Conformity and Subversion: Handwritten Newspapers from an Exiles Commune, 19381943Margaret E. KennaAbstractHandwritten newspapers from a commune of political exiles on one of the Aegean islands came to light 50 years after their frst appearance and a survey of their contents has begun. There are more than 40 items, with seven differently titled newspapers catering to a variety of readers, from ordinary communards to politi-cal theorists and members of regionally-based sub-groups. A detailed discussion of particular issues of newspapers using theoretical insights from the works of Goffman and Foucault helps place the collection in its historical context. IntroductionIn the summer of 1994, an archive of handwritten newspapers was dis-covered from a commune of political exiles living on the Greek Cycladic islandofAnafduringthedictatorshipofGeneralIoannisMetaxas (19361941)andtheAxisOccupation(19411943).Thenewspapers werefoundduringcleaning-upoperationsafterasummerfash-food damaged the contents of three underground foors of the headquarters oftheCommunistPartyofGreece(KKE)intheAtheniansuburbof Perissos. The newspapers were among archives of the KKE which, accord-ing to informants, had been taken out of the country at the start of the Greek Civil War (in 1943) and brought back after 1981. Illustrations for an article published in December 1994 in the Communist Partys daily newspaper,(Radical),showsomeofthesenewspapersand the text of the article describes them in more detail (Rizospastis 1994). Thearticleisillustratedwithcolorphotographsofthefrontpagesof sevennewspapers,andwithillustrationsofseveralinsidepages,giving fve different newspaper titles (mastheads). I was able to examine these handwrittennewspapers,aswellasmanyothers(someinoriginaland some in photocopied form) in the Perissos building. Since then, a large Journal of Modern Greek Studies 26 (2008) 115157 2008 by The Johns Hopkins University Press115116 Margaret E. Kennaand profusely illustrated volume has appeared describing them and many others from places of prison and exile (Servos 2003), and another has set such newspapers in the context of (the stoneuniversities),theeducationalclassessetupbyprisonersand exiles (Kamarinou 2005). I am here concerned only with those newspapers from the exiles commune on Anaf (see Kenna 2001; 2004), a corpus which dates from November1938to22June1943,andappearstocontainasmanyas ffty items, from at least nine different titles.1 The books by Servos and KamarinoucontainexcerptsfromtheAnafexilescommunenewspa-persandServossbookalsocontainsalargenumberofillustrationsof thenewspaperstextsandgraphics(Kamarinou2005:107116;Servos 2003:113130,335379).2Thedifferentsetsofnewspapersandtheir contentsdeservedetailedtreatment,eachtitleinitsownright,but hereImakeonlyapreliminarysurveyoftheentirecorpus,intending to undertake further analysis at a later date. The international historical context of these newspapers extends from the period pre-dating the Hitler-Stalin pact in September 1939 to atimeinthemid-1940swhentheeventualdefeatoftheAxispowers seemedverylikely.Nationally,thecontextcoversmostoftheMetaxas years,GreecesinvolvementinfghtingontheAlbanianfrontinthe winter of 1940, the Axis Occupation of the country from April 1941, and the start of the frst phases of the Greek Civil War in 1943. Locally, the time-frame stretches from the point when the Anaf commune was under Greekpolicejurisdictiontotheperiodwhentheislandwasoccupied byanItaliangarrisonfromMay1941toSeptember1943.Thislatter period includes the famine winter of 19411942, during which some of the members of the commune died, and the months after the majority of the Metaxas exiles on Anaf were sent to camps and prisons elsewhere in Greece in the summer of 1942 (Kenna 2001). Total institutions, heterotopias, and heterochroniesTwoauthorsprovidethemaintheoreticalorientationinapreliminary analysis of these newspapers. The frst is Erving Goffman and his discus-sionoftotalinstitutionsthoseplaceswhicharesignaledasspecial bybarriersdesignedtokeepinmatesinsidethemandtherestofthe world out, and in which all aspects of the inmates lives (sleeping, eating, and other daily activities) occur in the same place and under the same authority, with the phases of each days activities scheduled and organized according to a plan which furthers the aims of the institution (1961:15, 17).Goffmanlooksatthedegreetowhichthereischoicebyinmates 117 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943andapossibleorrealthreattotherestofthecommunity,andonthe basis of these factors devises a typology of fve kinds of total institutions: orphanages, monasteries, leper colonies, boarding schools, and prisons undervariousheadings.TheplacesofexiletowhichGreekpolitical dissidentsweresentcanbeconceptualizedasdoubletotalinstitutions and thus ft into at least two of Goffmans categories at once. They are double in the sense that the Anafot deportees belonged to two total institutions: one was exile itself, which kept them away from the rest of Greeksocietyandunderthesurveillanceofthepolice,andtheother wasthecommune,atotalinstitutionwhichkeptthemawayfromthe islanders and from other categories of exile (common criminals such as animal thieves, black-marketers, and drug addicts and dealers) and also morerigidlycontrolledtheirdailyroutinesthandidexileitself.Exiles inthecommunewereroutinelyunderthesurveillanceofthepolice, nominallyatleasttwiceadaywhentheywerecountedtomakesure nonehadescaped.Themutuallyconvenientadaptationofthissystem onAnafwasthatarepresentativeofthecommuneaccountedtothe police chief for the whereabouts of all commune members. Most were in the village, but some might be on boat duty, unloading provisions from theweeklysteamer,andatleastonewaslookingafterthecommunes focks outside the village (see Kenna 2001). This account of minimal surveillance may give an impression of a relaxed and relatively stress-free way of life for the exiles. Compared with life on Anaf during the Axis Occupation, and in exile and camps such as Makronissos during the Greek Civil War (19431950) and the years of the Junta (196774), it might seem so. But life in exile was hard, debilitat-ing, and frequently dangerous. On some occasions there were surprise searchesofdormitoriesand,withthearrivalofanewandambitious chiefofpoliceinthesummerof1938(Birkas1966,II:89),individuals were subjected to psychological and physical pressures to sign a confes-sion,theso-called(declarationofrepentance), what Voglis calls the self-negation of the political detainee (2002:78). Thesedeclarationswouldallowthemtoleaveexile,butatthecostof theirownself-respectandthegoodopinionofandfutureassociation with other political exiles. Up to the arrival of the Italian garrison in May 1941, however, the commune members were much more directly under thesurveillanceofotherswithinthecommunethantheywereunder surveillance by the police. Dormitory leaders, work-group organizers, and the teachers of educational classes kept them under scrutiny to ensure thattheyobservedtherulesofthecommune,asituationaboutwhich onecouldcomment,likeFoucault(writingabouttheuseofmonitors and teachers assistants in eighteenth-century schools in Lyon, France): 118 Margaret E. Kennaa relation of surveillance . . . is inscribed at the heart of the practice [of teaching](Foucault1991:176).TheAnafotcommunewas,ineffect, atotalinstitutioninsideanothertotalinstitutionandmemberswere under two authorities according to Goffmans defnition: the state and the commune organizers. Somefurtherbackgrounddetailisusefulhere.Greekpolitical authoritiesfromthe1920sonwardsdefnedtrade-unionoffcialsand ordinary members, participants in rallies, left-wing journalists, as well as membersofsocialistandcommunistorganizations,aspublicdangers, putting them in the same category as those designated as criminalspetty thieves, bandits, hashish smokers, drug-dealers, and the musicians who played p (rebetika), a type of music associated with the life of the urban underworld and the less reputable elements of the society, music linked in popular consciousness to the bars and hashish dens frequented bycriminals(Holst1983:2).Thelogicofusingprisonsentencesand periods of exile as punishments for both political dissidents and criminals was to associate the two in the public mind as being of the same kind, equally dangerous to public order. The total institution of exile to remote islands or isolated parts of the mainland was designed to hinder political dissidents in particular from spreading their ideas through the general population,implicitlyusingtheanalogiesofpreventinganinfectious diseasefromreachingthestillhealthymembersofthecommunity,or isolating a cancer in the body politic, a discourse used explicitly about Makronissos, another Greek island of exile (Hamilakis 2002:313). Exiled dissidents, however, were in turn offered (by some of their number) the choice of joining a second total institution, a communally organized group whichwouldprovideaccommodation,food,andaregimeofactivities under conditions which were, on the whole, preferable to those which a political exile could devise on his or her own. It was an established practice for political prisoners in a jail to set up a (collective), and as their sentences were often a combination of a prison term followed by exile, it was the custom for any political exiles deportedtoanislandorremotepartofthemainlandtocontinuetheir prison collective by setting up an (commune). The main initiative in setting up and arranging for the organization of these prison collectives and exile communes was taken by the communists, many of whomhadbeentrainedinsuchformsoforganizationandforwhom itwasanobligationtoestablishsuchgroupsinordertomaintainthe members physical health and morale, to increase their usefulness to the party by raising their level of knowledge and skills, and to maintain group morale so that upon release they could go straight back to party work. This pattern of organization became so familiar that anyone imprisoned 119 