Knowledge, Voice, ParticiPation - PRIA › knowledge_resource › 1556187099... · 2019-04-25 ·...

Knowledge, Voice, ParticiPation Participatory Settlement enumeration forSanitation SerViceS in aJMer

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer


Participatory Settlement Enumeration for

Knowledge, Voice, ParticiPation

Sanitation SErvicES in aJMEr

© 2019 PRIA

We gratefully acknowledge Saroj Sahu for the photographs used in this report.

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iii Preface

Preface

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the New Urban Agenda endorsed by the UN General Assembly in 2016 envisage cities to be inclusive, resilient and sustainable. This inclusivity cannot be achieved automatically, especially given the extent of entrenched inequalities that exist in Indian cities. A vast number of urban poor in Indian cities are deprived of basic services such as water, sanitation, health, education, and so on. A major reason for such continued and perpetuated deprivation is their invisibility or under visibility in the eyes of city authorities which are responsible for providing these services to the urban poor. At times, this oversight by city authorities is due to sheer ignorance, sometimes methodically deliberate, and still other times due to their lack of capacities. The urban poor bear the burden of this invisibility. It means not getting enough income to support family members; lack of access to public health services when sick; limited opportunities for children and young people in the absence of education and skills; insufficient access to safe drinking water and sanitation services – all of which traps them in the vicious cycle of poverty.

How do the urban poor then find a way to make themselves visible to other citizens including the city authorities? Many urban poor communities across the regions have found the answer to this question in self-enumeration. A number of surveys and enumerations by various state authorities, including National Census Survey, often undercount informal settlements in a city and their residents who mostly belong to low-income families. In Participatory Settlement Enumeration (PSE), on the other hand, the residents of informal settlements design and conduct the enumeration, analyse the data generated through the enumeration, and communicate this data to the concerned authorities for participatory planning. Participation and inclusion in PSE thus becomes an empowering experience for the hitherto unaccounted and voiceless urban poor.

PRIA through its “Engaged Citizens, Responsive City (ECRC)” initiative implemented PSE in collaboration with the Settlement Improvement Committees (SICs) formed under the programme in three Indian cities – Ajmer, Jhansi, and Muzaffarpur. SICs are organisations of the urban poor. PRIA adopted a number of innovations in PSE, choosing to use mobile smart phone based technology for enumeration. Young girls and boys from the community who were SIC members were trained on mobile based participatory enumeration. This gave them enormous confidence – they now had a new skill, their settlement was visible, and their community had a voice. These youth are now on their way to becoming champion citizen leaders, in their communities.

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmeriv

The report ‘Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer’ presents the consolidated findings of PSEs from 100 informal settlements in Ajmer city. The analysis includes demographics of the households including sex, age, education, and occupation of household members. It also presents data on various legal documents such as, bank accounts, Aadhaar card, ration cards and birth certificates possessed by each household member. Finally, it presents an analysis on the state of access to water and sanitation facilities in these settlements.

The findings of PSE can help the community and the ULB to plan for improved sanitation services and increased access to various legal documents. We sincerely hope that the development actors, concerned with improvements of informal settlements and the urban poor residing in these locations will benefit from this report.

Dr. Kaustuv Kanti BandyopadhyayDirector

Participatory Research in Asia

viiAcknowledgements

acKnowledgements

Society for Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA) is implementing the “Engaged Citizens, Responsive City” project in three Indian cities – Ajmer in Rajasthan, Jhansi in Uttar Pradesh, and Muzaffarpur in Bihar. The project is supported by the European Union. The purpose of this initiative is to strengthen the capacities of urban poor for participating in planning, monitoring and evaluation of sanitation services. This initiative contributes to making ‘Swachh Bharat Mission’ more inclusive and effective from the vantage point of urban poor. It organises the urban poor in Settlement Improvement Committees, which then undertakes community mobilisation as well as interfaces with Urban Local Bodies and other city authorities.

Data is a critical requirement to effectively seek interventions from Urban Local Bodies, but is usually scantily available at the granular level. Data sources like the Census of India are difficult to utilise for planning because collection is decennial, and information at the level of informal settlements is not always provided. Such limitations deter citizen participation, specifically the urban poor, as lack of access to data prevents understanding or monitoring real situations at local level. For cities to develop, and for informal settlements to have better access to basic services, a close coordination between the urban poor, municipality and other stakeholders is critical. PRIA believes that one of the first steps towards participatory planning and decision-making is to empower communities with critical data.

To meet this goal, PRIA designed a mobile-based PSE method and systematically enumerated households from informal settlements across the city of Ajmer. A mix of mobile based as well as paper based enumeration was used to ensure representation from all informal settlements.

The current study was undertaken by PRIA in Ajmer. We are grateful to the community enumeration team. Nikhil Desai, as the technical consultant, has provided valuable technical support to mobile-based survey and handling of data. We sincerely acknowledge his contribution. The team at Dimagi enabled us to effectively manage our data with useful support.

We acknowledge the support of the PRIA Ajmer team consisting of Ramesh Yadawar, Kirti Tak and Asif Saify, Sandeep Raj, Nisha Rathore, Sajida Bano, Seema Rathore, Aarif Mohammed, Sanjay Kumar, Muzammil Mohammed, Deepika Verma and Jyoti Khanna. Shri Himanshu Gupta, Commissioner, Ajmer Municipal Corporation (AMC) has kindly granted us his time and attempted to understand the significance of settlement enumeration in Ajmer.

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmerviii

Dr. Kaustuv Kanti Bandyopadhyay, Director, PRIA provided the overall direction, guidance and leadership for which we are sincerely grateful. Lastly, this report would not have been possible without the direction provided by Dr. Rajesh Tandon, President, PRIA. We sincerely acknowledge his contribution.

Ramesh Yadawar, Senior Programme Officer, PRIA

Sukrit Nagpal, Senior Programme Officer, PRIA

Kirti Tak, Senior Programme Officer, PRIA

Vinit Calla, Senior Programme Officer, PRIA

Dr. Anshuman Karol, Senior Programme Manager, PRIA

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer ix Contents

contents

Preface iii

Message from Municipal Commissioner, Ajmer v

Acknowledgements vii

List of Acronyms xii

Section 1: Introduction 1About participatory settlement enumeration 1

City profile 3

Slum profile of the city 4

The institutional set up for sanitation related services 5

Section 2: Methodology 7City-wide identification and mapping of informal settlements 7

Organising SICs 8

Facilitating Participatory Urban Appraisal (PUA) 9

Orientation of SICs 10

House listing 10

Designing and administering the questionnaire 10

Selecting and training the enumeration team 11

Monitoring the enumeration process 12

Analysis, validation and sharing 12

Section 3: Findings from the Participatory Settlement Enumeration 15Demographic and socio economic profiles 15

Respondents 15

Religion and caste 15

Distribution of sex 16

Age distribution of households 16

Gender and age-wise distribution of educational status 16

Sex-wise distribution of occupation 18

Type of ration card 19

Access to legal documents 19

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmerx Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer

Birth registration 19

Aadhaar card 20

Bank account 21

Voter card 21

Household profile 22

Type of housing 22

Years of stay 23

Land ownership 23

Toilet Facilities 24Availability of toilets 24

Reasons for not having toilets 25

Use of individual / shared toilets by household members 25

Type of toilets 26

Desire to have individual toilet at home and availability of space to construct toilets 26

Application for toilets 27

Acceptance of toilet application 27

Update 27

Water outlet for kitchens/bathing water/toilets 28

Solid Waste Management (SWM) 28

Collection of waste 29

Water 30

Section 4: Conclusion, Recommendations and Ways Forward 33Conclusion 33

Recommendations and Way Forward 34Toilets 34

Sewerage 36

Solid Waste Management (SWM) 37

Access to legal documents (ration and aadhaar cards) 39

Accountability, communication and complaints 39

References 41

Annex 1: House Listing 43

Annex 2: List of Informal Settlements/Slums 45

List of Tables Table 1: Roles and responsibilities of different team members 12

Table 2: Checklist used in monitoring data 13

Table 3: Sex Disaggregated Access to Aadhaar Card 20

Table 4: Sex Disaggregated Access to Bank Account 21

Table 5: Sex Desegregated Access to Voter Card 22

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in AjmerKnowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer xi Contents

List of Figures Figure 1: Process of PSE 8

Figure 2: Various Aspects of the PSE Questionnaire 11

List of ChartsChart 1: Religion of family 15

Chart 2: Caste of family 15

Chart 3: Distribution of sex 16

Chart 4: Gender-wise education status of household members 17

Chart 5: Age-wise education status of household members 17

Chart 6: Sex-wise distribution of occupation 18

Chart 7: Type of ration cards 19

Chart 8: Access to legal documents 20

Chart 9: Ownership of house 22

Chart 10: Type of house 22

Chart 11: Period of stay 23

Chart 12: Availability of land patta 23

Chart 14: Availability of toilets in informal settlements 24

Chart 15: Availability of toilet as per the ration card 24

Chart 16: Availability of toilet as per the ownership of household 25

Chart 17: Reasons for lack of toilet facility at home 25

Chart 18: Type of toilet (application for personal /shared toilet) 26

Chart 19: Space available to construct household toilets 27

Chart 20: Application given to municipality for toilet construction 27

Chart 21: Acceptance of toilet applications by municipality 27

Chart: Updated status of od hhs 28

Chart 22: Water outlet connections for kitchen, bathroom, and toilets 29

Chart 23: Type of household waste collection facility 30

Chart 24: Disposal of waste if household collection is unavailable 30

Chart 25: Primary source for drinking water and other purposes 31

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmerxii

list of acronyms

AAY Antyodaya Anna Yojana

ADA Ajmer Development Authority

AMC Ajmer Municipal Corporation

AMRUT Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation

APL Above Poverty Line

ASCL Ajmer Smart City Limited

BPL Below Poverty Line

BSUP Basic Services for Urban Poor

CBO Community Based Organisation

CPHEEO The Central Public Health and Environmental Engineering Organisation

CTs Community Toilets

ECRC Engaged Citizens, Responsive City

EU European Union

FSS Food Security Scheme

FSSM Faecal Sludge and Septage Management

HH Household

HRIDAY Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana

IHHL Individual Household Latrine

JNNURM Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission

MoUD Ministry of Urban Development

NGO Non-Governmental Organisations

NOC No Objection Certificates

OBC Other Backward Classes

ODF Open Defecation Free

PDS Public Distribution System

PHED Public Health Engineering Department

PMJDY Prime Minister’s Jan Dhan Yojana

PRIA Society for Participatory Research in Asia

PSE Participatory Settlement Enumeration

PUA Participatory Urban Appraisal

RAY Rajiv Awas Yojana

SBM Swachh Bharat Mission

SC Scheduled Caste

SIC Settlement Improvement Committee

SLB Service Level Benchmark

ST Scheduled Tribe

STP Sewerage Treatment Plant

SWM Solid Waste Management

ULB Urban Local Body

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer Section 1: Introduction 1

introductionSection 1

About Participatory Settlement Enumeration

The fast pace of urbanisation across India has provided many opportunities as well as challenges. It provides significant employment opportunities and access to amenities, which the rural counterpart often lacks. More than half of India’s population is expected to live in cities by 2030. Alongside these opportunities, the current form of unplanned urbanisation has contributed to the urban sprawl by multiplying informal settlements, increasing poverty, and rising inequalities between the rich and the poor. The consequence of such rapid urbanisation is visible in the large number of urban citizens living in insecure conditions and suffering from the combined impact of social exclusion, inadequate income, limited access to water, sanitation, liveable housing, and other civic services. With such challenges, many organisations have been trying to develop new approaches and innovative responses to bridge the gap between informal settlement dwellers and their local governments.

Invisibility is one of the greatest sources of the powerlessness of a large urban population residing in numerous informal settlements across most Indian cities. Counting is often regarded and used as a tool for public policy making. Yet, more often than not, a large number of urban informal settlements and their inhabitants remain unaccounted for in urban planning and governance.

Participatory Settlement Enumeration (PSE) is an alternative public policy tool, which ensures nobody remains unaccounted for and ‘nobody is left behind’. It is a process of gathering information about a community by its own community members. Unlike traditional enumerations, in a PSE method the community is directly and significantly involved in enumerating itself. Right from the inception and design to data collection, data analysis and data utilisation—the entire process is participatory. The origin of the PSE method is rooted in the tradition of Participatory Research. PSE as a methodology is developed on the belief that the experience and knowledge of people are indispensable to inform and guide development policies.

