this connection undertook

the work of digitalising community documents. Furthermore, I participated in traditional

rituals which gave me an opportunity to make certain observation, and ask clarifying

questions. Actual interviews was not deemed possible, due to a language barrier that

proved it too difficult, thus as a consequence of the limited amount of material and the

unstructured manner of the questions, I have decided not to undertake a conclusive

transcription. However, where available, answers to my asked question will be employed

to aid the identification of general characteristics.

As the utilized data (personal observations and journals from the desk review) mainly are

based on direct experiences it is by nature empirical (Punch, 2009: 3). As the aim is to

understand and explain the collected data, a theory is needed.

The theories put forward in section three, provide the framework for the analysis of the

territorial claim of the Kollas in the light of development, and is the ‘tool’ used to explain the

observed phenomenon. The construction of a theoretical framework will be in accordance

with the author’s perspective, that the boundary between theory and practice is blurred,

and at times overlapping.


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3. Concepts & Theory: Exploring Indigenous People, Identity, Nation and Modernization

In part one of this section a working definition of indigenous people is presented, followed

by a conceptualization of identity and nation.

For the construction of a definition of indigenous people, the criteria proposed by Martinéz

Cobo in his Report to the UN Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination of

Minorities (1986) and those of the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention

no.169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples will be utilized. It is worth highlighting in this

connection that the ILO Convention no. 169, is an international binding convention

concerning indigenous people, to which Argentina, among others, have committed to.

As stated in the research question, the paper seeks to explore what appears to be a two-

folded dimension. Firstly, how the Kollas’ perception of territory is seen through the eyes

of national identity theories. Secondly, how the same relates to modernisation theory.

However, a leading number of a academics stress the emergences of nation-states as

historically inevitability with the advent of modernisation (Anderson, 1991; Hobsbawm, in

Sawyer, 1997: 76; López-Alves, 2011: 275). In this connection the activities of indigenous

people has often been labeled as an affront and threat to the nation-state and its

sovereignty, and thus modernization, in official as well as unofficial commentary in

Argentina (Sawyer, 1997: 74,76). Thus, the two dimensions are inevitably interrelated.

Consequently, in order to understand the dynamics of modernisation and why the Kollas

and indigenous people in general have been seen as a barrier to development in an

Argentine context, one need to grasp the meaning of nations to place it within a

modernisation context. However, the nation will not be the sole focus, as Murphy asserts,

"forces of modernization have swept away primordial attachment to community and place,

replacing them with state-defined national identities" (1999: 58). This quotes

demonstrates, that the modernisation of a state, will outstrip traditional identities, such as

that of an indigenous people, and substitute them with national identities. At such, a


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definition of identity and nation is not intended, as the idea is to reach a more holistic

understanding of the modernization theory.

The second part - the theoretical framework - will consider the modernisation theory.

Well aware the modernisation theory prescribes a model for development, it will here be

used to understand why the Kollas’ claim for land has been seen as conflicting with ideas

of modernisation and development of Argentina. The assumptions on 'development' inbuilt

in the modernisation theory will facilitate answering the second part of the research

question.

3.1. Indigenous, Identity and Nation conceptualized

To fully understand the usage of the ‘concepts’ utilized in this paper, one must firstly define

their meaning. Their explanation and possible implications are an obvious condition for

their usage as variables in an analyzing context, and are thus provided prior to the actual

analysis and discussion.

3.1.1. Indigenous People

The great diversity of indigenous people have made it difficult for scholars to reach a

consensus about what constitutes an indigenous people (UN, 2006).

ILO Convention no. 169 is a legally binding document, which deals with the rights of

indigenous - and tribal people. While it does not offer an exact definition of what

“indigenous people” means and/or entails, it does list some characteristics which is

believed to be commonly shared by indigenous people. These are:

"Traditional life styles; Culture and way of life different from the other segments of the

national population, e.g. in their ways of making a living, language, customs, etc.; Own social

organization and political institutions; And living in historical continuity in a certain area, or before

others “invaded” or came to the area." (ILO, 1989)

These characteristics, point to that indigenous people are defined against an otherness, an

outsider who have become the dominating segment of a given state.

Similar to ILO, the UN does not exclusively use one definition of indigenous people;

instead they handle all matters connected to indigenous people in an ad hoc manner and


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use what they refer to as "a modern understanding of this term" (UN, 2006).

Their understanding is based on the Martinéz Cobo Report to the UN Sub-Commission on

the Prevention of Discrimination of Minorities. His report from 1986 identified indigenous

people as follows:

“Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a historical

continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their territories, consider

themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing in those territories, or parts of

them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve,

develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity, as

the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns,

social institutions and legal systems.” (Martinéz Cobo cited on Intenational Work Group for

Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), 2012a)

As it may be observed, the ILO and UN share some ideas on what characterises an

indigenous people, these are:

Common heritage with the original occupants of a now occupied ancestral territory

An outside culture/force has through colonisation or another form of conquest

reduced the pre-culture/pre-people to a non-dominant position.

They have retained distinct characteristics and in spite of another/new cultural

domination this groups still practice its own traditions.

A preservation of own systems and institutions

By advancing these shared elements a definition may be constructed. For the purposes of

this paper, the following workable definition of an indigenous people is proposed:

An indigenous population is a group of people who derive from 'original' occupants of now certain

occupied areas, but who today, as a result of a conquest, have been reduced to a minority inside

the present society. However their history, way of life and community organisation have remained

distinct from the majority, and are still being practiced within the frames of the now existing wider

nation.


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On one hand, this definition emphasises the divergence between ‘the others’, in this case

the descendants of European migrants, and the original inhabitants of South America, the

indigenous. On the other hand, it points towards the fact that the two groups are not

separated by a border but exist side-by-side within the same state.