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943or exiled for political reasons could expect to fnd a prison collective or islandcommunerunalongsimilarlineswhereverheorshewent.On the islands, these communes were deliberately designed to keep exiled politicaldetaineesseparatefromcriminalsaswellasfromthelocal population, to control them both physically and mentally, and to dem-onstrate the superiority of the organizers ideology.3 The total institutions of prison and exile were therefore complemented for political dissidents by the total institutions of the prison collective and the exile commune. While total in some respects, all of these had their informal systems of operation and organization, as well as their subversive aspects.A second theoretical strand in the analysis is provided by Foucaults conceptofheterotopia(1986);thatis,otherspacesorcounter-sites,placeswhichareatthesametimerealplacesandyet(claims Foucault) in some way unreal, in the sense that they exist in contrast or opposition both to other kinds of real places and to utopias which, he claims,aresitesthathavenorealplaceatall.Heterotopiasareplaces where human beings undergo crises, or life-changing experiences, and wheredeviationfromthenormsofeverydaylifemayoccur(deviation is used here by Foucault to mean both out of the ordinary and outside theusualmoralcode,encompassingplacessuchasretirementhomes, prisons,andpsychiatrichospitals).Hementionsmanyoftheplaces whichGoffmantypologized:barracks,prisons,schools,andhospitals, but also a range of others: theaters, cinemas, trains, honeymoon hotels, cemeteries,brothels,carpets,gardens,menstruallodges,vacationvil-lages, museums, and, most instructively for this paper, religious outposts, suchasthePuritansettlementsinNewEnglandortheJesuitcolonies in Paraguay, perfect . . . meticulous . . . where existence was regulated at every turn (Foucault 1986:22). The exile commune on Anaf adds a further example to Foucaults list, except that exiles memoirs and evidence from the newspapers indi-cate that, however much the organizers attempted to regulate at every turn, the communards broke rules, subverted the organizers intentions, and escaped regulation wherever they could. While the Anaf commune couldbedescribedasaheterotopiaofdeviation(aphraseusedby HamilakiswritingaboutMakronissos[2002:326]),inthesensethatit contained those whose behaviour is deviant in relation to the required meanornorm(Foucault1986:25),therewaswithinitanadditional heterotopiaofdeviation,thespaceoccupiedbythosewhosubverted orfailedtocomplywiththecommunesrules.Thesesubversionsand failures are stated in, or can be inferred from, various newspapers in the archive, and are further discussed below.Foucault also suggests the idea of heterochrony, or other time, 120 Margaret E. Kennafamiliar to anthropologists as the liminal stage in a rite of passage out-side the normal time of profane everyday life. He links heterotopias to heterochronies through the contrast between museums, which attempt to accumulate time (that is, to freeze it eternally), and places and events such as festivals and vacation villages, where the temporal nature of time (theknowledgethattheeventistransitoryandsetagainstthefowof normaltime)ispredominant.TheGreekexilecommunesattempted tocreatecounter-sitesandcounter-timesinputtingintopracticetheir ideological and political conceptions of communal living, of the sharing of labor and skills, of gender and class equality in a place defned by the authorities as a kind of open prison, thus subverting the authorities aims and realizing some of their own. Within the double heterotopia of the exile commune, handwritten newspapers offered yet another counter-site. Herethetermsofnewsreporting,whetheroflocalcommuneinterest orofnationalandinternationalevents,andthetermsofpoliticaland theoreticalcommentanddebate,couldbesetfreely,orapparentlyso. There was certainly freedom from the kinds of censorship experienced in the wider society and yet, as some examples of parody discussed below demonstrate,therewasanotherkindofcensorshipbecausetheterms ofdebateweredefnedbythosewhoorganizedthecommune(and some members resisted these defnitions and created their own deviant heterotopia). The composition of an exile communeIt is important to emphasize that not all members of a collective or com-mune were communists or even sympathizers with communist philosophy or practices. The membership was varied and included trade union off-cials, activists and ordinary trade union members, as well as workers who had taken part in demonstrations, and those involved in the publication and distribution of clandestine newspapers. While there might be highly politicized individuals in a commune, many of them were frequently at oddswithoneother.TherewerethosepurgedfromtheCommunist Party of Greece during factional disputes who now found themselves in thesameplaceasthoseresponsibleforpurgingthem:Trotskyistsand Stalinist communists at daggers drawn with each other and intellectuals experimenting with socialist ideas who were regarded as weak bourgeois liberals by those further to the left. Incontrasttothesewereindividualswhowereexiledsimplyfor expressing disapproval of the Metaxas regime or voicing opinions which were thought by the authorities to be in some way a challenge to the status quo. Reference to Darwins theory of evolution at one extreme and, at the 121 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943other, support for the retention of the Old ( Julian) Calendar after Greece adopted the Gregorian calendar in 1923 were offenses for which exile to the (dry islands) might be the punishment. Those so sentenced were regarded by commune organizers as possessing the relevant criteria for membership, and many of them did indeed choose to join, although some did not. Vogliss comment about Civil War prisoners (many of whom had fought in the Resistance) could well be applied to commune members: those with different class and cultural backgrounds and political experi-ences made up a multiple subject, an organized multiplicity (2002:201 quoting Lambropoulou 1999:127).The social and ideological context of the Anaf newspapersAnaf,whichliestotheeastofSantoriniandisthemostsoutheasterly island in the Cyclades, was used as a place of exile from the 1920s onwards for a variety of people regarded as public dangers, from animal thieves to political dissidents. The number of political detainees on Anaf grew from as few as 35 before the Metaxas regime (Birtles 1938:129, describing a visit to the island in February 1936) to as many as 700 in the months immediately afterwards. In October 1937, the commune numbered 350, ofwhomonlyaboutone-thirdweremembersoftheCommunistParty (Bartziotas1978:109).Themembershipreachedaplateauofapproxi-mately 220 (mostly men, but also a few women) when an Italian garrison arrived in May 1941 (Birkas 1966, II:165). Most of those on Anaf had been administratively deported (that is, sent into exile without a jury trial and thus deprived of the possibility of publicity from the newspaper reporting court speeches). Even if their prison term or time in exile came to an end, however, political detainees were not allowed to leave unless they signed astatementrepudiatingcommunism,whetherornottheyhadactually been a member of the party. This was often extracted by psychological and physical ill-treatment, sometimes to the point of torture, and those who signed were often forced to give the names of others who were considered politically dangerous.4 The Anaf exiles formed a commune which gave itself the acronym standingfor (Commune of Political Exiles of Anaf). Anyone who had been exiled for (political reasons) was eligible to belong. Prospec-tive members had to agree to abide by the groups rules and conditions, including taking turns on rotas of jobs and giving to the commune half of any money, clothes, or foodstuffs sent by relatives and friends. They also had to agree to obey the notorious Rule 10 which forbade romantic or sexual relationships with locals, or with other members of the commune. 122 Margaret E. KennaTherewerepunishmentsforlesserandgreaterinfringementsofthe rules, the most severe being expulsion. As living in a commune or collec-tive had decided advantages over being a solo prisoner or exile, even if only in terms of access to resources, most political exiles, however slight their adherence or loyalty to a left-wing ideology was, agreed to abide by the rules and join. They soon discovered, however, that the ideological agendasofthoseorganizingthecommunedominateditslife.Evenin asomewhatdilutedform,theprinciplesofsharing,grouployalty,and adherencetorulesareclearlyevident,butnewsitemsalsorevealthe degreetowhichsomemembersattemptedtosubvertandcontravene these rules and principles. Some of the news items give an unparalleled, fy-on-the-wall documentary feel to an understanding of the everyday life of these particular exiles. As readers 60 years later we know (or think we know)theendofthestory,butthewritersandreadersofthenewspa-persatthetimewerelivinginanasyet-unfnishedhistoricalmoment. Readers can thus share the experience of living at those moments, with all the accompanying choices and dilemmas. In prison and exile it was a prime duty of the communist members of collectives or communes to maintain their physical health, to increase theirusefulnesstothepartybyraisingtheirlevelofknowledgeand skills,andtomaintaingroupmorale.Totheseends,theyputinplace daily,weekly,andmonthlyroutinesandprogramsforpersonalftness: morningphysicalexercises,dailyroomcleaning,regularlaundrydays, and room whitewashing every few months. They also organized an edu-cationalprogramforthemselvesandothermembersofthecommune and attempted to keep morale high in a number of different ways. On Anaf these included forming a group of musicians and a choir, putting on plays and shadow-puppet plays and arranging celebrations and dances on days of national or party signifcance. In addition, a number of sub-groups formed within the