There are multiple features that define the PSE methodology. It creates, strengthens and deepens networks of slum dwellers in the city. It disaggregates data based on informal settlements and their inhabitants and facilitates community networks to establish their priorities. Through this, it enables dialogue between communities and their local governments—re-establishing the voice of the people and their active participation in the urban development all around them. PSE is, therefore, different from traditional enumerations or surveys. Traditional enumerations or data gathered by professionals and external third parties make communities passive “givers” of

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer2 Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer

information. In such cases, the data gathered remain in the possession of enumeration agencies and is not accessible to the urban poor. Especially in the case of enumerating dynamic informal settlements, the collated data changes regularly and becomes obsolete by the time planning policies are finalised. However, when members of the community step in as active data collectors and analysts through PSE, the community can identify, address, and work towards solving relevant issues in a cohesive and sustainable manner. Standard traditional surveys lack granular data regarding these settlements (concerning boundaries, population, contextual needs, etc.), which result in their exclusion from government policies. However, through PSE, the poor and marginalised communities themselves become the catalysts of change as professionals. They add to their existing local knowledge, which they then use to negotiate and achieve their objectives. A deep sense of ownership of the data emerges, which makes all positive changes sustainable—unlike traditional surveys that merely scratch the surface of communities deeply embedded with multiple contexts.

Information collected by the community produces authentic knowledge regarding the settlement and the issues effecting it. The nature of knowledge becomes very self-instructive and powerful since it is collected by the community itself. PSE becomes an empowering process that lends insights and motivates the community to organise itself into organisations and use the data for its own benefit. The method identifies local leaders, the composition and needs of the settlement. A community-driven enumeration process enables local organisations to create data representing their current challenges and fosters a collective representation—a “we” factor. This encourages greater participation, and since the communities have the same set and levels of information as their local authorities, a sense of confidence to explore and negotiate various entitlements and facilities is instilled. The data is used in different ways by each member of the community and becomes a process of self-transformation for the

community and its families. Young boys and girls utilise this as an opportunity to engage with the intervention to learn about the outside world. Non-traditional processes like visual mapping enable the inclusion of illiterates—valuing their voices as much as that of the well-educated. The process of exploring the data through a collective identity is in itself an important education and is not contested by the leading men of the settlement, as it is non-threatening. The inclusion of women’s inherent knowledge on some settlement issues ameliorates their status as members of the community as well. The sheer numerical strength involved in this process paves the way for negotiation with the local government with equal weightage on both ends.

Like all processes of development, PSE comes with a set of challenges. It is difficult to build trust since most informal settlements have experienced empty promises of change from external agencies in the past. The lack of access to the data gathered through such past experiences make communities cynical and hinders cooperation. Local leaders and politicians could be hostile and stir up political interferences since informal settlements are often major vote banks. Due procedures in terms of securing agreement to conduct PSE or involving them are sensitive processes that require tact, and maintaining transparency in such situations becomes challenging. Furthermore, informal settlements are often built upon contested land and the fear of eviction is persistent among residents. Wrongful interpretation of the enumeration can raise suspicions of eviction and prevent participation by the community. Nevertheless, steady, transparent engagement with communities by building partnerships with local members can enable trust building.

Believing in the spirit and importance of participation, the Society for Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA) began a PSE process through the ‘Engaged Citizens Responsive City’ (ECRC) initiative. Supported by the European Union (EU), the objective of the ECRC project is

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in AjmerKnowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer Section 1: Introduction 3

to enhance capacities of the urban poor to enable and increase their participation in planning and monitoring of sanitation services in the three Indian cities of Ajmer (Rajasthan), Jhansi (Uttar Pradesh), and Muzaffarpur (Bihar).

The ECRC project makes sanitation an entry point to build capacities of the urban civil society, specifically focussing on the urban poor in informal settlements. Following a rigorous mapping of the settlement using tools of participatory methods like settlement mapping, transect walks, trend analysis, and stakeholder analysis, the team holds meetings with community members and involves them in the formation of Settlement Improvement Committees (SICs). The members and leaders of such committees are chosen through democratic processes involving youth, women and men. These representatives converge to identify and represent the needs of residents and articulate their rights and entitlements with Urban Local Bodies (ULBs) and other stakeholders. This process helps in bridging the gap between citizens and ULBs as well as other urban/municipal authorities. SICs allow residents (especially women and youth) to become active participants in the development process by engaging as equal stakeholders in people-centric urban planning and development, instead of remaining passive recipients.

PRIA realises the need to bring stakeholders together and the ECRC project has devised various strategies to incorporate them into

the project and to bridge the gap between the middle class and the urban poor. Thus, while discussing the PSE method, this project report also maps Ajmer city by conducting sample enumerations in each ward. This has allowed for a holistic understanding of Ajmer. Through the enumerations, deficiencies in sanitation services have emerged, solutions to which can stem from a coordinated effort between municipalities and residents. These findings and PRIA’s efforts could help establish a platform for residents of Ajmer’s slums to congregate and pursue a common interest that furthers that of the city as well.

The enumeration initiative is also in line with the objectives of the Swachh Bharat Mission (SBM) and acts as an assessment of the ground realities in Indian cities. It can provide critical feedback and play an essential role in planning, monitoring and evaluation. That apart, the enumeration has identified relevant aspects through Service Level Benchmarks (SLB), which are defined as a minimum set of standard performance indicators that are commonly understood and used by all stakeholders across the country. SLB encourages municipalities and utilities to collect data to report performances; however, the feedback process does not involve citizens. To a certain extent, PSE addresses this gap. PRIA has previously been involved with the World Bank's Water and Sanitation Programme, which was commissioned for this purpose. As a result, lessons from that project have found their way into the enumeration too.

City profile

The city of Ajmer is often called the heart of Rajasthan. The historic and pilgrimage city is the educational and tourist attraction of the region. In the recent years, centrally sponsored schemes like the Smart City Mission, Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban Transformation (AMRUT) and Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana (HRIDAY) have been implemented in

Ajmer. These schemes play a dominant role in the development of Ajmer, which is the fifth largest city in Rajasthan, and the district headquarters of Ajmer District. The strategic position of the city has been the key to its long and rather turbulent history. The Dargah of Khwaja Mouinuddin Chisti in Ajmer is one of the most sacred pilgrimage centres for the Muslim, next only to Mecca.


1 Based on slum data collected by PRIA in 2016-2017

This great Sufi saint’s Dargah is equally sacred for the followers of Islam, as well as Hinduism. Additionally, Ajmer is a transit point between important tourist destinations –Jaipur- Jodhpur, Jaipur-Udaipur. Traditionally, Ajmer has been an important centre of education in the region that accommodates universities and colleges. Some of the popular colleges in Ajmer are Mayo College, Sophia Girls college, Government College of Ajmer, and Savitri College.

Ajmer is an ancient crowded city with newly developed residential and commercial areas with better infrastructure facilities in the outskirts. According to Census 2011, the average decadal growth rate of Ajmer between 1991 and 2001 was 20.5 per cent, which dropped to 13.4 per cent between 2001 and 2011. It is important to note that the exceptional growth rate during 1991-2001 was because the municipal boundaries of Ajmer Municipal Corporation were extended. The extended boundaries included some of the adjoining villages on Jaipur Road in Ward No.46, villages on Beawar Road in Wards 25 and 23 and new areas developed by the Ajmer Development Authority (ADA) on Makadwali village road. The 2011 Census reports that the total area of Ajmer is 219.36 sq. km, with a population of 542, 580 (Ajmer city), which is expected to rise to 620,155 in 2021.There were 109,229 HHs (Census, 2011)

residing in the city, which gives an average size of 6.20 persons per household. The average sex ratio in Ajmer city is 946 (Census, 2011).

The average density of the city is 5,750 persons (City Development Plan, Ajmer) per square kilometre. There are some high-density areas in the inner-city areas that include Dargah Bazar, Kesarganj, and Railway Station Road. Increasing population has led to development in the outer areas of the city. The newer areas of the city include Chandravardai, D.D. Puram, Foysagar, the area towards Makadwali village, Lohagal Road, Pushkar road and areas near MDS University on Jaipur road.

The most densely populated wards are in the inner city. In areas of high concentration, like Ward No. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 29 30, 32, the population density (City Development Plan, Ajmer) is higher, and this is one of the contributing factors for sanitation problems and poor quality of life in these areas.

The literacy levels in Ajmer are better in comparison to overall levels in the state. The average literacy rate of Ajmer is 73.4 against the state literacy rate of 63.6. The male literacy rate is 93.26 per cent and the female literacy rate is 81.53 per cent (Census, 2011).

Slum profile of the city

Rajasthan’s State slum policy, 2012, defines a slum as “a compact settlement of at least 20 households with a collection of poorly built tenements, mostly of temporary nature, crowded together usually with inadequate sanitary and drinking water facilities in unhygienic conditions".

Ajmer city has more than 100 slums,1 which are mostly located within the city centre and some of which are more than thirty years old. Newer

migrants reside in slums in the outer areas of the city. These migrants belong to Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. The settlers are engaged in construction and other daily wage work. A slum free city plan of action for Ajmer city was prepared by Urban Improvement Trust under Rajiv Awas Yojana. In site development activities were undertaken along with new housing schemes in two locations of Ajmer for Lohar and Kalbeliya communities living in informal

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in AjmerKnowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer Section 1: Introduction 5

settlements. The dwellings were constructed in Panchsheel of ward 58 for Lohar community and in Nehru Nagar of ward 41 for Kalbeliya community. In Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) and Basic Services for Urban Poor (BSUP) schemes, efforts were made for

development of infrastructure like roads, water supply and public toilets in the informal settlements of wards 19, 20, 58 and other parts of the city. These efforts were on project basis and lacked the holistic approach necessary for providing the services on a sustainable basis.

The institutional set up for sanitation related services

Ajmer Municipal Corporation (AMC) is responsible for providing sanitation services in the city. Along with the AMC, Ajmer Development Authority (ADA) has been involved in sewerage line installation, construction of sewerage treatment plants and development of housing and infrastructure facilities like public parks

and playgrounds, roads etc. Public Health and Engineering Department (PHED) is entrusted with the responsibility of water supply provisions in the city.

The institutional set up of AMC for sanitation services is as following:

Health Officer

Clerical Sanitary Inspector

Jamadar

Sweeper

Health SectionDevelopment

Section

Mayor

Commissioner

Deputy Commissioner

Superintendent Engineer

Executive Engineer

Junior Engineer

Assistant Engineer (SWM)

Section 2: Methodology 7

methodologySection 2

Participatory Settlement Enumeration (PSE), unlike a traditional enumeration or survey, is designed, conducted and managed by the communities living in informal settlements of a city. Traditional enumerations conducted solely by ‘outsiders’—whether government personnel or agencies appointed by the government—often appropriate data or information from the community and use it for planning at the city, state or national level. PSE, on the other hand, is managed by ‘insiders’ of the community,

sometimes with facilitation from ‘outsiders’, leading to the ownership of data, its analyses and community-led planning at the local level. However, an effective and empowering PSE would require a lot of preparation and facilitation within the community.

The PSE in Ajmer charted the following steps, as shown in Figure 1, to prepare the community for assessing sanitation conditions and planning for its improvement in informal settlements.

City-wide identification and mapping of informal settlements

A process of mapping and listing of informal settlements2 was organised in the city. Through this exercise, settlements were physically identified and plotted on a map. Basic information regarding the legal status of the settlement was collected as well. While this exercise began by gathering secondary data and records on the lists of notified and non-notified slums, the PRIA team did not restrict this process to settlements that were recognised by governments and state authorities alone. Information on informal settlements available with city authorities / agencies is often outdated. As a result, people are often found living in unrecorded settlements. This led to a

huge variance in the number of ‘slums’ found by PRIA versus the official records available in enumerations such as the Census, and Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY) survey. For example, Census and AMC and ADA records suggest the presence of 60 informal settlements in Ajmer, RAY suggests 82 informal settlements whereas PRIA’s mapping process identified 100 such settlements.

The mapping process provided for a first-level interaction with communities living in these settlements. It helped in the identification of active citizens and leaders of the community, along with other Community-Based Organisations (CBOs)

2 Several socially derogatory terminologies are used for settlements of the urban poor in government records and policies (e.g., ‘Kacchi Basti’ in Rajasthan, ‘Malin Basti’ in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, and ‘Jhuggi Jhopari’/’Gandi Basti’ in many other states). This project has named these settlements as ‘Informal Settlements’ instead of using the local terminology for the dignity of the people living in such areas.


Figure 1: Process of PSE

Organising SICs House listing Monitoring the enumeration process

Facilitating Participatory Urban Appraisal (PUA) Orientation of SICs

Validating and sharing enumeration findings with community and other

stakeholders

City-wide identification and mapping of informal settlements

Designing and administering the questionnaire

Selecting and training the enumeration team

and social institutions operational or active in these settlements. Field teams also interacted with relevant stakeholders, such as community leaders, ward councillors, and other elected representatives.

