Jordan Segall - Mass Incarceration

8/3/2019 Jordan Segall - Mass Incarceration

1/37Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1674064

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MASSINCARCERATION,EXFELONDISCRIMINATION,&BLACKLABORMARKETDISADVANTAGE

JordanSegall

ABSTRACT

This Article considers the impact of labor market discrimination against ex-felons on both the

life chances of individual criminal defendants and the systemically unequal American labor

market as a whole. I argue that there is an immediate relationship between employment

discrimination against ex-felons and the black-white unemployment gap, and that hiring

discrimination on the basis of previous criminal record is a form of racialdiscriminationnotjust because of the overrepresentation of black defendants in the criminal justice system but also

because employers systematically disfavor black ex-felons compared to whites with identical

criminal records. The Article then considers the limited effectiveness of legal antidiscriminationremedies to the problems posed by ex-felon discrimination, and concludes that a vigorous

antidiscrimination regime aimed at promoting the hiring of ex-felons cannot be rooted in either

contemporary antidiscrimination jurisprudence or in laws that seek to conceal criminal records

from employers. Instead, such an effort would require substantial new legislation, predicated on

accommodationist antidiscrimination norm and reflecting a new national consensus about how to

weigh the benefits of post-prison social reintegration against the rationality of discrimination

against ex-felons.

INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................2I. EXPLAININGTHEUNEMPLOYMENTGAP...........................................................................5II. THEEFFECTOFINCARCERATIONONECONOMICOPPORTUNITY.....................................13III.REMEDIALAPPROACHES:ANTIDISCRIMINATIONLAWANDSOCIALPOLICY....................19

A.StatutoryLimitationsonExFelonUnemployment..........................................19B.CriminalRecordDiscrimination.......................................................................25C.PolicyReform:Race,Privacy,andStatisticalDiscrimination.........................34

CONCLUSION........................................................................................................................36


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INTRODUCTION

Between1980and2008,thecountrysincarceratedpopulationspikedfromaround

500,000toahighof2.3million.1Thisincrediblegrowthinthecarceralapparatuswhichgavethe

UnitedStatesthedubiousdistinctionofbecomingtheworldsbiggestincarcerator,aswellasthe

onlycountryintheworldthatimprisonsmorethan1%ofitsadultpopulation2hasattracted

significantattentionfromjournalists,socialscientists,andlegalcommentators.Theseobservers

havepaidspecialattentiontotheracializedcharacterofthetransitiontomassincarceration.The

ethniccompositionoftheinmatepopulationintheUnitedStateshasbeeninvertedinthelast

halfcentury,goingfromabout70%whitein1950toaround30%whitetoday.3Thoughblacks

havebeenoverrepresentedinAmericanprisonssincethefederalgovernmentbegankeeping

recordsofadmissionstostateprisonsin1926,4theextremeoverrepresentationthatcharacterizes

modernprisondemographicsisaphenomenonofthelastquartercentury.5Thisgrowthinthe

blackwhiteinmategaphasoccurreddespitethearrestratesforwhitesandblacksremaining

stable.

*J.D.Candidate,StanfordLawSchool,2011;Ph.D.Candidate,StanfordUniversityDepartmentofSociology,2013.IamgratefultoMarkKelman,AndrewYaphe,RakeshKilaru,andAlexisCasillasfortheirsupportandassistance.

1BureauofJusticeStatistics,CorrectionalPopulations,

http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/glance/tables/corr2tab.cfm(lastvisitedFeb.1,2010).Therateofinmategrowthfaroutstrippedpopulationgrowth;infact,thenumberofincarceratedinmatesper100,000morethantripledbetween1980and2008.BureauofJusticeStatistics,IncarcerationRate19802008,http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/glance/tables/incrttab.cfm(lastvisitedFeb.1,2010).

2See

PEWCTR.ONTHESTATES,ONEIN100:BEHINDBARSINAMERICA

2008,

at

5(2008).

For

more

statistics

onglobalincarceration,seeROYWALMSLEY,INTLCTR.FORPRISONSTUD.,WORLDPRISONPOPULATIONLIST3(8thed.2008),availableathttp://www.kcl.ac.uk/depsta/law/research/icps/downloads/wppl8th_41.pdf.

3LocWacquant,FromSlaverytoMassIncarceration,13NEWLEFTREV.41,44(2002).4PatrickLangan,RacismonTrial:NewEvidencetoExplaintheRacialCompositionofPrisonsinthe

UnitedStates,76J.CRIM.L.&CRIMINOLOGY666,666(1985)(Thatyear,aboutoneinfourpersonsenteringstateprisonswasblackwhileonlyoneineveryelevenpersonsintheUnitedStateswasblack.).

5AfricanAmericanmendidnotsupplythemajorityofprisonentrantsuntil1988.SeeWacquant,supra

note3,at44.


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Intheageofmassincarceration,thelifetimecumulativeprobabilityofspendingaperiod

oftimeinprisonis4%forwhites,butastaggering29%forblacks.6Theprisonisthusamajor

socialinstitution,affectingthelivesofalargeandgrowingportionoftheAmericanpopulation.

Anditisanexpensiveinstitution,intermsofbothstatespendingandthecostsitimposeson

inmates,correctionalworkers,andemployees.Thesecostshaveattractedextensiveattention

fromresearchers,ontopicsrangingfromtheimpactoffelondisenfranchisementonAmerican

politicstotheimplicationsofprisonprivatizationtorecidivismratesandchronicoffending.7

Oneunderattendedeffectofmassincarcerationisitseffectonincomeandlifetime

employmentoutcomes

after

prison.

Stratification

research

on

occupations

typically

focuses

on

schools,families,andotherinstitutionsastheprimarydeterminantsofjobmarketinequality.But

thelargeandgrowinginfluenceofthehalfmillionprisonersreleasedfromthecriminaljustice

systemeachyearraisesobviousquestionsabouttheimpactofincarcerationonlabormarkets.

Thelackofattentionpaidtothelinkbetweenincarcerationandunemploymentisexplicable

whenoneconsidersthatithasbeensometimesinceunemploymenthasbeenconsidereda

pressingsocialproblem.Beginningin1992andcontinuingthroughtheendofthedecade,the

UnitedStatesexperiencedasustainedperiodofdecliningunemployment,reachingalowof4.0%

in2000.8ButasthisArticlewillshow,thisupbeathistoricalunemploymentdataconcealsa

chronicgapthathasexistedbetweenblackandwhiteunemploymentratessincethe1960sone

6Id.7Foragoodsummaryofthisliterature,seeINVISIBLEPUNISHMENT:THECOLLATERALCONSEQUENCESOF

MASSIMPRISONMENT(MarcMauer&MedaChesneyLindeds.,2002).8U.S.BUREAUOFLAB.STAT.,LABORFORCESTATISTICSFROMTHECURRENTPOPULATIONSURVEY,attbl.A1,

availableathttp://www.bls.gov/webapps/legacy/cpsatab1.htm(selectseasonallyadjustedunemploymentrateandclickRetrievedata).


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thathasgrownsteadilywidersincethesubprimemortgagecrisisbeganin2007.9Evenresearch

studyingthisgap,however,hastypicallypaidonlypassingattentiontotheroleofincarceration.

