Female Youth Unemployment: Exploring the Obstacles Young Women Face in Obtaining Employment in Rural and Urban Jordan

Katherine Morton

Academic Director: Dr. Raed Al-Tabini

Project Advisor: Doha Hadid

College of Wooster

Amman, Jordan

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Jordan: Modernization and Social Change, SIT Study Abroad, Spring 2012

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Abstract

Female Youth Unemployment: Exploring the Obstacles Young Women Face in Obtaining Employment in Rural and Urban Jordan

Katherine Morton

ISP CODES:

Gender Studies, 507 Regional Studies: Middle East, 521 Developmental Studies 502

This study is an investigation into the factors which limit female employment in

rural and urban Jordan. Specifically, it seeks to answer the following research

questions: What obstacles do young females face in obtaining employment in rural and

urban areas? How do the obstacles vary among urban and rural areas? The findings

from 10 interviews conducted with young women in Amman and Northern Badia

villages support the original hypotheses; cultural and societal obstacles are the main

obstacles for women in obtaining employment in Jordan, and these obstacles are more

inhibiting for rural unemployed women.

Given the nationwide high unemployment rate in Jordan, researching the topic of

female unemployment provides a gendered perspective on an important current issue.

The following research is indicative of a step towards furthering gender equality in the

economic realm and empowering young Jordanian women.

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Table of Contents

Abstract 2

Introduction 4

Literature Review 9

Methodology 15

Findings 21

Conclusion 36

Limitations of Study 40

Recommendations for further research41

Primary Resources 42

Secondary Resources 43

Appendices 45Appendix A 45Appendix B 46

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I. Introduction

As I walked through the streets of Sweifyeh my first few days in Amman, I was struck

by the number of male workers in stores and the few female workers who were in

employees in shops. The only women seemed to be the customers carrying armloads of

shopping bags out of trendy shops. This turned out not to be a phenomena specific to

Swefiyeh, because I noticed the same pattern in downtown Amman. The only change was

the appearance of the buildings and types of stores which peppered the hustling streets of

“Wasat el-Balad.” The more I went to cafes, restaurants, and other common places the more

I noticed the lack of a female employee presence. These observations sparked my curiosity

and I began to wonder why so few women worked in jobs that are so common in America

for young women. I was further intrigued by statistics in readings for my Thematic Seminar

Class which showed that nearly two thirds of women over the age of fifteen are housewives

and the percentage of employed males is seven times that of females. (Higher Council for

Youth 2004)

To give the reader an idea of the unemployment situation for women in Jordan, the

following are statistics from recent reports gathered in Jordan. The current rate of female

unemployment in Jordan is 24.1%. This dismal figure is even more astounding when

compared to the rate of male unemployment which is significantly lower at 10.3%.

(Kalimat and Al-Talafha) In addition to the large gender gap in unemployment, Jordan

poses an interesting paradox when compared to other lower-middle income countries.

Jordan has the highest education and female life expectancy indicators, yet the percentage

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of females in the labor force is considerably lower (World Bank, 2005). Females are also

affected much more by the high levels of unemployment in the Jordanian economy than

men. The female unemployment rate was double the rate of men’s unemployment in 2009

reaching it’s maximum of 49.2% for the age cohort of 24-29 year olds (Kalimat and Al-

Talafha 2011).

Although the number of females participating in the labor force has improved

gradually over the years, it has not grown fast enough which signifies that there are many

obstacles women still need to overcome in order to become employed. “Women’s labor

force participation has fluctuated since the 1990’s between 11.6% in 1994, 13.9% in 1998,

and 12.3% in 2000” (Kalimat and Al-Talafha 2011). However, the latest statistics show that

labor force participation has only grown to 14.9% in 2009. This percentage represents one

of the lowest in the world. (Kalimat and Al-Talafha 2011)

These facts sparked my interest with the issue of female unemployment in Jordan and

I found myself wanting to know more. I wanted to discover why female unemployment

rates were so much higher than males and the roots of this problem. I wanted to know

what factors contributed to the high levels of female unemployment and the obstacles

Jordanian women faced in gaining employment. For my study, I specifically asked the

following research questions: What obstacles do young females face in obtaining

employment in rural and urban areas? Related to this question, how do the obstacles vary

among urban and rural areas? As an added dimension to my project, I asked the following

exploratory secondary research questions: What government and non-government

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programs exist in Jordan to assist women in obtaining a job? If there are gender-based

policies to promote female employment, are these policies effective?

Based off of preliminary research and observations, I hypothesized:

1) Cultural and societal obstacles would be the main obstacles for women in obtaining

employment in Jordan.

2) Cultural and societal obstacles would be more prevalent in rural areas than in

urban areas and more inhibiting for rural women who are unemployed.

My first hypothesis was developed based off my literature review which commonly cited

cultural and societal factors as being the main inhibitors towards females obtaining work.

(El Kharouf 2000, Miles 2002, Kalimat and Al-Talafha 2001) I have developed my own

cultural and societal theoretical framework for the basis of my study because I believe

existing feminist labor market theories do not adequately explain the high levels of female

unemployment in Jordan. My second hypothesis was developed off of my own personal

observations during my excursion to the Badia and assumptions that cultural and societal

values are more intractable in rural areas.

I decided on a comparison between rural and urban areas due to the lack of

research completed on rural female unemployment and in hopes that I could contribute to

existing literature on the subject of female unemployment. Specifically, I chose to focus on

young women because Jordanian youth (those under 30) represent 74% of the population

(Higher Council for Youth 2004). The average age of the population is decreasing, and more

and more young adults are graduating from universities which places pressure on the labor

force to accommodate them (Business Professional Women Amman). This represents a

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significant problem for Jordanian youth, but in particular young women who are especially

disposed to high unemployment rates.

While my personal interests in female unemployment in Jordan served as an impetus

for creating this ISP topic, I also believe this topic holds great weight for the future of

Jordan. The following quote from the 2005 UNDP Arab Human Development Report

summarizes at its most rudimentary level, why female unemployment is a topic of concern

in Jordan. “The failure to use human capital, curbs economic development and squanders

important energies and investments, which might otherwise contribute to greater

economic development for all.” (United Nations Development Programme 2006) Thus the

high rate of female unemployment in Jordan represents a fundamental problem for

furthering the Jordanian economy and human development. By reducing the gender gap in

unemployment, Jordan would actually stand to benefit economically and increase human

development levels.

Additionally, studying female unemployment in Jordan signifies a step in advancing

women’s rights. The economic rights of women all across the world are enshrined in

CEDAW the world’s most formative document on women’s rights. (DAW 2009) As a

signatory to this convention, Jordan’s high female unemployment rate and low female labor

force participation rate are indicators that Jordan is lagging behind in its commitment to

CEDAW and failing to fulfill the economic rights of half of its citizens.

It is my hope that my study will not only be used to economically empower young

women in Jordan, but be used as a resource for employers and Jordanian policymakers

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seeking to broaden women’s access to the labor market. Specifically, it will provide a new

regional lens in which female unemployment may be viewed and provide new perspectives

on the reality of life for Jordanian women in different parts of Jordan. More broadly

speaking, my research will add to the body of knowledge on female unemployment in the

Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region as a whole. The MENA region suffers from the

highest female unemployment rate in the world and Jordan’s case will act as a microcosm

of the wider problem affecting Arab women all over the Middle East (World Bank 2005).