The PRIA team simultaneously adopted various methods of participatory research in rapport and trust building, information collection and secondary data verification with the community. Such methods included walks, settlement mapping,

timeline approach, and stakeholder analysis, which are explained below.

Interactions with the community revealed that only a few CBOs existed in these settlements. The team approached the active members of these groups and explained the initiative, and discussed the objectives and the role that these groups can play in the future. The active members then played instrumental roles in reaching out to other community members.

Organising SICs

Community organisation is a prerequisite for designing and executing a PSE exercise. Joining hands with communities for such processes ensures the inclusion of local knowledge and the collection of authentic data. When a community enumerates, evaluates and monitors itself, the sustainability of the positive changes increases. There emerges a sense of ownership, unlike situations where unknown third parties undertake the same processes. Community participation holds high importance for generating real-time, validated data from the field, where the enumerators are themselves inhabitants of the slums being enumerated, and are aware of local contexts, formal / informal arrangements, and the people.

Community organisation processes are aimed at the formation of local institutions that advocate

for the interests and needs of the urban poor. The ECRC project created 250 SICs in the three project cities, including 100 SICs in Ajmer. These SICs were developed and managed by the residents of these settlements. This formation was aimed at providing a safe space for discussing and reflecting on the settlement’s problems, identifying community needs, and finding solutions to these problems and needs by working with other institutions.

As pointed out above, SICs are representative bodies established with nominated residents of the informal settlement. Each SIC has a total of 12-20 core members. The project made a conscious effort towards a larger involvement of youth and women as members of these committees.Formation and capacity building of 100 SICs has been facilitated with total

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in AjmerKnowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer Section 2: Methodology 9

Settlement Improvement Committee (SIC)SICs are representative institutions established with nominated

residents of the informal settlement community. SICs act as bridges between service providers and the community. These SICs

work as institutions that speak in unison about the community’s needs and rights. They are the focal points through which external

stakeholders can connect with the community in question.

membership of 1900 of which 48 per cent of members are women, 46 per cent are youth in the age group of 18-35 years and 69 per cent of members are youth and women from socially excluded castes/classes.

When facilitating the formation of SICs, the PRIA team tried to ensure the engagement of all households in the settlement. To ensure sustainability of the organisation, barriers of caste, class, gender and age needed to be broken.

Facilitating Participatory Urban Appraisal (PUA)

The process of mapping was combined with Participatory Urban Appraisals (PUAs), a participatory action research method used for mobilising communities, understanding local context, raising awareness and building a collective understanding on the issues faced by residents. Communities are often hesitant to interact with outsiders. This process, however, was essential because it was a non-threatening, non-extractive approach, which was community-centric and non-directive. It ensured a collective learning process for the community and broke prevalent power barriers. Such a process also offered a chance to the ‘outsider’ (PRIA, in this case) to understand the local context.

This process helped to a certain extent at ensuring that the PSE questionnaire included all issues relevant to the communities in terms of service provision and social climate. The PRIA team undertook an in-depth understanding of the same through various processes:

Transect Walks: The PRIA team undertook transect walks with members of the community to collectively form an understanding of the informal

settlement by identifying its location, geographical spread, housing conditions, and availability of services. Transect walks were used as an entry point, allowing the team to ‘observe’ through the eyes of local people, and help in building a rapport with the community.

Timeline: This approach provided a historical perspective and helped the PRIA team understand the nature of changes that took place in the settlement. The timeline approach was used with community members to get an overview of key events in a chronological order.

Participatory Social and Resource Mapping: This process allowed the team to work with community members to generate a social and resource map to gather information on the spatial layout, locations of houses, and infrastructure facilities. This process also mapped landmarks, roads, intersecting railway tracks, as well as local social infrastructure such as, schools, health centres, mosques and temples. Public areas such as parks, service points like hand pumps and ration shops were also identified.


Stakeholder Analysis: SIC core members along with community members, enumerators and the field team conducted a stakeholder analysis of primary, secondary and tertiary level stakeholders

Orientation of SICs

After the formation of SICs, the PRIA team provided regular mentoring and coaching support to the core members. Regular meetings were held with each SIC to understand the nature of their problems, priorities, as well as ideas on how to solve these issues. Concurrently, the team prepared profiles of each SIC member to assess their learning needs. Based on this, orientation and training programmes were designed to create an understanding of the role of the SIC, as well as the rights of residents of these settlements. These orientations were planned in three to four rounds of short, interaction sessions and were conducted in a participatory manner focusing on topics such as the need for organising the community, leadership development, conducting community meetings, etc. The orientation sessions were organised for a cluster of SICs (with three to four SICs in each cluster). These orientation sessions

to identify the key people in the community. This process charted out the individuals and institutions that could be engaged in community building processes.

helped SIC members to widen their perspective of the issues/problems faced by informal settlements and to deal with them in a more informed and constructive manner.

As SICs advanced, members were nominated to participate in orientations held by PRIA. These orientations furthered their understanding and built on their existing knowledge, while providing for leadership development, articulation of problems, and role of municipality and other state agencies. Some SIC members became interested in conducting enumerations along with the selected enumeration team of animators, details of which are mentioned below in the respective sections on enumeration team selection. The SIC members who were trained in the PSE method became involved in the participatory process of house listing and subsequent steps.

House listing

The PSE included all the households in a particular settlement. It required a clear demarcation and house numbering or house listing process for each settlement. It was essential for the house numbering activity to be a participatory process to ensure that

every household bore a systematically assigned number. The team, comprising the SIC members and community enumerators, were trained by PRIA on the process of house numbering. A full description of the house listing method is presented in Annex 1.

Designing and administering the questionnaire

A total of 7,595 households were enumerated, spread across 100 informal settlements (a list of informal settlements is provided in Annex 2). Data from all the 7,595 households in 100 informal

settlements were collected through a mobile-based enumeration process. The total population of household members covered through this enumeration stood at 40,435.


Figure 2: Various Aspects of the PSE Questionnaire

Registration form Classification of settlement•

Basic details including name of respondent and head of household, mobile number, address•

Basic household information

Type of house•

Ownership and registration •

Family income •

Religion and caste •

Household members' details

Household members and thier gender, age, level of education, occupation•

Access to documents like birth certificate, Aadhaar card, bank account, and voter card by • household members

Toilet, water, SWM and sewerage

Type of toilet facility available and its utilisation •

Desire and availability of space for toilets and application process for the same •

Waste water outlets •

The administered questionnaire was divided into the following sections for ease of data input and analysis. While the thrust of the questionnaire was to gauge the level of sanitation facilities in the informal settlements, it also captured basic information about households, which was often important for correlation analysis.

The questionnaire design in Figure 2 was prepared and used for mobile-based enumeration. On visiting the field, the team identified that many of the informal settlements spread over different wards that were marked as slums under the official RAY and Census list, did not have slum like

conditions in reality. However, the team identified some pockets or patches in these officially declared slums that displayed slum like conditions. Hence, the team went ahead with the enumeration of these pockets in the slums.

This decision resulted in the enumeration of 7,595 households. These households reported a combined population of 40,435. In comparison, the population in slum households mentioned in census 2011 is at 106,221 in 20,993 households. RAY surveys revealed the population living in 82 of the slums at 85,418 in 22,887 households in Ajmer.

Selecting and training the enumeration team

A semi-structured one-day training was organised for 15 community enumerators who were selected from the youth residing in various informal settlements. They were identified during the PUA process and often played a crucial role in SIC formation. All settlements covered for the enumeration in the city were divided within these 15 members. Their presence made communities feel more comfortable.

The training session introduced the participants to the questionnaire, followed by an intensive discussion on the rationale and logical flow of

various questions. Once an understanding of the questionnaire had developed, the participants were taken through the customised mobile application. Following this, the key areas of monitoring and verification of the enumeration were discussed. Additionally, aspects of smart phone-based enumeration were also discussed. This session touched upon basic aspects like the use of GPS, power management, data connections, etc.

These trained enumerators and the PRIA team hosted a half-day orientation session for some SIC members who were keen to work along with


Table 1: Roles and Responsibilities of Different Team Members

Team member Key responsibilities

Community Enumerator and SIC Members

Identifying households to be enumerated•

Conducting household level enumerations•

Responding to all queries raised by the coordinator and administrator for various • records

The Survey Coordinator Supervising the implementation of the enumeration•

Providing guidance in the implementation and monitoring of enumerations•

Quality check of enumeration records •

Survey Administrator Random monitoring and quality checking of enumeration records•

Providing support and guidance to supervisors and enumerators•

Troubleshooting of errors and any other issues faced •

Updating application when required•

enumerators to conduct enumerations in their own settlements. Many enumerators and SIC members had never utilised a smart phone before, and an additional step thus was to demystify technology.

The execution of PSE required a planned delegation of responsibilities with checks and balances. The first step was to define the roles and responsibilities of the three-layered team, as elaborated in Table 1 below.

Monitoring the enumeration process

Enumeration monitoring is an essential part of ensuring data quality. One of the advantages of a mobile-based application lies in the fact that a large number of monitoring aspects can be built right into the application. It is to be noted that the enumeration was created with built in skip logic, which means that subsequent questions were based on previous answers and the selection of certain variables. Additionally, to avoid common mistakes, the application was designed to reject and warn against certain errors.

Apart from such back-end precautions, a system with strict horizontal and vertical division of responsibility with the required checks and balances was set up. A pre-enumeration planning procedure secured responsibilities into a three-tier system as discussed in Table 1. Once a settlement was enumerated, a Survey Coordinator checked the data for consistency. The Survey Administrator conducted random evaluations as well. Some of the aspects checked by the Coordinator and Administrator are mentioned in Table 2.

Analysis, validation and sharing

The entire enumeration process was completed through the analysis, validation and sharing of the data generated. The analysis consisted of the tabulation of settlement-wise breakdown of

the demographics of all respondents and their households. Basic household information, inclusive of cross-tabulation between the type of houses with ration cards and income, as well as ownership


Table 2: Checklist used in monitoring data

Form 1 Check spelling of respondent / head of the household, and surname. •

Check address of house and format for entry.•

Check slum name and slum code.•

Check date of enumeration.•

Check for non-participants, and whether these houses can be visited again.•

Check for total number of houses and corresponding number of enumerations.•

Since house numbering / listing has been conducted, check to see if all addresses are a part of • the enumeration.

Form 2 Check type of house – • pucca / kutcha

Depending on notification status of slum, check responses received for land ownership • (patta, etc.). Ensure that responses are in line with others received in the settlement.

Check religion and caste. •

Form 3 Check for total number of members in house.•

Check for spellings of family members.•

Ensure that age is written in complete years. In case of children less than 1 years of age, • enumerators are to write 0.

Check to see if the age of members matches with education and occupation profile; Use • appropriate filters to check this.

Form 4 Check for type of toilet.•

Check to see if outlets of bathroom, kitchen, and toilet match. If not, probe to understand why. • Also check if certain responses stand out from those that are general to that slum.

Check for facility of garbage collection and if it matches with facilities available in the settlement. •

Check similarly for drinking water sources. •

Check if source of drinking water matches other water sources. If not, probe to understand why. •

Form 5 Check if mobile numbers have been entered. •

Form check This is elaborated above. Make sure there are no incomplete enumerations and ensure that • enumerations are completed in adequate time (neither too fast nor too slow)

and registration of houses were analysed. A few cases included the cross-tabulation of member level details such as gender, age, education and occupation with access to legal documents. The analysis also exhibited the state of access to sanitation facilities, such as toilets, and the kind of structural set up dominant in the settlements.

Keeping in mind the dynamic nature of informal settlements, these analyses were then validated at multiple rounds of group meetings with the

community members. Dated information was changed and modified as per changes on the ground. This process kept the community engaged and participative in ensuring that the data reflected the current status of their settlements. Once validated, the data was shared with the other stakeholders, including elected councillors and municipal officials. The community and other stakeholders discussed the results of the enumeration for potential solutions and positive changes.

Section 3: Findings from the Participatory Settlement Enumeration 15

findings from the ParticiPatory settlement enumeration

Chart 1: Religion of Family (N=7,595)

Section 3

Demographic and Socio Economic Profiles

Respondents

Forty seven per cent (3,528) respondents were head of households. The other respondents included members of households, such as parents, children, sons-in-law, and grandchildren.