commune, some of which took turns arranging excursions and picnics in the summer to areas of the island where the commune rented agricultural land. ItiswithinthiscontextthattheAnafhandwrittennewspapers, and those produced by other island exile communes, must be placed.5 Theygiveinformation,maintainmoralewithinthegroupasawhole, and also encourage smaller groups within the commune to strengthen their existing bonds. Newspapers were clearly a common feature of life inprisonandexile:KostasBirkasquotesfromformerexileA.Siblis (alsomentionedbyTzamaloukas[1975:108])whodescribesinsome detail a number of the Anaf commune wall newspapers as (theones 123 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943well-known to the exiles and the imprisoned, newspapers of the wall) (1966, II:57).Titles, readership, and means of productionThe Anaf exile commune had seven newspaper titles for a membership of around 220 people, giving an average readership of 30 each, a ratio which raises a number of questions. Why so many newspapers for such a relatively small number of readers? How many members of the commune wouldreadorhaveaccesstomorethanonenewspaper?Theanswer tothefrstquestionissuggestedbythestatementsonthemastheads below the newspapers name or by the content of the paper. Each title was addressed to a specifc category within the commune: the ordinary members, the members of the Communist Party, the political theorists, the members from particular regions of Greece, those who shared a par-ticular dormitory, or the younger men. To some extent, this also answers the second question, for a member of the Communist Party who came fromEpirusinnorthernGreece,forexample,wouldbelikelytoread (Antifascist), the general commune newspaper; (Bul-letin), the Party newspaper; and (Zalongo), the Epirot regional associations paper. If his/her dormitory also produced a newspaper, s/he probably contributed to it as well as read it. In other words, there was a considerable overlap of readership in the newspapers. The physical and technicalaspectsoftheirproductionalsofulflledpracticalpurposes. Preparing each issue flled the time of a considerable number of people; articlesnotonlyhadtobewrittenanddrawingsandcartoonsdrafted, butthelayoutoftheissuehadtobedesignedandthenphysicallyput togetherbypainstakingcraftworkinvolvingink-drawingandtranscrip-tion. The archive contains at least two drafts of a particular page of one issue(seebelowunderBulletin)whichshowattemptstoincorporate interpolated words and phrases to a text, and possibly indicate a change of mind about what should appear. Although memoirs written by former exiles on Anaf frequently refer to such newspapers as (wall newspapers) (e.g., Birkas 1966, II:57), the term may not be strictly accurate as the originals show no pin marks or signs of other means of suspension (for example, marksofclothespins);ontheotherhand,asthepaperhaswritingon both sides, pages could have been placed between sheets of glass to be read.Althoughtheoriginalsarewater-stainedasaresultofthe1994 food, they are not grubby or marked by dirty fngers or food. Some of the originals are the size of what were then ordinary newspapers, about 124 Margaret E. Kenna40 by 54 cms., while others are smaller and more like broadsheets (see also Servos 2003:119).There are a number of ways in which several copies for display as wellasforindividualreadingcouldhavebeenproduced:oneiscopy-ingbyhand,anotherisusingcarbonpaper(whichappearstohave beenacquiredbyvariousmeansfromthepolicestation).Yetanother meansisusingakindofearlyduplicatingmachine,whichintheUK was called a jellygraph and in the United States a hectograph or gelatin duplicator(inusefromthe1880s),describedbyoneformerexileon Anafaslikethesortusedinrestaurantsforcopyingmenus(Birkas 1966, II:56). A jellygraph allows gelatin to be used in a manner similar tocarbonpaper.Allthatwouldneedtobesent(orsmuggled)tothe island would be a lump of the requisite jelly which would then be spread outinanytray-likecontainer(suchasafatoventray).Itispossible, however,thatalarger-sizecopyingmachinemighthavereachedthe exiles. One newspaper reports the arrival of a sewing machine, so quite large items could be imported (indeed, large-sized cooking vessels were a necessity). Were the exiles allowed by the authorities and the police to receive such equipment, or was it smuggled in, buried in a sack of dried beansorrice?Oneoftheexilesmemoirssuggeststhatpaperandink werealsoacquiredsurreptitiouslyfrompolicestationstocks,although ink could have been fairly easily made from soot and oil. A member of the commune who was an artist sketched portraits of the police offcers forthemtosendtotheirfamilies,andtookawaythepaperonwhich preliminary pencil sketches had been roughed out.A further possibility is that, once an issue was written, it was read to those members of the commune who assembled for this purpose, and wasthenleftinthecommunesoffcesorrecreationroom(protected from fnger marks and spillage in some way) to be read at leisure. Nikos Tzamaloukas,exiledontheislandbetweenJune1940andSeptember 1942,describesthenewspaperbeingreadaloudataspecialmeeting: . . . (every month there was a special meeting of the commune and comrade Tassos Apostolidis read it . . . who himself had written it) (1975:52). The production of a newspaper was a physical as well as a mental and even emotional act; the body and mind were occupied, making something which in turn made its makers, creating hard-working and focused communards.125 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943The genre of handwritten newspapersHandwrittennewspapersbringoutthemultiplemeaningsofwriting, whichcanbeapracticaltool,asocialobligationorameansofself- education. Writing can also create distance from delicate emotions and intense social relations . . . [it] can be a survival strategy (Salmi-Niklander 1997). Wall newspapers (which can of course be handwritten or printed) are possibly best known to Europeans from images of their use in China at the time of Mao Zedong in the mid-1960s and later, but handwritten newspapers,aspredecessorsoforsubstitutesforprintednewspapers, datebackto16thand17thcenturyEurope.Handwrittennewspapers were also produced by workers and peasants self-improvement groups tohelpdeveloptheirwritingskillsandpowersofexpression.Sotwo ofthecontextsinwhichhandwrittennewspapersfrequentlyoccurare general consciousness-raising (which is a political practice), and the use ofthisformofcommunicationandeducationspecifcallyinsituations ofpoliticalstruggleandsuppression.AsCrowleyputsit,theyarenot justamediumforthetransmissionofideas. . .butalsoamechanism for the transformation of consciousness (2007). In the case of the Anaf newspapers,sometitlesaremorepoliticalthanothersintwosenses: theycontainlongarticlesofpoliticalanalysisandtheorizing,andthey also have a clear party-political agendathe shaping of members of the communes opinions. The prime purpose of a newspaper is to give its readers the news; that is, new information, usually about current events. In doing so, or in addition to this, a newspaper provides commentary on what is reported or reports in a particular way with a vocabulary and style which can be interpretedascomingfromaparticularposition.Theeditorialboard attemptstoinfuencereadersopinionsandpersuadethemtoadopt aparticularperspective,usuallyonewhichhaspoliticalramifcations, through the construction of a convincing analysis of current events. After informationandopinion-moldingcomesentertainment,butevencar-toons, jokes, and other such items may be consonant with the particular political agenda of an editorial policy.Goffman writes about institutionalized occasions (such as Christmas parties), events (such as theatrical performances), and items within total institutions which he categorizes as examples of institutional ceremony (1961:90). One of the items he describes is the house organtypically a weekly newspaper or monthly magazine, reporting local news, publishing material refecting an editorial view, and containing essays, short stories, and poetry: The writing . . . expresses the offcial view of the functions oftheinstitution,thestaffstheoryofhumannature. . . .inshort,it 126 Margaret E. Kennapresents the institutional line (1961:91). In looking at exile commune newspapers and their composition, these points have particular relevance, but the institutional line is not always expressed and supported. With respect to the reporting of news other than that of the com-mune itself, the question arises of how the Anaf exiles found out what was going on outside the island, both at national and international levels. Exilesmemoirsmentionthatoneoftheirnumberwasallowedtogo to the village cafe to listen to its radio, and there were several ways that exilesgotcopiesofregionalandnationalnewspapers(which,inany case,reachedtheislandbytheweeklysteameruptoaweekafterthe events reported in them took place). Summarizing the contents of issue 17 of the newspaper, (Political Review) for 1 February 1941, in which a discussion of the frst three months of the war appears, Servosreferstoanannouncementononepageexplainingtoreaders thatdelaysinproducingtheissueresultedfromaninterruptionof steamerservicesbetweenPiraeusandAnafwhichdeprivedtheexiles of (pieces of information) (2003:122123). This suggeststhattherewasawell-establishedsystemofkeepingthecom-mune in touch with current events. New exiles might also have brought newspapers or word-of-mouth reports. Banned newspapers, such as the Communist Rizospastis, might have been smuggled in, perhaps in sacks ofprovisions.Althoughlettersweresubjecttocensorship,therewere well-known codes by which information was conveyed. In addition, mes-sageswrittenoncigarettepapercouldbestitchedinsidetheseamsof clothing sent to exiles. The communes main newspaperThetitlewiththelargestnumberofissues(24)inthearchiveisAnti-fascist.Itsfrstissueisdatedonlybymonthandyear,November1938, which implies an intention to produce it monthly, an implication borne out by the numbering