Discriminationagainstexfelonsmaybemandatedbythestateasinlawsthatrestrict

exfelonsfrompublicemploymentorlicensedprofessionsorsimplypermittedbythestate.The

impactofstateandfederallawsimposingcollateraljobmarketconsequencesonfelonshasbeen

betterstudied,thankstothevigorousdebateovertheselawsthattookplaceinthe1970sand

1980s.10Recently,however,newdatahaveemergedontheimpactoffelonyconvictionson

employmentopportunityinprofessionsnotsubjecttotheselaws.ThisArticleisaneffortto

evaluaterecent

research

on

the

link

between

employment

discrimination

against

ex

felons

and

blackunemployment.Unlikediscriminationonthebasisofrace,sex,orage,employment

discriminationagainstexfelonsisnottypicallyconsideredpernicious,giventhestronginterest

employershaveinhiringlawabidingemployees.Buttheparametersofcontemporarymass

incarcerationcompeltheconclusionthatemploymentdiscriminationagainstexfelonsinthe

labormarketshouldbeunderstoodasaformofracialdiscrimination.Andnotonlybecause

blacksrepresentsuchalargepercentageofthepostprisonpopulation:asIdiscussinPartIII,

recentresearchindicatesthattheimpactofaconvictionismuchworseforblackjobseekersthan

itisforwhites.

InPartI,Isummarizethepredominantexplanationsinthesocialscienceliteratureforthe

durabilityoftheblackwhiteunemploymentgap,andproposethatexfelondiscriminationmay

beone

mechanism

through

which

racial

bias

in

employmentoften

believed

to

be

waning

or

mostlyeradicatedisexercised.InPartII,Ievaluatesociologicalinvestigationsofthe

relationshipbetweenprisonrecordandunemployment,firsttodemonstratethatthefailureto

9SeeinfraPartII.10SeeinfraPartIII.


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properlyaccountfortheevolutionofmassincarcerationhasdistortedunemploymentstatistics

andconcealedtheruinousimpactofincarcerationonblacks,andespeciallyblackyouth,and

secondtodescribethescopeandfunctionofracializedexfelondiscrimination.Iadditionally

suggestthatthecurrentpracticeofmasspleabargainingwherebytheoverwhelmingmajorityof

criminalcasesareresolvedwithpleasinsteadoftrialsmagnifiesthediscriminatoryeffectsof

discriminationagainstjobapplicantswithcriminalrecords.Finally,inPartIII,Iconsiderlegal

andpolicyremediestotheproblemsposedbyexfelondiscrimination.Iarguefirstthat

antidiscriminationlaw,ascurrentlyconstituted,isunlikelytohelpremedytheraciallybiased

natureofexfelondiscrimination,andIconsiderwhatanaccommodationistexfelon

antidiscriminationprogrammightlooklike.Second,Iarguethatcertainpolicyapproachestothe

probleminparticular,effortstorestrictemployeraccesstocriminalrecordsmayhave

unintendedconsequencesthatparadoxicallymakeemployersmorelikelytodiscriminateonthe

basisofrace.

I.EXPLAININGTHEUNEMPLOYMENTGAP

Sincetheearly1970stheblackunemploymentratehasremainedpersistentlyhigherthan

thewhiteunemploymentrate.11AtthelowebbofnationalunemploymentinOctober2000,blacks

wereunemployedatarateof7.3%,comparedwithawhiteunemploymentrateof3.4%.12Thegap

haswidenedinperiodsofrecession:inJune2003,afteraperiodofeconomiccontraction

followingtheSeptember11attacks,whiteunemploymentpeakedat5.5%,butblack

11SeeFinisWelch,TheEmploymentofBlackMen,8J.LAB.ECON.526(1990).12U.S.BUREAUOFLAB.STAT.,LABORFORCESTATISTICSFROMTHECURRENTPOPULATIONSURVEY,attbl.A2,

availableathttp://www.bls.gov/webapps/legacy/cpsatab2.htm(selectseasonallyadjustedunemploymentrateforwhitesandblacksandclickRetrievedata).


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unemploymentreached11.5%.13Therecessiontriggeredbythefinancialcrisishaspushedthegap

wider:inApril2010,9.0%ofwhiteswereunemployed,butaremarkable16.5%ofblackswere

withoutwork.14Sociologistsandeconomicsinthelastquartercenturyhaveworkedatlengthto

reconciletheblackwhiteunemploymentgapwithsubstantiallynarrowedgapsinotheraspectsof

socioeconomiclife,includingeducation,occupationalattainment,andearnings.15Threegeneral

hypotheseshaveattractedthemostattentionfromacademics.

Afirstpossibilityusuallytermedspatialmismatchtheoryisthatthediscrepancy

reflectsashiftinthedemandforblacklabor,giventheparticulardemographiccharacteristicsof

theblack

labor

pool.

This

view

is

most

associated

with

William

J.

Wilson,

who

argues

that

spatial

andstructuralchangesintheAmericaneconomyparticularlyatransitionawayfrom

manufacturinginurbancentersandtowardservicesectorjobslocatedinsuburbsproduced

disproportionatejoblessnessinlesseducatedworkers,especiallythosewithouttheresourcesto

relocateoutsideoftheghettoareasofmajorcities.16DouglasMasseyandNancyDenton,intheir

wellknown1993monographAmericanApartheid,offeradialecticalversionofthisargument,

notingthatincreasedjoblessnessamongtheblackghettopooracceleratestheflightofemployers

outoftheseraciallysegregatedareasevenasthisflighthelpsexpandtheurbanunderclass.17

Wilsonisgenerallysanguineaboutthesuccessofantidiscriminationlawsinreducing

barrierstooccupationalentryforblackswhoseskillsmatchtheneedsoftheneweconomy. But

13Id.TheparticularlydeleteriousimpactofrecessionsonAfricanAmericansiswelldocumentedinthe

socialscience

literature.

See,

e.g.,

Gerald

D.

Jaynes,

The

Labor

Market

Status

of

Black

Americans:

1939

1985,

4

J.ECON.PERSPS.9(1990).14Id.

15SeeFranklinWilson,MartaTienda,&LawrenceWu,RaceandUnemployment:LaborMarket

ExperiencesofBlackandWhiteMen,19681988,22WORK&OCCUPATIONS245,249(1995).16WILLIAMJ.WILSON,THEDECLININGSIGNIFICANCEOFRACE(1978);WILLIAMJ.WILSON,THETRULY

DISADVANTAGED(1987);..SeealsoSASKIASASSEN,CITIESINAWORLDECONOMY(2006).17DOUGLASMASSEY&NANCYDENTON,AMERICANAPARTHEID:SEGREGATIONANDTHEMAKINGOFTHE

UNDERCLASS(1993).


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hehasalsoobservedthatprocessesofghettoizationgiveemployersincentivetostatistically

discriminateagainstinnercityblacks.18Becauseemployersuseraceasaproxyforavarietyof

pathologiesassociatedwithresidentsoftheinnercitywhomtheyviewasunstable,dishonest,

unreliable,undereducated,undermotivated,hostile,andrebellioustheyareabletojustifyrace

biasedhiringprocessesonproductivitygrounds.Discriminationagainstworkingclassblacks,

Wilsonandhisadherentsargue,ismuchmoredifficulttoextirpatewithconventional

antidiscriminationlawthandiscriminationagainstwhitecollar,professional,orpublic

employees,andsoisamajorcontributortotheblackdisadvantageinthelabormarket.