Having established the meaning of indigenous for this paper, I now move on to nation and

identity as concepts and ideas.

3.1.2. Nation & Identity

Identity is in itself an ambiguous term and scholars are yet to reach a consensus on a

definition (Brubaker,1999: 55). However they, such as the prominent Stuart Hall the

Birmingham School of Cultural Studies, seem to agree, that identity is a social construct

which operates in a two-way process, that marks a 'boundary' between 'us' and 'the other'.

Said differently, identity is not created through what a people have in common but by what

separates them from other groups of people (Delanty, 1997: 292; Hall, 1996: 4-5;). As Hall

asserts:

"identities are constructed through (...) differences (...) only through the relation to the

Other, to precisely what it lacks (...) the 'positive meaning of any term - and thus its 'identity' - can

be constructed" (1996: 4-5).

In its widest sense, identity covers everything from the individual, to local communities as

well as larger grouping with no direct interaction, such as social classes, religious

groupings and national identities (Perreault, 2001:382)

A national identity is at the core of a nations' self-understanding. The concept of the

national identity can be split into two groups; those who considered it to based on a

political entity, such as John Stuart Mill, as opposed to those who see it as being based on

ethnicity, such as, Anthony D. Smith. While the former is based on common citizenship,

the later focuses at common ethnicity4 as a binding force (Brubaker, 1999: 56, 59;

4A. Smith explains national identity based on ethnicity as a: "named human populations with shared ancestry

myths, histories and cultures, having an association with a specific territory, and a sense of solidarity" (Cited

in Guibernau, 2004: 126)


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Guibernau, 2004: 126). Being a country inhabited mainly by descendants of European

immigrants, the Argentine national identity can hardly rest on a notion of a common

kinship. Thus for the purpose of this paper, a civic understanding of national identity, as

defined by Keating, will be applied:

"[National identity is] based on territorially defined community, not upon a social

boundary among groups within a territory. That is not to say that any piece of real estate can from

the basis for a nationalism. There need to be a structured set of political and social interactions

guided by common values and a sense of common identity(...) Anyone can join the nation

irrespective of birth or ethnic origins(...)" (Keating cited in Brubaker, 1999: 62).

Arguably, Keating considers the national identity of a given nation to be a collective

enterprise.

Broadening a formulation of Anderson, a national identity, can be seen as 'imagined'

communities, by communities Anderson refers to the concept nation. According to

Anderson a nation is:

"(...)an imagined political community - -and imagined as both inherently limited and

sovereign (...) It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know

most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the

image of their communion." (Anderson, 1991: 6)

Thus, he arguably argues that a nation is an invented political construct. Moreover, similar

to Keating, Anderson does not consider the nation to be conceived "in blood"(cited in

Brubaker, 1999: 63), thereby revealing himself as a civic nationalist thinker. Along the

same lines, Delanty, argues that the states is a geopolitical unit, used to delineate states,

and to distinguish those who belong from those who do not (Delanty, 1997: 239).

To sum up, it is clear from the above, that scholars of civic nationalism consider the state

and the nation to be a functional fit. Or said differently, where the political unity stops (the

state), the national identity ends (the nation). Interestingly, when looking at the definition of

indigenous people above, and compare it to that of identity, it becomes obvious, that the

notion of an indigenous people is in fact a separate identity, that besides citizenship

shares few, if any, characteristic with a given country's national identity. In fact, the


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otherness of an original group is exactly what goes to characterise them as an indigenous

people.

3.1.3. Modernization theory

In the wake of the Cold War, the disintegration of European colonial empires and the

simultaneous appearance of new nation-states, and with that Third World societies, it

became evident that these emerging nation-states demanded special attention, as, the at

that time, predominate economic theory did not provide them with a model of

development. And for the first time the social sciences in the West went beyond its own

borders and turned towards the economic development, and the social and cultural

changes within the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America. It was within this context

that the modernisation theory made its first appearance and contributions to the

development debate in 1950s (Bernstein, 1971: 141, 143; Tipps, 1973: 199-200; So, 1990:

17).

Among scholars, there are some divergences of emphasis with respect to the meaning of

the concept modernisation, due to its association with 'development' (Bernstein, 1971:

141, 143; Tipps, 1973: 199-200). Lerner argues that modernisation is: "the social process

of which development is the economic component" (Lerned cited in Bernstein, 1971: 141),

thus embedding development into the concept of modernisation and equaling

modernisation with the economy. However, as Myrdal has pointed out economic growth

within a country does not necessarily lead to improvement, thus highlighting that

development process includes more (Sachs, 2012: 280-283).

In contrast to Lerned, Huntington sees modernisation as: "a multifaceted process involving

changes in all areas of human thought and activity" (Hutington cited in Tipps, 1973: 201).

Thus, emphasising a complete transformation of society and not just economic growth,

and hence, confirming the above assumption of the benefits of the inclusion of more

indicators when asserting a country's level of modernisation, as it involves more than just

the economy.


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However, while not agreeing on a definition of modernisation, scholars tend to agree that

is it a form of change, which has a transformational impact and a progressive effect on a

society (Tipps, 1973: 202).

Modernisation theorists argue that some countries are more developed than others, and

that the others, in order to develop, need to look to the most developed countries. Or as

spelled out by Peet and Hartwick "if you want to develop, be like us (the West)" (2009:

104). Explained plainly, the modernisation theory, divides the world into two blocks; one

consisting of a center of modern progress - core-countries - and the other of a periphery of

traditional backwardness - periphery-countries.

To become a core-country a country must pass through certain stages, which will take

them from their traditional state, to the take-off state5 of the core countries (So, 1990: 29).