of issue 11 as September 1939. On the frst issue there is no subsidiary masthead statement, but by issue 11 (no copies of issues2to10appeartohavesurvived)thetextbelowthenewspapers name informs us that it is the (Organ of the Commune of Political Exiles in Anaf). The name of the paper and the statement of its intended readership seem to imply that any political exile must by defnition be an anti-fascist, having beenexiledbyafascistgovernment.Eachissueiscarefullyproduced and styled to look as much like a standard newspaper as possible, with text in columns, written to look like print, and with drawings imitating newspaper illustrations, occasionally even in color (of the 23 newspapers 127 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943illustratedinServossbook,tenarecolored[e.g.,2003:359]).Many newspaper presentational techniques are used: headlines, subheads, and boxedslogansinlargerfontasspace-fllers.Figure1showsthefront pageofissue22ofAntifascist,datedThursday4July1940,dominated by a cartoon captioned, Churchills nightmares, in which the Russian bearandGermanwolfdisturbhissleep,whilesixterrifedchildrenin patched clothes, representing Czechoslovakia, Holland, Norway, Belgium, Poland,andFrance,coweratandunderthefootofhisbed.Articles onthispagehaveheadlinesthatinclude:Sovietvictories,Thethird year of the war: China advances to victory, and Political and (illegible) events of June.Fromexilesmemoirs,thenamesofseveralwhoworkedonthis newspaperareknown.OnewasManolisPerlorentzos(Birkas1966, II:989);anotherwasMargaritaKotsaki;athirdwasTassosApostolidis, describedasav. . . (skilled sketch artist . . . who produced all the illustrations and captions for the newspapers of the commune) (Birkas 1966, II:962). Perlorentzos died on the island during its occupation by an Italian garrison, Tassos Apos-tolidis was executed in Athens in April 1944, and Margarita Kotsaki died in 1993 (see Kenna 2004:107, 108, 115n.5). Antifascist is always referred to in exiles memoirs as being the communes newspaper (e.g., Tzama-loukas1978:52),butthereisevidencethatinthefrstmonthsofthe Metaxas exiles time on Anaf, there was a differently titled commune newspaper which appears to have taken too serious a communist party line for the majority of readers and was replaced by Antifascist. This course ofeventsissuggestedbytheexistenceinthearchiveofanewspaper producedafewmonthsbeforethefrstissueofAntifascist,entitled (Our Bulletin). It is numbered issue 16 and dated 1 July 1938. Its masthead claims thatitisthe (Monthly Organ of the Commune of Political Exiles in Anaf). The front page is dominated by a drawing in which the faces and arms of the crowd are tinted with red ink cross-hatching and the banner above themreads,inbrightredletters:Theyshallnotpass!Madridwillbe the tomb of fascism. IfOurBulletinwasamonthlynewspaper,countingbacksuggests afrstissueappearinginMarch1937,sixorsevenmonthsafterthe Metaxas exiles arrived on Anaf in August 1936. Siblis, quoted by Birkas, says that the communes frst newspaper was successively entitled, (Bulletin),(TheBulletin),and(OurBulletin)(a sequence that does not agree with the dating of the titles in the archives, 128 Margaret E. KennaFigure1.Antifascist,number22(Thursday,4July1940)(Servos2003:355,with permission).129 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943Figure 2. Our Bulletin, number 16 (1 July 1938) (Servos 2003:365, with permission).130 Margaret E. KennasoitappearsthatSiblisgotitwrong)andthatordinaryinkwasused towriteit(1966,II:5758).In1938therewasadecisiontochangeits nameandacompetitionwasheld,withthetitleAntifascistjudgedthe best.6ThisnewspaperwaswritteninChineseink,hadfourpages,and was well illustrated, thanks to two artists: Tassos Apostolidis and Yiannis Kefalidis(seealsoKamarinou2005:113).Whenacalligrapherarrived in May 1939, the newspaper became six pages, and on special occasions suchasNewYear,theFirstofMay,the25thofMarch,andthe7thof November, eight pages. Was Our Bulletin still being produced at the same time as Antifascist begantoappear?Therearenoextantissuestohelpanswerthatques-tion. However, in December 1939, with a front page highlighting that it had been produced to celebrate Stalins 60th birthday, the frst issue of a new newspaper called (Bulletin) appears. Not only has the Our disappeared, but the text below the name reads (Internalpartyorgan);thatis,explicitlyaimedattheCommunist Party members in the commune. This newspaper appears monthly from November to March, and then with issue 4 (dated 24 August 1940), not only does the subtitle change to . . -(OrganoftheCommunistSectionofPoliticalExilesof Anaf), but the newspaper also appears on specifc, although irregular, dates(Servos2003:367).Figure3showsissue5ofBulletin(thefaded red of the newspaper name is still visible), originally dated 5 December 1940,butthemonthappearstohavebeenover-writtenasNovember. Thewholewidthofthepageisusedtoreproducethetextofaletter from Nikos Zahariadis, leader of the KKE, to Greek dictator Metaxas, and the Anafot Communist Party Sections response to it in a letter (dated 8 November) to Zahariadis himself. Ananalysisofhandwritingstyleswithinandbetweenissuesand titles of Bulletin and Antifascist would enable suspicions to be confrmed or refuted that some of the same people worked on more than one of thenewspapers.IsthetransformationofOurBulletinintoBulletinand theappearanceofAntifascistarecognitionthattheoriginalBulletin hadbecometoodogmaticintoneforthemajorityofthecommunes members? There is no discussion of this matter in either paper,7 nor do Kamarinou or Servos make any comment on the circumstances surround-ingthechangeofname(Kamarinou2005:113,Servos2003:115116, quoting from Sibliss account in Birkas 1966, II:56).131 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943Figure 3. Bulletin, number 5 (5 December 1940) (Servos 2003:367, with permission).132 Margaret E. KennaA Standard Issue of AntifascistAs mentioned above, there are more issues of Antifascist in the archive than of any other title, and this provides the opportunity to generalize about the contents and layout of standard and special issues. The usual contentsofanissuecoverinternationalandnationalnewsandcom-munemattersonspeciallydedicatedpages.Mostofthenewspapers consist of four pages, that is, two double-sided sheets. There is a standard arrangementofcontentsaswithanordinarynewspaper.Nationaland internationalnewsandcommentaryareonthefrontpage(asseenin Figure 1),usuallyillustratedwithacartoon;thesecondpagecontains generalinformationofaratherpeoplesencyclopaediakind(often educational and frequently about the USSR or Russian or French authors) and a medical column (which ranges in subject matter from the conduct of sick-room visitors to tuberculosis and masturbation). Thethirdpageisentitled, (ReportsfromourCommune).Thisheadingiswrittenovera sketch of exiles carrying out various tasks (see Figures 4 and 5): a man in a cap carrying a huge bundle of prickly bushes for fuel; another man inacapfollowingadonkeyormulewithwhatareprobablycansof waterropedtoitssides;asimilarlydressedmanleaningoveratrough washing, or possibly kneading dough for making bread (a pair of scales is hanging on the wall); a man putting a loaf into an oven with a long bakerspaddle;amanstirringawaist-highcauldronwithlarge,long-handled spoons hanging on the wall behind him; a seated man leaning overacircularcontainer(peelingpotatoes?orwashing?);apersonin a short-sleeved top sitting behind a sewing-machine with a long length of cloth trailing forward; a capped man whitewashing; another capped manmendingashoewithabare-headedmanbehindhim,possibly planingwoodorcuttingleather;amaninunderwearwadingthrough water with a sack on his back and a steamer prow in the background; a standing man shaving a seated man; a bare-headed man with a cloth over hisarmandatrayinhisrighthand,withwispsofsteamcomingfrom schematic coffee cups, about to serve a man sitting with his right elbow onatable;and(insomeissuesonly),standingtotheirleft,someone playingasaxophone(insomeissuesamandolin)withaseatedfgure readingabookorsheetofmusic.Therepetitionofthissequenceof drawings, with minor variations, in every issue of Antifascist, reinforces the subliminal message that all members of the commune have undertaken a part in a rota of duties for the general good according to their physical capabilities and particular skills. The majority of the images are of hard 133 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943physical work, although agricultural tasks, apart from transporting fuel, are not among those depicted. Only two of the 12 or 14 images are of rest and relaxationthe cafe scene and the musicians.Thecommunepagesaredevotedtocommunenews,announce-ments, short pieces, and sometimes comic anecdotes. The announcements comprisesuchitemsasthefactthatthebreadovenshavebeenfxed andthecommunehasboughtanewsewingmachinewhiletheshort pieces,called(pen-strokes),concernpraiseworthyaspects of members behavior or criticism of bad conduct. Some praise various workgroups that have achieved notable feats, such as bringing in huge loads of prickly bushes to fuel the ovens. Others ask offending members to rectify aspects of reprehensible behavior. These include drinking too much wine, betting on games of (backgammon), or soaking bread intheglassesfromwhichteaisdrunkandthusmakingdiffcultiesfor those washing up. The comic stories recount recent events within the com-mune, such as the efforts of a rather fat man to learn how to swim. Insomeissuesthewholeofthemiddletwopages(pages2and 3)istakenupwithcommunenews,asintheillustrationreproduced herefromServossbook.Thestandardformatisextended,withitems aboutprovisionsandthekitchens,newsfromthedifferentroomsor dormitories,andasectionof(observations andsuggestions),oftentodowithconductandhygiene;forexample, theexilesareexhortedtobringplatesandcookingpotsbacktothe kitchen after private use, not to talk about commune business in front of villagers, and (once again) not to play tavli for money, cigarettes, or