Asecond

approach,

termed

the

voluntary

withdrawal

thesis,

rejects

spatial

mismatch

theoryandarguesthatblackworkershavebeenunresponsivetochangesinlabordemandsince

the1970s.Byamassingalargeamountofdataaboutservicesectorworkininnercities,Lawrence

Meadarguesthatinnercityblackswhodidseekandsecurejobsinthe1980sexperiencedrising

earningsandstableemployment.19Meadcontendsthatthemaincriteriaforsecuringnewservice

sectorjobsweretimeliness,appropriateworkrelatedattitudes,andacommitmenttowork

regularly.Meadconcludesthatthehighjoblessrateamonginnercityblacksreflectsvoluntary

withdrawal,eitherbecauseofdissatisfactionwiththesenewexpectationsorbecauseofmore

attractivealternatives(especiallywelfare,butalsoillegalincome).20RogerWaldingers

controversialmonographStillthePromisedCityisaversionofthisapproach.21Waldingerfollows

18WilliamJ.Wilson,StudyingInnerCitySocialDislocations:TheChallengeofPublicAgendaResearch,

56AM.SOC.REV.1,10(1991).19LAWRENCEMEAD,

THENEWPOLITICSOFPOVERTY:THENONWORKINGPOORINAMERICA

(1992);

see

also

Welch,supranote11.20

ButseeSamuelL.Myers,Jr.,HowVoluntaryIsBlackUnemploymentandBlackLaborForceWithdrawal?,inTHEQUESTIONOFDISCRIMINATION:RACIALINEQUALITYINTHEU.S.LABORMARKET100,10506(StevenShulman&WilliamA.Darityeds.,1989)(concludingthatfewerblacksthanwhitesarevoluntarywithdrawals,andurgingsocialscienceresearchtoaddressthecausesofinvoluntarywithdrawalofblackmenfromthelaborforce).Notably,LawrenceMeadwasasignificantproponentofwelfarereforminthe1990s.

21ROGERWALDINGER,STILLTHEPROMISEDCITY(1997).


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Meadandothersinarguingthatlegitimateworkintheinnercityismoreabundantthanspatial

mismatchtheoristsadmit.Buthisargumenthingesonexpectationsandcompetitionratherthan

attitudes.Hecontendsthaturbanblacksfailedtoadjusttheirwageexpectationsdownwardas

increasingcompetitionfromnewimmigrantsandtherapiddeclineofthemanufacturingsector

drovedownworkingclasswages.Finally,somepoliticallyconservativecommentatorshave

advancedaculturalvariantofthevoluntarywithdrawalthesis,arguingthatthefatalismofghetto

culture isanimportantdeterminantoftheirproblemsinthelabormarket.22

AthirdhypothesiswhichIwilltermtheintractablediscriminationtheoryisthatthe

unemploymentgap

is

aproduct

of

persistent

exclusionary

barriers

in

labor

markets.23

Steven

Shulmansanalysisoffederallaborstatisticsdemonstrateshighrelativeratesofblack

unemploymentinamongallagegroups,educationlevels,andoccupationalcategories,casting

doubtonboththespatialmismatchandvoluntarywithdrawalhypotheses.24Inparticular,

sociologistshaveobservedthatblackemploymentgainshavelargelybeenaproductofexpanded

publicsectoremployment,andthatprivatesectoremploymentgainsresultedfrompublicly

22See,e..g.,DINESHDSOUZA,THEENDOFRACISM:PRINCIPLESFORAMULTIRACIALSOCIETY478,484(1995)

(Theconspicuouspathologiesofblacksaretheproductofcatastrophicculturalchange....BlacksinAmericaseemtohavedevelopedwhatsomescholarstermanoppositionalculturewhichisbasedonacomprehensiverejectionofthewhiteman'sworldview.).Liberalobservershaveechoedtheseculturalistarguments,albeittypicallywithmoresympathytowardthoseblackswhomtheyallegetoholdeconomicallydisadvantageousculturalattitudes.See,e.g.,StephenPetterson,TheEnemyWithin:BlackWhiteDifferencesinFatalismandJoblessness,3J.POVERTY1,1,26(1999)(proposingamildversionofthishypothesis,explicitlydisclaimingastrongculturalargumentbutfindingthatajustifiablyfatalisticorientationtothelabormarkethobblesblackyouth);seealsoELIJAHANDERSON,CODEOFTHESTREET:DECENCY,VIOLENCE,ANDTHEMORALLIFEOFTHEINNERCITY(2000);MARYC.WATERS,BLACKIDENTITIES:WESTINDIANIMMIGRANTDREAMSANDAMERICANREALITIES335(1999)([S]omeblacksintheUnitedStatesdetachthemselves,especially

from

education,

redefine

social

norms,

and

see

behaviors

such

as

doing

well

in

school,

speaking

standardEnglish,andsoonasoppositionaltotheirverycoreidentity.)23CharlesHirschman,MinoritiesintheLaborMarket,inMINORITIES,POVERTY,ANDSOCIALPOLICY(Gary

D.Sandefur&MartaTiendaeds.,1988).24

See,e.g.,StevenShulman,Discrimination,HumanCapital,andBlackWhiteUnemployment:EvidencefromCities,22J.HUM.RESOURCES361(1987).Infact,Wilson,Tienda,andWufoundthatpositiverelationshipbetweeneducationandblackwhiteunemploymentratio:theunemploymentgapforcollegeeducatedblackmenwashigherthanitwasforthosewithnohighschooldiploma.Wilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at250.


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mandatedaffirmativeactionprograms.25Asaconsequence,blackemploymentlevelshavebeen

highlysensitivetotheshiftingpoliticalclimate:inperiodsofaggressivecivilrightsenforcement

andhighspendingonsocialprograms,theunemploymentgaphasclosedsomewhat.26Many

observershavetakenthesefindingsabouttheimpactoffederalinterventionontheracial

compositionoftheworkforceasevidencethatdiscriminatorybarrierstoprivatesectorblack

employmentaremostlytoblamefortheblackwhiteunemploymentgap.27

Muchoftheliteratureadvocatingtheintractablediscriminationtheoryhassoughtto

identifymorenuancedmechanismsofdiscriminationthantheconventionalaccountofawhite

racistemployer

making

prejudiced

personnel

decisions.

Richard

Freeman

predicted

as

early

as

1973thatthissortofovertlybigotedemploymentdiscriminationwoulddecreaseovertime,for

threereasons:anincreasedcostofdiscriminationduetofederalpolicy,adeclineinindividual

bigotry,andthegrowthofrelativelynondiscriminatorysectorsoftheeconomyasblacksmoved

outofagricultureandhouseholdlaborandintobureaucraticfirmsorpublicemployment.28

Empiricalevidenceandhistoricalcommonsenseconfirmtheprediction:thenakedbigotryin

hiringthathadcharacterizedtheJimCrowerawasrapidlystigmatizedafterthe1964CivilRights

Act.Academicsseekingtolinktheenduringblackwhiteunemploymentgaptointractablelabor

25SeeWilliamDarity,RaceandInequalityintheManagerialAge,inSOCIAL,POLITICAL,ANDECONOMIC

ISSUESINBLACKAMERICA(WornieReeded.,1990);JonathanLeonard,TheImpactofAffirmativeActionRegulationandEqualEmploymentLawonBlackEmployment,4J.ECON.PERSPS.47(1990).

26From1969to1973,forexample,theblackwhiteunemploymentgapdeclinedtoitslowestpointsince

thepassage

of

the

1964

Civil

Rights

Act,

thanks

to

favorable

economic

conditions

coupled

with

employmentmaximizingpublicpolicies.Duringthe1980s,bycontrast,thegapremainedhigh,especiallyforcollegeeducatedblackmenwhowerethemostlikelytosufferfromtheReaganeraretreatfromcivilrightsenforcement.SeeJohnBound&RichardFreeman,BlackEconomicProgress:ErosionofthePost1965Gainsinthe1980s?,inTHEQUESTIONOFDISCRIMINATION:RACIALINEQUALITYINTHEU.S.LABORMARKET,supranote20,at32.

27SeeWilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at24963.

28RichardFreeman,ChangesintheLaborMarketforBlackAmericans,194872,4BROOKINGSPAPERSON

ECON.ACTIVITY67,68(1973).


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marketdiscriminationhavethussoughttoidentifysubtlerpracticesbywhichcontemporarylabor

marketdiscriminationisrealized.29

Oneexampleistherealizationthattheincreasedmobilityoftheblackmiddleandupper

middleclassesakeyreasonWilsoninvokedthedecliningsignificanceofraceismoreillusory

thanitfirstappears.Manysuccessfulblackprofessionalsandmanagersoccupyaracializedniche

intheAmericancorporateapparatus,occupyingjobsthatarelinkedtotheneedsoftheblack

community.Ascompaniesincreasinglycametoassociatecompliancewithantidiscrimination

statuteswithelaborateinstitutionalstructuresaffirmativeactionoffices,personnelandpublic

relationsmanagers,

grievance

boards,

and

so

fortha

parallel

job

ladder

developed

in

many

firms,withblackprofessionalsprimarilyoccupyingpositionswithinthesestructures.

Marginalizationintothisnichehashadahostofnegativeconsequencesforblackprofessionals,

sincethesepositionsaretypicallyremuneratedless,arequalitativelylessimportanttothecentral

workoffirmsthanotherpositions,andrarelyofferpromotionopportunitiestoupper

management.30Thisemploymentpatternmaycontributetotheunderemploymentofblackswith

highlevelsofhumancapital,becauseblacksareconsideredqualifiedtofillonlythislimited

subsetofpositions.

Anotherexampleofasubtlediscriminationmechanismonethatoperatestodisfavor

workingclassblacksisWilson,Tienda,andWusdiscoverythatblackmenaresubstantially

29Thissameconundrumtheneedtoreconciledurableracialinequalitywiththeapparentdeclineof

bigotryhasmotivated

avariety

of

theses

with

varying

degrees

of

credibility,

from

Charles

Lawrences

unconsciousracismtoNicholasKristofsracismwithoutracists.SeeCharlesR.LawrenceIII,TheId,theEgoandEqualProtection:ReckoningwithUnconsciousRacism,39STAN.L.REV.317(1987)(criticizingtherequirementofpurposefulintentthatpervadesAmericanantidiscriminationlawonthegroundsthatmostracismisunconscious);NicholasD.Kristof,RacismWithoutRacists,N.Y.TIMES,Oct.4,2008,atWK10(arguingthatracialbiasesaredeeplyembeddedwithinusbutsoundingthehopefulnotethatwecanovercomeunconsciousbiasbyelectingBarackObama).

30Foragoodsummaryofempiricalresearchintothisphenomenon,seeJACKNIEMONEN,RACE,CLASS,

ANDTHESTATEINCONTEMPORARYSOCIOLOGY10910(2002).


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morelikelytobeunemployedbecauseoffiringsandlayoffsthanwhitemen.31Theypointedto

empiricalevidenceshowingthateveninemploymentsectorswithahistoryofblack

overrepresentationforinstance,incertainpublicemploymentandmanufacturingpositions

blackswere1.55timesaslikelyaswhitestobeunemployedbecauseofdismissals.32Exaggerating

thestratifyingeffectsofdismissalswasthetendencyofemployerstogivepreferentialtreatment

towhiteemployeesinperiodsofeconomiccontraction.PaulSchervishslongitudinalstudyof

privatesectoremploymentshowedthatonaverage,withinthesamefirm,whiteemployeeswere

morethantwiceaslikelyasblackstobeplacedontemporarylayoffinlieuofbeingpermanently

fired,and1.7timesaslikelytoberehiredafteraperiodoflayoff.33Theseearlystudiesfailedto

adequatelycontrolforhumancapitalcharacteristics,andsoinvitedtheclaimthatthe

discrepancywastheresultoftheinferiorqualityofblackemployees,ratherthanaformof

employmentdiscrimination.Theargumentwasrefutedbylaterstudieswhichshowedthat,netof

humancapitalandjobcharacteristics,blacksremainedtwiceaslikelytobedismissedaswhites,34

stronglysuggestingthatinequalitiesoftherateofinvoluntaryjobterminationsreflected

employer

discrimination.

Thisresearchhasprovedespeciallyusefulinexplainingwhytheblackwhite

unemploymentgapwidensinrecessionaryperiods,andwhytheblackunemploymentrateis

slowertodeclineinperiodsofgrowth.Critically,thisresearchalsocomplicatesthespatial

31Wilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at26566.32Id.at252.

33PAULSCHERVISH,THESTRUCTURALDETERMINANTSOFUNEMPLOYMENT(1983).

34See,

e.g.,

Craig

Zwerling

&

Hillary

Silver,

Race

and

Job

Dismissals

in

aFederal

Bureaucracy,

57

AM.SOC.

REV.651,65758(1992)(reportingthatblackpostalworkersinalargemetropolitanregionweremorethantwiceaslikelytobefiredaswhiteemployeeswithidenticalworkhistoriesandpersonalcharacteristics);seealsoAlfredJ.Field&WilliamR.Winfrey,JobDisplacementandReemploymentinNorthCarolina:TheRelativeExperienceoftheBlackWorker,25REV.BLACKPOL.ECON.57(1997)(examiningtheunemploymentexperiencesofworkersinNorthCarolinainvolvedinmasslayoffsandplantclosingsandconcludingthat,relativetotheirwhitecounterparts,blacksarelaidoffinnumbersdisproportionatetotheircompositioninthelaborforce,aremorelikelytoberepeatedlylaidoff,andaremorelikelytoreturntolowerwageoccupationsuponreemploymentthanwhiteworkers).


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mismatchhypothesis.Thoughmostoftheresearchonlayoffanddismissaldifferentialshasbeen

motivatedbyanefforttodisputespatialmismatchtheoristsconjecturethatclass,notrace,isthe

moresalientdemographicfeatureforpredictinglongtermlifechances,therelationshipbetween

thetwolinesofargumentismorecomplicated.Abundantevidencesuggeststhattheblack

populationdoessufferfromitsparticularresidenceandlabormarketposition.Residencein

centralcities,forinstance,raisesunemploymentforbothblacksandwhitesbyapproximatelythe

sameamount,butblacksaredisproportionatelyconcentratedintheseareas.35Similarly,the

concentrationofblacksintoindustriesandoccupationswithhighratesofunemploymentsince

the1970shasalsocontributedtotheblackwhiteunemploymentgap.36ButWilliamJ.Wilsonand

othersmaybeoverhastyinannouncingthedecliningsignificanceofraceonthebasisofthese

findings.Joblessnessandeconomicexclusionmayhavetriggeredaprocessof

hyperghettoizationthatdisproportionatelyimpactsblacks,buttheconsequencesofeconomic

transitionmaybemagnifiedforblacksbecausetheyarethefirsttargetsofrecessionarylayoffs

andthelastcandidatesforrehiring.37Moreover,theasymmetriccausality38betweenthegeneral

economy

and

the

inner

citythat

is,

the

tendency

for

conditions

in

the

inner

city

to

become

dramaticallyworseinrecessionaryperiodsbutnottoreturntonormalwhentheeconomy

improvesmaybepartiallyexplainedbythestructuralbarrierstoreemploymentthatblacksface.