The theory assumes that societies progress through similar stages of development,

meaning that today's periphery countries, are in a similar stage to that of today's core-

countries were at one point in the past, or said differently:

" (...)thirteenth-century English society would have more in common with the society of the

present-day Trobriand Islands than it would with modern England" (So, 1990: 24).

The task is therefore to help the periphery countries out of their underdevelopment by

accelerating them through these stages of development. The role of the core-countries in

this connection is to demonstrate, to the peripheries their future (Peet and Hartwick, 2009:

104, 139; So, 1990: 29). Some of the features of the different stages and of modernisation

itself are: industrialisation, urbanisation, education, capitalist economy, independent legal

system, and democracy, to name some (Przeworski & Limongi, 1997: 158; Charlton &

Andras, 2003: 10).

5 Rostow's 'take-off model' -is linear model for development model - which focuses on economic development and its

effects on society. The model consists of five stage, which a country must pass through in order to move away from the

traditional stage and develop into a society of high mass consumption, which is the fifth and final stage, also termed the

'takeoff stage' (So, 1990: 29).


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Another element of the modernisation theory is connected with the direction of progress,

how it occurs and human nature. The theory asserts that modernisation is inescapable, as

societies always are penetrated by progress, and once begun, progress and development

toward the modernisation stage of the core-countries is inevitable (So, 1990: 24), as

Pollard states:

"(...)a pattern of change exists in the history of mankind (...) that consists in

irreversible changes in one direction only, and, that this direction is toward improvement" (Pollard

cited in López-Alves, 2011: 268).

For that reason, it is impossible to halt modernisation at a particular point (Charlton &

Andras, 2003: 4).

The baseline of the modernisation theory is that the periphery countries should look to the

core-countries and copy their actions. Arguably it creates legitimacy for Western countries,

which have established themselves as the core-countries, to dictate and impose doctrines

and conditions on the periphery countries (Peet and Hartwick, 2009: 104; Tipps, 1973:

212; López-Alves, 2011: 245 ). As an example of this thought, may be mentioned the

accession policy of the European Union (EU), which imposes strict conditions on new

countries wishing to integrate with the EU. As defined by the Copenhagen Criteria, the

conditionality policy is aimed at promoting democratic consolidation, free market economy,

respect for human rights, and rule of law within the different candidates countries

(Edwards, 2005: 46-47), or said differently bring them on the same level as the EU

countries, since it is presumed they represent a higher level of modernization.

The assumptions of the modernisation theory are interesting for this paper, as indigenous

often are portrayed as pockets of traditional societies existing within a nation-state, which

either is trying to reach, or is in the final stage of modernisation, the take-off stage. Thus it

may aid the exploration of the contradiction between indigenous tradition and western

thinking in relation to territorial issues in Argentina.


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4. Historical background: a People Descending from Boats

“Mexicans descended from the Aztecs; Peruvians descended from the Incas;

Argentines descended from the boats.” (Warren, 2009: 769).

Though this joking-phrase of course is not true, it does suggest a two-folded idea. On one

hand it suggests that Argentina is a country of immigrants, and on the other, that any

indigenous people that may have existed have been terminated and/or erased from the

history (Warren, 2009: 769). This latter notion, of erasing indigenous groups from the

history of Argentina, is however, as this historical account will demonstrate, not far from

the truth

Before embarking on the analysis and the discussion, a historical background will be

sketched in order to achieve an in-depth understanding of the topic at hand. For this

reason, attention is given to selected key-events within the context of the Kollas and

Argentina between the 19th century and up to present day, thus some events will be

excluded, such some of the marches of the Kollas, as it is impossible to justify all of these

within the allowed STU frame, which also means that the historical context will be of a

more general and summary like nature. Furthermore, while the paper will seek to bring the

issue up to present day, it cannot be overlooked that the main part of the discovered and

utilized data focuses on the period late 19th century to late 20th century, as mentioned

earlier. Consequently, the analysis and discussion will mainly focus on the same time-

period.

Though it arguably is a herculean task, to provide a summary-like chronological order of

the history, it will be attempted. With risks of missing important nuances, the following will

be a simplified version. Nonetheless, this task needs to be undertaken to fully comprehend

the issue at hand.

4.1. The Rise of a Nation

After declaring independency from Spain in 1810, Argentina went through a period

characterised by civil war. In the 1840s, voices began to rise among the elites that the

creation of a nation-state required and all-out assault on 'the desert'. The desert in this


17

connection was synonymous with everything that not considered civilised/modern and a

barrier to the creation of the nation-state, such as indigenous groups. The desert had to be

defeated and terminated in order to make space for a new nation (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003:

9). One of the most outspoken supporters of this view was Samiento, who later was to

become the seventh president of Argentina (Delany, 1996: 443).

The 1870s saw the gradual end to the civil war, however, the voices from the 1840s were

still heard, and it was decided to launch the Conquest of the Desert campaign. Though this

campaign mainly focused on the Mapuche areas in the Patagonian Andes6 (Gordillo &

Hirsch, 2003: 10) it did not leave the Kollas untouched. In 1874, what marked the first key

point in the their contemporary struggle for territory, the Kollas rose up in the Puna, Jujuy,

to claim land titles during the often overlooked Battle of Quera (Rutledge: 1977). The

government of Salta and Jujuy responded by dispatching military forces, who quickly

managed to repress the uprising (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 10).

At the end of the 19th century the 'indigenous problem', as it was termed, had been

solved. Though the campaign by critics was described as an extermination of the original

people, it was not so. However, this idea found footing and "'became part of dominant

national discourses" (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 10), and consequently Argentina had

become a European styled nation-state, with a people descending from boats. This

discourse was contradictory, for the presence of these indigenous groups, even if

displaced, became an important part of the strategy of the state and "(...) the expansion of

new relations of production." (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 11).