coffee.Inissue17(6February1940),thereisareportthattherewill beacontestbetweenthevariousdormitoriesonwhatwaslearnedin Political Economy classes, with dormitories competing against each other under a set of rules devised by themselves. Notice would be taken of who makes the fewest mistakes, gives the most to-the-point answers, etc. The winner from one pair of competing dormitories would play the winner from another pair and so on. Another all-important aspect of life in the commune was to main-tain good relations with local people. This was constantly stressed on the commune page of Antifascist and, in the early summer editions, members are warned not to take fruit from islanders gardens at the risk of serious consequences, including the worst punishment: expulsion from the com-mune. And once or twice the question of a different kind of relationship with local people is raised, the question of the relationship which some meninthecommuneweretryingtocreateforthemselveswithlocal women. This is described as being absolutely contrary to the spirit of life 134 Margaret E. KennaFigure4.ThecommunepagesofAntifascist,number12(1October1939)(Servos 2003:348349, with permission).135 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943Figure5.ThecommunepagesofAntifascist,number12(1October1939)(Servos 2003:348349, with permission).136 Margaret E. Kennain the commune and against all its ethical principles (remember Rule 10 forbidding romantic and sexual relationships within the commune and with locals; see below under Bulletin). Thebackpageofastandardissueisheaded (Our literary page). The heading is written in a cursive hand against a drawing of the view looking south, out over the sea to the outly-ing uninhabited islets of Ftena and Pacheia (used by Anafots for grazing sheep and goats). In the background is the island of Crete; on the left of the drawing is Mount Kalamos, on the peak of which is a chapel and shrineoftheAnafotspatronsaint,PanayiaKalamiotissa(theVirgin oftheReeds).Thisviewwouldhavebeenfamiliartoallexilesandit canstillbeseenfromtheareawherethecourtyardofthecommunes headquartersusedtobe.Thepageisgivenovertoshortstoriesand poems,sometimesillustratedwithasketchofthethemeorkeyscene ofthepiece.Interestinglyenough,thispageisretitled, (Proletarian literature) from issue 42 (January 1942) (note that issues 30 to 41 are not in the archive, so this change of title might date from an earlier issue). In a number of cases the stories are clearly taken from Russian originals; e.g., in issue 18 (4 March 1940) where the storyconcernsanincidentduringtheRussianrevolution,featuringa heroine named Sonia Alexandrovna. Other pieces are rather sentimental stories with Greek themes such as the one in issue 23 (1 August 1940) which features an elderly man, Yeronikolakis, and his little granddaugh-ter, Anthoula.The New Years Day issue (number 15) for 1940 has a long poem called (The Story of Christ), using the Greek word for fairy tale, , rather than (story or history). The poem gives a rationalist explanation for the social and political reasons whymiraculouspowersandamessianicrolemightbeattributedtoa maninaparticularhistoricalcontext.Indoingso,thepoemtakesa completely antithetical position to that of the Greek Orthodox Church, but one characteristic of secular communists. Unsurprisingly, the poem follows on from a story entitled, (Impe-rialist Christmas). Although the diffculties of maintaining control over a varied and diverse membership are clear from some of the items in a standard issue of Antifascist, the prevailing tone is consonant with Goffmans comments on such publications. An institutional line is promulgated and the rules andpurposeofthecommunearenotsubjecttoeithercriticismor scrutiny. Members may be lazy, careless, or break the rules occasionally, but on the whole, they just need a reminder of the advantages of being a communard to bring them back into line. The infrequent mention of 137 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943punishmentsorexpulsionareenoughtoprompttherealizationthat they have more to gain by belonging and joining in than by risking loss of membership. BulletinThisisanotherverycarefullyproducednewspaper,writteninalmost faultlessscript.Itisthepaperinthearchivewiththesecondlargest number of issues (eight), all consecutive, from December 1939 to Feb-ruary1941.AlltheextantissuespredatetheSovietUnionjoiningthe AlliesagainsttheAxispowersinJune1941.Onlyone,number8(11 February1941),isillustratedwithafrontpagedrawingandthereare nocartoons,shortnewsitems,oraccountsofamusinghappeningsin the commune to enliven its pages. The tone is serious throughout. Only A3-sizephotocopieswereavailableinthearchive,soitsoriginalsizeis not known. On some issues, as is clear from photographic evidence, the name , in capitals, was colored in red. The mastheads of issues 1 and 2 describe it as (Inner-party Organ); length-ened to . (Inner-party Organ of the Commune of Political Exiles of Anaf) in issue 3, while issues 4 to 8 describe it as the [] [] (Organ of the Communist Section of the Political Exiles of Anaf). The frst three issues appear monthly, but irregularly (December 1939,January1940,andApril1940)andthenwithissue4(24August 1940),notonlydoesthesubtitlechange,butalsothenewspapernow begins to appear on specifc, albeit irregular, dates. Issue 4 was published on24August1940,issue5on5November,issue6on10December, issue 7 on 14 December; and issue 8 on 11 February 1941. It seems likely that members of the commune who were not members of the party did not see this newspaper. Much of the material looks too sensitive to have been generally known, particularly when those in charge were so aware ofinformers.Arestrictedcirculationandreadershipseemverylikely. Servos notes that the articles are either anonymous or signed with initials to safeguard the identities of the Party members (2003:123). An example of this sensitive information is a short article in issue 2 (January 1940), illustrated by a table, about the (classposition)and(senioritywithintheparty) of the 122 members of the communes party section. Apparently it was worrying that not very many of them could be regarded as real workers from(proletarianfamilies).Infact,ofthe workers, only 10 had worked in factories or heavy industry, all the others 138 Margaret E. Kennawerefrom(farmingfamilies)or (petitbourgeois)backgrounds.Lookingatlengthofpartymember-ship,60%cameintothePartybetween1932and1936;only18%had beenmembersbefore1930.Thewritersaysthataneducationaleffort must be made to produce a more proletariat psychology and to eliminate (petty bourgeois manifestations). Servos quotes these comments at length (2003:124).Additional sensitive information of a different kind comes in those issueswherethereareexplicitstatementsaboutthefnancialsituation of the commune, with tables showing the (income), (expenditures), and (proft) for the various pieces of land rentedfromislanders.Forexample,onpage4ofissue4(24August 1940), it is noted that a proft of 7,024 drachmas was realized for lands atLangada,Modi,andMonastiri.Asmallannouncementbelowthis newsreportsthatanadditionalsumof2,850drachmasfrom (outside the commune) has (strengthened the party coffers). Interestingly enough, a boxed slogan a few lines above the Income and Expenditure chart, contains the slogan, , (Every drachma which is saved and will be used for the cooking pot is also a bullet against our enemy). Thisissuealsocontainsalistof11menwhohavebeenexpelled from the party section (but apparently not from the commune) together with the various reasons for their expulsions (for some names only one reasonisgivenwhileothershaveseveral).Theserangefromrumor-mongering, (gossiping), to theft from villagers gardens (andworse,fromthecommuneitself,bynotgivinghalfofwhatwas earned in carpentry work for villagers to the communes funds) and (relationships with the village family of Barbanasti who has daughters). The same person for whom this is given as a reason for expulsion is also accusedof/(attemptsat relationships with our [female] comrades).Issue6(December1940)ofBulletinistheonlyoneforwhicha draft as well as an original of one page of the layout exists, thus showing how errors, omissions, and re-drafting were corrected in the fnal version. Like the other later issues, it has even more sensitive material in which thereappearawholenumberofarticleswrittenintheformofletters headed (self-criticism) with responses or answers to them. These deserve detailed description and discussion in their own right as aidstounderstandingthemicro-politicsofthepartyfactiononAnaf139 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943and its relationship to national and international events relating to the party organization, but there is not suffcient space in this introductory presentation of this rich material to do more than alert interested readers toitsrangeanddepth.Itisclearthattheselettersofself-criticismare exercises in self-degradation, accusing oneself of reprehensible behavior fromthepettytothemoreculpable.Theyrangefromreadingbooks withoutaskingpermissiontobeingdismissiveaboutsomeoneelses analysis of the international situation. In the last of the extant copies of Bulletin (issue 8, dated 11 Febru-ary 1941), a small drawing appears directly under the masthead, showing the corpse of an exile who had died on 6 February. The drawing shows a prone man in profle, with his hands folded at his waist. He is wearing a beret and what appears to be a suit, and his head is resting on a pillow. Theupperedgeoftheframearoundthesketchiscaptioned (Our own dead Stergios Kesisis). Between the lower edge of the sketch and the lower outside edge of its frame are the words: 1933. . - 1936. 