Socialscientistshavemadeimpressivestridesinexplainingwhyblacksfaceconsistently

worseoutcomesinjobmarkets,despiteimprovementsinblackeducation,thepolitical

commitmenttoaffirmativeactionandantidiscriminationefforts,themovementofblacksinto

35SeeFranklinD.Wilson&LawrenceWu,AComparativeAnalysisoftheLaborForceActivitiesofEthnic

Populations,inU.S.BUREAUOFTHECENSUS,PROCEEDINGSOFTHE1993ANNUALRESEARCHCONFERENCE340(1993).

36SeeWilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at266.

37LocWacquant&WilliamJ.Wilson,TheCostsofRacialandClassExclusionintheInnerCity,501

ANNALSAM.ACAD.POL.&SOC.SCI.8,9(1989).38

Id.at24.


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13

occupationswithlowerturnoverrates,andthemarginalizationofbigotryasanacceptablepublic

attitude.Themostpersuasivetheorieshavecombinedsocialstructuralelementsboth

macroeconomicfactorslikehumancapitalattainmentandspatialfactorslikeneighborhood

compositionwithevidenceofcontinuedemploymentdiscrimination,whichappearstodayto

operateinsubtlerormoreindirectwaysthaninthepast.InthenextPart,Iconsidertheimpactof

thecriminaljusticesystemonblacksocioeconomicoutcomes,andsuggestthatthedetrimental

impactofthecarceralapparatusonblackworkersisaproductbothofsociopoliticalconfiguration

andsimpleracialdiscrimination.

II.THEEFFECTOFINCARCERATIONONECONOMICOPPORTUNITY

Researchinthe1980sand90sontheeffectofcontactwiththecriminaljusticesystemon

economicopportunityshowedcontradictoryresults.Analysisoflongitudinalsurveydata

typicallytheBureauofLaborStatisticsCurrentPopulationSurveyshowedthatconvictionwas

stronglycorrelatedwithreducedincomeandemploymentprobabilitiesafterrelease.39

Otheranalyses,

mostly

by

economists,

observed

anegligible

effect

of

incarceration

in

unemployment.40Thesestudiesrejectedacausallinkbetweenincarcerationandemployment

outcomes,andintheabsenceofanyotherexplanation,attributedthepooroutcomesofex

offenderstopreexistingpersonaltraitslikedrugandalcoholabuse,behaviorandanger

problems,poorinterpersonalskills,andimpulsivenessthatmadethembothcrimeproneand

bademployees.Someofthesestudiesseemedtostraincredulity.JeffreyKling,forinstance,

39See,e.g.,RichardFreeman,TheRelationofCriminalActivitytoBlackYouthEmployment,16REV.

BLACKPOL.ECON.99(1987);DanielNagin&JoelWaldfogel,TheEffectofConvictiononIncomeThroughtheLifeCycle(NatlBureauofEcon.Research,WorkingPaperNo.4551,1993).

40See,e.g.,JeffreyGrogger,Arrests,PersistentYouthJoblessness,andBlack/WhiteEmployment

Differentials,74REV.ECON.&STAT.100(1992);JeffreyKling,TheEffectofPrisonSentenceLengthontheSubsequentEmploymentandEarningsofCriminalDefendants(WoodrowWilsonSch.DiscussionPapersinEconomics,WorkingPaperNo.156,1999).


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14

reportedinanunpublishedpaperthatthereexistednodifferenceintheimpactonfuture

earningsoremploymentratesbetweenconvictswhoservedlongsentencesforseriousfelonies

andconvictswithshortersentences.41

Asevidencemountedthatcriminalconvictionshadseriouslongtermeconomic

consequences,thepersonaltraitstudiescameunderstrenuousmethodologicalattackby

economistsandsociologists.Manyofthepersonaltraitstudieswereconductedusingdatathat

linkedfromcourtrecordstoadministrativedatafromstateunemploymentinsurancefiles.Critics

argued,amongotherthings,thatrelyingonthesedataintroducedpowerfulselectioneffects,

becauselow

wage

and

temporary

jobs

were

much

less

likely

than

other

types

of

jobs

to

be

compliantwithunemploymentinsurancelaws.Comparedtoresultsfromnationallongitudinal

data,studiesusingunemploymentinsurancedataappearedtosystematicallyunderstatetheeffect

ofconvictionsonincomeandtheprobabilityofemployment,exceptforthewhitecollarworkers

whowereleastlikelytohavebeenconvictedofseriouscrimes.

In2000,WesternandPettitpublishedapaperthatshowedthattheblackwhite

unemploymentgapwasmuchhigherthanpreviouslythought.42WesternandPettitobservedthat

themajorityoflongitudinaldatathatpriorresearchershadusedtocalculateunemployment

statisticsexcludedinstitutionalpopulationsfromthesamplingframe.Bycombiningdatafroma

varietyofsources,includinglaborforcesurveys,aggregateincarcerationfigures,andcorrectional

facilitiesmicrodata,WesternandPettitdemonstratedthatthereportedunemploymentratewas

artificiallysuppressed

by

the

high

incarceration

rate.

Developing

an

accurate

dataset

of

the

penal

populationledWesternandPettittoreconsiderthefindingsofpriorsurveyresearchthathad

41SeeKling,supranote40,at1013.

42BruceWestern&BeckyPettit,IncarcerationandRacialInequalityinMensEmployment,54INDUS.&

LAB.REL.REV.3(2000).


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15

concludedthattheblackwhiteunemploymentgapstoppedgrowinginthe1980s.Afteraccurately

accountingforthepenalpopulation,theyconcludedthatthegaphadinfactgrownsteadily:

In1982,ayoungunskilledwhitemanwasabout50%morelikelytoholdajobthanayoung

unskilled

black

man.

By

1996,

young

white

high

school

dropouts

were

more than twice as likely to hold jobs as were there African Americancounterparts.43

Theseeffectsweresostarkthattheacrosstheboardimprovementsinthejobprospectsofyoung

disadvantagedminoritymenduringtheeconomicexpansionoftheClintonyearswascompletely

overshadowedbytheriseinincarceration.

Byhighlighting

the

misleading

effect

of

mass

incarceration

on

conventional

unemploymentstatistics,WesternandPettitsstudydecisivelyrebukedPollyannaishresearch

thatallegedthatracialdisparityinemploymentwasdeclining.Buttheirpaperwasunableto

identifythecausesofthepersistentracialdisparityinlaborforceparticipation.Significantracial

disparitiesinratesofcontactwiththecriminaljusticesystemappearedtobeasignificantfactor,

andsurveyresearchersprofferedabroadarrayofhypothesistoexplaintheobservedrelationship

betweenincarceration

and

unemployment.44

These

included

the

labeling

effects

of

criminal

stigma,45thedisruptionofsocialandfamilyties,46injurytopreexistingsocialnetworks,47human

capitalloss,48andlegalbarrierstoemployment.49

In2003,thesociologistDevahPagerpublishedtheresultsofanauditpairstudyof

Milwaukeeareaemployersdesignedtoevaluatewhethercriminalhistoryinfluencedtheoddsofa

43Id.

at

9.

44SeeDevahPager,TheMarkofaCriminalRecord,108AM.J.SOC.937,94041(2003).

45SeeRichardSchwartz&JeromeSkolnick,TwoStudiesofLegalStigma,10SOC.PROB.133(1962).