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Literature Review

There are several different theories which seek to explain the phenomena of female

unemployment. One such theory is neo-classical approach. The neo-classical labor market

theory emphasizes individuals’ tastes and preferences, freedom of choice, and the idea of

maximizing utility. Families (conceptualized as an extension of the individual) will allocate

labor based on comparative advantages. Women are said to have a comparative natural

advantage in domestic work, and there is an economic benefit to their lack of participation

in the labor market (Kawar 2000). The neo-classical approach also dictates that women

have lower human capital (e.g. training, education, experience, etc.) which operates as both

the cause and effect of unemployment. For example, women tend to have less human

capital due to their absence from the work force during the childbearing years and they

also choose jobs which require less human capital because of expected discontinuity.

Therefore, employers are biased against women because of their perceived lack of

attachment towards work (Kawar 2000).

As Diane Elson pus forth in her critique of neo-classicalism, the role of the social

structure is underplayed, and “as a result, responsibility for a considerable degree of

inequality is placed on women themselves” (Elson 1993). Elson agrees with Sen (1987)

who offers his own critique of neo-classicalism by stating “neo-classicalism ignores the role

of social prejudices and preconceptions operating the labor market” (Sen 1987). Sen

defines preferences and interests in his refutation of neo-classicalism by saying that they

are formed by the social context in which they find themselves and these preferences are

more likely to be formed by a society characterized by gender inequality and male

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characteristics. Thus, a woman may choose to stay home because of disapproval she may

face from men for seeking a job. (Elson, 1993, Sen 1987)

I agree with Elson and Sen and for the basis of my study I will be using a cultural

theoretical framework to understand female unemployment in Jordan. Studies that have

been completed in Jordan have mostly focused on the cultural and societal reasons behind

female unemployment in Jordan. A study published in 2002 by Rebecca Miles concludes

that social and cultural influences not only whether women are in the labor force, but also

their success in finding a job. She finds that constraints on female mobility and son

preference (using family connections, or wasta for male family members) are significant

factors which affect the ability of females to enter the work force. She also concludes that

employer and state-level policies came through strongly as explanations for the high

unemployment rates among women, and especially among educated women. Women were

very frustrated at the opportunities available to them because either there were not

enough opportunities, the opportunities were low quality, or there was a mismatch of the

training and skills they received and the available jobs. Additionally, all of the participants

believed employers were unwilling to hire women workers because they take more leaves

and quit when they get married. (Miles 2002)

This perception of employers’ reluctance to hire female workers was consistent

with Dr. Amal Mohummad Ali El Kharouf’s findings in her study interviewing and surveying

managers. She found that employers had clear preferences for unmarried females who are

perceived to have less household and childcare responsibilities. Further, around half of the

employers thought that men and women differed in efficiency because some jobs were not

appropriate for women or because women needed frequent breaks due to their roles as

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mothers. (El Kharouf 2000) However, it is interesting to note that in Dr. Amal’s study she

also found some non-employed women quit working after getting married because their

husbands refused to allow them to continue working. A study cited in “Obstacles Hindering

Women’s Labor Force Participation in Jordan” show 70.9% of men and women think the

work of married women negatively affects her family responsibilities but 80% support a

woman’s work if she is not married (Kalimat and Al-Talafha 2010). Therefore, it is fair to

say employer attitudes may be reflective of a larger societal and cultural view of marriage

and family values.

Referring to Dr. Amal’s study again, her findings revealed parents and husbands

attitudes towards women working were the “main cause of limited female economic

activity.” She also found the education of household members, age of children, and family

income to be interacting factors which influence women’s employment.

The most recent study completed in 2011 by Dr. Hiam Kalimat and Dr. Hussein Al-

Talafha confirms the past studies by Dr. Amal and Rebecca Miles. The study concludes the

greatest challenge towards increasing female labor force participation is the “family and

social attitudes towards working women in general and in many economic sectors.”

(Kalimat and Al-Talafha 2011) They also list five main factors affecting Jordanian women

participation in the labor market: 1) economic conditions, especially wages and

unemployment 2) social factors which included perception of women’s roles, 3) legal

factors, 4) work environment which included discrimination and harassment, and 5)

education. Kalimat and Al-Talafha highlighted that one of the most important factors

influencing women’s participation in the labor force are the stereotyped roles of males and

females in the family and in society. “Men are still dominating almost all aspects of family

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decisions, and do not accept to take extra responsibilities in the family.” (Kalimat and Al-

Talafha 2011)

A major theme that has arisen from the literature is a concentration of females

working in health and education and the public sector. These jobs are culturally considered

“suitable for women” but they limit women’s opportunities for work. (El-Kharouf 2000,

Miles 2002, Kalimat and Al-Talafha 2011) The labor segmentation theory seeks to explain

concentration of women in certain sectors by positing that the “’labor market is divided

into different segments where access is restricted.” The dual labor market approach is a

branch of the labor segmentation theory which says that the labor is divided into primary

and secondary sector jobs. (Kawar 2000) The primary sector is filled by men and is

characterized by better working conditions and salaries. Meanwhile, the secondary sector

is filled by women and is characterized by less stable jobs and lower pay. (Kawar 2000)

Cultural theorists explain this division between primary and secondary sector jobs by

explaining “people choose jobs which are in line with their beliefs and which are perceived

as appropriate to prevailing masculine or feminine norms.” (Kawar 2000) Gender typing of

jobs includes definitions of skills, where “female skills are usually considered to be an

extension of their domestic roles” and also employers’ perceptions of the physical

capability of females (Kawar 2000).

While culture and societal factors may play a large role in women’s employment,

evidence suggests that the lack of “facilitators” i.e. nonwage benefits such as part-time

work, childcare facilities, and provision of maternity leave all affect women’s employment.

These “facilitators” can be factored into the “reservation wage.” The reservation wage is the

”average wage rate at which an individual is exactly indifferent between working and not

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working.” (World Bank 2005) A salary that is above the reservation wage would act as an

incentive for an individual to work. Women’s reservation wage is usually higher than men’s

because of childcare costs or domestic services. If the salary does not cover the reservation

wage, then they will choose to stay home instead of work. (World Bank 2005) Dr. Amal

supports this idea of a “reservation wage” as she found in her study that some non-

employed women did not have a job because the salaries were too low and the nurseries

too expensive. She also found that other nonwage benefits such as the “number of working

hours, sector of work and distance from home were main issues affecting women’s

consideration for employment.” (El Kharouf 2000)

There are numerous policies and programs in Jordan which seek to promote

women’s entrance into the labor force. Commitment to women’s economic empowerment

is preserved in the National Strategy for Jordanian Women 2006-2010 which stands

testament to the government’s dedication to promoting women’s economic rights. Three

objectives are listed in the report: 1) to increase the available economic opportunities for

women 2) the creation of proper legislative environment that will result in increasing

women participation in economic activities and which will guarantee full equality between

men and women 3) increase the percentage of women participation in the decision making

positions and in the economic policies process. (JNCW 2006)

The right for women to work remains enshrined in the Jordanian Constitution

through Articles 22 and 23 which recognize the basic rights to work and equal opportunity

for all citizens. Article 2 of the Labor Law and the Civil Service Ordinance describe men and

women in gender-neutral ways by defining the worker as “each person, male or female,

who performs a job in return for wages.” However, these documents lack provisions

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prohibiting gender discrimination in labor opportunities and provisions emphasizing equal

salaries for men and women who have the same job. (Freedom House 2005)