4.2. Malon de la Paz 1946

A second key point in the Kollas' struggle for territory was in 1946, when Kolla people from

the provinces of Salta and Jujuy walked to Buenos Aires on "the raid of peace" - (el Malón

de la paz) in demand of land titles (Qullamarka 2012b). The background for this raid is to

be found in, at that time, an expanding sugar cane production. In 1936 in the Kolla

6 see appendix 02


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Tinkunaku community in San Andrés (present day member of Qullamarka) land was

confiscated from the indigenous people and sold off at a public auction. The confiscation of

land was part of an official state agenda which was to encourage "the proletarianization of

indigenous" and "their integration into larger political economies" (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003:

12). The land had not been bought for the intention of cultivating sugar cane (being located

in the high planes of the Andes, it was too high and too dry for that) it was bought for its

people. The Kollas living there as well as in other areas of the high planes, were forced to

pay rent to their new landlord, but not in the form of money, but in work. Atarting in 1936

most women and men were to work from sunrise to sunset for six months each year

(Schwittay, 2008: 132).

This indigenous protest was the first to gain large scale attention inside Argentina, and

despite articulated support from the then president Juan Perón;

"You were born there and you have your home there, and nobody will throw you out

or take you out, nobody" (Schwittay, 2008: 127).

the Tinkunaku community did not receive any land titles. It would take intense mobilisation

in the 1980s and the second Malón to Buenos Aires in 1993 to finally obtain the

expropriation of 37,200 acres, about 10 percent of the San Andrés Finca (Schwittay,

2008), only to confiscated again in 1996 by the US based Seaboard Corporation

(Schwittay, 1999).

In fact the government of Perón arguably saw this mobilisation as a political annoyance, as

after being received by Peron, the malón participants were in the cover of the night forcibly

shipped back in trains to Salta and Jujuy (Schwittay 2008: 133). Despite the fall to hand

over territory, the years of Perón did bring about some improvement of the situation of

indigenous as the government granted them citizenship, allowing them to participate in

elections. However, in 1955 Perón was overthrown in a military coup and with that the

state's perceptions of its indigenous changed (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003: 15).

With the rise of the modernisation discourse in the 1960s, indigenous groups went from

being perceived as an internal threat to become "poor and indigent", illustrated by the fact

that the government of Frondizi encouraged development plans and training of indigenous

http://www.culturalsurvival.org/author/schwittay

http://www.culturalsurvival.org/author/schwittay


19

communities (Gordillo & Hirsch, 2003:15). Yet, this idea was not to last long. Between the

1976 - 1983 the most repressive military dictatorship in the history of Argentina took the

power, and once again the idea of indigenous as 'savages and a threath' resurfaced,

illustrated by the state's large scales celebrations of the centennial of the campaign

'Conquest of the desert'. The fall of the military junta in 1983, marked the beginning of

some significant decades of Kolla mobilisation in the history of Argentina.

4.3. 1990s - The rise of Qullamarka

In 1993, a group of Kollas returned to Buenos Aires on their second Malón de la Paz

(Qullamarka, 2012b) in demand of land titles, where they were greeted by Carlos Menem,

who two days after the indigenous audience in the Argentine Congress passed a law

seizing 15,000 out of a total of 130,00 hectares of the Finca San Andrés to be handed over

to the Kolla Tinkunaku community (Schwittay, 2008: 128).

Yet another event appeared in 1994. As a part of an overall democratisation process, the

part of the constitution that since 1853 had stipulated that it was the responsibility of the

Congress to “maintain the peaceful relationship with the Indians, and promote their

conversion to Catholicism”, was abolished (Anaya, 2012: 4). And after heavy lobbying from

NGOs and indigenous activists a statement concerning the right of indigenous was

included into the new constitution. Among other things, the new art. 75, incise 17, states

unambiguously with regard to territory, that the attribution of the Congress are to:

"(...) recognize the personetia juridica (legal status) of their communities, the

collective possession and ownership of the lands they traditionally occupy; regulate the granting of

other [lands] apt and sufficient for human development; none of these [lands] will be alienable

(enajenable),transferable (transmisible) [sic], or subject to taxes and embargoes. To guarantee

their participation regarding their natural resources and other interests that affect them" (Gordillo &

Hirsch, 2003: 19).

The application of this constitutional amendment, however, is of course left up to each

province to manage.

Since 1993 the Kollas' marches have been more numerous than at any other point in the

past. To the knowledge of the author more than seven additional demonstrations have


20

taken place since 1993, however not all of these can be accounted for, as the culture of

the Kollas mainly is based on oral delivery.

What differentiates the current mobilisation of the Kolla with those of the past, are that

unlike earlier, the communities now come together under one banner, that of Qullamarka.

Where the marches of the past typically had about 160-200 participants and only involved

a singular territorial claim (Schwittay, 2008), the two (2008 and 2012), organised by

Qullamarka, each had more that 700 participating Kollas (El Tribuno, 2012), and involved

various territorial claims. Such as the latest one in 2012, which incorporated four distinct

territorial claims, more specifically, Rodeo Colorado, Mecoyita, Nazarene and Santa

Victoria Oeste7.

The historical account above of the Kollas struggle for territory, is the backdrop on which

the analysis and discussion will take its point of departure.

7 See appendix 03 - Excerpts from a Qullamarka Press-statement released in connection with the 2012 March


21

5. Analysis and Discussion

In this section an analysis and discussion of the territorial claim of the Kollas will be further

explored. This will be done by exerting the generated empirical data, and investigate it

though the ideas of the modernisation theory. In the mindset of the modernisation theory

the government of Argentina is arguably the developed core, which the periphery, the

indigenous groups, should copy in order to develop.