46SeeROBERTJ.SAMPSON&JOHNH.LAUB,CRIMEINTHEMAKING:PATHWAYSANDTURNINGPOINTS

THROUGHLIFE(1993).47

SeeJohnHagan,TheSocialEmbeddednessofCrimeandUnemployment,31CRIMINOLOGY465(1993).48

SeeGARYBECKER,HUMANCAPITAL(1975).49

SeeMitchellDale,BarrierstotheRehabilitationofExOffenders,22CRIME&DELINQUENCY322(1976);infraPartIII.A.


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16

jobapplicantreceivingacallbackfromanemployerafteraninitialinterview.Pagerformedtwo

pairsofauditorteams,onecomposedoftwowhitestudents,andtheothercomposedoftwoblack

students.Theteamswerematchedonthebasisofphysicalappearanceandmodeofself

presentation,andweregivenidenticalworkhistoryandeducationcredentials.Theauditpairs

wererandomlyassignedto15introductoryjobinterviewseachweek,drawnfrompostingsfor

entrylevelpositionsinthelocalnewspaperandonline.Atanygiventime,oneoftheauditorswas

askedtorepresentthatheorshehadbeenconvictedoffelonycocainepossessionandhadserved

aneighteenmonthprisonsentence.50

Pagerdiscovered

that

regardless

of

race,

acriminal

record

drastically

reduced

the

chance

ofreceivingacallbackfromanemployer.Acriminalrecordreducedthelikelihoodofacallback

byfiftypercentforwhites.Blacks,however,faredmuchworse;Pagerreportedthattheeffectofa

criminalrecordwasfortypercentlargerforblacksthanforwhites.51Pageralsocollected

qualitativeevidencetosuggestthatemployersanticipatedblackcriminality.Onatleastthree

occasions,blackauditorswereaskedpreemptivelyabouttheircriminalrecords.Nowhiteauditor

hadthesameexperience.

Pagersstudywasthefirstresearchprojecttoempiricallyvalidateamechanismlinking

felonstatustoreducedjobprospects.Herfindingsstronglysupportthehypothesisthatadirect

causalrelationshipexistsbetweencriminalrecordandunemployment.52Blackauditorswho

representedacriminalrecordappliedto200entrylevelpositionsandyetreceivedfewerthanten

callbacks(much

less

outright

job

offers).

And

these

results

were

in

spite

of

Pagers

use

of

articulate,welldressedcollegestudentswitheffectivemodesofselfpresentation.

50Pager,supranote44,at949.

51Id.at959.52Id.at960.


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17

Inadditiontoilluminatingtheprofoundobstaclestoemploymentfacedbyallexfelons,

PagersstudyshowedthatAfricanAmericansaredoublyvictimizedbyexfelondiscrimination.In

additiontotheirdisproportionate representationintheranksoftheincarcerated,Pagersdata

indicatesthatacriminalhistoryhasastrongernegativeeffectonblackapplicantsthanithason

whiteapplicants. Exfelondiscriminationthusexaggeratesthepreexistingstructural

disadvantageofminorityoverrepresentationinprisonsbymakingemployersmorelikelytomake

raciallybiasedhiringdecisions.Giventhisdoublediscrimination,massincarcerationhelps

explainthepuzzleofthehighrateofinvoluntaryemploymentandlaborforcewithdrawalamong

working andmiddleclassblacks.53

TheextraordinarilyhighincidenceofpleabargainingintheAmericancriminaljustice

systemexacerbatestheraciallydiscriminatoryfunctionofexfelondiscrimination.American

criminalsentencingispredicateduponlawsthataredraconianonthebooksbutmitigatedin

practice,largelythroughthepracticeofpleabargaining.54Itiswellestablishedthatthereexistsa

substantialtrialpenalty,intheformoflongersentences,forthefivepercentofAmerican

criminaldefendantswhopursuetheircasestojurytrialinlieuofpleadingguilty.55Andthe

53SeegenerallyMyers,Jr.,supranote20.HarryJ.Holzerandothershaveshownthatexoffendershave

ahumancapitaldeficitcomparedtothenonoffendingpopulation.Combinedwiththewellknownemployerpreferenceforapplicantswithoutcriminalhistories,blackmalejobseekersinparticularmayeitherassumejobseekingishopelessorgrowdiscouragedquickly.SeeHarryJ.Holzer,StevenRaphael&MichaelA.Stoll,WillEmployersHireFormerOffenders?:EmployerPreferences,BackgroundChecks,andTheirDeterminants,inIMPRISONINGAMERICA:THESOCIALEFFECTSOFMASSINCARCERATION20506(MaryPattillo,DavidF.Weiman&BruceWesterneds.,2004).

54McCoy,supranote55,at92.IntheU.S.federalsentencingguidelinesandmanystatesentencing

statutes,discountsareawardedtocriminaldefendantsforpleadingguiltyatanystageintheprocess,withdeeper

discounts

available

for

guilty

pleas

that

obviate

the

time

and

expense

of

trial

preparation.

See

id.

at

100n.46;NancyJ.King,DavidA.Soul,SaraSteen,&RobertR.Weidner,WhenProcessAffectsPunishment:DifferencesinSentencesAfterGuiltyPlea,BenchTrial,andJuryTrialinFiveGuidelinesStates,105COLUM.L.REV.959,97375(2005)(surveyingdatafromfivestatestodemonstratethatsentencesnegotiatedinpleabargainsaresignificantlylowerthansentencesforthesamecrimeassignedafterbenchorjurytrials).

55See,e.g.,CandaceMcCoy,PleaBargainingasCoercion:TheTrialPenaltyandPleaBargainingReform,

50CRIM.L.Q.67,89(2005)(finding,viaacontrolledanalysisbasedondatafromtheStateCourtProcessingStatisticsdataset,thatsentencesafterjurytrialwereaboutninetimesmoreseverethanguiltypleasentences).Foranexcellentjournalisticaccountofhowthetrialpenaltyoperatestogenerateahighrateof


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18

coercivepowerofthetrialpenaltymakesmoredefendantspleadguilty:asearlyas1975,

researchersobservedthatthepleabargainingsystemservestoincreasethenumberofdefendants

whoemergefromthecriminaljusticesystembearingafelonyrecord.56

Pleabargainingisintheshortterminterestofcriminaldefendantsbecauseityields

substantiallylowersentencesthansentencesthatfollowjurytrials.Butbyincreasingthe

proportionofcriminaldefendantswhoendupwithcriminalrecords,thepleasystemamplifies

thelongtermcollateralconsequencesofanencounterwiththecriminaljusticesystemonlife

chancesandespeciallyonemployability.Andtheburdenislikelytobeparticularlyheavyfor

minoritydefendants,

for

three

reasons.

First,

they

represent

adisproportionately

large

percentage

ofallcriminaldefendants,soanyprocessthatmakesdefendantsmorelikelytoemergefrom

encounterswiththecourtsbearingcriminalrecordswilladverselyimpactminoritydefendants

whoseekjobsafterservingtheirsentences.57Second,blacksfareworseattrialthanwhitesand

aremorelikelytobeincarceratedfollowingatrialafactthatmanyblackdefendantssurely

recognize.58Itfollowsthatitisrationalforblackdefendantstonegotiatereducessentencesviaa

pleaarrangement,evenwhenitwouldbeirrationalforasimilarlysituatedwhitedefendanttodo

so.Finally,minoritydefendantsaremorelikelytobeimpoverishedandunabletopostbail.One

guiltypleas,seegenerallySTEVEBOGIRA,COURTROOM302:AYEARBEHINDTHESCENESINANAMERICANCRIMINALCOURTHOUSE(2005).