Religion and caste

Similar to the findings of the 2011 Census (83.53 per cent Hindu and 11.58 per cent Muslim), the households enumerated predominantly belonged to the Hindu religion with 83 per cent (6,312) respondents being Hindu households and

16 per cent (1,229) households belonged to the Muslim religion. Other religions included Sikhs at 1 per cent (54) households.

As far as the distribution of caste was concerned, 10 per cent (786) households enumerated in the slums belonged to the General category. As per Census 2011, Scheduled Castes (SC) constituted 24.8 per cent of the city’s population. While PRIA’s sample survey showed similar numbers across city households, it is worth noting that as per the current enumeration, a total of 55 per cent (4,203) SC households lived in the enumerated slums. This is a significant as more than half of population

Hindu Muslim Other

54 (1%)

1,229 (16%)

6,312 (83%)

Chart 2: Caste of Family (N=7,595)

General

Other Backward Class

Schedule Castes Schedule Tribes

Others

786 (10%)

5 (0%)

722 (10%)

1,879 (25%)

4,203 (55%)


in informal settlements belongs to scheduled castes. Another 25 per cent (1,879) belonged to Other Backward Classes (OBC). As per the census 2011, Scheduled Tribe (ST) population of the city was at 1.8 per cent of the city’s population. The enumeration showed that almost all of the ST population at 10 per cent (722) lives in the informal settlements. It clearly showed that the slums were inhabited by significantly larger number of SC, OBC and ST communities as compared to the General category. This also reflected the disadvantaged socio-economic conditions of the SC, ST and OBC communities and lack of access to basic services, rights and entitlements.

Distribution of sex

As per Census 2011, males constituted 53 per cent of the slum population in India, while females constituted 47 per cent. The analysis generated through the current enumeration exhibited a positive outcome with equal strength of male and female population at 50 per cent) in the informal settlements. Contrary to the skewed sex ratio in Census (especially for Rajasthan), this presents a very positive picture with almost equal number of male and female in these settlements.

is the working population, of which a significant portion constitutes the youth. Only eight per cent (3,277) of the population belonged to the age group of 60 years and above. The age classifications of 5-9 years (3,973) and 10-14 years (4,132) was 10 per cent each. The population of age group 0-4 was at 9 per cent (3,477) of the total population.

Gender and age-wise distribution of educational status

The literacy rate (Census of India, 2011) for slums in India reflected a gender disparity, with male literacy at 83.7 per cent and female literacy at 71.2 per cent. A similar and more striking disparity is reflected in the literacy rates for Rajasthan with male literacy rates at 79.11 per cent and female literacy rates at 52.12 per cent (Census of India, 2011). Compared to the State literacy rate however, Ajmer city literacy rate is an improved 92.08 per cent for males, and 80.69 per cent for females.

The current analysis of literacy levels in informal settlements of Ajmer revealed significant results. Thirty per cent (5,492) of the female and only 13 per cent (2,445) of the male population in the enumerated informal settlements were found to be illiterate. It must be kept in mind, however, that this question was not administered to the age group of five years and below.

The analysis revealed that only 20 per cent (3,714) of the male population and 17 per cent (3,022) of the female population had received an upper primary education. The results are slightly better for those educated till secondary schooling with men at 28 per cent (5,119) and women at 18 per cent (3,271). The graduate population remained under 7 per cent for both genders as shown in Chart 4.

Ajmer is known for its educational institutions and better availability of schooling infrastructure. It has a good network of public and private schools spread across the city. Findings from

Chart 3: Distribution of Sex (N=40,434)

Men Women

20,088 (50%)

20,347 (50%)

Age distribution of households

Sixty three per cent (25,576) of the total enumerated population in informal settlements belonged to the age group of 15-59 years. This

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in AjmerKnowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer Section 3: Findings from the Participatory Settlement Enumeration 17

the analysis reveal an adverse scenario in spite of the availability of schools in city. There are a few explanations for this low level of educational achievements in informal settlements. First, households in informal settlements do not see enough incentives for ensuring continuity of their children’s education (even though it is relatively cheaper) as it fails to offer skills that can be used to earn a living for families. Second, the poor economic condition compels parents to send or take their children along for work in the informal sector. Finally, youth learn the skills by apprenticing with elders especially in masonry, electrical or other semi-skilled jobs in various economic activities.

The educational outcomes are also important as it is relevant in regard to various government programmes like National Urban Livelihood Mission, which aims to promote self-employment, as well as corporations like National Skill Development Corporation that aims to create quality skill training institutes for the youth. Improved and equal access to skill-based education will have a bottom up effect in terms of living conditions, social and civil responsibilities and equitable opportunities for women and men. Without these, a large chunk of the youth and working population will dwell in informal economies with unprotected and exploitative jobs.

Chart 4: Gender-wise Education Status of Household Members

Chart 5: Age-wise Education Status of Household Members (N=36,329)

Percentag

e40

30

20

10

0

Men (N=18,271) Women (N=18,058)

13%

9%

13%

20%

28%

7%

6%

3%

30%

11%

12%

17% 18%

5% 5%

2%

Illiterate Graduate Graduateor Above

UpperPrimary

Educated

SecondarySchooling

UpperSecondarySchooling

PrimaryEducated

FunctionalLiterate

0% 1%8%

3%

Percentag

e

15%

8%22

%48

%

20%

3%9%

14%

60%

23%

5% 5% 4%46

%17

%12

%

0%19

%28

%13

%

0% 0%7%

3%

0% 0%3% 1%

Illiterate FunctionalLiterate

Upper PrimaryEducated

SecondarySchooling

UpperSecondarySchooling

PrimaryEducated

Graduate Graduateor Above

5 to 9 (N=3,381) 10 to 14 (N=4,132) 15 to 59 (N=25,576) 60 and Above (N=3,240)

80

60

40

20

0


The analysis of age-wise distribution (in Chart 5) of education suggested that dominantly, 48 per cent of the population in the age group of 60 years and above, and 22 per cent of those between 15-59 years were illiterate. This is largely attributable to a lack of access to education in the earlier generation’s childhood, or even to any kind of adult education.

Another disappointment is visible in the analysis of the 5-9 year bracket. While 64 per cent of this bracket is enrolled in school, 20 per cent have been listed as functionally literate, and 15 per cent as illiterate. This highlights the higher drop out rates and substantiates the explanation that many children in these informal settlements end up helping their families in livelihood generation or domestic chores.

Sex-wise distribution of occupation

From enumeration of 100 informal settlements in Ajmer, a pattern of traditional gender roles emerged. As demonstrated in Chart 6, a significant 43 per cent (8,576) of women were homemakers, whereas men were engaged in jobs outside of their homes. A dominant 39 per cent (8,030) of men worked as daily labourers, followed by a small percentage in private at 9 per cent (1,879) and government jobs at 4 per cent

(743). In comparison, only 12 per cent (2,400) of women were engaged as daily labourers. The other categories are elaborated in the chart.

The daily wage jobs that women are involved in mostly include construction work along with household domestic work in middle class colonies that employ them as maids and cooks. Men are engaged in industrial work along with construction and other semi-skilled jobs like plumbing, transportation, electrical fitting and in shops. In Ajmer, household industry employs about 5,419 male and 2,685 female other works employ 1,27,707 men and 24,369 female (Census, 2011). Total workforce in Ajmer is pegged at 1,74,922 with male constituting 1,43,668 and female comprising of 31,254 (Census, 2011). In percentage terms, the total work force of Ajmer is measured at 32 per cent, whereas the total working population employed in gainful employment in informal settlements is about 35 per cent (14,256).

Apart from traditional notions of gender roles, factors like safety, maternity, access to transport are also factors that limit women’s agency to work outside their homes. It is important to note these patterns of gender disparities in educational attainment and remunerative employment as signs of inadequate public policies and programmes.

Percentag

e

60

40

20

0Own

BusinessPrivate

JobUnemployed Not

Applicable

Men (N=20,347) Women (N=20,088)

GovernmentJob

DailyLabour

Housewife

3%

0.8% 4%

1%

9%

1%

39%

12%

5%

3%

0.0%

43%

39%

40%

Chart 6: Sex-wise Distribution of Occupation (N=40,435)


3 Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY) is a Government of India sponsored scheme to provide subsidised food to those households living in extreme poverty.

4 Many respondents tried to get these documents but could not obtain them or were not eligible/applicable for the same – they have been excluded from the analysis in table numbers 3, 4 and 5 for clarity.

A cross tabulation of age wise occupation also exhibited a few records (150) of children under the age of 15 working as daily labourers accompanying their parents or working at various economic activities. It is essential to raise awareness among settlements regarding the importance of education of children. This finding is also an important pattern of disparities in educational attainment and reiterates the inadequacy of schemes and programs aiming at children’s literacy and education programs.

Type of Ration Card

Among the households enumerated in the informal settlements, 95 per cent (7,285) had ration cards. Seventy five per cent (5,672) households had Above Poverty Line (APL) cards, while an approximate 21 per cent (1,593) had Below Poverty Line (BPL) cards. Four per cent of the households reportedly did not possess any type of cards. Very few households (20) possessed Antyodaya cards.3

While possessing a ration card, especially for those below the poverty line, is essential for receiving food and other goods such as rice, wheat, and kerosene, at subsidised rates, it is also used as proof of residence for property transaction and ownership issues. It is important to recognise the relationship that exists between ownership of a house and a ration card.

The Central Government launched The National Food Security Act (Right to Food Act), 2013. The state of Rajasthan also implements Food Security Scheme (FSS). The households need to connect their ration cards to FSS to avail the benefit of 7 kilograms of wheat for each person at the rate of Rs. 7 per kg. While it has not been captured in this enumeration, many households have been connecting their ration cards to FSS to avail these benefits.

Ration cards have been also connected to biometric systems, which require the thumb impression of household members to avail the benefits available under the Public Distribution System (PDS). The intention behind using biometrics is to prevent leakages in the system. The PDS system in India is notorious for mass leakages where large amounts of food grains and other supplies are diverted to market depriving entitled households of their rightful benefits. Many households however, have trouble with the biometric system. For older adults, biometrics often fail since their fingerprints are not as clear as required. As a result, many household members have to make repeat visits, or spend longer durations at ration shops.

Access to Legal Documents

Access to birth certificates, bank accounts, Aadhaar cards and voter ID cards determine one’s ability to access certain public services, rights and entitlements as a citizen. The enumeration captured these aspects of household members. This was done to understand their eligibility to legally demand certain services, particularly in claiming subsidies for individual household toilets.4

1,593 (21%)

APL BPL Antyodaya No card

5,672 (75%)

310 (4%)(Value) 0.26%

Chart 7: Type of Ration Cards (N=7,595)


Birth Registration

Out of the total enumerated population in the 100 informal settlements, 43 per cent (17,002) have birth registration. A staggering 57 per cent (22,301) do not have birth certificates. Having a birth certificate secures the basic human right to a legal proof of name, parentage, age and most importantly, one’s citizenship. The lack of a birth certificate not only leads to social stigma for an already vulnerable urban poor population, but also enables exclusion from basic government services, including education and limited access to justice (Stark, 2016).

When 57 per cent of the enumerated slum residents do not have their birth registered, it disables the government from planning, budgeting, and monitoring its population’s access to basic services, especially health. Birth certificates are an essential input for a national vital statistics system, which enables countries to know their fertility rate; a statistic that influences social policy, designs programmes, monitors and evaluates them.

On the basis of the settlement level data, PRIA Ajmer has been working with SIC members to pursue AMC to provide birth registrations for several children. However, AMC should look into

this severe lag and prioritise the registration of this invisible population, especially for children still under 14 years (2,779) who do not have birth certificates, as it is easier to obtain them for minors.

Aadhaar Card

Table 3: Sex Disaggregated Access to Aadhaar Card

Aadhaar Card Male Female

No 14% (2,702) 15% (2,856)

Yes 86% (16,867) 85% (16,432)

The enumeration showed that access to Aadhaar cards was much better compared to that of birth certificates. Eighty five per cent (33,299) of the enumerated population had Aadhaar cards, while 14 per cent (5,558) did not. In fact, when the age group between 0-4 was left out, the percentage of the population with Aadhaar cards rose to 88 per cent. It is heartening to note that almost equal percentage of male and female population in informal settlements possess Aadhaar cards.