The structure of the sections is as follows:

First, the question how the Kollas perceive territory will briefly be considered, before

extending into an analysis and discussion on the Kollas' perception on territory in relation

to development

5.1. Kollas and Territory

As demonstrated earlier in the historical account, a reappearing theme for all of the

marches has been the return of ancestral land to the Kollas. Their claim for territory has

not sprung out overnight, it is based on the legitimising grounds of historical continuity, as

demonstrated above. Thus, there can be little doubt that territory holds a special place in

the mind and the culture of the Kollas, as indicated by the quote below:

"La tierra, como el territorio y los derechos de sus recursos son de fundamental

importancia para nosotros, ya que constituyen la base de nuestro sustentó económico, así como la

fuente de los conocimientos tradicionales y prácticas, la identidad espiritual, y la vida cultural y

social de los Kollas." (Qullamarka 2012a)

This statement from the Kolla organisation Qullamarka eloquently links the issues of

resource access and economic benefits, with more abstract concepts of territory, and

indigenous cultural and social identity. This form what may be called an identity/territory

nexus, the contestations for which take place in both material and discursive terrains.

The Kollas do not disregard the economic benefits of territory, however these are more

connected to the opportunities of being self-sufficient. Nevertheless, territory more than

anything else is perceived as a cultural and social component of their identity, thus

emphasising a non-materialistic value of territory.


22

The importance of the territory and the nexus with their sense of identity becomes even

more obvious with the following statement from Eucevio Condorí, a cacique (Chief) of one

the Kolla communties:

"They are slowly killing us. Little by little they are tightening the noose around our

necks. They are leaving us orphans without land, and without land we will simply disappear."

(Condorí cited in Schwittay, 1999)

The territory in this sense becomes their mother, and by taking their land, they are left

homeless. The notion of "slowly killing us", is arguably not to be understood literally, but

rather in the sense, that without territory there can be no Kollas.

When Kollas explain their perception of territory they normally highlight a certain

combination of three word; identity - practice - territory (Qullamarka, 2012c). David

Sarapura, one of the caciques of the Comunidades Originarias de Lipeo y Baritu (member

of Qullamarka), explained to me, the connection between the three the following way:

"Sin territorio, no puede haber práctica de nuestros rituales ancestrales, y sin la

práctica no puede haber identidad."

Similar to my findings, Perrault has found that the identity of indigenous in Ecuador rest on

notions and ideas of territory, rather than on factors such as citizenship and/or kinship

(Perreault, 2001:383). As he explains:

"Indigenous organizations (...) incorporate these spaces (...) into the construction and

representation of ethnic identities, reinforcing the identify/territory nexus (...) Territory (...) continues

to be central to indigenous construction of identity"(2001: 404)

This link between territory and identity, reveals an overlooked factor in the work of the civic

as well as the ethnic-nationalist scholars. Where the Argentine national identity rests on a

civic-notion (see sub-section 3.1.2,), the Kolla emphasizes a complete different identity

marker, that of territory. Or said differently, to be Kolla is to have territory, thus when

seeking to explore whether their perception of territory can be seen as a barrier to

development, one, at the same time, is exploring whether the Kollas as a whole is an

obstruction.


23

With these perception of territory in mind, the paper turns towards addressing, to what

extent, if any, the Kolla's perception on territory has been considered an opposition to

development.

As demonstrated, the indigenous territory of the Kollas holds a specific cultural space that

has a great spiritual importance for their identity as a people. And for that reason one

territory cannot simply be traded or replaced for another, unlike the logic of private

property, where everything can be bought and sold. As explained earlier, the Kollas

operate under the idea of communal property, meaning that the territory does not belong

to one person or one family, but a whole community. These ideas of collective 'ownership'

and spiritual relations to the land, is arguably distinct from a modernist and western idea of

territory, which emphasises its economic benefits, and depict the cultivation of land as a

large-scale business enterprise, where farmers are to engage in commerce (Kirkendall,

1985: 8). This modernist perception of territory holds no sense of identity, as it is

seemingly based on a notions of monetary and materialistic values.

The Kollas' perception of territory has arguably over the years been seen as barrier to the

government of Argentina.

As depicted in subsection 4.1, it was believed than an all-out assault on the indigenous

was need in order for Argentina to be born as a nation. The campaign included the attack

on a group of Kollas, who were demanding land titles. During the creation of the nation

Argentina, its European elite sought to destroy and /or delete the past. The newly

established national identity came to emphasis an open and unknown future, where

belonging was marked by citizenship (López-Alves, 2011: 244).

The deleting of the past, included the exclusion of Kollas from the new nation's self-

understanding. A circumstance reflected by the fact, that indigenous groups did not gain

citizenship before the Peron era, and that the constitution for more than 150 years located

indigenous people as groups outside the Argentine nation and Christianity, as described in

subsection 4.3. Arguably, the Kollas and other indigenous people living in Argentina,

became the 'other' against which the Argentine national identity was constructed in the

19th century.


24

An 'other' who in the words of Sarmiento (1876) were "Incapaces de progreso" (Sarimiento

cited in Finchelstein, 2010: 279). Seeing indigenous as incapable of progress meant for

Sarimiento, they should be exterminated to give way for civilisation, as he rhetorical asked:

"¿Lograremos exterminar los indios? (...) exterminio es providencial y útil, sublime y

grande. Se los debe exterminar sin ni siquiera perdonar al pequeño, que tiene ya el odio instintivo

al hombre civilizado" ( Sarimiento cited in Finchelstein, 2010: 279).