Jordanian labor laws specifically have been enacted to protect women’s rights in

the workforce and to promote their economic participation. For example, “women have the

right to a ten-week maternity leave and are allowed to take a year of absence without pay

to raise her children.” Furthermore, an “employer who employs 20 or more women must

provide a childcare facility for working mothers’ children under the age of four in cases in

which at least ten children need care.” (Freedom House 2005) Although these measures

have been enacted in order to protect women and guarantee their rights, the literature

suggests they have also served as a way for the private sector to discriminate against

women. Oftentimes the regulations for women workers serve as an incentive to hire men

and private companies engage in discriminatory hiring policies. (Peebles et al 2007)

Besides the legislative framework in Jordan which attempts to advance women’s

economic rights, various programs have been initiated which seek to boost levels of female

employment. One such program is called Jordan New work Opportunities for Women

(NOW) and is a World Bank pilot program which includes nine other locations around the

world. This program provides vouchers for businesses as a short-term incentive to hire

women. Another component of the program involves training for skills which employers

say are lacking in the work force. More than 900 women and hundreds of businesses are

participating in this program. (World Bank 2011)

The 2012-2015 National Strategy for Women has created several projects it plans to

implement in the coming years which are directly concerned with the economic

empowerment of women. One such project is the National Center for Building the Capacity

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of Jordanian Girls. This project seeks to retrain girls with community college degrees and

bachelor degrees in order to give them skills the labor market needs. Another project is an

awareness campaign for families about the importance of girls working and the importance

of choosing an applied specialization degree (e.g. science related disciplines) in university.

An additional project seeks to empower women in the informal economy and collect data

on them. (Mutaman 2012)

Methodology

In order to investigate my hypotheses, I conducted interviews in Amman and the

Badia with ten unemployed females ages 20-29. I was seeking to test my hypothesis that

cultural and societal obstacles would be the main obstacles for women obtaining

employment in Jordan. I also hypothesized that cultural and societal obstacles would be

more prevalent in rural areas than in urban areas and more inhibiting towards obtaining

employment. Five of my subjects were from Amman and five of my subjects were from

villages in the Northern Badia, located within the Mafraq governorate. Specifically, I

interviewed three women from the village Amrah wa Amerah, one woman from Umm

Jimal, and one woman from Rawdet Basmah.

For the purpose of this study, I define unemployed as those actively seeking work as

well as those not actively seeking work. This is the same operational definition used by

Amal El Kharouf in her study of factors influencing the employment of women (2000). I use

this operational definition because there may be women who want to work, but are

prevented from doing so due to cultural or societal norms. I also wanted the perspective

from people who willingly chose to stay home and not search for a job. Obstacles are

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defined in this study as anything that limits or prevents a woman from securing

employment. Obstacles may include but are not limited to, societal and cultural norms

which discourage females working outside of the home or stigmas toward obtaining certain

jobs, a general lack of opportunities for employment, discriminatory government or

employer policies, and other problems such as finding adequate childcare or

transportation.

For my study, I focused on rural areas within the Mafraq governorate. Part of the

reason I chose to focus on Mafraq was because of the ease in which I would be able to

complete interviews. I had previously stayed in the Northern Badia with a family in the

village of Amrah w Amerah as part of my program’s weeklong excursion and knew I would

have a much easier time arranging interviews if I stayed in this village. My host brother’s

connections within the village and the surrounding villages helped me greatly in setting up

interviews with my subjects. He was key to finding my interviewees and allowing me

access to the participants in the area. I also chose the Mafraq governorate as the basis for

the rural portion of my study because of the low rate of females participating in the labor

force. Mafraq ranks along with Irbid and Zarqa as one of the lowest governorates for

women’s participation in the labor force with a rate of 12.5% (Kalimat and Hussein 2011).

In Amman, I used my connections with the SIT staff and student volunteers to find

my interviewees. They provided me with names and contact information of friends and

family members who I could talk to complete my study. In both Amman and in the villages I

visited, I traveled to the interviewees’ house. I chose this form of an interview in order to

make the participant feel more comfortable, create more privacy, and to make the

interview more convenient for them.

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I chose to conduct semi-constructed interviews for this study because I believed

interviews would reveal much more detail than surveying or other data collection methods

for my specific topic. While I was deliberating using a survey, I would not be able to

pinpoint causality of unemployment or garner in-depth information from the subjects.

Interviews would yield qualitative results which I believe are the most needed for

information on unemployment in Jordan. While quantitative results give a broad overview

of female unemployment in Jordan, they do not give descriptive information which allow

Jordanian women’s perspectives to be heard or shed light on the reality of life for women in

Jordan. I also believed interviews would be the best choice given my personality and lack of

experience with collecting and analyzing quantitative data.

I used an interview guide which is attached in Appendix A as the basis for the

questions I asked participants. However, in all of my interviews I expanded upon questions

or delved further into topics subjects brought up which I felt were relevant for my study. In

each interview I began by asking them to tell me about their level of schooling and their

experiences since they graduated from either college or high school. For example, I would

ask them about what they majored in, when they graduated, and what they chose to do

upon graduation. After this preliminary question, I had two slightly different interview

guides which had three questions specifically for women actively seeking work and for

women not actively seeking work.

I would then ask a set of questions which were for both types of unemployed

females. I asked more questions in this section that concerned female unemployment in

Jordan on a broader scale, and fewer personal questions. For example, some of the

questions asked participants to identify the top three obstacles women face in obtaining

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employment, to identify jobs that were considered unacceptable for women, and to give

their opinion on why more men were employed than women in Jordan. The answers to

these questions composed the essence of my research because they revealed whether or

not my hypothesis was correct. I also included personal questions on whether or not their

family/husband supported them in finding a job, perspectives on women who worked and

had a family, and whether or not they believed female unemployment was an important

issue in Jordan or other issues were more important for women’s rights.

In order to protect the participants in my study and fulfill my obligation to conduct

ethical research, I provided an informed consent form which was accompanied by an oral

explanation of my study. Absolute anonymity was provided and no details were provided

which may reveal the identity of the subject. I asked each interviewee for permission to

record their voice and assured them it was for note-taking purposes only and only I would

listen to the voice. I would also delete the recordings once my ISP was completed, further

eliminating the chance others would hear the information given.

During my research time period, I had several issues which I needed to take into

consideration and overcome. Most of my issues presented themselves to me in the Badia

and these proved the most difficult to overcome. Since the Badia is very community

oriented, it was difficult to speak to my interviewee alone. Family members were

frequently gathered in the room which may have influenced what respondents told me. I

was especially concerned about the presence of a male family member in the room. In three

interviews, the brother and father themselves were the translators because they spoke

better English than the young woman I was interviewing. A male family member’s presence

may have caused respondents to choose their words more carefully or leave out

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information. I found that the female respondents would sometimes ask their brother or

father their opinion on the question and I had to make a special note to include their point

of view as well. This was troubling because I could not understand what was being said

between them in Arabic or if the male family member had changed her opinion by what he

said. However due to the communal culture in the Badia, and the hospitality of the family

to stay with the guest, I felt that it may seem more intimidating and formal if I were to take

the participant away from her family in a different room to create privacy.

I also had to overcome a language barrier in the Badia. Many of the women had

limited English skills, and a translator was needed to convey the information. As with any

translation service, there is always the chance information is not given to the receiver

exactly as it was said in the native language. However, in the Badia this was even more of a

challenge because I had to rely on translators whose English was not perfect and who had

trouble communicating themselves at times. I also had trouble with translators once in

Amman. In this particular instance I was with three translators who knew the interviewee

quite well. They would get into discussions with her in Arabic and fail to translate what was

being said to me. At some points in the conversation, I would be forgotten as they argued

with her and disagreed with her answers. Although my interviewee stuck to her answer,

this was certainly a problem as they had intervened in my research and sought to influence

the results.