6-2-41 (Member of the Party since 1933. FromProti,Serres.Exilefrom1936.Died6-2-41).Thecircumstances of this mans death are known from exiles memoirs and the report of his death can be confrmed in the Anafot Register of Deaths. The mem-oirs state that Stergios Kesisis, who acted as a (butcher) for the commune,diedfromaninfectioncontractedfromeatingunwashed orinsuffcientlycleanedvegetables(Birkas1966,II:976;Tzamaloukas 1978:94 [who spells his name ]). His name appears in issue 17 ofAntifascist(9February1940),inoneofthehumorousshortnotes, where he is recorded as suggesting that the communes musical instru-ments could be used as frewood. Despite his death notice dominating itsfrontpage,issue8ofBulletinismostlytakenupwithfurtherpieces ofself-criticismbyindividualsandcommentsonthosepiecesbyother individuals as well as by members of particular dormitories, whose jointly written pieces appear under headings such as (Education) from the Miliarisis dormitory, = (Rumor-mongeringequalsfactionalism)fromH. (thedormitory[party]sectionCh.Vasilis),and (Our relationships with the village) from the Marx dormitory. Thearchivealsocontainsphotographsofsevenissuesofyetanother newspaper claiming to be the monthly organ of the Exiles Commune of Anaf.8 This is (Political Review), written in columns of text with no illustrations (see Servos 2003:122123, 363).140 Margaret E. KennaFigure6.PoliticalReview,number13(14?)(17November1940)(Servos2003:363,with permission).141 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943ZalongoThe archive contains a color photograph of one of the regional association newspapers called (Zalongo) which was written for exiles who came from Epirus in northern Greece and the Ionian islands of Corfu and Lefkada. Issue 1 is dated Thursday 9 January 1941 and its subhead reads: , (Organ of the Anafot Association of Epirotes, Corfotes, and Lefkadans). For more information, see Servos (2003:375). A cartoon appears at the foot of a double column on the front page, drawn at the bottom with the headline (The life and activity of our organization). The cartoon shows a rather portly man on a hillside holding a cow by the tail, while the fgures of Metaxas and Mussolini try to drag it off, each holding a horn. At the top of the cartoon is the question: -; (Who pays for the damage of war?). The subtitle reads: . , . . . . . . (A. Zisis: Hey, compatriots . . . where are you taking the . . . cow?). Exiles memoirs state that the shepherd of the commune was a man named Andreas Zisis (always with the added epithet, [fat man]) who was from Epirus. There is also a photograph in the Anaf photo-archive which looks very similar to the person in this cartoon (see Kenna 1999, image MM18).The GazetteBirkas refers to the newspaper of the regional association of Pontians and Karamanlides (individuals from areas of northwest Turkey who came to Greece in the population exchange of 1922/23) as (The Gazette), butIdidnotseeacopyinthearchivesandassumedthatnocopies hadsurvived.However,itismentionedbyServosanditsfrontcoveris illustrated, showing it to have been carefully produced in black and red ink and written in what is evidently Pontiaka (a Greek dialect spoken in the Pontic region of what is now Turkey) (2003:130, 377). Thewordsaboveandbelowonthemastheadincludethe name of the newspaper in a sentence which appears to be (This is our Lazic [i.e., Pontian] and Karamanid (the) GAZETTE that hasknockedout[asinboxing]alltheothernewspapers).Theyear (1940) is in Byzantine script below the words and the date (also rendered inByzantinestyle)(Sunday11August).Acrossthe widthofthecoverisadrawingofaByzantineemperoronacanopied dais, seated on a throne with a double-headed eagle on its side. There 142 Margaret E. KennaFigure 7. Zalongo, number 1 (9 January 1941) (Servos 2003:375, with permission).143 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943Figure 8. The Gazette (11 August 1940) (Servos 2003:377, with permission).144 Margaret E. Kennaare three male supporters beside and behind him and one female behind himcarryingawaterjaronherheadandholdingaplateorbowl.In front of him, below the dais on the foor, a male fgure greets three other men, one of whom is prostrating himself; one of those in front of him putshisrighthandtothechestasagestureofrespectandtheother stands at attention with what looks like a document case under his arm. Three of the male fgures on the dais are wearing red berets although those being greeted are bare-headed. The two-line caption refers to these fgures as being in a (palace) and identifes them by titles such as emperor, crown prince, aga, pasha, and by their surnames. At the foot of the page, below columns of carefully written text, are six boxed sketchesorcaricatures,fourofwhichshowfacesinprofleorfullface and two of which show scenes in which a guitar (or bouzouki) and lyre are being played. The surnames are written in Byzantine script from top to bottom on the sides of the boxes. Part of the text above the caricatures refers to Zahariadis and words such as heroic and the phrase triumph of Freedom are clearly visible, implying support for the KKE. The role of humorIt is clear that not everything in the life of the commune was deadly seri-ous. Certainly in the frst few years, the members of the commune were able to make serious matters more enjoyable by taking them in a spirit of fun. But this fun appears to have been contained within the boundaries which the leaders of the commune would allow. After all, they controlled theeditorialpoliciesofthemajorityofthesenewspapers.Thus,itis veryunlikelythatthosemembersofthecommunewhodidnotgoto lessons, tried to get out of their duties, drank too much wine, attempted to make friends with village families with daughters, and played tavli for money, coffees, and cigarettes would produce their own publications or broadsheets to counteract the high moral tone of the communes main newspapers.Nevertheless,thearchivedoescontainafewexamplesof handwrittennewspaperswhichofferasomewhatdifferentperspective than those so far considered. Two single-issue newspapers: resistance among the resisters?Twooftheitemsinthearchivehaveaveryrough-and-readyappear-ance. One of these is (Fine Arts News). I only saw pages numbered 3, 4, 5, and 6 in the archive, which suggests that the missing pages are 1, 2, 7, and 8. Servos, however, mentions that the front cover 145 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943of this newspaper exists and has the date 30 July 1939; it is shown in the section of his book illustrating the Anaf newspapers (2003:130, 373). Inthebackgroundoftheredandbluecoloredillustrationare afewbarrel-vaultedhousesandawindmill;intheforegroundstands awoman(Greece?)intornclothingwithwoundedormissinglimbs. Beside the newspapers name, written in solid black letters shadowed in red are the words (spellings have not been corrected): (address at the back of beyond [literally, direction with the winds,possiblyareferencetoAnafbeingthekingdomofAelos,god of the winds]) and on the right, 30 1939 [Sunday 30 July 1939]). Under the masthead, in a box, are the words: . . 1, ,,1 (Issue number 1, great daily newspaper published in Anaf, once and for all, price of a copy: one egg). A reasonable guess is that it is a dormitory newspaper, written for andbythemembersoftheDimitrovroom,assomanyofthesame namesofmembersofthisdormitoryrecurinthetextonotherpages. Thehandwritingiscursive,apparentlyfairlyhurried,butlegible,and there are very few errors or corrections (although there are uncorrected ordeliberatemisspellings).Thecolumnsandsectionsinthearrange-mentofitemsonthepagesareinastandardnewspaperformat.The drawingsarelivelybutamateurishandshowbycontrastwhatcarewas taken in the production of the other two newspapers. The inside pages of this newspaper are not illustrated by Servos, and only a brief extract from the satirical poem on page 5 is given in his text. Page 3 of this newspaper is taken up with an illustrated short story, set out in two columns, about the arrival of (Fame) on the island and the attempts of various members of the commune to persuade her togivethemthecrownoflaurels.Itisillustratedbyaroughsketchof a female fgure holding a garland, with a man kneeling in front of her andfvefgureslookingonfromtheleft.Behindthemarehillswith two windmills and a conical tent-like shape supported by what look like guy-ropes stretching from it. At the foot of the second column is a rectangular boxed slogan. Its textcanbetentativelytranscribedas: (the bearer of this present item receives a punch in the stomach). The word for bearer is reminiscent of that printed on papercurrencyorpromissorynotes,andthespacingofthetextleads thereadertoexpect,onthesecondline,somethingequallylegalistic and high-fown, rather than the words of a street fght threat.9 The way in which this slogan is presented on the page suggests that the writer(s) 146 Margaret E. KennaFigure 9. Fine Arts News, number 1 (30 July 1939) (Servos 2003:373, with permission).147 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943(the editorial board of the newspaper?) is/are parodying the slogans of the communes main newspapers, which stress self-discipline, educational endeavor, and exemplary behavior. Page 4 is devoted to an interview with a member of the commune, AlekosTsakiris,whoisdescribedasapoet,journalist,writeroffction, andalsoacomposer,whotrainedthecommunechoirandorganized concerts.TheinterviewreferstoTsakirissextremeheightwhich,itis claimed,preventedmembersofthecommunefromtalkingtohim.It isintroducedbyahumorousaccountofarrivingathisdormitoryand fnding him taking a nap under a mosquito net, revealing his thin bald head, which Tsakiris rapidly covers with a (monstrous beret).HedescribescomingtoGreecefromAsiaMinor(presumably duringtheexchangeofpopulationsin1922/23)andthendescribes theartisticsceneinthecommuneofAnaf,referringtothetalentsof particularmembers.Theinterviewerfnallyaskshimaboutfashion,to whichhereplies:; !