By claiming that men of civilisation have an instinctive hatred toward indigenous,

Sarmiento arguably assert it is in the nature of development to be revolted when

encountering something deemed an obstruction of further advancement, such as the

indigenous groups deemed incapability of progress. Furthermore, by stating they should

be terminated, it become evident that indigenous people, and hence Kollas in the late 19th

century were considered an opposition to development. Termination can of course be

both literally and/or meant in a figuratively sense. Alberdi, a contemporary rival of

Sarmiento, metaphoric asked:

"Do we want the habits of order and industry to prevail in our America? Let us fill it

with people that profoundly possess them. (These habits) are contagious: beside European

industry, soon American" (Alberdi cited in Delaney, 1996: 443).

European immigrants were to shape the original people with the qualities required for

further modernisation (Delaney, 1996: 443). While not directly stating indigenous people

were an obstruction to development, Alberdi did believe they had to be contaminated and

infected with European ideas, to pave the way for industrialisation. Arguably, he sought to

terminate the identity of the indigenous people, as they were perceived a barrier to

progress.

This idea of infection, though ahead of it time, highlights an element of the modernisation

theory; that societies penetrated by progress will see the light and start to develop towards

the standards of the core-countries, in this case, the abandoned homelands of the

European immigrants.


25

As highlighted in the end of sub-section 4.1 , indigenous became an important part of a

state production-expansion strategy, as explained in sub-section 4.2 this new strategy

involved the confiscation of Kolla land and the Kollas communities insertion into the

political economy of the newly created nation-state Argentina.

The confiscation of land was to serve the Argentine state well during the early 20th

century. Unlike, the nation-states of Western Europe and the United States, where

economic prosperity resulted from domestic industrial development, the great wealth that

Argentina enjoyed during this period derived from the export of agricultural products

(Delaney, 1996: 438). Thus territory remained salient and imperative for the modernization

of Argentina, hence the government remained unwilling to respond to indigenous land

claims. As it was seen in sub-section 4.2, the Kollas once again rose up in demand of land

titles in 1946. However the government of Perón was arguably unwilling to meet their

demands, as explained earlier. The forcible shipment of the Kollas back to Northern

Argentina, and the reduction and later replacement in 1946, of the Consejo Agrario, an

institution founded in 1940 to deal with indigenous territory claims (Schwittay, 2008: 133),

arguably reflect a reluctance of the Perón government to deal with the demands of the

Kollas.

The 1946 uprising of the Kollas can be understood as a uprising against the system at

that time(see sub-chapter 4.2), a system that kept them away from their community for six

months of the year. This arguably had a disastrous effect on their sense of identity, as they

need to be close to their ancestral land to practice their rituals, in order to maintain their

identity.

When applying the ideas of the modernization theory, the separation of the Kollas can

arguably be interpreted as in the interest of the state. As described the modernisation

theory asserts, that it is the responsibility of the core-states to accelerate a periphery

country through the different stages of development. Separating or simply displacing the

Kollas from their ancestral land, hence preventing them from 'doing' identity, could serve

as means to meet the goal of the government, the assimilation of Kollas into the political

economy of Argentina.


26

Moreover, the actions of the government, can , when seen in the light of the modernization

theory, be understood as a continuation of the idea of penetrating the Kolla communities

with progress, which had first been promoted in the late 19th century.

The acceleration of the Kollas through the stages of development, was arguably increased

during presidents Frondizi in the 1960s, who sought to train and educate the Kolla

communities (See sub-section 4.2). Thus, the politics of near extermination, of which the

Conquest of the Desert in 1879 was the most notorious expression, was in 20th century

replaced by a milder notion, that the Kollas, and indigenous people in general, should be

guided paternalistic into the economic progress of Argentina. This was to be done through

the confiscation and displacement from their land, and consequently their identity. While,

the Kollas were not seen as direct obstacle to development, their claim for territory

arguably was. As it was demonstrated above, the territory and the groups of indigenous

people living on it, were two key components in the modernization of Argentina.

During the years of Menem in 1990s, Argentina saw a great increase in foreign

acquisitions of land. In 1996, the near-bankrupt Tabacal in San Andrés, was sold off by the

Argentine government to the US based Seaboard Corporation. The corporative refused to

recognize a 1986 land donation, which had been handed over in 1993, to the Kolla

Tinkunaku community. Unable to buy the Kollas out, Seaboard took to more violent

means, such as destruction of property and death threats (Derechos, 1997; Schwittay,

1999). However, despite not haven initiate the conflict the Kollas were the once blamed

(Schwittay, 1999; Clarín, 1998), as Marita Simon, editor of El Tribuno, said in an interview

with the Miami Herald in 1997:

"In 400 years the Kollas haven't produced anything, while [Seaboard] wants to

reactivate its business, plant new fruits, sugar cane and provide jobs. What we want is factories,

industries and production. The time of tradition is over and done with. It's in the past" (Cited in

Schwittay, 1999).

Arguably Marita Simon considered the Kollas' claim as irreconcilable with modern

development. The statement is interesting, as it, when applying the thoughts of the

modernisation framework, arguably creates legitimacy for state violence, as a way to

dictate and impose doctrines of modernisation on the Kolla communities.


27

While the above statement dates back to 1997, it is still a held belief, by among others the

provincial government of Jujuy, that Kollas, and their perception of territory, is a hindrance

to development. During meetings with Kollas communities the government of Jujuy has

expressed the idea that they regard the Kollas as being opposed to development within

the extraction of natural resources (Valent, 2006).

The present day call for high-technological development in rural areas, along with the

constant concessions being granted to mining and hydrocarbon companies for the

exploitation of non-renewable natural resources, is dangerously competing with indigenous

peoples’ territorial demands, which in contrast is displayed as an obstruction to

development.

The current president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, who commenced her second term

in office 2011, has largely ignored the demands of the indigenous people in her political

manifesto (IWGIA, 2012b). Arguably, by not addressing their continually demand for land

titles, she is continuing and repeating the exclusion policies of the former presidents.