Another challenge I encountered in both Amman and Badia was the presence of

children. Since almost all of the women I spoke with were married with children and

unemployed, they were often preoccupied with babies or small children during the

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interview. This would distract the mother for a period of time from the children and cause

disruptions periodically throughout the interview.

Throughout the research process there were several changes which I believe

improved my project. The biggest change I made was the adaptation of my research

questions. Originally I planned to investigate what government and non-government

programs existed in Jordan to help women secure a job. I also wanted to know if there were

gender-based policies to promote female employment and the effectiveness of these

programs. However, due to the time constraints on my project I decided that these

questions would be best left for a different research project which could devote the

entirety of the research to answering these questions. I did not want to short change my

primary research questions for my secondary ones and compromise the quality of my

research. Therefore, I focused on my secondary research questions in the literature review

and included information on labor laws in Jordan and programs to help women gain

employment in Jordan. I also included a specific question in my interviews which asked

women if they were aware of programs to help train women or give them new skills. By

asking this question I hoped to gain insight into women’s knowledge of these programs and

the prevalence and popularity of them.

Another change was the inclusion of two women over the age of 30. During a visit

with an out of town friend, I discovered her aunt and aunt’s neighbor were unemployed.

Due to the convenience of the interviews, I decided to add their perspectives. However,

they will only be considered additional viewpoints and not part of my official sample.

I also adapted my interview questions based off trial and error with the first

interviews I conducted. I quickly realized some questions were redundant and adjusted my

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original interview guide accordingly. I realized the way my questions were worded was not

conducive for conducting interviews with women whose native language was not English.

Therefore I also had to adjust the wording of my questions to make the interviews more

feasible and understandable for subjects.

FindingsThe findings from my study will be divided into the following three sections:

“Women in the Badia,” “Women in Amman,” and “Similarities between Women in Amman

and Women in the Badia” Women in the Badia will specifically talk about the results I

encountered which were exclusive to the Badia while Women in Amman will specifically

talk about the results I obtained which were exclusive to women in Amman. The last

section will talk about the shared commonalities I found between the two groups of

unemployed women.

Within my sample there were two women who were single and without children.

Seven women were married with children and one woman was married without children.

Four women were housewives not actively seeking work and six women were actively

seeking work. However, it is worth noting that of the six women actively seeking work, four

were women who had applied to be teachers through the Civil Service Bureau. The Civil

Service Bureau located within the city of Mafraq, is a government entity that is responsible

for placing workers in the public sector. Anyone who wants to be a teacher in a public

school must register their name in the Civil Service Bureau and receive a number. This

number is based off one’s graduation year, tawjihi (high school exit exam) scores and

university grades. When one’s number is called, he/she can begin to teach in a government

school. Many of the women who were “actively seeking work” had applied to the Civil

Service Bureau and were waiting for their number to be called but did not have any other

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formal training or other income generating projects while they waited. Nine of the

participants in my study had graduated from university and received a Bachelor’s degree.

Only one did not attend university and had just attended secondary school.

Of the additional interviews I have chosen to include in my study, both women were

from Amman. One woman was thirty-nine years old and another was thirty-three years old.

The thirty-nine year old completed two years of college and was a housekeeper. The thirty-

three year old had graduated from university and had applied to the Civil Service Bureau.

She tutored neighborhood children as an additional source of income.

Women in the BadiaSeveral recurrent themes emerged from my interviews in the Badia which are important to

thoroughly discuss. These themes have been extracted from my data based off observations

and interview content.

Bedouin Tradition/Culture of Shame The first theme which necessitates discussion is the “culture of shame” and

“Bedouin tradition.” These terms were frequently used in conversations with unemployed

women in the Badia as barriers for women seeking employment. The culture of shame and

Bedouin tradition are terms used by the participants to describe the relegation of women

to certain sectors of work and denial of women from other sectors of work based off what

was deemed “unacceptable” and “acceptable” for women to work.

When answering the question “What are the top three obstacles women face in

obtaining employment?” two subjects ranked the culture of shame and Bedouin tradition

as the number one obstacle preventing women from gaining employment. One woman

explained her answer as saying that some women are ashamed of certain types of work

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(Participant H). Another women explained that the Bedouin tradition meant not all jobs

were acceptable in the Badia (Participant G). When another woman was asked if she

thought female unemployment was a significant problem in Jordan or if there were other

more important problems for women, she responded “culture is a bigger problem for

women than getting a job because everything is ayb.” (Participant J) Ayb is word that

means “shame” and is frequently used in the Badia to describe anything that is considered

wrong or inappropriate. Therefore we can speculate that perhaps the first hurdle for

unemployed women is overcoming stereotypes and cultural norms which are necessary

before she can even begin working.

When pressed to explain what “unacceptable” meant for a woman’s job, the two

most common answers from the subjects were the amount of time worked/time of day and

also gender mixing. Gender mixing was often found to be the most influencing factor on

what made jobs “unacceptable” or shameful. For example, in one interview, a young woman

seeking work said some families in the Badia don’t like the women to work in a place that

has a lot of men. Her family stipulates that any job that is far away and has a lot of men is

unacceptable. However, the most important aspect of the workplace is no gender mixing.

(Participant I )This is the number one criterion her family searches for when deeming a job

“suitable” for her. Two other women in the Badia reiterated the same idea by saying

mixing between men and women makes jobs unacceptable.

Time was the other issue that frequently came up when defining a job as shameful

or unacceptable. One of the problems is working late into the day. That’s why the private

sector is often considered unacceptable for women and why teaching is commonly

considered an “acceptable” job. The private sector may require women to work full-time

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and until 6:00 or 7:00 while teaching ends at 1:00 and provides three months off in the

summer. The private sector is full-time while teaching allows women the freedom to come

home early to take care of the children and the house.

Teaching was almost always given as an example of an acceptable job for women in

the Badia by women I interviewed. I was told the future is safe with a teaching job and girls

want to be teachers because they get married quickly. There is a certain stigma attached to

working in factories or the private sector which men find undesirable. Thus, one can see

that teaching may be deemed an acceptable job because of the approval placed upon it by

men and the respect it merits within the Badia.

Female MobilityAnother theme which emerged in my investigation in the Badia was the constricting

role female mobility played on finding work and being able to go to work. This was an issue

that only came up in one of my interviews in Amman. Even when this issue came up within

one of my Amman interviews, it was referenced as a problem for other women, not for the

woman I interviewed herself. (Participant A) Thus the lack of freedom of movement for

women seems to play an especially influential role in the Badia. For example several

women would like to work in private schools which are outside their village but they are

not allowed to travel (Participant F, Participant I, Participant J). Since four of the women I

interviewed were indefinitely waiting for their number to be called from the Civil Service

Bureau, I inquired about the possibility of working at a private school as an alternative to

the government schools. One girl specifically said she thinks like “ a single, unmarried girl.”

(Participant F) When I asked her to explain she said that she wants to travel to work in a

private school. However, because she was married with a baby, her husband doesn’t want

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her to travel. It was interesting to see the conversation develop between her and I because

originally she said the salary was too low at private schools and the transportation costs

were too high. Granted other interviewees had mentioned the low salaries at private

schools as well, (Participants E, I,) but the real reason in her case seemed to be her

husband’s denial for her to travel. (Participant F)

One recent graduate said she would teach in a private school but “They are too far

away in Mafraq. We don’t have a private school in our village. Just government schools.”