(Fashion?Theberetistheonlyidealheadwear!)and retreats back under the mosquito net.10 At the top of page 5 is a sketch with a man speaking into a bullhorn, from which the words (Anaf radio station) are curling out, while two rather grumpy-looking men sit nearby. Below the sketch are four separate news items, the frst of which mentions a woman, Eirini Skalidou, who is described as (the great tragic actress), having securedaninterviewwithSarahBernhardtthroughanintermediary from the commune, Apostolos Apostolidis. A commune member named Angelos is the subject of the second item. He has shaved his head and is consequently suffering from sunburn, causinghimtobeoutfttedwitha(monster-size peaked cap) by the government of (Rambotas). As one of the commune membership lists mentions an Angelos Rambotas, this news item appears to be a joke about dual identities or personal and public roles: Angelos as an individual has been assigned a cap by himself as an offcerofthecommune.11Thethirditemseemstobeacontinuation of the second in that it refers to an announcement by the Rambotas government (presumably Angelos himself) that the sun should beware because ! (we will meet force with force!). This is obviously an empty threat and possibly an ironic comment on the political rhetoric of the communes critiques of world events. Thefourthitemisphrasedintermsofamilitaryengagement, butconcernsanattack, . (the third front attack of the military forces of K[ostas] Birkas 148 Margaret E. KennaagainstthefortifedpositionofthemoustacheofLappas[another communemember]),anattackwhichfnallyresultedin (the uprooting of Mistakos). There is an in-joke here whichisimpossibletoexplain,andaplayonthewordformoustache and what may be someones nickname or surname. However, there is a named drawing of Lappas on page three of issue 44 (1 February 1942) of Antifascist, which shows him clean-shaven, so the attack appears to have had lasting consequences. Once again, there seems to be an ironic useoftherhetoricofthemoreideologically-orientedmembersofthe commune in their analysis of current events and life in the commune; e.g., the insistence in Bulletin (issue 2) on eliminating petit bourgeois manifestations among party members. The lower part of the page contains a 12-verse (satiricalpoem),signed..(possiblyNikosAndreou)about the(artists)oftheDimitrovroom(thenamesinclude Rambotas, Birkas, Tzakidis, Mavrokefalidis, and Sfris). After discussing fashion and the duty of artists to share everything, they separate pairs of shoes, and even split pairs of trousers. One of them laments that (impious little hands) have cut his only pair of underpants in two (willy-nilly). This poem takes to a ridiculous extreme the communes rule about sharing everythingmoney, clothes or food sent by relatives, and even wages or payment in kind from local villagers for agricultural labor, carpentry, curing of animal hides, and other kinds of skilled or unskilled labor. The poem can be taken as either a harmless piece of fun or a criticism of a doctrine which was seen as unworkable. Servosquotespartofthis(satiricpoem)withno further comment (2003:130). Afullpagereportofa(generalmeeting)appears onpage6.Ithasacrudeoutlinesketchabovethetitle,showingmen apparently falling about laughing (or possibly rolling about in pain) with gesticulating arms and legs knocking over a table. The text describes a crowdeddormitory,fullofmenandwomen.Thedormitorysecretary suggeststhatcomradeLappaskeepsorder,-,(toavoiddisagree-ments,discord,anarchy,andtoensureorder).Thewriteristerrifed atthisresponsibility,reportingthatmyheartthumpedlikeacaptive partridge, cold sweat ran down my back. The frst speaker is Apostolos Apostolidis,whobeginswiththewords:Comrades,Plekanovsays. . . afterwhichthemeetingbreaksupingalesoflaughterwhichLappas ispowerlesstosuppress.Thehyperboleinsomeofthewriting,and theimplicationsoftheeventdescribedaformulaicutterancemetby rejecting laughtercontains, at the least, a suggestion that the ordinary 149 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943membersofthecommunearebecomingimpervioustotiredpolitical rhetoricand,atthemost,acriticalstanceonthecurrentstateofthe commune. Given that Plekanov (18561918), Marxist and revolutionary theorist, is known to have broken with Lenin, there is perhaps a political dimension to the remark. Fromthisinternalevidenceitseemsthatthearticleiswrittenby Takis Lappas, who is referred to in exiles memoirs as a poet and actor who took part in the artistic life of the commune (Birkas 1966, II:982). Issue 44 of Antifascist (a special issue containing a report on a ceremony honoring those who have been loyal members of the commune) refers tohimas(honorabledefenderof OSPEA) which implies that he was not a member of the party faction, asthosewhowerereceivedthetitle(udarnik,aRussian word meaning a front-line fghter or worker). There is a slightly schoolchild quality to the style of this dormitory newspaper, a not very hard-edged humorous mockery of the commune and possibly ironic commentary on the serious tone of other newspapers. Butitisdiffculttotellwhethereventhisapparentlymildparodyof communeconcernswouldhavebeenviewedwithcriticalharshnessby the communes organizing committee. After all, even whistling a rebetika songwasregardedascloseto(hightreason) byaprisoncollectivesleadershiponlyafewyearslater(Vardinoyian-nis & Aronis 1994:544). Goffman refers to irony as an aspect of ritual insubordination(1961:277),anditispossiblethatthisnewspaper should be viewed as such. If so, it is interesting that it was preserved in the KKE archives.YouthOne other single-issue newspaper throws light on another category within thecommune,notspecifcallymentionedanywhereelse.Itappearsto be one double-sided sheet, but since only a photocopy is available in the archives it is diffcult to know. Nor is its actual size known; moreover, the photocopyisalmostimpossibletodecipher.Servosreferstoitbriefy and also gives an illustration (2003:123, 371). Theillustrationshowsthefrontpage,partlycoloredinblueand red. Its masthead, with the title (Youth) is drawn as if constructed from pale red, roughly-hewn logs out of which still grow a few leafy sprigs. To the left of the title, in a box frame, in capital letters, are the words: (ADDRESS AT THE BACK OF BEYOND, a phrase already seen on the masthead of Fine Arts News [dated July of the same year] and probably implying that the newspaper was produced 150 Margaret E. KennaFigure 10. Youth, number 1 (28 May 1939) (Servos 2003:371, with permission).151 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943miles from anywhere). On the right, also in a box, is the date: 28 1939 (Sunday 28 May 1939). Under the title is the issue number: 1andtheprice:(oneteacoupon).The mainsubtitle,alsowrittenincapitalletterswhichextendbetweenthe issuenumberandtheprice,reads: (GREATDAILYNEWSPAPER, PUBLISHED ONCE AND FOR ALL BY A GROUP OF YOUNG SCIEN-TIFIC RESEARCHERS ON ANAFI). The forming of the capitals in these words, and the wording itself, are very similar to that on the front cover of Fine Arts News. The whole of the front cover is taken up by a roughly drawn sketch of a scene in the main village square of Anaf, showing a windmill,abarrel-vaultedchapelwhichstandsacrossthesquarefrom thevillagechurch,andthesmalluninhabitedislandofPacheiainthe distance. These are shaded with blue and pale red. There is a group of mentotheleft,facingtowardstheviewer,andanothergrouptothe right with their backs turned. Five men are grouped in the foreground, oneholdingaropeorbelt,asecondlookingintotheopenmouthof thirdmanstandinginfrontofhim,afourthmanonthegroundat theirfeet,andaffthmansittingtooneside,chewingapencilwitha paper or list in front of him. One interpretation of this scene is that it represents a medical inspection showing rotten teeth being pulled out by a loop in a string.The reverse side of this broadsheet, which is almost illegible in pho-tocopy and impossible to reproduce here (hence all the readings given belowarehighlytentative),isdividedintofourcolumnsacrosswhich runstheheadinginlarge,threedimensionallyshadedcapitals: (FROMTHELIFEOFTHEYOUNG FARMER).Thetextatthetopofcolumnoneisindecipherable,but a heading halfway down reads: (Individual [or personal] work) and there is a sketch below of someone in a broad, fat-brimmed hat (reminiscent of those used at harvest time on the island) who is gesturing to a crowd of people below with his upraised left hand. Column two also is headed in upper case letters: E (YOUNGFARMINGWOMEN),butonlyafewindividualletterscan bereadinthetextbelow.Halfwaydownthecolumnisaparagraph headedwithasketchofafootkickingasoccerballtowardagoal-post withtheword(SPORT)incapitallettersbetweenthem.A heading in cursive script spans columns three and four: (Reports).Columnthreeisheadedincapitals (HOW THEY LEARN TO READ AND WRITE IN SERIO [Serres?]). The text appears to be a letter, the frst words of 152 Margaret E. Kennawhich look like (Dear farming youth), but the rest is indecipherable.ColumnFourisheadedinunderlinedcapitals: (LOTTERYCONSCRIPTIONFORYOUNGMEN).Toward thefootofthiscolumnisaheadinginsmallcapitalletters:-(FARMINGLEAVESFORFARMING- SOLDIERS),whichseemstoindicatethatthewritersandthereadersof thisbroadsheetwereyoungmenwhohadreachedtheageofmilitary service but who were from families with left-wing associations and there-fore thought by the authorities to be too dangerous to be allowed to join other recruits as they might spread left-wing propaganda.12 A reasonable assumption is that at this time (i.e., during the dictatorship of Metaxas) suchconscriptsweresenttoislandslikeAnaftoworkasagricultural laborers for 18 months, although there are no sources to confrm this. Theywouldhaveformedthesectioninthecommunereferredtoas theYouthGroup(qualifyingasmembersbecausetheyhadbeensent forpoliticalreasons).Thewordingbelowtheheadingwhichcanbe deciphered contains the words (Wearefortyyoungmenwhothisyearwereallotted dutytogoasrecruits. . .)