The Aadhaar card is a matter of national identity today. It is required to open a bank account, which is a prerequisite for receiving any direct

100

80

60

40

20

0

Percentag

e 57%

14%

38%

16%

43%

85%

62%

83%

0% 1.3%

1.4%

0.1%

0.0%

0.1%

0.3%

0.1%

No Yes Tried to Get But Could Not

Not Eligible/ Not Applicable

Birth Certi�cate (N=39,384) Aadhar Card (N=39,384)

Bank Account (N=39,384) Voter Card (N=25,273)

Chart 8: Access to Legal Documents


transfer of benefits from the government, for example, subsidy money from the municipality for construction of toilets. Educational institutions require Aadhaar cards for enrolment purposes as well as for students receiving government scholarships, mid-day meals, ration, etc. All government related subsidies like LPG subsidy and pensions are linked to an Aadhaar card; it is, therefore, essential to provide Aadhaar cards to the 14 per cent informal settlement population who do not have access to it, as the benefits mentioned above are needed the most by the urban poor living in informal settlements.

Many SICs in various informal settlements have submitted applications with PSE data to ward councillors for organizing camps for people who did not have Aadhaar cards. Efforts have also been made to motivate residents to approach various e-Mitra5 centres for applying. There are multiple e-Mitra kiosks in the city. Municipalities have also organized Mukhyamantri Jan Kalyan Shivir during May and June 2017 at various locations in the city where Aadhaar cards were prepared. Many schools are also demanding Aadhaar cards during admission to the schools. In view of this, it is very important that children in these informal settlements get the Aadhaar cards prepared.

Bank Account

Table 4: Sex Disaggregated Access to Bank Account

Bank Account Male Female

No 38% (7,730) 36% (7,057)

Yes 59% (12,034) 64% (12,414)

Among the households enumerated in informal settlements, 62 per cent (24,448) had bank

accounts and 38 per cent (14,787) did not. However, on restricting the subset to those 18 years and above, the access to bank account grows significantly to 81 per cent (21,361).

A very encouraging finding from the analysis of bank accounts is more number of women than men have bank accounts. Women had accounted for 64 per cent (12,414) of bank accounts while 59 per cent (12,034) men had bank accounts. The reasons for this positive trend in favour of women are popularity of Prime Minister Jan Dhan Yojana6 (PMJDY) and Bhamashah Yojana implemented by state government. Bhamashah7 accounts are opened with women as head of family. Another reason is the Government’s constant push towards transferring benefits directly into bank accounts. These factors have positively impacted towards the above trends.

The constant motivation from PRIA has also helped the SICs in facilitating opening of new bank accounts for some of its members. The increased number of bank accounts and saving habit will help in improving financial inclusion and the economic agency of these residents of informal settlements. At the household level, the analysis of bank accounts from enumeration also revealed that only 6 per cent (460) households out of total 7,595 households did not have bank account. It is very important to have at least one member in the household to possess a bank account that can be used for transfer of funds from subsidies and applying for loans and other benefits. In the absence of a bank account in a family, the household will also be not able to receive assistance for building individual household latrine under SBM. PRIA is working with SICs in motivating its members to approach bank offices for the opening of bank accounts.

5 e-Mitra is an E-governance initiative of Government of Rajasthan. The objective of e-Mitra is to provide wide range of citizen friendly services of different departments under one roof through an e-platform.

6 PMJDY is National Mission for Financial Inclusion to ensure access to financial services, namely, Banking/ Savings & Deposit Accounts, Remittance, Credit, Insurance, Pension in an affordable manner. This scheme is enabling citizens to open bank account in any bank with zero balance.

7 Bhamashah Yojana is a scheme introduced by the Government of Rajasthan to transfer financial and non-financial benefits of governmental schemes directly to women recipients in a transparent way.


Voter Card

Table 5: Sex Desegregated Access to Voter Card

Voter Card Male Female

No 15% (1,771) 20% (2,207)

Yes 85% (10,639) 80% (10,286)

Eighty three per cent (20,925) of residents in the enumerated informal settlements had access to voter cards. The analysis of voter cards revealed that while 85 per cent (10,639) of men had access to voter cards, the figure for female residents was found at 80 per cent (10,287). A significant 16 per cent (4,420) of residents in these informal settlements lacked voter cards.

Voter card is essential to exercise universal suffrage, which is basic right and duty of all citizens. Voting is one of the opportunities through which citizens choose their governments and/or reject a particular government. In the absence of voter cards, residents in informal settlements are unable to exercise their important rights. Such groups are also vulnerable to certain unfair practices during elections where they are prone to being treated as uninformed vote banks. The voting pattern in India also indicates that percentage of voting in informal settlements is more when compared to middle class or upper middle class societies. Hence, it is even more important to help these residents to get voter cards as well as educate them to exercise their vote wisely.

Campaigns must be launched to encourage people to register as voters to nourish a two-way relationship between the urban poor and ULBs; one of rights and responsibilities. The SICs with support from PRIA have been approaching local ward councillors and administration for organizing camps to register these residents as voters.

Household Profile

Among the 7,595 households enumerated, 91 per cent (6,916) of the slum respondents owned the houses they lived in, while 9 per cent (679) lived in rented accommodation.

Type of Housing

Ninety two per cent (6,992) of the households enumerated were ‘pucca’8, while 7 per cent (540) were ‘kutcha’. The households in informal

8 Households using concrete and / or other materials of solid nature have been combined, but are separately depicted in the graph.

540 (7%)

3754 (49%)

63 (1%)

3238, (43%)

Pucca house with concrete roof

Pucca house with any other kind of roof

Kutcha house

Flat in a multi-story apartment

6,916 (91%)

Yes, Owned house No, Rented house

679 (9%)

Chart 9: Ownership of House (7,595)

Chart 10: Type of House (N=7,595)


settlements have been investing good amounts of labour and money in building pucca houses for themselves. This has been aided by several number of members entering to various earning activities. This is evident in the analysis of type of housing which showed that 92 per cent of the enumerated households in these informal settlements had pucca house. Another reason for large number of pucca houses in informal settlements could be location of house on hilly

some having stayed for over 50-100 years as well. Twenty one percent of the households had been living in their place of residence for up to 10 years. Seventeen per cent of households reported that they had occupied their dwellings for periods between 11-20 years.

Land Ownership

As elaborated earlier, among the 7,595 households enumerated, 91 per cent (6,916) of the respondents owned the houses they lived in, while 9 per cent (679) lived in rented accommodation. Among those who owned their houses (6,916), 27 per cent (1,846) had registered their lands, while 13 per cent (918) had pattas (land tenure); and 4 per cent (284) had sahamati/adhikar patra (acknowledgement letters).

A significantly larger percentage–56 per cent (3,854)–of slum households did not have any documents that helped secure tenure rights. Assigning property rights is a critical step in empowering people and helping them live better lives. Without these rights, residents are hesitant to invest in better standards of living since they fear the risk of displacement. Allotting property rights to the urban poor, however, is difficult to implement since informal settlements often come up on disputed land and a make-shift solution that could thus be applied is the use of ‘user rights’ that could enhance a feeling of security of tenure. ULBs could bring a no-eviction policy, which would bring about a desire in people to invest in

981 (13%)

716 (9%)

1,282 (17%)

4,616 (61%)

0 to 5 6 to 10

11 to 20 21 and above

Chart 11: Period of Stay (N=7,595)

Chart 12: Availability of Land Patta (6,916)

terrain. The storm water receding from these hills cause serious damage and hence kutcha house may not stand for long time.

Years of Stay

The majority of 61 per cent households had been staying in their settlements for over 21 years,

Percentag

e 40

20

0

60

56%

27%

13%

4%

No Yes,Registry

Yes,Patta

Yes, AgreementLetter / Authority Letter


Chart: 15: Availability of Toilet as per The Ration Card (N=7,595)

Percentag

e

80

60

40

20

Yes, own toilet at home

APL (N=5,670) BPL (N=1,594) Antyodaya No Card (N=310)

Yes, shared toilet Open defecationYes, public /community toilet

0

78%

6%2%

13%

68%

5%8%

19%

70%

15%

0%

15%

59%

12%

0%

28%

their households, while ULBs take up the role of extending basic services.

Eighty three per cent households (2,551) received their land pattas / sahamati / aadhikar patras by the government. In most cases, these were given by the municipality, while a few claimed to have received documents from Ajmer Development Authority (ADA) or other government departments. Fifteen per cent (469) of the households said they

5,721 (75%)

Yes, Own toilet at home Yes, Shared toilet

Yes, Public/community toilet Open defecation

486 (7%)

253 (3%)

1,135 (15%)

Chart 14: Availability of Toilets in Informal Settlements (N=7,595)

received their documents from an individual or private agency.

The process of issuing land titles for these informal settlements has been slow. The policy that enables these settlements to get the land titles is warranted. Recently the Government of Rajasthan has devolved some powers to the local bodies regarding regularization of colonies and settlements. Though, AMC has not initiated the process of regularizing the colonies and settlements.

Toilet FacilitiesAvailability of Toilets

Access to a secure toilet facility is a basic right that goes a long way in building hygiene, as well as ensuring safety and security. In the enumerated informal settlements of Ajmer, only 75 per cent (5,721) of households had a toilet at home. Approximately 7 per cent (486) of the slum households utilised shared toilets with household members who live close by. The remaining 3 per cent (253) households utilised community toilets. Fifteen percent (1,135) of the households defecated in the open, exposing themselves to huge risks, both in terms of disease as well as safety. Reports especially showed how vulnerable adolescent girls and women were to molestation


Chart 16: Availability of Toilet as Per the Ownership of Household (N=7,595)

Chart 17: Reasons for Lack of Toilet Facility At Home (N=2,727)

6% 3%

14%

77%

59%

14%

3%

24%

Yes, Own toiletat home

Yes, Shared toilet Yes,Public/community

toilet

Open defecation

Own House (N=6,915) Rented House (N=679)

Percentag

e

0

20

40

60

80

49%

9%

1%

17%

6%2%

15%

1%

Percentag

e

0

20

40

60

Too expensive Insuf�cientwater

Prefergoing

outside

Unaware ofhow to availthe facility

Rented Accomodation

Dif�cultto clean

Insuf�cientspace

Others

and rape, when practicing open defecation. PRIA has been working closely with SICs that help advocate the interests of the community, which advocated for toilets at home. The graph (see Chart 14) highlights our findings.

The enumeration found links between access to toilet, type of ration card and ownership of houses.It is significant to note that 47 per cent of those holding BPLcards or those without any cards defecate in the open. In this case, apart from behavioural problems, it could dominantly be the lack of funds to construct individual toilets at home or the inconvenience of money coming in phases from the government making it difficult for the households to afford such financial delay. Whereas for the APL households, it is perhaps

dominantly a behavioural problem despite access to funds. Clearly, a targeted policy change as well as behavioural campaigns are essential to overcome the issue of funds and behaviour. Chart 15 above highlights the findings in more detail.

On cross tabulating the data between access to toilets and ownership of houses, the enumeration found that 24 per cent of those living in rented houses were without toilets and defecate in the open. This could be due to the lack of ownership and resistance to spending money on building toilets in houses owned by other people. Among the households that owned their houses, only 14 per cent defecated in open. Chart 16 highlights our findings in more detail.


Chart 18: Type of Toilet (N=6,205)

Percentag

e

0

20

40

60

80

100

Flush/Pour Flush toilets connected toopen nallah outside

Flush/Pour Flush toiletsconnected to covered

nallah outside

Flush/Pour Flush toiletsconnected to sewer

Flush/Pour Flush toiletsconnected to septic tank

11%3% 1%

84%

Reasons for Not Having Toilets

Those utilising community toilets as well as those defecating in the open were asked why they did not have individual toilets. The most prominent reason cited by 49 per cent (1,338) of households was that they were too expensive. Another reason cited by 17 per cent (474) was the lack of awareness about the procedure to avail subsidised toilet facility from the municipality. The third dominant reason claimed by 15 per cent (409) of household respondents was that there is insufficient space. These reasons reflect a mix of issues related to funds, procedure and availability of space. Two of these reasons can be addressed by AMC to ensure increased number of availability of individual toilets at home.

Use of Individual / Shared Toilets by Household Members

Those using individual or shared toilets were asked which members of the household used the toilets. Ninety nine per cent (6,375) of the respondents said that all household members used the toilet.

Type of Toilets

Respondents from households who chose individual or shared toilet facilities were asked about the types of toilets they utilised at home, as

well as outlets these toilets were connected to. A large majority of 84 per cent (5,240) of households used flush / pour flush toilets connected to septic tanks. This was because sewerage connections do not exist in the entire city.

As seen in the graph above (see Chart 18), the next dominant practice of 11 per cent (696) of households is the use of flush/pour flush toilets that open into nallahs. A major difference here lies in the type of flush, as colony residents are able to afford automated systems, while slum residents utilise traditional pour flush methods.

Desire to Have Individual Toilet At Home and Availability of Space to Construct Toilets

Those defecating in the open were asked about their desire for having individual household latrines as it was presumed that those using community toilets would prefer individual household latrines. Ninety five percent household respondents desired to have individual toilets at home.