(Participant I) She also spoke about her desire to travel to teach and teach in another

country. Her downcast eyes when she added “but my culture and family won’t let me”

implied that if she had the opportunity to travel she would (Participant I).

One of the questions I asked unemployed women dealt with their awareness of

programs in their communities to help train women and give them skills or small projects

to do. This question yielded results which were in line with the concept of limited female

mobility. For example, one woman said she wanted to be a hairdresser but said she only

knew of a training center in Mafraq which was too far away. When I brought up the option

of taking a bus to Mafraq, she said “Yes there are buses, but you have to go inside Mafraq to

the downtown area” and she seemed hesitant to travel to Mafraq (Participant J). When I

mentioned a center I had learned about that was in a village close by, she said “there is no

transportation and I don’t have a car so it is too difficult.” (Participant J) To put into

perspective how her personal case of female mobility is restricted, I noticed that she

needed permission from her husband to walk down the road a few houses to her family’s

home where the interview would take place.

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Another woman echoed similar sentiments as the interviewee above when I asked

about her traveling to a center to take training courses. Although this particular woman

was unemployed and not actively seeking work in the traditional sense, she was looking to

do a small project in her home. However, her means of starting a project were limited to

the self-taught programs on TV she watched. She was unwilling to leave her house to travel

to a center because she had two children. When I asked about the possibility of having a

neighbor babysit her children or having her parents watch the children, she said her

neighbors already have children and her middle-aged parents are too old to watch them.

(Participant H)

In the case of the woman mentioned above, I made an observation about her family

which I feel is relevant to her interview. It is interesting to note that she comes from a

relatively well off family. Three sons in the family are currently studying in three different

countries. This implies that men may be seen as in investment of the future in the Bedouin

culture. I believe it is also a direct example of the tradition of male favoritism and male

preference which is commonly associated with Middle Eastern societies. Although this

family is just one microcosm of a larger society, I believe it aptly reflects common societal

attitudes within the Badia. Traveling is simply not expected or allowed for women in the

Badia, whether they are married or single. Although it appears traveling may be easier for

single women without any familial obligations.

Lack of OpportunitiesEvidence I collected from the Badia strongly suggests that the lack of opportunities

outside sectors such as nursing and teaching plays a role into the jobs women choose. Two

separate interviewees spoke about their desire to have a different job other than teaching.

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One woman said, “I don’t like teaching very much. But it’s the only job and so I work as a

teacher. But I’d like any job, any other one than teaching.” (Participant I) She also brought

up how a possible solution for alleviating the problem of female unemployment would be

to help women find jobs that were outside the teaching realm. Therefore we see the

absence of the private sector as a significant factor in limiting women’s employment.

However, it is somewhat contradictory, as the private sector is often considered

unacceptable for women. Banks, factories, and companies were frequently mentioned as

unacceptable forms of employment due to the long hours and contact with men.

Another interviewee echoed similar thoughts about the lack of opportunities

outside teaching in the Badia. When I asked her why she became a teacher, she said

because her family (father and brothers) chose her major and it is a normal job in the

Badia. “Besides teaching and nursing, there aren’t any other jobs in the Badia.” (Participant

J) She added that she’d prefer to be a hairdresser, but hasn’t taken any courses to be a

hairdresser because the center is located in Mafraq and is too far away. Therefore we see

in these two cases that teaching is a job that is forced upon women not only because it is

deemed acceptable, but it is also forced upon them due to a lack of feasible alternatives.

Women in AmmanStriking a Balance

The primary difference I found between women and Amman and women in the

Badia was the struggle of Ammani women to balance work and family. Women in the Badia

overwhelmingly chose teaching as a profession and this allowed them greater freedom

with their family and children. Further, since four out of the five women were waiting for

their number to be called, they could devote most of their day to their family and taking

care of the house.

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However, women in Amman chose a variety of undergraduate degrees which

influenced the type of job they would receive. One women studied business administration,

one studied public administration, one studied translation, one studied English Literature,

and one studied archaeology, Many of these jobs would require working full-time from

morning until early evening. Thus, some women felt they could not strike a balance

between working and their family. One woman said upon graduating she felt she had to

make a choice between working and getting married. Either she would concentrate on her

job or concentrate on her husband, but she couldn’t do both. (Participant K) When she got

married, her husband preferred that the she stay home and take care of the house, but he

did not force her to stay home.

Another young housewife told me about the challenges she faced in college and how

much of a struggle it was to graduate with a one-year old child and two newborn twins.

Despite working extra hard in college to earn high marks, she did not look for work upon

graduating. When I asked her to explain why, she said “being a mom is a full-time job….If

you want balance between inside and outside the home, I’m not the person to do that. My

family is my top priority.” (Participant B) However, she also mentioned her husband

wanted her to have everything done around the house and wanted her to stay home with

the children. Thus, she didn’t have time to have a job and raise children at the same time.

When I inquired about the possibility of work in the future, she said “if there were good

circumstances and nothing would affect my family then why not? I would love to. Right

now my kids need a step-by-step mother with them. Maybe when they are seventeen or

eighteen, it will be less hard for me to stay by their side. They will be more responsible by

themselves.” (Participant B)

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Another married Ammani housewife I spoke with talked about the possibility of

returning to work in the future and her desire to start a small project in her home. She was

currently trying to discover interests or hobbies that she could use to develop an income

generating project. In her particular case, she worked while being married and took a paid

vacation when she gave birth to her first child. However, due to health complications he

was having she decided not to return to work. Now she has another baby and prefers to

stay at home and take care of them until they get older. When I asked her if she would

consider work in the future, she said she would search for a job when her youngest child is

preschool age. Her husband is currently encouraging her to find a small project to do

because he prefers she stays with the children when they are at a young age. He doesn’t

want her to leave the children with others in a daycare center or with a nanny. She would

rather stay home with the children too and if her future project becomes successful she will

not go back to work. (Participant C)

We can see in the examples above that taking care of children while they are at a

young age takes precedence above all else. The nurturing presence of a mother while they

are at a young age is highly valued by both husbands and wives alike. In two separate cases

we see highly educated women who chose not to work because of the feared imbalance of

family and work. (Participants B, K) In two cases we also see the desire to return back to

work at some point in the future when the children are older. (Participants B, C) While

women in Amman have the option to place their children in daycare, they choose to raise

them on their own.

Mismatch of Experience/Skills and Workplace SkillsAnother issue that was specifically brought up by Ammani women was the

mismatch of skills and training they received and what the labor force required. This was

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unique to the Amman area and was not mentioned in the Badia. One woman who majored

in archaeology believes the main reason she has yet to find employment is because she is

specialized. “Here in Jordan there are no jobs. When I ask about jobs, they don’t hire me

because of my specialty. They say that I am nothing because I have no computer skills, just

history. Nothing.” (Participant A) She said the major obstacles facing women in obtaining

employment were: picking the right major relevant to the labor force, having good English

speaking skills, and access to transportation. Not having a car is an impediment to finding

employment and going to work.