(spellingsarerenderedasintheoriginal, althoughtheyareverydiffculttodecipher).However,thereference to women farmers (e.g., in column two) raises the possibility that there were women in this group. On the other hand, this may be a reference toAnafotwomenhavingtocarryoutagriculturaltasksbecauseofa shortage of man-power through male labor migration. At the foot of the columnisasketchofawoman,wearingpatchedclothes,andworking withahoeoradze.Twochildrenstandnearby,onewithabasketand water-jar. The drawing is captioned, (Life of the farmingwoman)whichpossiblysupportstheinterpretationthatthe farming women in question are local. Unfortunately, until the original istrackeddown,nomoreofthisinterestingitemcanbetranscribed. Servos gives only the words of the masthead (Great daily newspaper . . .) ofwhathedescribesasthe(illegal satirical newspaper), commenting that the price was a tea-coupon for mountain[herbal]teabecausetherewasnocoffee(2003:129).The adjective illegal which he uses should probably be read as meaning that this, like all the newspapers in the Anaf archive, was produced against governmentregulationsandinsecretfromthepoliceontheisland, ratherthanimplyingthatYouthwasanewspaperwhichwasproduced without reference to the organizing committee of the commune. 153 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943ConclusionThe 50 or so handwritten newspapers from Anaf, covering the fve year period from 1938 to 1943, are a corpus of material unique in quantity and range. I have tried to give a taste of the rich and varied contents of the different titles and suggest possible lines of inquiry for more detailed study. In particular, the 24 issues of Antifascist, the nine of Bulletin, and the eight of Political Review, offer the opportunity to trace styles of pre-sentation and discussion across a sequence of issues and to examine the micro-politics of commune organization.Exile was a form of total institution, designed to keep criminals and politicaldissidentsunderbothsupervisionandsurveillance,butitwas clearly not as extreme a form of total institution as the mental hospitals andprisonswhichGoffmandiscussesinAsylums(1961).Theextent towhichexilecouldbeaweakerorstrongerformoftotalinstitution, however, varied in different historical periods in Greece. Some political exiles communes before World War II were subject to routine or random police searches, the imposition of restrictions which prevented members fromgoingmorethanacertaindistancefromsomefxedpoint(such asthepolicestationitself,ortheoutskirtsofthevillage),andphysical coercion to sign confessions of repentance. In the postwar years, island exile turned into island concentration camps for so-called rehabilitation, not only during and after the Greek Civil War, but also during the Junta regime of the Colonels (see, for example, Voglis 2002). Within exile as a form of punishment enacted by the authorities, the commune created another form of total institution, even more concerned with supervision of its members and surveillance than the institution within which it was nested. It is possible to argue against the designation of total institution forinternalexileunderMetaxasonthegroundsthatoncetheywere takentoaremoteislandorpartofthemainland,bothcriminaland political exiles had no constraints on them except to report to the local police twice a day, but in my opinion such an argument is invalid. The evidence of the newspapers shows that the exile commune, at least, was indeed a total institution; the conditions of the political exiles lives were constrainedwithinthecommune,creatingawayoflifetowhichthey were bound by a set of voluntarily agreed upon (rather than imposed) rules.WithrespecttoFoucaultsdefnitionofheterotopiasassitesof othernessaswellasotherplaces,thenewspapersoftheAnafcom-muneswerethemselvesbothsitesofothernessandotherplaces,sites whereparticularkindsofanalysesofinternationalandnationalevents and comments on local happenings could be voiced, and where, among 154 Margaret E. Kenna others, ironic parodies of such analyses could be created and where other places,whetherofautopianorsomeotherkindoflocation,couldbe imagined. On Anaf, the exiles were in a state encompassed by Foucaults concept of heterochrony, outside normal time in a liminal zone where the chronology of their existence was both timeless (because their sen-tences could not end until they signed confessions and so could go on forever) and yet transitory. SWANSEA UNIVERSITY NOTESAcknowledgements.Thispaperisbasedonashorterversiondeliveredatthe18th BiennialSymposiumoftheModernGreekStudiesAssociationinToronto,Canada,in October2003.IwasenabledtoattendtheconferencebyaBritishAcademyOverseas Conference Grant. Subsequently, I read later versions of the paper at seminars held at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge and at the anthropology section of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Budapest. Comments, suggestions, and information made at these seminarsaregreatlyappreciated,butthefnalresponsibilityforwhatiswrittenhereis my own. I am also grateful for comments made on various drafts of this paper by Vassiliki Chryssanthopoulou, David Holton, Nick Potamitis, Gonda Van Steen, and Chris Stray; for invaluable assistance from Elsa Koppassi; and for help from Georgia Polyanidou. I am very gratefulforpermissionfromtheSighroniEpohiPresstouseanumberofillustrations from Dimitri Servoss book in this paper.1 Theseare:(Antifasistas,Antifascist),24issues,someconsecutive,from November1938toJune1943;(Deltio,Bulletin),eightconsecutiveissuesfrom December 1939 to February 1941; (Politiki Epitheorisi, Political Review), seven issues, some consecutive, from October 1939 to March 1941; (Zalongo, the name of a cliff in Epirus where Greek women and children danced and then leapt to their death rather than be captured by the Ottoman Turkish soldiers), one issue, January 1941; ([Battle]Charge),whichhasthesubtitle (Organ of the Antifascist Youth of Anaf), four issues from June 1940 to September 1941; (Kallitechnika Nea, Fine Arts News), one partial copy, undated, now known tobefromJuly1939;and(Neioti,Youth),onecopy,May1939.Illustrationstothe Rizospastis article also show a newspaper called (Machitis, Warrior),which has the subtitle (Organ of the Association of Athenians and those from Piraeus of Anaf). This is illustrated by Servos (2003:379), but was not shown to me, nor did I see the original issue of Zalongo illustrated in Rizospastis, butonlyaphotocopy.ThewritersofmemoirsaboutexileonAnaf(Birkas1966,II:57; seealsoLinardatos1966:432andBartziotas1978:115)mentionothernewspapertitles producedformembersofparticularregionalgroups:(Protoporia,Vanguard) 155 Handwritten Newspapers, 19381943fortheMacedoniansand(AthenaikiDrosia,AthenianCoolness)forthose fromAthensandPiraeus.Isawnoneoftheseinthearchive.Forachartshowingtitles and dates, see Kenna (2005).2 Servoss book was published to celebrate the 85th anniversary of the KKE and contains material concerning newspapers from 26 prisons and 12 places of exile.3 There is evidence from the memoirs of non-political prisoners and exiles such as the rebetika musicians that they too tried to organize themselves into small groups for purposes ofmutualsupportandpoolingoffnancesandresources.SeeYenitsaris(1992:56)foran account of rebetes (rebetika musicians) sharing accommodation during exile on Ios and Bart-ziotas(1978:22)foranaccountoftypesofassociationamonghashishsmokersanddrug addicts in the Singrou Prison.4 The offcial fgures for the numbers of recantations signed, 45,000, gives an erroneous impression of the actual number of communists and communist sympathizers in Greece at the time. Not only were non-communists forced to sign to ensure release from prison or exile orto prevent arrest, but also over-enthusiastic supporters of the regime voluntarily signed such documents to certify their probity (Kousoulas 1965:130). 5 Kostas Gritsonas mentions that the Ai-Strati commune newspaper was called -(Exoristos,Exile)andthatFolegandrosproduced(Tsibida,Tongs)(2001:99). Hestressesthatthenewspaperswerenotproducedbyoneortwopeople,butbywell-organized groups.6 Siblismaintainsthatthepublicationofthefrstissuewiththistitlewasplanned tomarktheanniversaryoftheOctoberRevolution,butthiseight-page,over-sizedissue remained half-written and was never circulated because of a visit to the island by a govern-ment functionary intent on gaining recantations by force (quoted in Birkas 1966, II:57). The ensuing disruption interfered with production and publication.7 Bartziotas mentions a commune newspaper which he claims was produced fortnightly, with,,(seriousarticles,critical observations,jokes,andcartoons)(1978:115).HisperiodofexiledatedfromOctober 1937toearly1939,coveringtheperiodofOurBulletinandalsooftheintroductionof Antifascist. As he does not name the newspaper, his description might apply to either one. Hatzidimou, exiled to Anaf in 1935, writes of a weekly wall newspaper which was -(glueduponthewallsof the mess-hall and in the dormitories) (1990:146147). 8 Theseissuesstartatnumberthree,dated5October1939,andruntoissue19of Tuesday,15April1941.Someissuesareconsecutive,butthesequencelacksissues45, 810, and 1316. 9 I am grateful to Dr. David Holton for his help in deciphering this slogan.10 Issue 15 of Antifascist for 1 January 1940 has a column on its back page under the general heading (cheerful lines) which is headed, (Our Maestro speaks). This purports to give details of an interview with Tsakiris in hisapartmentatnumber7PricklyPearStreet.Thepossibilitythatthesamereporter wrote this piece and the one in Fine Arts News is intriguing.11 Angelos Rambotas is listed in former exiles memoirs as one of the younger members of the commune, a member of the farming workgroup and a hardworking student in the communeseducationalclasses(e.g.,Birkas1966,II:990).Helaterdiedofstarvationin the Pavlos Melas camp (see Bartziotas 1978:134).12 At a later date, after the Civil War and even during the Junta, such young men were sent to the prison-camp on the island of Makronissos for re-education. 156 Margaret E. KennaREFERENCES CITEDBartziotas, Vasilis1978,(InthePrisonsand[Placesof] Exile). Athens: Grammi.Birkas, Kostas1966 , : 15 19351950 (Pages of the Struggle: Heroic Chronicle of the 15 year Period, 19351950). . (Vol.) . 19361940 (Under the Boot of Dictatorship, 19361940). . (Vol.) . . (With the Soul in the Teeth. 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