Furthermore, those defecating in the open as well as those using community toilets were asked about whether they had space in their homes to construct toilets. Seventy two per cent (1,172) of the household respondents said that they did have the space, while 28 per cent (467) did not.


Chart 19: Space Available to Construct Household Toilets (N=1,639)

Chart 20: Application Given To Municipality for Toilet Construction (N=1,639)

Chart 21: Acceptance of Toilet Applications by Municipality (N=349)

97 (28%)

252 (72%)

Yes No

349 (21%)

98 (6%)

1192 (73%)

Yes No No, rented house

467 (28%)

1172 (72%)

Yes No

While space for toilets is something that is being tackled through community toilets, it is the desire to have toilets that must be encouraged aggressively as a good practice by the AMC. AMC has heavily invested its resources in constructing community toilets to achieve ODF status. These community toilets are not well maintained in the absence of community ownership or proper operations and maintenance. The CTs are also underutilized because of scarcity of water. Thus instead of focussing on building more CTs, AMC should encourage building IHHL in informal settlements. This would not only ameliorate hygiene situations for all informal settlements residents, but also help combat the kind of unsafe environments women, girls and children are put in while defecating in the open, especially during the night or early hours of the day.

Application for Toilets

Households defecating in the open as well as those using community toilets were asked if they had applied for individual household toilets.

Out of 1,639 households, more than half or 73 per cent (1,192) said they had not applied for toilet construction, while 21 per cent (349) did apply. The remaining 6 per cent said they had not applied as they lived in rented houses.

Acceptance of Toilet Application

Seventy two percent (252) of the household respondents said that their applications had been accepted, while 28 per cent (97) said otherwise. Most household respondents said that no reason was given for the rejection of their applications.

Update

Due to brisk nature of ground level change exacerbated by the SBM, and the declaration of Ajmer as ODF, PRIA updated its data on availability of toilets between the months of March


said that wastewater from their toilets also flowed into nallahs that were connected to main drainage facilities. The drains in Ajmer city are open in most of places that results in foul smell and mosquitos. Sometime these open drains also overflow wastewater in cases of choking of drains due to plastic or construction waste. During monsoons, most of these drains overflow bringing the waste water along with garbage on roads.

What was worrisome to observe was that 18 per cent of the households said that the wastewater from the kitchen and bathroom flowed out into the open. Nine per cent of the households said the same about wastewater from their toilets. These households said that water outlets were not connected to any proper sewerage or septic tanks, which raised serious health concerns. Stagnant wastewater can lead to a plethora of problems including mosquito borne diseases as well as many forms of infections. SICs in these settlements have submitted proposals to AMC for constructions of drainage so that they can connect outlets with the drainage.

Solid Waste Management (SWM)

AMC has recently prioritised a door-to-door household waste collection drive in all 60 wards of the city. AMC has not started charging user fees for this service. In the past, AMC tried to charge user fees for these services, but the system did not work. As a result, AMC is currently not charging any user fees for this service. One of the problems plaguing this effort is the lack of waste collection facilities with sections for collecting segregated waste. That apart, despite efforts, no agency has been finalised for setting up a waste processing or composting plant in the city yet. Recently, AMC has roped in KMPG for a pilot on segregation of waste in 5 wards of city. In this situation, waste is dumped together at dumping sites. The problem is exacerbated by lack of behavioural change

Chart *: Updated status of OD HHs (N=1,135)9

781 (58%)1 (0%)

6 (0%) 22 (2%)

216 (16%)

16 (1%)

304 (23%)

Utilising CTs / PTs Applied for IIHL IIHL Constructed

Fund received Open Defecation Shared Toilets Status unknown

and May, 2018. Of the 1,135 HHs defecating in the open, it was found that 68 per cent (775) still did not have access to toilets. 254 HHs had been able to get IIHLs constructed, while 36 were utilising newer community / public toilets that had not existed during the original survey. Two HHs were sharing toilets with relatives.

Water Outlet for Kitchens / Bathing Water / Toilets

The households enumerated who had water outlets were asked about their water outlet connection for the wastewater generated from their kitchens, bathrooms and toilets. Majority of the responses revolved around two types of water outlets as shown in Chart 22.

Seventy three per cent (5,523) households said that the wastewater from kitchens flowed into nallahs that were connected to main drainage facilities. Seventy three per cent (5,508) of the households said the same about the wastewater from their bathrooms. In terms of toilet connectivity, 56 per cent (3,512) of the households

9 The sum total of individual elements is higher than 1,135 because many users of community toilets have concurrently applied for individual toilets / received funds for construction. That apart, some families had migrated back to their villages / other areas as a result of which updated information was not available.


Chart 22: Water Outlet Connections for Kitchen, Bathroom, and Toilets10

0 20 40 60 80

PercentageKitchen (N=7595) Bathroom (N=7595) Toilet (N=6290)

Naala, connected todrainage system

Naala, not connected todrainage system

Open area outside house

Sewer

Septic Tank

73%

73%

56%

7%

7%

5%

18%

18%

9%

0%

0.36%

1%

0%

0%

27%

10 Some (approximately 2%) households / members did not know the answer to these questions and have been left out of this chart. Totals thus do not add up to 100%.

and awareness campaigns amongst citizens due to which at source segregation is also not being properly carried out.

Collection of Waste

In the enumerated informal settlements of Ajmer, 64 per cent (4,858) of households have said that the municipal corporation collects waste from their households, while 3 per cent (242) said private agencies approved by the municipal corporation collected their waste. In the city of Ajmer, there are no organizations or NGOs that are involved in solid waste management. AMC has outsourced its services to three contractors for road sweeping and collection of household waste. The household waste is collected by vehicles that plays a song upon entering a colony or settlement. There are two persons employed in each of these vehicles. These vehicles dump the household waste in collection points from where

large dumper trucks collect and take the waste to trenching ground/dumping ground. There are 304 collection points in Ajmer. There are four types of vehicles for secondary collection i.e. loader (9), dumper (9), dumper placer (5) and tractor (29). For convenience of secondary collection, the city is divided into three zones. Three agencies/contractors appointed for the road and drainage sweeping are 1. Mrs. PM Engineering Ajmer 2. Kapoor Constructions 3. Mr. Raju Tamboli (Contractor).

There are mainly three types of sanitation workers employed in Ajmer city by AMC:

1. Permanent sanitation workers who are on roll with Ajmer municipal corporation. They are paid as per state government rules and have tenure of services. There are 490 permanent sanitation worker of which males constitute 60 per cent and females 40 per cent.


2. Sanitation workers who are contracted by contractors. Most of the sanitation workers in Ajmer fall under this category. They are the most vulnerable and are always in danger of losing employment as per the whims of contractors. They get paid about Rs. 5,500 to Rs. 6,000 per month and have to work in two shifts of 3-4 hours each. There are 1,830 sanitation workers who are on contract, of which 70 per cent are women and 30 per cent are men.

3. “Rani” is a traditional sanitation worker who provides sanitation services like sweeping, cleaning and taking away household garbage etc. for particular number of households in a neighbourhood. She is paid about Rs. 30 to 70 per month along with food, cloths (some days) and some additional money on festivals. The name “Rani” (queen) signifies (locally) that only she is entitled to provide services for that particular area and hence the name.

The analysis showed that 33 per cent (2,495) of households did not receive any garbage collection facilities. This might have changed as enumeration was facilitated before the start of household

waste collection by AMC. During recent updation of enumeration data in informal settlements has found that the waste collection vehicles are reaching out to all informal settlements for household waste collection.

In absence of any garbage collection services, 70 per cent (1,733) of households threw all their waste out into the streets / in nallahs / in the open. This indicated that a large number of households were regularly turning to unsanitary and improper waste disposal, which could cause massive hygiene problems. These practices included waste disposal in open spaces, in ponds or nallahs, in streets, as well as burning of waste.

Throw in open space in the basti

Throw in street / outside the house

In dustbin/ dumper placed by the municipal corporation

Throw in nallah outside home

1,733 (70%)

135 (5%)

275 (11%)

352 (14%)

Chart 24: Disposal of Waste if Household Collection is Unavailable (N=2,495)

Chart 23: Type of Household Waste Collection Facility (N=7,595)

None Municipal Corporation

Municipality approved agency

4,858 (64%)

242 (3%)

2,495 (33%)

Water

A critical aspect of sanitation and improved health is access to clean water, especially for drinking purposes. Public Health Engineering Department (PHED) is responsible for supply of water in Ajmer. The body is governed by state government.


Chart 25: Primary Source for Drinking Water and Other Purposes (N=7,595)

90%

85%

4%

4%

0.07%

0.2%

3%

5%

1%

2%

3%

3%

Percentage

Drinking water Water for other purposes

0 4020 60 80 100

Government Householdpiped connection

Government stand post

Government tankers

Government hand pump

Private tankers

From neighbours

In Chart 25, 90 per cent (6,805) of households said that they depended on the government household piped connection PHED as their primary source of drinking water. Eighty five per cent (6,483) said they depended on the same for water used for other purposes. Very few households in informal settlements 4 per cent (204) said that they depended considerably on

government stand posts as their primary source of drinking water and 4 per cent (356) of the households use the same for other purposes as well. The households in informal settlements which are settled on high terrain face problem of low pressure of water supply. These households resort to using of water pumping machines to increase the flow.

Section 4: Conclusion, Recommendations and Ways Forward 33

conclusion, recommendations and ways forward

Section 4

Conclusion

The findings from the PSE exercise explained above and the methodology in itself is an effort by PRIA for the urban poor of Indian cities to evaluate, influence and organise sanitation services within their cities. Seventeen per cent of India’s urban population reside in slums, of which 31 per cent do not have access to toilets (Census, 2011). Keeping this in mind, under ECRC, PRIA has pledged to organise and capacitate the urban poor of Jhansi, Ajmer and Muzaffarpur to obtain basic sanitation services in their homes and slums. With the enumeration findings shared earlier and a brief conclusion mentioned below, this report aims to help AMC and parastatals identify informal settlement level hurdles to sanitation services and work towards alleviating the situation for this section of population.

The findings from the enumeration of 100 informal settlements and their 7,595 households suggest that the residents of informal settlements of Ajmer have a mixed experience of accessing sanitation services.

The Census 2011 has listed 60 slums (informal settlements) with about 20 per cent population of Ajmer city. Further, the surveys for Rajiv Awas Yojana noted 82 informal settlements. The informal settlement lists prepared in census or RAY need a revision to reflect present conditions and changed number of informal settlements. The present list of

informal settlements is misleading as lot of them are transformed into developed colonies. Some of the slums (informal settlements) included in the list are very large in area and covers whole of wards. For instance, Subash Nagar settlement is spread over ward 24 and is developed into middle class colony now.

The history and culture of the city plays a huge role in the citizen’s attitude towards its sanitation practices—for example, open defecation, which is influenced by social structures and traditional practices. The areas in the outskirts of the city that were included into the municipal limit after the last delimitation process may witness slower development. It is important to evaluate these areas, specifically in terms of basic services like access to water and sanitation.

The access to tenure rights surfaces as a serious issue among the informal settlements of Ajmer. The lack of property rights constantly disempowers them from leading better lives. It also makes them hesitant from investing in their homes or constructing toilet structures since they fear arbitrary displacement. While it is difficult to assign property rights to slums due to their incidence on disputed land, applying ‘user rights’ or the guarantee to hold on eviction would bring about a desire in people to invest in their households, while municipality and other city


authorities take up the role of extending basic services.

It is important to look at women, girls and the working age group as an asset whose skills need to be honed and capacities enriched. Attention is needed in the creation of formal jobs, technical skill training programmes and better quality education. Municipalities and other city authorities must find partners to facilitate and provide skill and capacity building programmes and institutions in the city working on gender sensitive education along with behavioural change campaigns on gender sensitisation and traditional roles. Access to legal documents like voter cards, bank accounts, cards and birth certificates, with a special emphasis on women, also needs to be continuously assessed and provided to the residents of informal settlements by AMC.

The ownership of toilets, ration cards and homes seem to have a connection as suggested by the PSE. The enumerations concluded that the expense of constructing toilets were often more than the amount provided by the government. Unfamiliarity with the procedure of accessing government subsidies and the lack of available water also demotivated people from constructing toilets at home, despite having the space for it. These reasons are a concoction of issues related to funds, procedure, social practice and access to basic services—all of which can be addressed by the AMC to ensure availability of individual toilets.

PRIA has been working closely with SICs that help local communities advocate their own needs, including toilets for residents. A collaborated effort at sanitation campaigns especially on issues of solid waste management, behaviour change for use of community toilets could be an excellent potential worth exploring.