56MichaelO.Finkelstein,AStatisticalAnalysisofGuiltyPleaPracticesintheFederalCourts,89HARV.L.

REV.293,293(1975)(concludingthatmorethantwothirdsofmarginalpleabargaindefendantswouldbeacquitted

or

dismissed

ifthey

contested

their

cases

at

trial).

57SeeLangan,supranote4.

58SeeShawnD.Bushway&AnneMorrisonPiehl,JudgingJudicialDisrection:LegalFactorsandRacial

DiscriminationinSentencing,35LAW&SOCYREV.733,761(2001)(findingthatinMaryland,astatewithdeterminatesentencingguidelines,AfricanAmericansreceived20%longersentencesthanwhitesonaverage);DarrellSteffensmeier&StephenDemuth,EthnicityandSentencingOutcomesinU.S.FederalCourts:WhoisPunishedMoreHarshly?,65AM.SOC.REV.705,72425(2000)(findingthatinfederalcriminalcases,blackandHispanicdefendantsfareworseintermsofbothimprisonmentandtermlengthdecisionsthanwhites).


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19

majorincentivetopleabargainfordefendantswhocannotpostbailisthatitcanresultinafaster

releasefromincarceration.59

ThelargescalepleabargainingthatisthenormintheAmericancriminaljusticesystem

resultsinalargerproportionofthedefendantswhopassthroughthecountryscourtrooms

leavingwithcriminalrecords.Thisisespeciallythecaseforminoritydefendants,aracialdisparity

thataggravatestheraciallydisparateimpactofthepernicious,longtermcollateralconsequences

ofacriminalrecord.

Manyquestionsremainabouthowdiscriminationagainstexfelonsoperatesinpractice.

Inparticular,itisnotknownwhetheremployerscategoricallydisfavorapplicantswithcriminal

records,orwhethercertaincrimesareassociatedwithbetterorworsehiringoutcomes.However,

itisclearthatexfelondiscriminationisaformofracialdiscriminationwithprofound

implicationsforblackunemployment.InthenextPart,Iconsidertheadequacyofcontemporary

antidiscriminationlawforaddressingthisraciallydisparateimpact.

III.REMEDIALAPPROACHES:ANTIDISCRIMINATIONLAWANDSOCIALPOLICY

A.StatutoryLimitationsonExFelonUnemployment

Inmanystates,discriminationagainstexfelonsismandatedbylaw.Inthe1980s,the

popularityoftoughoncrimepoliciesresultedinawaveofnewlawsrestrictingtheabilityof

felonstoseekpublicemployment.60Today,allfiftystatesrestrictfelonsfrompublicemployment

tosomedegree.Somestatesnarrowlyapplytherestrictionstoexfelonswhocommitcertain

typesofcrimes(suchasDelawareslimitationofthepublicemploymentbantofelonsconvicted

59DAVIDW.NEUBAUER,AMERICA'SCOURTS&THECRIMINALJUSTICESYSTEM282(1988).

60AnthonyC.Thompson,NavigatingtheHiddenObstaclestoExOffenderReentry,45B.C.L.REV.255,

280(2004).


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20

foraninfamouscrime),ormakepublicemploymentrightsrestorableafteraperiodoftime,but

sevenstateshaveablanketlifetimebanonexfelonsworkinginthepublicsector.61Onlysixstates

requirethereexistarelationshipbetweenthecharacterofthecriminalconductandthejob

sought;themajorityofstatestreatfelonsasanundifferentiatedgroupforthepurposesof

restrictingaccesstounemployment.62Mostexfelonsarealsobarredfrommilitaryemployment

withoutaspecialwaiver.63

Intheprivatesector,occupationallicensingrestrictionsthatapplytoexfelonsnationwide

constitutedefactobarstoentryinmanyinstances.Professionallicensingisaprimarymethodfor

ensuringuniformity

of

service

and

regulatory

control

over

qualifications

and

occupational

entry

inthemodernworkforce.Licensingrequirementsexistinoccupationsatallwagelevels:among

manyothers,attorneys,accountants,generalcontractors,barbers,andgasstationoperatorsare

subjecttolicensingrequirements.64Exfelonsarebarredfrommorethan800discreteoccupations

bylawsregulatingpublicemploymenthiringorlicensing.65Paroleesandexfelonsareroutinely

excludedfromthesejobsbecauseoffederal,state,andmunicipallawsthatexcludeexfelonsfrom

regulatedoccupations,eitherdirectlyorviagoodmoralcharacterrequirementsortheir

61ThesevenstatesareAlabama,Arkansas,Indiana,Iowa,Nevada,Ohio,andSouthCarolina.See

BUREAUOFJUST.STAT.,U.S.DEPTOFJUST.,STATECOURTORGANIZATION2004,attbl.47(2004),availableathttp://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/sco04.pdf.

62Id.Statesthathaveattemptedtofashionmorespecificrequirementshaveoccasionallyproduced

peculiarresults.California,forinstance,prohibitsallparoleesfromworkinginrealestate.Inoteinpassingtheironyofkeepingdrugusersoutoftheranksofrealestateagentsatamomentwhenthestateofthehousingmarketsurelymakeschemicalescapeparticularlyappealingforrealtors.

63See

DEPTOFTHEARMY,ARMYREG.601

210,

at

ch.

47(2007)

(A

waiver

is

required

for

any

applicant

whohasreceivedaconvictionorotheradversedispositionforaseriouscriminalmisconductoffense.).ThemilitarysrecruitingdifficultiessincethestartoftheIraqWarhasledtothesewaiversbeingmorefrequentlygranted.SeeBryanBender,MoreEnteringArmywithCriminalRecords,BOSTONGLOBE,July13,2007,atA1.

64SeeBruceE.May,TheCharacterComponentofOccupationalLicensingLaws:AContinuingBarrierto

theExFelonsEmploymentOpportunities,71N.D.L.REV.187,193(1995).65

PAULF.CROMWELL,LEANNEFIFTALALARID&ROLANDOV.DELCARMEN,COMMUNITYBASEDCORRECTIONS(2004).


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21

equivalents.66Goodmoralcharacterrequirementsposeaspecialproblemforexfelonsseekingto

obtainanoccupationallicense.Unlikespecificstatutoryrestrictionsonexfelonentryinto

regulatedoccupations,whichtypicallyarelimitedtoasubsetofoffensesrelevanttotheposition

andaresometimeslimitedtorecentconvictions,statutesrarelydefinegoodmoralcharacter,

givinglicensingboardsbroadlatitudeindefiningtheterm.67Insomecases,then,anyfelony

convictioncanconstituteabartoemployment,regardlessofthenatureoftheconductorthedate

oftheoffense.

Plaintiffshavehadsomesuccesschallengingstatutorybarrierstoemploymentforex

felonson

equal

protection

grounds.

This

long

line

of

jurisprudence

dates

to

1898,

when

the

SupremeCourtdecidedHawkerv.NewYork.68Hawkerwasaphysicianandexconvictwhosued

toinvalidateaNewYorkstatutethatcriminalizedthepracticeofmedicinebyanyonewitha

felonyconviction.HawkerstheorywaspredicatedontheExPostFactoClauseofthe

Constitution,whichhearguedpreventedthestateofNewYorkfromimposingtheadditional

punishmentofthelossofhismedicallicenseafterhehadservedhissentence.TheCourt

disagreed,holdingthatthestatepolicepowerwassufficientauthoritytoimposeacharacter

requirementonphysicians,andthatthestatelegislaturehadplenarypowertodefinethecontent

ofthisrequirement.TheCourtalsosuggestedthatNewYorkslicensingrulesweregoodpublic

policy,because[i]tisnot,asarule,thegoodpeoplewhocommitcrime.69

Overtime,theruleinHawkerhasevolvedintoasimpleFourteenthAmendmentprinciple

thatoccupational

restrictions

on

felons

must

bear

arational

relationship

to

the

states

legitimate

66Id.at19394.