Job Search TechniquesAn additional point that was raised in Amman was the problem with Jordanian

women and their job search techniques. One unmarried young woman spoke about the

dependency Jordanian women have on their parents and brothers. They rely on them to

find a job for them. She waited six years to actually begin looking for work herself and

compared her job search techniques from before and now. While as before she was too

picky in searching for jobs, now she asks prospective employers for anything they can give

her (teacher, assistant, security). She also called herself “lazy” because she never searched

online and only relied on her family to help find her a job. (Participant L) Therefore, we

can see from this interview that women may not be trained properly on how to search for

jobs or may take a fatalistic attitude towards finding work by relying on others to assist

them rather than taking the lead themselves. (Participant L)

Similarities between Women in the Badia and Women in AmmanAlthough there were distinct differences between women in Amman and women in

the Badia in regards to the obstacles they face in obtaining employment, several key

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themes arose which are common to both groups of women. These overarching themes

encompassed what women in the Badia and what women in Amman revealed to me

through the interviews we shared. The first theme I wish to discuss is the impact being

married with children has on getting a job. This was either explicitly stated by the women

themselves or implicit in their decision not to pursue a job.

Marriage and ChildrenHalf of the participants listed children and family as one the top three obstacles

facing women when searching for employment. Two additional women gave their children

and family as reasons why they chose not to secure work upon graduating from university.

(Participants B, K) These women did not give children as one of the top obstacles facing

women, but their decision to focus on their children and husband can be implicitly taken as

an obstacle for women when obtaining employment. This reveals the great deal of weight

placed on family rearing and the pressure Jordanian women face in balancing their home

and familial responsibilities with work.

When I asked women what they thought of other Jordanian women who worked

full-time jobs, answers frequently concerned the lack of time she had for her family. Quotes

from two separate interviews include the following: “They have no time for their children

or husband. All they do is work and sleep.” (Participant J) “Why did she get married in the

first place if she leaves her husband and children all day?” (Participant K) The former quote

was from a woman in the Badia looking for work and the latter quote was from an Ammani

housewife. The next quote is an excerpt from a housewife who worked before having

children and plans on returning to work: “Sometimes they need to work to help support

their husband. If her husband needs help with the house and the money it’s okay to work. If

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she can manage between the house and the work then that’s okay.” (Participant C) This last

excerpt is especially revealing because it indirectly suggests that women’s income is

secondary to men’s. Analyzing this sentence could lead one to believe that a woman works

is only necessary if it is monetarily needed. Further, it is only appropriate for women to

work if they can feel like they can manage the household duties (raising children, cooking,

cleaning, etc.) and their work duties.

Males’ Decision making RoleAnother similarity between women in the Badia and women in Amman was the role

male family members and husbands played in A) deciding whether or not she would work,

B) the type of job and C) the conditions of the work. It was clear from both the Badia and

Amman that males have a great deal of say in these matters. A husband’s agreement to

work and a family’s consent to work were common answers to the question which dealt

with the top three obstacles facing women in obtaining employment. In the Badia, brothers

and fathers helped choose the job by judging its acceptability for a woman, helped choose

the major and location for studying, and by setting the conditions on how far away the job

could be. In Amman, husbands held decision-making power through influencing wives’

choices to stay at home and take care of the children, what type of job they could do and the

acceptable hours for working.

In some cases husbands held direct control over women’s choices to work and

prevented them from doing so. One of my interviewees, who was not included in the official

sample size, is thirty-nine years old. She is an Ammani housewife and married her husband

when she had completed two years of college. She did not complete her degree because she

became pregnant. When she became engaged, her husband made the stipulation that she

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would never work. Now she is bored of taking care of the children and the house because

they are older. It comes as no surprise then that she listed a husband’s agreement to work

as the number one obstacle preventing women from working in Jordan. (Participant D) A

husband’s agreement to work was specifically mentioned by four other interviewees,

lending more support to her personal story.

Participant D feels that even if her husband changed his mind she would never find

a good paying job because she does not have a college degree. She thinks that if she had

completed college maybe she would be able to convince him to let her work. This signifies a

greater sense of freedom that holding a degree entails. In this case, it also signifies a

woman’s ability to hold a higher bargaining power when negotiating with family or

spouses. Participant H, a housewife from the Badia also deeply regrets not attending

university because she now realizes the importance of receiving an education and getting a

job first rather than getting married and staying at home. The importance of education was

also mentioned by an Ammani housewife (Participant B) who continued education despite

planning on not entering the workforce after marrying. She says that “education

strengthens your personality. It’s something you do for yourself and your and husband will

respect you more if you are educated.” Thus education is deeply valued by both Bedouin

women and urban women not only for its ability to earn a higher income but also as a

means of self-empowerment and to gain more respect from men. (Participants B, D, H)

Traditional Roles of Females/MalesWhen I asked women in the Badia and in Amman why more men were employed

than women in Jordan, I found strikingly similar answers. Many times, the culture,

tradition, and religion in Jordan were given as answers. It is clear from the responses given

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that the traditional role of men as the breadwinners in the family and the traditional role of

women as caretakers of all household related duties is still very much a part of Jordanian

culture. These quotes from two Ammani women aptly summarize many of the women’s

responses:

“Our society, our religion obliges the man to secure a home with everything. Then the woman has her role in nature. The man is the one who must prepare everything for his family and the nature of the woman is the warmth of the family. She is the mother, the one who takes care of all the members of the family.” (Participant B)

“Maybe I’m a graduated and educated woman, but for me I don’t want to be a woman who has kids and works. I think my kids would be more important to me than a job. And I think most of the women have this way of thinking. But for the men in Jordan, every man has to work. Not like the women. The man is the one who pays for everything. He’s responsible for everything.” (Participant L)

The last quote is from a woman who is currently single but who believes if she were to get

married, she would choose to focus on her children and quit her job. Her answer is in line

with many other interviewees who say women prefer to stay home and take care of the

house and the children. Therefore it is women’s personal choice not to work, and this

causes the lower labor force participation rate of women.

When I asked respondents if they thought female unemployment in Jordan was a

large problem that needed to be addressed, or if other issues took precedence, a few

women told me they thought the problem of male unemployment was more important.

Their answers affirmed the “breadwinner” role men have in society. “It’s more important

for men to find work because he has more responsibilities and has to help his family with

money.” (Participant K) “The problem is for the unemployed men. It’s normal for a girl to

be unemployed, and it’s not a big problem.” (Participant L) These statements reveal the

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mindset that male unemployment is more of a priority than female unemployment because

it is not necessary for a woman to have a job.

Accounting for the Gender Gap in Employment

Two other interviewees gave slightly different opinions which explained why so

many men in Jordan worked. Although their answers did not concern the traditional roles

filled by men and women in Jordan, they were related to cultural/societal norms in Jordan.

One woman from the Badia stated, “Men have more freedom and flexibility than women.

They can go and sleep at the company overnight and have any type of job.” (Participant G)

Another Ammani woman searching for work made a similar statement by saying: “Arab

women can’t take any type of job. We can’t accept certain types of work because it’s

shameful.” (Participant A)

While most of the interviewees gave cultural and societal reasons behind the low

labor force participation rate, one Ammani woman gave a different answer which may

reflect other hidden causes behind the low number of employed women. She believed more

men were employed than women because of employer biases. “The employers think the

men can do overtime more than the women and the men can just work, work, work. They

think the women take more holidays because of the birth of her children, because of her

health, etc.“ (Participant K)

Teaching as an Acceptable JobIn regards to answers addressing the question “What job sectors are women

excluded from and which sectors do they predominate?” teaching was universally given as

an answer. It was also universally given as a response for an example of an acceptable job

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for women. Both women in Amman and the Badia were united in their answers by saying it

provided women the opportunity to take their children with her to work, the time frame

allowed women to come home early and take care of their children, husband, and house,

and there is a three month vacation for summer. However, respondents did not always

agree on what were considered “unacceptable jobs” for women.