Due to the open drainage system in Ajmer, it is vulnerable to overflows and the consequent unhygienic conditions affecting the entire city during monsoons, particularly its informal

settlements. It was encouraging to note that in terms of kitchen and bathroom outlets, most household wastewater flow into nallahs that were connected to the main drainage facility. However, a significant portion of informal settlements households use flush / pour flush toilets that are not connected to nallahs. This is an unhygienic practice that further degrades community health in slums. As already pointed out, a major difference here lies in the type of flush used, since colony residents are able to afford automated systems, while slum residents utilise traditional pour flush methods. Furthermore, in the absence of any garbage collection services, they resort to highly unsanitary practices like throwing all their garbage out into the streets, which can cause serious hygiene problems. These practices include waste disposal in open spaces, in ponds or nallahs, in streets, as well as the burning of waste.

Taking into account the high dependency of informal settlement households on piped water as reflected by the enumeration, it is important for PHED to ensure properly treated water that is free from infection. It is likely that households living in informal settlements do not filter their water before consumption; which could be aggravating already prevalent issues of hygiene.

Recommendations and Way Forward

Toilets

In October 2017, AMC declared Ajmer city as Open Defecation Free (ODF). The AMC has hastily built community toilets where the availability of space was an issue. Some of the community toilets are not being utilized because of shortage of water. The enumeration results and continued interaction with the communities show that the people in some informal settlements are still practising open defecation. In many areas, inadequate water availability forces people to defecate in the open despite the presence of

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in AjmerKnowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer Section 4: Conclusion, Recommendations and Ways Forward 35

community toilets. AMC needs to work with NGOs, CSOs and CBOs to evolve a model for operations and maintenance of community toilets. A revenue model that is sustainable and increases the ownership of this community asset should be developed for looking after community toilets in the city. The model of operations for community toilets in its present form is not sustainable. Municipalities can also use community-led sanitation approaches in consultation and coordination with organisations like PRIA that work closely with local communities.

Municipalities should utilise behavioural change campaigns that focus on the importance of privacy. Others believe in the importance of functional sanitation infrastructure (Gopalakrishnan, 2016).

Behavioural change and targeted awareness campaigns are required to urge users to utilise toilets. Reasons vary from the personal and traditional to the cultural. For some people, morning cleansing is a time for socialisation. For others, it is a habit they have grown up with and mere access to a toilet is not a reason that is compelling enough. Many behavioural change campaigns have been conducted, but the crux has always been the achievement of targets on construction of toilets, rather than on actually using them.

Dedicated behavioural change is important for many reasons. For example, ritual purity and the sanctity of sacred spaces are important concepts for Hindu households and the impure nature of faeces and its containment within or near the home is thought of as blasphemous. This can often lead to a reduced interest in the construction of a toilet. This is true of community toilets as well. Many people may not use toilets due to beliefs that the structure is oriented / faces a particular way, or that its location is inauspicious. In such cases, it is also important to include local residents in planning processes. Municipalities should break myths and propagate the use of toilets. Many households build toilets citing the safety and security of women as a primary reason.

Convenience and time saved are other factors that could be factored in when creating awareness campaigns. Municipalities could also target women and the well-being of young children when convincing residents to build toilets (Alexander et al, 2016). Municipalities should also target schools and empower children to be messengers of change on sanitation and hygiene. Activities can include rallies, seminars and various competitions for children.

As evident from the enumeration results, the pace of constructing household toilets under the SBM could do with enhanced momentum. In many informal settlements, municipalities display an inability to facilitate construction of toilets due to issues of contested land. In such cases, community toilets were constructed to meet people’s needs. These too are covered under the SBM and a notice has extended the SBM’s ambit to informal settlements, even if they are on government land. A separate notice has been issued by the Environment Ministry, which has granted general approval for using forest land up to one hectare for building community toilets under the SBM (Agarwal, 2016). States like Maharashtra have delinked land tenure issues with provision of toilets. The State Government of Maharashtra has clarified that No Objection Certificates (NOCs) will not be required from government authorities for constructing toilets on government lands (Urban Development Department supported by Government of Maharashtra, n.d.). As per a recent clarification provided by the Ministry of Urban Development (MoUD), Government of India, individual household toilets can also be provided to informal settlement households irrespective of the status of land. In many informal settlements, SICs are being encouraged by PRIA to apply for household toilets and municipalities are being provided with lists to which they are responding positively. The PRIA team has also witnessed situations where community toilets have been constructed, but are still not being used by the community as their formal inauguration has been pending for months.


These too have been brought to the notice of municipalities by SICs.

Community toilets have often failed in India due to hygiene and maintenance issues, and their use is often effected by functionality, cleanliness and water supply. The involvement of communities (SICs) in the operation, maintenance and overall management can solve this problem. A notification by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUPA), Government of India, states that the involvement of community in the operation and management of community toilets should be encouraged. The Tiruchirappalli City Corporation, for instance, experimented with volunteerism and local initiative when it joined hands with a city-based NGO, Gramalaya, to encourage women from local informal settlements to care for their community sanitation complexes. The women took it upon themselves to make sure the facilities were well maintained, thereby ensuring the continued patronage of most fellow residents. Residents were also willing to pay for improved services. Models like these lead to a feeling of ownership, and outcomes of programmes like these are so favourable that the city corporation is considering trying it out across the city (Gopalakrishnan, 2016).

Sewerage

Under Rajasthan Urban Infrastructure Development Project (RUIDP), 207 kms of sewerage lines were installed during the year 2002 to 2007. A Sewerage Treatment Plant (STP) with the capacity of 20 MLD was also constructed during this time under RUIDP. Out of 207 km, flow testing for 137 km is completed and AMC is facilitating connections wherever flow testing is done. The task of conducting the flow test for remaining 70 km of sewerage line was undertaken in JNNURM. The implementing agency for this task of flow testing was Ajmer Development Authority (ADA). ADA has completed flow testing of 40 kilometres and is yet to complete 30 km of flow testing. Hence, AMC has not been able to promote connections in those areas.

Under JNNURM, another 115 km of sewerage line was installed. Out of this 115 km line, flow testing for 80 km has been completed. AMC is also facilitating connections to the sewerage in these areas. ADA was also assigned to construct sewerage pump house in Panchsheel area of Ajmer that would have improved sewerage system. ADA could not complete the construction work of pump house. Thus, these sewerage lines cover 72 per cent of Ajmer city area. According to the AMC sources, about 15,000 households have sewerage connections in the city till date. Out of these 15,000 households, Shastri nagar in Ward 48 has maximum of connections.

Lokayukta Justice S.S. Kothari took cognizance of slow pace of sewerage work and instructed the officials of AMC, ADA and district administration to submit the latest progress report. In the past, AMC has organized few camps in various wards for promotion of sewerage amongst the residents, which was of little success.

In light of above development, a general council meeting was convened on December 02, 2017 in newly built AMC meeting hall. In this meeting, a resolution was passed to launch a pilot project in six wards of city for promoting sewerage connections. These wards include 1, 2, and 59 in North Ajmer and 18, 21, and 28 in South of Ajmer. The council also decided that funds at the tune of Rs. 35 crore under SMART CITY Project will be allocated for this work. The expenditure of connection will be recovered later from residents in monthly instalments.

In recently concluded smart city project board of directors meeting, it was decided that now onwards Ajmer Smart City Limited (ASCL) will take over the project of sewerage from AMC. ASCL will now initiate the sewerage tendering and sewerage connection process in the city. ASCL will also mobilize and engage youth for increased uptake of sewerage by households.

At the request of the Ajmer Municipal Corporation (AMC), Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA)


conducted household surveys in Ward No. 42 of the city. The objectives of the sewerage survey being:

To understand the factors that prevent ythe residents from opting for sewerage connections provided by the AMC.

To assess the general sentiment amongst ythe residents about the sewerage.

To suggest suitable strategies for increasing ythe sewerage connections.

The enumeration analysis found that there was a high level of reliance of on-site sanitation disposal systems and most households relied on septic tank-based toilets. Many of these toilets discharge effluents into road side drains and do not follow The Central Public Health and Environmental Engineering Organisation’s (CPHEEO) norms that mandate septic tank cleaning every two to three years. The findings indicated that huge numbers of households discharged their wastewater from toilets into the open. The municipality needs to urgently advertise the importance of having water outlets connected to sewerage systems as well as initiate waste treatment in STP to ameliorate the health of the residents of Ajmer.

Ajmer is planning to get 50,000 households connected to sewerage line. There is considerable amount of demand from residents for sewerage. The onus is on AMC to provide reliable sewerage infrastructure. Presently, AMC is facing problems of insufficient number of connections and also less quantity of sludge that is being drained into sewerage. The reason being most of the septic tanks are connected to the sewerage line through outlet of septic tank. The outlet of septic tank drain very few amount of sludge. Hence there are problems of flow and also in operating STP.

The National FSSM Policy 2016 mandates regular cleaning of septic tanks through systematic processes of extraction and collection to check environmental pollution. The frequency of cleaning must be based on operational support system for local conditions. Illegal manual scavenging, limited

access to tanks, inappropriate tank sizing and design were warned against as barriers to regular tank cleaning.

According to the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers (and their rehabilitation) Act, 2013, manual cleaning / emptying of pit and tank toilets is prohibited. As a corollary to this act, ULBs are mandated to adopt mechanical processes of cleaning. While not directly dealt in the enumeration, the issue of drainage also brings forth the question of how the drains of Ajmer are being cleaned. Having conducted an in-depth sample enumeration on sanitation issues, along with this PSE in colonies and slums, PRIA’s research results showed that 43 per cent (645) of city respondents said that septic tanks were cleaned with hands, while 11 per cent (169) said a combination of mechanical and manual processes were utilised. This is a serious offense that the municipality must address. Fines must also be imposed on private contractors who often force local labourers to practice manual scavenging. The municipality must also distribute safety kits to local labourers and offer them contractual jobs if the body is under-staffed. An emphasis on regular cleaning is necessary, because infrequent cleaning leads to solidification of sludge at the bottom of the tank / pit that is hard to remove with low powered machines. Proper trucks also need to be put in place to carry septage hygienically to Septage Treatment Plants (STPs). Cities like Bengaluru are in the process of implementing 24*7 monitoring processes for STPs. This too is something that AMC could implement.

Solid waste management (SWM)

SWM is a critical aspect of sanitation services. AMC has recently embarked on a door-to-door household waste collection drive in all 60 wards of the city, but is yet to launch a formalised segregation drive. As indicated above, despite such a focus, majority of the slum dwellers do not receive any waste collection services and resort to defiling their streets further.


It is essential for the municipalities to look into this lag of services by instilling a system of raising awareness and ensuring accountability. Along with waste collection, municipalities can organise awareness drives,in collaboration with CSOs and CBOs. It can also develop by-laws that empower officials to fine households that do not practice source segregation and practice unsanitary waste disposal methods. As per Solid Waste Management (SWM) Rules, 2016, municipalities are empowered to collect charges for waste collection and levy fines as suggested above. At its own end, municipalities need to ensure vehicles that transport waste have compartments so that waste does not get mixed. Once this is done, organic waste can be composed, while dry waste can be further processed as per requirements. Processes like these reduce the load on the environment as well. Waste material can either be reused or recycled. Some municipalities utilise innovative techniques that produce biogas, which can be used as a sustainable source for energy generation.

Many cities have distributed two dustbins to residents so that waste can be segregated. While some cities have charged residents, other have used funds from the SBM or the Smart City Mission. The AMC has installed blue and green dustbins on streets and market places but in absence of any campaigns on behaviour change communication, these dustbins are underutilized. It has not distributed these bins to households yet. The segregation of waste is not an immediate priority for AMC as it is focussing on collection of waste to the optimal level.

To gain a lead over other cities, the AMC could advocate a three-bin strategy, where a third bin is reserved for sanitary waste. Mixing of sanitary waste with dry waste contaminates the waste and makes processing difficult. Waste collectors too are at a risk since they often handle waste without gloves, and while the municipality must endeavour to provide the required safety equipment, it must

also realise that manually segregating sanitary waste is often a topic of taboo, exposing those segregating them to disease. On this note, municipalities must also implement another section of the SWM Rules, 2016, which pertains to the involvement of rag pickers. The new rules help in the integration of rag pickers, kabadiwaalas, and waste pickers from the informal sector to the formal sector.

The study on informal waste pickers in Ajmer revealed that the earning from collection of recyclables has reduced significantly after AMC started door to door collection (Mosky, 2017).