However, the Kollas know that the times are changing, and they do not themselves directly

object to development. What they demand, is a greater inclusion, so that the development

happens under their terms and control. As stated by Sajama a member of the Tinkunaku

community:

"We are not opposed to the mining companies, but we need title deeds to ensure that

our children can inherit our land, and to be able to participate in the debate on natural resources"

(cited in Schwittay, 1999).


28

6. Conclusion

The purpose of this study was to explore first, the meaning of territory to the Kollas, an

indigenous people in Argentina; and second, place their claim for land inside an Argentine

context, in relation to the paradigm of the modernization theory. The main research

question asked was: To what extent, if any, has the Kolla's perception on territory been

seen as an opposition to development in Argentina?

When applying the ideas of the modernisation theory to the discussed literature, it

becomes obvious that the Kollas, and their claim for territory has, and is, to a large extend

considered a hindrance to development in Argentina.

The land claims of the Kollas arguably represents a clash between two identities: one that

seeks national development based on a policy of accumulation and, is dominated by the

economic system; and another that focuses on communal ownership, doing identity, the

right to alternative development, and, is dominated by access to territory.

Despite Murphy's prediction that the forces of modernisation would sweep away traditional

identities - such as the one of the Kollas' - and replace them with a national identity, this

has not occurred in Argentina. The Kollas' identity appears resistible to the presumed

overpowering dynamics of modernisation.

Despite an increased and stronger representation of the Kolla communities through

Qullamarka, the situation has arguably worsen. In the light of the exploitation of non-

renewable natural resources, the state, has remained unwilling to display the political will

to resolve conflicts, as the Kollas territorial claim, in their mind is a barrier to further

development.

However, as this paper demonstrates, it would be one-side to perceive the Kollas' claim for

territory and their perception of territory solely as an obstruction to development.

Like the rest of Argentina, they too are living in the 21th century and are well aware about

it. They do not reject development, but demand a greater inclusion of their ideas and


29

vision. What they seek is a development, that will respects their ties with the territory, and

permit future generation of Kollas to practice their identity on their ancestral land.


30

7. Appendix 01 - Qullamarka

In the autumn 2012 I undertook a three-moth internship with Qullamarka, in Salta,

Northern Argentina.

Qullamarka is the coordinating platform for a number of indigenous Kolla communities

living in the provinces of Jujuy and Salta in Northern Argentina.

Quallamarka was born out of the need to articulate and strengthen the national legal

framework (namely Art. 75 inc. 17 in the constitution) and various international treaties on

the subject of rights of the indigenous people, such as, ILO Convention 169 and the United

Nation (UN) Declaration of the Rights of the Indigenous People. The first tentative steps

towards the formation of Qullamarka were taken in the beginning of the 2000s before it

finally consolidated in 2007.

Today five years after its creation it integrates nearly all the indigenous councils in the

provinces of Jujuy and Salta. The five councils that make up Qullamarka are:

Comunidades Aborígenes Victoreñas (UCAV); Asociación de Comunidades Aborígenes

de Nazareno (OCAN); Comunidades Indígenas de la Alta Cuenca del Rio Lipeo (CIACRL);

Consejo Indígena Kolla de Iruya (CIKDI) and Comunidad Indígena del Pueblo Kolla

Tinkunaku (CIPKT). Together these five councils represent more than 20.000 residents,

who are living in more than 80 different communities, and which cover a territory of more

than one million hectares.

Qullamarka is a two tier organisation.

Tier one is the community level, where the communities are created. These 80+

communities provide the basis for the five local councils, as mentioned above. The smaller

communities come together both within the "lowest" level (the community level) and the

"medium" level ( local level) on a regular basis to discuss matters of interest to the

community.

Tier two is the coordinating board of Qullamarka. This is made up of 15 people who are

the political, administrative and legal representatives of the five different member


31

associations. The persons who/that make up the board are elected from one of the local

five councils and the election procedures are decided upon within the different assemblies,

thus while one assembly may have election every year another organisation may only hold

elections for the board every second year.

The board members are obliged to adhere to work and/or efforts agreed upon at the

meetings. Assemblies are normally held every third month, in different locations within "the

Qullamarka territory".

The legal and political struggle for territory, including natural resources, is of primary

concern for the organisation, however the board members come together at the

assemblies to debate other issues of shared consensus, and, if needed, perform

administrative, legal and political monitoring of achieved progress.


32

8. Appendix 02 - Indigenous in Argentina

source: America Invisible y el Bicentenario 2012


33

9. Appendix 03 - Excerpts from a Qullamarka Press-statement released in connection with the 2012 March.

PARTE DE PRENSA

4° Marcha del Pueblo Kolla QULLAMARKA en Resistencia por el Territorio Ejerciendo Autodeterminación Territorial “

“El Pueblo Kolla Qullanas QULLASUYU seguimos caminando”

Ciudad de Salta, 3 de septiembre de 2012

La esencia del QULLAMARKA, Coordinadora de Organizaciones y Comunidades Kollas Autónomas de la Provincia de Salta, es el espacio donde discutimos, planificamos, consensuamos y debatimos las diferentes problemáticas del territorio y realizamos planes de lucha de manera colectiva y recíproca. Buscamos la autonomía territorial en defensa y cuidado de los bienes y recursos naturales que nos brinda la PACHA-MAMA para el existir de nuestra cultura e identidad, haciendo uso equilibrado, complementario y cíclico; Del ALAJ PACHA (Mundo de arriba, “aire, cielo los astros, espíritus etc.” ) el KAY PACHA( tierra y todo lo que habita en ella) y el UKU PACHA (“ recursos no renovables”, los minerales, el Agua, el petróleo, y espíritus etc. ) para el uso de sus eternos hijos. Por esta razón las prácticas ancestrales están basadas en los vínculos comunitarios.