Knowledge of Government/Non-Government ProgramsAnother important aspect of my research was discovering participants’ awareness

of programs that either trained women, gave them small projects, or helped them look for

employment. Out of all of the subjects, four could name specific organizations or programs

geared to help women and only one had taken advantage of a training course. She was a

married woman in the Badia who was looking to open her own salon while she waited to

have her number called from the Civil Service Bureau. Out of the four other women who

were interested in starting their own project, they had not taken the imitative to act on

their ideas and some of them were not aware of programs they could take advantage of.

Women in both Amman and the Badia seemed either disinterested in starting their own

project or unwilling to travel to a center which offered training courses.

ConclusionOverall, I have found my study to be in line with other similar studies conducted in

Jordan. My study has also proved that my first hypothesis was correct: cultural and societal

obstacles present the greatest challenge for women in obtaining employment. The

traditional role of women as a primary caretaker of children and of the household is

present with how women conceive of themselves and also of how men view them in

society. Men are considered the ‘breadwinners” and their priority should be providing for

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the family while women’s priorities rest with the family above all else. If a woman works, a

balance must be struck between her household duties and earning an income. In fact I

found that it is preferable if married women do not work, and save working for when they

are single and unmarried without children. Men also maintain control over major decisions

within Amman and Badia, although this control was more noticeable within the Badia.

In regards to my second hypothesis, I found that Amman and the Badia were more

similar than I thought in the obstacles they faced. However, I found that cultural and

societal obstacles were much more of an impediment to obtaining a job and also much

more intractable in the Badia which supported my second hypothesis. For example, women

in the Badia were much more restricted to the types of jobs they were allowed to have and

in the distance they were allowed to travel. There was an overall lack of opportunities in

the Badia and cultural norms often prevented women from securing jobs other than

teachers. This further exacerbated the problem of finding a job. One of the biggest

problems is that female mobility is much more restricted in the Badia than in Amman.

Oftentimes jobs that are located outside of their village are “too far away.” The lack of

transportation and family’s permission to travel is a problem for women in rural areas. As

one woman stated, “Programs or centers that are located outside the village are also

considered “too far away” as well which limits their abilities to gain new skills and develop

income generating projects.

Time is listed as a factor as well which includes the number of hours worked as well

as the time of day the job ends. Gender mixing at the workplace is considered unacceptable

which also detracts from the available opportunities for women in the Badia. A protective

culture towards women often deprives them from fulfilling their potential. Protecting

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women from the presence of men in the workplace, coming home late at night, and

traveling can all be considered part of this protective culture.”

All of the above listed obstacles can be considered manifestations of the labor

segmentation theory in Jordan. The labor segmentation theory states that “’labor market is

divided into different segments where access is restricted.” Cultural theorists go onto

explain this division by stating, “people choose jobs which are in line with their beliefs and

which are perceived as appropriate to prevailing masculine or feminine norms.” (Kawar

2000) In the case of the Badia, women are relegated to teaching jobs because of the

prevailing masculine and feminine norms. Sometimes they are forced into teaching not

only because of the lack of opportunities, but also because it is considered appropriate for

them. This telling quote by a woman from the Badia reveals both the problem with

segregating work for women, and also the way women perceive of gender inequality within

the Badia: “The problem with unemployment is bigger for women because women can

work any job, unlike women. But nowadays we have equality between women and men.

They are not very different, men and women.” While she seemed to think women and men

were equal, she was not able to recognize the inequality in being unable to have freedom of

choice over her employment.

While cultural and societal obstacles do exist for women in acquiring a job, to

ignore the “modernization and social change” that has taken place within Jordan would

create a deceiving and illusive view of the complete picture within Jordan. Several of my

interviewees were unable to answer which jobs they thought were unacceptable for

women because they said times had changed. Many of them struggled with naming specific

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jobs. As one Ammani housewife said, “Ten years I would have been able to tell you which

jobs were unacceptable for women. But now I think every job, a woman can work at.”

In respect to my secondary research questions, I have found that although many

programs in Jordan exist to give women new marketable skills or assist in income

generating projects, the knowledge about these projects is few. Although the interest exists

particularly in rural areas, the lack of centers/programs and adequate publicity influences

women’s ability to acquire new skills. Further, the lack of suitable transportation is a

considerable obstacle for women in rural areas who are interested in attending workshops

or training courses. While gender-based policies to promote female employment have

been enacted in Jordan, these policies are useless without a cultural and societal change of

mindset.

In conclusion, I have found that cultural and societal obstacles present the greatest

challenge for both women in Amman and the villages of the Mafraq governorate. While

women are graduating from record numbers from university and are entering into once

male-dominated careers, traditional ways of thinking still prevail which impede women’s

advances in the economic sector. It is my hope that the findings from my study can be used

as a step to help achieve gender equality and justice for women in Jordan. The specific

regional lens I used to compare Bedouin urban women in Amman stands unique from the

body of literature on female unemployment in Jordan. It takes into consideration the

special needs of women from a regional perspective and will provide useful information to

those interested in the economic rights of rural women.

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LimitationsThere were several limitations to my study which I believe had an impact on the

results I obtained. However, it is my firm belief that these limitations in no way

compromise the quality of my research.

The first major shortcoming to my study was the size of my sample size and the

composition of my sample size. Due to the small size of my sample, my results cannot be

generalized to the entire population of Jordanian women. While I chose to interview

women who were both actively seeking work and not actively seeking work, this

broadened the scope of my project which further reduced my sample size. However I

believe by interviewing both women who are actively and not actively seeking work I

gained valuable perspectives which contributed to my research. For the amount of time I

had to complete my research, these perspectives greatly enhanced my investigation.

The second shortcoming of my study was discussed in the methodology section.

Oftentimes my interviews were conducted in a group setting within the Badia with male

family members present. While I took note on what the male family member said, it was

often difficult to ascertain whether or not a woman’s opinion was hers or influenced by a

family member. The presence of children in both the Badia and Amman also provided

further distractions for women I interviewed as they had to simultaneously respond to my

questions and take care of the young children in the room.

Finally, a significant limitation to my study was the language barrier I encountered.

This limitation was also discussed in the methodology section. I did not have professional

translators at my disposal, and oftentimes my translators would become involved in side

discussions with the subject and I took the backseat in the conversation.

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Recommendations for further researchThe topic of female unemployment in Jordan is a subject which can be infinitely

expanded upon. While my study chose to focus on the obstacles women in the Badia and

women in Amman face, there are various other directions a researcher could take this

topic.

An interesting theme that arose in my interviews was the private sector in the Badia

and the “shame” it was associated with from both women and men alike. Women

complained of a lack of opportunities in the Badia, yet they were united in their reluctance

to work in private sector jobs such as a factory, company, or bank. Due to the lack of private

sector jobs in the Badia, it would be interesting to see if attitudes towards the private

sector had changed in a community where the private sector was present and employed a

significant amount of women. Further research could also focus on if there are efforts to

include women in private sector jobs in the Badia and efforts to make these jobs culturally

sensitive.

Another option for further research would be to concentrate on males’ perceptions

and attitudes towards females working, particularly in full-time jobs. Many women in my

study mentioned a husband or family’s agreement to work as being an obstacle for

obtaining employment. Thus understanding the men’s point of view would be

indispensable towards researching female unemployment.