Other cities have displayed high levels of motivation and carried out many activities to address the problem of waste management. The ULBs in West Bengal have been granted stationary and mobile solid waste compactor machines, which allow for effective garbage management. These compactors allow for extended use of dumping ground as they reduce the overall volume of the accumulated waste in addition to being instrumental in reducing transportation costs. In Pune, rules are being introduced for the requirement of new housing societies to have their own waste processing plants. Many experts believe that decentralised waste management is the way forward. Such a measure will require an amendment in the development control rules (Manohari, 2016). The initiative will involve door-to-door garbage collection, segregation at source, processing of recyclable waste, green waste and e-waste, along with collection and transportation of silt from drains (ibid).

AMC popularized the use of Swachhta App during swachh survekshan. This application could be used to register complaints, based on which waste can be collected from public areas, roads and streets. AMC need to respond to the complaints registered through this app to gain trust of citizens.


Access to legal documents (Ration and Aadhaar Cards)

Many residents of informal settlements have been working closely with PRIA and their respective SICs to seek BPL cards so that they can derive benefits provided to them by the State. SICs have also requested for Aadhaar camps that have allowed them to be a part of the scheme. Municipalities have often obliged and could continue to set up camps in wards that allow residents to obtain these services as well as connect their cards to biometric systems so that benefits can be sought under the Food Security Scheme. PRIA’s coverage in the informal settlements of Ajmer, through SICs, could be utilised to meet this goal.

Accountability, communication and complaints

Questions regarding applications sent and rejected by the municipality for toilet construction were enumerated. While the number of rejections were lower than the number of acceptances, this should not be misunderstood as satisfaction with respect to service delivery. Many respondents commented that they felt situations would never improve and having given up, did not complain further. Informal

settlement dwellers said they feared action and did not want to chance eviction as a result of which they did not lodge complaints. Such fear and the lack of any urge to seek accountability from ULBs are the causes that create a larger gap between the urban poor and their elected leaders. It also perpetuates social isolation for an already economically and politically vulnerable community of dwellers.

The municipality needs to formulise a system that necessitates reasons to be given when applications to basic services are rejected. It should also formalise a system that allows for complaints to be filed easily and such a system should allow for process tracking, as well as escalation. A system needs to be put in place, which provides a guaranteed and timely redressal of requests and complaints. The municipality could set up a 24*7 central helpline, SMS service, and a dedicated mobile phone application with provisions for photo capture and detailing about queries and complaints. AMC’s online complaint system should be advertised and more awareness on how to use the system and its benefits need to be created. These could be the initial steps. Systems should be made less complicated and bilingual so that most people can access them.

41References

references

GOI. (2015). Heritage City Development and Augmentation Yojana. Retrieved from:http://hridayindia.in/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/hriday-brochure.pdf

GOR (2006). City Development Plan for Ajmer and Pushkar. Retrieved from: http://jnnurm.nic.in/wp-content/uploads/2010/12/final_CDPAjmer-Pushkar.pdf

Census. (2011a). Census of India. Retrieved from Census Commissioner of India.

Mosky, S. (2017). Personal Perspectives and Systemic Change: Informal Sector Recycling in Ajmer.

Annex 1: House Listing 43

house listingAnnex 1

The implementation of an exhaustive enumeration over a large scale such as PSE required a clear demarcation and house numbering or house listing process. It was essential for the house numbering process to be a participatory process to ensure each household was systematically assigned an identification number. The SIC members and the community enumerators were trained by the PRIA team about the process of house numbering.

House numbering means that each household bears a systematically assigned number. For buildings that were already given numbers by the municipal corporation, the same numbering was adopted. However, for new buildings that came up after the buildings were numbered by the municipal corporation, they were given sub-numbers/new numbers. For example, if a building is found unnumbered or a new building comes up between buildings numbered 10 and 11, the same should be numbered as 10/1. In case the numbering given by the municipal corporation ends with No. 120, then a new number '121', in continuation of the numbering given by the municipal corporation, may be given.

In cases where no numbering for buildings or houses existed, the team was trained to give numbers to the houses through the following method:

Assigning numbers to buildings

i. If an informal settlement consists of a number of streets, the buildings in various streets should be numbered continuously. Streets should be taken in uniform order from North-West to South-East. The best way of numbering buildings is to continue with one consecutive serial on one side of the street and complete numbering on that side before crossing over to the end of the other side of the street and continuing with the same series, finally stopping opposite the building where the first number was allotted.

ii. If a pattern is such that the buildings are scattered or located in clusters or in isolated parts like fields, boundaries, along the side of a railway track or a canal/river/nallah, then to the extent possible, house numbers should be assigned by following the method described (i) above. However, if it is not possible to follow the procedure laid down (i) above, it should be ensured that all the building are numbered and the direction in which the building numbers are assigned should be indicated by arrow marks on the Layout Map wherever the number jumps.

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer44

Building number as assigned by the Municipal Corporation

Number of households House number

7/1 2 7/1 (1) and 7/1(2)

7 (1) 2 7(1) (1) and 7(1)(2)

7 (A) 2 7(A) (1) and 7(A)(2)

7/A 2 7/A (1) and 7/A(2)

Examples of assigning census house numbers:

iii. If a new building is found after the house numbering has been completed or in the midst of buildings already numbered, it should be given a new number, which may bear a sub-number.

For example, if a building is found unnumbered or a new building comes up between building numbers 10 and 11, the same should be numbered as 10/1.

Assigning number to households

Each house should be numbered. If a building by itself is a single household, then the number of the house will be the same as the building number. But if different parts or constituent units of a building qualify to be treated as separate households, then each household should be given a sub-number within brackets after the building number as 10(1), 10(2), etc., or 11(1), 11(2), 11(3), etc.

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer Annex 2: List of Informal Settlements/Slums 45

list of informal settlements/slums

Annex 2

Sl. No. Ward Name of Informal settlement

1 9 Amabawdi 2 39 Bairwa basti Kalyanipura3 56 Ambedkar Nagar 4 2 Bairwa Basti Kotra 5 43 Bairwa Basti Topdara6 58 Baldev nagar7 44 Banjara Basti Topdara 8 42 Bheel Basti 9 12 Bheel Basti usri gate 10 1 Bombay George11 12 Chatai mohalla - 112 12 Chatai Mohalla Padma Dairy13 44 Chirmoli Ka Bada14 42 Gurjar Basti Naka Madar15 48 Hari Nagar16 30 Kohli Basti Avadhpuri (Johnjganj)17 20 Kohli Basti Ramganj18 21 Lohar Basti (Ajay Nagar) 19 12 Lohar Basti (Usri Gate)20 34 Lohar Basti21 42 Lohar Basti - Shri Nagar road, Gulab bari22 59 Lohar Mohalla23 50 Nala Basti24 37 Nagbai Harijan Basti25 43 Phoos ki kothi26 51 Rajendrapura27 8 Silawat Mohalla - Noor Masjid ke pas28 33 Sunar ka bada (Uttamchand)29 15 Trilok Nagar 30 39 Harijan Basti Kalyanipura 31 46 Harijan basti indira colony (Bhoppo ka wada)32 12 Masooda Nadi (Ravan ki Bagichi)33 20 Sadhu basti ramganj34 1 Nausar Village35 32 Padari gali, Udaiganj 36 23 Regar Harijan basti, Chandvardai Nagar 37 6 Lohar basti, Kabutarshala 38 4 Regar basti, Krishna colony 39 21 Fakira Kheda40 9 Jaliyan Basti41 60 Nausar Ghati42 5 Tarashah


Sl. No. Ward Name of Informal settlement

43 18 Oad Basti 44 27 Nanki Kheda 45 18 Vivekanand Basti46 34 Gurjar Dharati (Bhagat Ji Ki Line)47 34 Rabadiya Mohalla48 27 Teja Ji Ka Chowk49 3 Mali Mohalla50 25 Kahar Basti51 25 Khanpura Basti52 25 Sundar Nagar 53 29 Harijan Basti, Durga Colony54 14 Bagari Basti, Shanti Nagar55 29 Durgar Colony56 43 Sadhu Basti, Topdara57 5 Nagfani58 33 Shankar Nagar59 28 Regar Basti, Balupura60 60 Ratidang61 39 Regar Basti, Kalayanipura62 13 Hari Sundar Colony 63 19 Harijan Basti, Bhagwanganj64 55 Aated65 17 Sashi Basti66 18 Sadhu Basti, Bhagwanganj67 20 Kanjar Basti68 54 Indira Colony69 41 Kalbeliya Basti70 14 Dholi Basti71 57 Ramdev Nagar72 19 Labana Basti73 5 Sanjay Nagar Boraj74 13 Prabhat Mohalla75 16 Jatiya Basti76 7 Longiya Gali No. 7 & 877 20 Gautam Nagar Koli Basti78 59 Choraciawas Village79 31 Shivaji Nagar80 59 Idagah81 41 Kiranipura82 41 Bairwa Basti Aam Ka Talab83 55 Rajiv Colony84 33 Loon karan ka hatha85 37 Chankaya Chowk86 43 Circular Road / Bangla Number 5 (Phoos Ki Kothi)87 18 Bad Pidit Kacchi Basti Ajaynagar (Mochi Mohalla)88 48 Data Nagar89 46 Ghoogra Ghati90 6 Babugarh91 40 Mistri Mohalla92 33 Modiya Bheru (Shiv Nagar) 93 9 Bhatabhav94 12 Dhanka Basti - Padav95 6 Kamala Mohalla96 52 Lohar Basti Kuttashala97 33 Gurjar Teela98 34 Jalkari Nagar Bavri Pada99 1 Ambedkar Nagar100 44 Chadar Pal Bichala

Knowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in AjmerKnowledge, Voice, Participation: Participatory Settlement Enumeration for Sanitation Services in Ajmer Annex 2: List of Informal Settlements/Slums 47

About PRIA

Established in 1982, PRIA (Participatory Research in Asia) is a global centre for participatory research and training based in New Delhi. Currently, PRIA has field offices in several states of India and partnerships with 3000 NGOs across the global North and South to deliver its programmes on the ground. Over 35 years, PRIA has promoted ‘participation as empowerment’, capacity building of community organisations, and people’s participation in governance. Initiatives are undertaken in the overall perspective of ‘making democracy work for all’ – in the political system; democratic culture in families, communities, and society; and participatory democracy with active citizenship. PRIA’s programmes on the ground focus on promotion of participation of the poor, especially women and youth, to claim rights and basic services.

Through building knowledge, raising voice and making democracy work for all, PRIA realises its vision – of a world based on values of equity, justice, freedom, peace and solidarity.

About Engaged Citizens, Responsive City

Engaged Citizens Responsive City is a four-year long intervention supported by the European Union which focuses on strengthening civil society of the urban poor to participate in planning and monitoring of sanitation services. The project works across three cities in India (Ajmer in Rajasthan, Jhansi in Uttar Pradesh, and Muzaffarpur in Bihar). It primarily engages the urban poor through capacity building activities to enable them to become active citizens, and to use the new skills learnt to participate in planning (at city level) and monitoring (at the ward level) of sanitation services. Partners in this change include urban poor and middle-class residents, with leadership of young women and men; mayors, elected councillors and related government departments; traders and market associations; civil society, academia and media; and women sanitation workers.

To know more about the programme, please visit https://pria.org/projectsdetails-engaged-citizens-responsive-city-30-549 .

For more information contact PRIA 42, Tughlakabad Institutional Area New Delhi- 110062 Phone Nos.: +91-011-29960931/32/33 Email: [email protected]

This project is funded by the European Union

This project is implemented by PRIA

The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of PRIA and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union

Connect with us: www.pria.org pria.india PRIA_India

This report is the outcome of a survey that was co-facilitated by PRIA to enumerate

the households in the informal settlements of Ajmer. PRIA and the community members

used Participatory Settlement Enumeration (PSE) in this survey. PSE is an alternative

process of gathering information about a community by its own community members in

order to prepare community driven plans for public policies and programmes. This survey

focussed on the demographic and socio-economic profiles of the community, access

to toilet facilities and water among other aspects concerning the residents of informal

settlements in Ajmer. In our efforts to establish a platform that allows all residents to

collectively voice their aspirations and develop strategies, authentic data collected and

analysed by PRIA and community members emerged as a crucial piece of the puzzle.

The survey was undertaken under the “Engaged Citizens, Responsive City” project

supported by the European Union. The project aims to enhance participation of the urban

poor in citywide sanitation planning and monitoring.

Keeping in mind the lack of access to such granular and locally validated data, the

survey results will be helpful for the municipalities, parastatals, civil society organisations,

development agencies and engaged citizens working towards making Indian cities

responsive, inclusive and sustainable.

ABOUT THE REPORT

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