Nuestro Qullamarka en la actualidad ocupa un territorio de más de un millón de hectáreas en la Provincia de Salta y comprende a las siguientes organizaciones de comunidades: la Unión de Comunidades Aborígenes Victoreñas (UCAV), la Asociación de Comunidades Aborígenes de Nazareno (OCAN), el Consejo Indígena Kolla de Iruya (CIKDI), la comunidad Indígena Alta Cuenca del Río Lipeo (CIACRL) y la Comunidad Indígena del Pueblo Kolla Tinkunaku (CIPKT). Ejercemos el Derecho Adquirido como Nación y Pueblo Preexistentes al Estado Nacional.

Desde que nuestra cultura y forma de organización de vida como pueblo Indígena se vio avasallada, violada, amenazada y torturada, comenzamos a resistir; en el año 1946 caminamos hasta Buenos Aires, lo que fue el malón de la paz. Vimos en esta etapa política la posibilidad de concretar nuestras demandas de propiedad de nuestros territorios que por LEGÍTIMO DERECHO NOS CORRESPONDEN, llegando hasta el año 2008 donde fue la última marcha como QULLAMARKA a la capital Salteña exigiendo las mismas demandas incumplidas,

Y EN ESTA CUARTA MARCHA OBLIGAMOS Y EXIGIMOS A LOS GOBERNANTES LO SIGUIENTE:


34

TIERRA Y TERRITORIO

Suspensión inmediata de desalojo a las familias de ACHIRA ordenado por el juzgado 1° instancia civil y comercial II nominación de Salta.

Deposito, de la Ley de Expropiación de entrega de títulos comunitarios de finca RODEO COLORADO y MECOYITA ante la falta de voluntad política por parte del gobierno.

Entrega de títulos comunitarios a las comunidades de Santa Victoria Oeste y Nazareno.

Urgente aprobación y entrega de 7 planos de mensura de las comunidades de IRUYA por parte de la secretaria de recursos hídricos y dirección general de inmuebles.

Urgente relevamiento territorial dispuesto por LA LEY 26160 DE ENERGENCIA DE LA PROPIEDAD COMUNITARIA en las comunidades del Arazay, San Ignacio, Baritú, Lipeo, Achira y Tinkunaku. compromiso acuerdo entre Qullamarka – INAI y el incumplimiento descarado por el presidente del INAI Daniel Fernández.

LA LEY 26160 DE EMERGENCIA DE LA PROPIEDAD COMUNITARIA en Salta gastó $ 2.252.008,00, sin embargo durante tres años de relevamiento, no se llegaron a aprobar dentro del relevamiento territorial ni el 5% de las más de 300 comunidades. Denunciamos al gobierno provincial y nacional ya que son responsables de este atropello y violaciones sistemáticas contra los derechos de los pueblos indígenas.

INSTITUCIONES VIOLADORA DE DERECHOS: Ministerio de Ambiente y Producción-Gobierno de Salta, Ministerio de Producción y Medio Ambiente de Jujuy y La Administración de Parques Nacionales. Violación del consentimiento libre previo e informado, proyecto en ejecución y planes estratégicos por parte de estas tres instituciones, en territorio del Qullamarka.

INSTITUCIÓN VIOLADORA DE DERECHOS: El Parque Nacional Baritú, a través de su Autoridad en reiteradas ocasiones ha violado el derecho de las Comunidades Originarias de Lipeo y Baritu. La Ley de Parques es obsoleta en territorio del Qullamarka ya que fue creada en la época de la dictadura militar y nunca fue modificada, por tal motivo pedimos que esta institución debe actualizar y adecuar a las normas vigente con respecto al derecho indígena y pedimos a la Presidenta de Parques Nacionales Dr. Patricia Gandini revierta su actitud, sobre todo reconozca que el Qullamarka es la Autoridad máxima de este territorio y al Consejo Asesor de Política Indígena CAPI.

PARALIZACIÓN INMEDIATA: Ministerio de Ambiente y Producción-Gobierno de Salta, está financiando a través de proyectos en el marco de la ley de bosques a gente extraña en el territorio de las comunidades de San Ignacio y Las Juntas violando el derecho a la consulta. La Instalación de un basurero dentro del territorio de la


35

comunidad el Arazay Los Toldos, Financiamiento externo BID GEF violando el derecho a la consulta.

NO A LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE LA RUTA LOS TOLDOS A SANTA VICTORIA, ya que esta ruta no beneficia a las comunidades indígenas de este territorio, al contrario, desequilibra la vida de las comunidades. Esta ruta es negocios para algunos políticos empresarios que saquean nuestros recursos y cultura.

DEFENDEMOS EL AGUA: NO A LA MUERTE, NO A LA MINERIA A CIELO ABIERTO, este Gobierno es cómplice de las multinacionales y avala el saqueo de los recursos naturales de los territorios de las Comunidades Indígenas.

POR TODO LO EXPUESTO INVITAMOS A LOS HERMANOS DE TODOS LOS PUEBLOS INDIGENAS y ORGANIZACIONES A SUMARSE A LA MARCHA EL DÍA 3 DE SEPTIEMBRE Y ADHERIRSE CON TODA LA FUERZA DE LA PACHA PARA EL BUEN VIVIR DE NUESTRAS COMUNIDADES. JALLALLA LOS PUEBLOS INDIGENAS UNIDOS VENCEREMOS JALLALLA, JALLALLA¡¡¡¡.

Source: Qullamarka 2012b


36

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Kollas in Argentina, The Struggle of the Territory

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