Finally, further research could narrow down my target group into just women

actively searching for employment. Another option for a target group could be focusing on

married unemployed women or single unemployed women. This would allow the

researcher to be become acquainted with a specific subset of the Jordanian population.

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Primary Resources

Ababneh, Sarah. 2012. Personal Interview. The Center for Strategic Studies: University of Jordan. Amman, Jordan. April 9, 2012. **Verbal Consent

Mohummad Ali El Kharouf, Amal. 2012. Personal Interview. The Center for Women’s Studies: University of Jordan. Amman, Jordan. April 8, 2012. **Verbal Consent

Mutaman, Muna. 2012. Personal Interview. Jordanian National Commission for Women (JNCW). Amman, Jordan. April 22, 2012.

Participant A 2011. Personal Interview, February 15 *Verbal Consent

Participant B 2011. Personal Interview, April 15

Participant C 2011. Personal Interview, April 17

Participant D 2011. Personal Interview, April 17 (not included in official sample size)

Participant E 2011. Personal Interview, April 18 (not included in official sample size)

Participant F 2011. Personal Interview, April 19

Participant G 2011. Personal Interview, April 20

Participant H 2011. Personal Interview, April 20

Participant I 2011 Personal Interview, April 20

Participant J 2011 Personal Interview, April 21

Participant K 2011 Personal Interview, April 22

Participant L 2011 Personal Interview, May 1

**I did not receive written informed consent forms from two of my subjects and two of my human resources. I did not have the written consent form at my disposal in February to give to Participant A. Participant H refused to sign the form but verbally agreed to release the information after reading the document. Two of my human resources also did not sign the document, but gave me their verbal consent.

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Secondary Resources

Business Professional Women Amman. “Women in Jordan: Obstacles and Statistics.“ Report.

Elson, Diane. 1993. “Gender-Aware Analysis and Development Economics.” Journal of International Development 5(2):237-247.

Freedom House. 2005. “Women’s Rights in the Middle East and North Africa- Jordan.” October 14. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/47387b6b39.html [April 8, 2012]

Higher Council for Youth. December 2004. National Youth Strategy for Jordan 2005-2009. Amman: United Nations Development Programme & UNICEFhttp://www.jedco.gov.jo/joomla/images/international_reports/Jordan%20National%20Youth%20Strategy%202005-2009.pdf. (April 9, 2012)

Jordanian National Commission for Women (JNCW). 2006. “National Strategy for Jordanian Women: 2006-2010”

Kalimat, Hiam and Al-Talafha, Hussein. 2011. “Obstacles Hindering Women’s Labor Force Participation in Jordan.” Al Manar Project.

Kawar, Mary. 2000. Gender, Employment and the Life Course: The Case of Working Daughters in Amman, Jordan. Konrad Adenaur Foundation, Community Centers Association.

Miles, Rebecca. 2002. “Employment and Unemployment in Jordan: The Importance of the Gender System.” World Development. 30(3): 413-427.

Mohummad Ali El Kharouf, Amal. 2000. “Factors Influencing the Employment of Women, from the View of Employed and Non-Employed Women and Managers in Amman City, Amman.” UNESCO, UNIFEM.

Peebles, Dana, Nada Darwazeh, Hala Ghosheh and Amal Sabbagh. 2007. “Factors Affecting Women’s Participation in the Private Sector in Jordan.” Al Manar Project.

Sen, Amartya. 1987. “Gender and Cooperative Conflicts.” Wider Working Papers. (18): 1-57. United Nations Development Programme, Regional Bureau for Arab States. 2006.

The Arab Human Development Report 2005: Towards the Rise of Women in the Arab World. New York: United Nations Publications.

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United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW), Economic and Social Affairs. 2000-2009. “Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.“ http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/text/ econvention.htm#article11 (April 30, 2012)

United Nations Inter-Agency Network on Women and Gender Equality (IANGWE). 2007. Violence Against Women: Assessing the Situation in Jordan. <http://www.un.org/womenwatch/ianwge/taskforces/vaw/VAW_Jordan_baseline_assessment_final.pdf>. (April 7, 2012)

World Bank 2005. “Economic Advancement of Women in Jordan: A Country Gender Assessment.”http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTJORDAN/DataandReference/20507631/JordanGender (March 28, 2012)

World Bank. 2011. “Jordan and World Bank Celebrate Early Progress of Adolescent Girls Initiative.” December 15. http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/ EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/MENAEXT/0,,print:Y~isCURL:Y~contentMDK:22791799~menuPK:247603~pagePK:2865106~piPK:2865128~theSitePK:256299,00.html. (April 13, 2012)

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Appendix AInterview Guide

If female is unemployed and actively seeking work: 1. Can you explain to me what has happened in the years since you began to look for

employment?

2. Why do you think you haven’t been employed?

3. How do you look for work? If female is a housewife or works from the home:

1. Do you have a small project in your home?

2. Why did you choose not to look for employment outside of your house?

3. Would you consider working outside of your home? Why or why not?

For both females unemployed and actively seeking work and those who are not actively seeking work:

1. (If female has BA degree) Where did you attend school and what did you major in?

2. What do you think are the top three obstacles women face in obtaining employment? Please rank them in the order of importance.

3. Why do you think more men are employed than women?

4. What sectors are women excluded from and which sectors do they predominate?

5. What jobs do you think are not acceptable for women? What makes these jobs unacceptable?

6. Do you receive the support of your family in finding a job? Why or why not?

7. What do you think of women who work and have a family?

8. Do you think it is easier to obtain a job in Amman or in the Badia? Why?

9. Are you aware of any programs that are aimed at training women or helping them enter the labor force?

10. Do you consider female unemployment an important problem that needs to be addressed in Jordan or are there other problems which are more important?

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11. Appendix BInformed Consent Form

Title: Female Youth Unemployment: Exploring the Obstacles Young Women Face in Obtaining Employment in Rural and Urban Jordan

Katherine Morton, College of WoosterSchool for International Training—Jordan: Modernization and Social Change

Instructions:Please read the following statements carefully and mark your preferences where indicated. Signing below indicates your agreement with all statements and your voluntary participation in the study. Signing below while failing to mark a preference where indicated will be interpreted as an affirmative preference. Please ask the researcher if you have any questions regarding this consent form.

I am aware that this interview is conducted by an independent undergraduate researcher with the goal of producing a descriptive case study on the status of Iraqi refugees in Amman.

I am aware that the information I provide is for research purposes only. I understand that my responses will be confidential and that my name will not be associated with any results of this study.

I am aware that I have the right to full anonymity upon request, and that upon request the researcher will omit all identifying information from both notes and drafts.

I am aware that I have the right to refuse to answer any question and to terminate my participation at any time, and that the researcher will answer any questions I have about the study.

I am aware of and take full responsibility for any risk, physical, psychological, legal, or social, associated with participation in this study.

I am aware that I will not receive monetary compensation for participation in this study, but a copy of the final study will be made available to me upon request.

I [ do / do not ] give the researcher permission to use my name and position in the final study.

I [ do / do not ] give the researcher permission to use my organizational affiliation in the final study.

I [ do / do not ] give the researcher permission to use data collected in this interview in a later study.

Date: Participant’s Signature:

_______________________________ _______________________________

Participant’s Printed Name:

_______________________________

Researcher’s Signature:

_______________________________

Thank you for participating!Questions, comments, complaints, and requests for the final written study can be directed to:

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Dr. Raed Al-Tabini, SIT Jordan Academic DirectorTelephone (962) 0777463348

Email: raed.altabini@sit.edu

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