67SeegenerallyDeborahL.Rhode,MoralCharacterasaProfessionalCredential,94YALEL.J.491(1985).

68170U.S.189(1898).

69Id.at197.


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22

regulatoryinterests.70(Courtshaveuniversallyrefusedtoapplystrictscrutinyorheightened

scrutinytoclassificationsbasedoncriminalrecord.71)Inpractice,thishasmeantthatthemajority

ofstatutoryemploymentdiscriminationagainstexfelonshassurvivedconstitutionalscrutiny,

evenincaseswherethelinkbetweenthecriminalconvictionandtheemploymentwashighly

attenuated.InSchanuelv.Anderson,72forinstance,theSeventhCircuitupheldanIllinoislaw

denyingexfelonsemploymentasprivateinvestigatorsanddetectives.Thecourtnotedthatthe

legislaturehasbroadlatitude,particularlywheremattersofsocialandmoralwelfareare

involved,andheldthat[d]etectiveagencyemployeesperformthepotentiallysensitivetasksof

guardingpersonsandproperty.73Itisnotunreasonable,thecourtconcluded,tosupposethat

thepublictrustmightbeunderminedbyassigningsuchtaskstoexoffenders.74

IftheSeventhCircuitcouldconcludethatthejobofprivatedetectiveisalocusofpublic

trust,itisnotsurprisingthatmostchallengestoemploymentrestrictionsonexfelonshavebeen

unsuccessful.Nevertheless,therehavebeenexceptions.Courtshavebeenespeciallyskepticalof

sweepingstatutesthatexcludefelonsasaclassfromanentireoccupationalniche.InKindemv.

Alameda,75forinstance,thecourtruledthataplaintiffstenyearoldjuvenilefelonyconviction

hadlittleifanybearingonhisabilitytoperformasajanitorfortheCity,andconcludedthata

70See,e.g.,DeVeauv.Braistead,363U.S.144(1960)(upholdingaNewYorklawprohibitingexfelons

fromcollectingduesonbehalfofalongshoremansunionbecauseofthestateslegitimateinterestinaddressingcorruptionamongorganizedlabor);Schwarev.BoardofBarExaminers,353U.S.232(1957)(holdingthatCommunistPartymembership,useofaliases,andarrestrecordwithoutconvictionsisinsufficientgroundstoexcludetheplaintifffromthestatebar,onthegroundsthatastatecannotexcludeapersonfromthepracticeoflaworfromanyotheroccupationinamannerorforreasonsthatcontravenethe

Due

Process

Clause

of

the

Fourteenth

Amendment).

71See,e.g.,Hunterv.Erickson,393U.S.385,392(1969);Levyv.Louisiana,391U.S.68(1968);Korematsu

v.UnitedStates,323U.S.214,(1944).72

708F.2d316(7thCir.1983).73Id.at31920.

74Id.at319.

75502F.Supp.1108(N.D.Cal.1980).Seealso,e.g.,Peoplev.Lindner,535N.E.2d829(Ill.1989)(striking

downanIllinoisstatelawrevokingdriverlicensesfromsexoffendersonthegroundsthatnorationalrelationshipexistsbetweensexoffensesandgooddriving).


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23

generalizeddistinctionbetweenfelonsandnonfelonsisnotrationallyrelatedtoanylegitimate

stateinterests.76

Viewedasawhole,thestrikingfeatureofthislineofjurisprudenceisitsinconsistency.To

takeoneexample,sixyearsbeforetheSeventhCircuitsopinioninSchanuel,adistrictcourtin

ConnecticutfacedpreciselythesamefactsinSmithv.Fussenich,butdecidedthecasethe

oppositeway.77There,theplaintiffchallengedConnecticutGeneralStatute29156a(c),which

barredfelonyoffendersfromemploymentwithlicensedprivatedetectiveandsecurityguard

agencies.ThestatemadethesameargumentasthedefendantsinKindem:thatthelawwasa

justifiableeffort

to

sequester

"the

criminal

element

from

abusiness

that

affects

public

welfare,

moralsandsafety."78Thiscourt,however,wasntbuying:itstruckdownthelawonthegrounds

thatitfail[ed]torecognizetheobviousdifferencesinthefitnessandcharacterofthosepersons

withfelonyrecords.79Thecourtmaintainedfurtherthatpositionsofprivateinvestigatorsand

securityguards...requirelittleskillandresponsibility,andtherewasnoevidencethat

criminalitywasaseriousproblemamongsecurityguardsandprivateinvestigators.80

Theincoherencyofthislineofcasesgivescourtsthepowertogenerateidiosyncratic

conclusionsaboutlawsrestrictingexfelonemploymentonacasebycasebasis.Plaintifffriendly

courtscanmanipulatethreefactorstoproducedesirableoutcomes:theycanemphasizethe

tenuousrelationshipbetweenagivenplaintiffspastcriminalconductandthejobheisseeking

(astheKindemcourtdid);theycanfocusontheinjusticeofclusteringallfelonsintoasingle

genericcategory

(as

the

Fussenich

court

did);

or

they

can

broadly

deny

the

legitimacy

of

the

76Kindem,F.Supp.at1112.

77Smithv.Fussenich,440F.Supp.1077(D.Conn.1977).

78Id.at1080.

79Id.

80Id.at1081.


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24

statesinterestinregulatingaparticularoccupation(asfewcourtshavebeenwillingtodo).

Defendantfriendlycourtshaveoftenarrivedatstarklyoppositeconclusionswhenconsidering

thesamefactors.InHillv.Gill,theRhodeIslanddistrictcourtnotedthatthelawinthiscircuit..

.recognizesastatesrighttodisqualifyconvictedfelons,asaclass,fromemploymentinpositions

ofpublictrust.81

Despiteitsinchoateapplicationtothislineofcases,rationalbasisreviewis,byitsnature,

deferentialtostateprerogative.Evencourtsthathavebeenaggressivelyskepticaltoward

overbroadexclusionarystatuteshavedeferredtomorenarrowlytailoredlegislation.Andthe

situationis

unlikely

to

change:

lawmakers

today

are

more

savvy

about

articulating

convincing

stateinterestsbehindemploymentregulations,andbetteratdesigninglawsthatappearatleast

minimallytailoredtothoseinterests.Indeed,thejurisprudenceappearstobeatastandstill.In

the1960sand70s,thenumberofstatelawsimposingcollateralemploymentsanctionsonfelons

declined,andsuccessfulequalprotectionchallengestosuchlawspeaked,especiallyinmore

progressivejurisdictions.82Acomprehensivereviewofallstatestatutesin1986concludedthat

statesgenerallyarebecominglessrestrictiveofdeprivingcivilrightsofoffenders.83Butjustas

thecriminaljusticesystemgenerallybecamemorepunitiveinthe1980sand90s,thepopularity

ofcollateralemploymentsanctionsincreasedrapidlyinthisperiod,andcourtsmadenomoveto

stemthetide.Today,thereisnosignthatlawsuitswillbeaneffectivevehicleforreform.

Collateralconsequencesforexfelonsarepreconditionsforasystemofpunitive

segregationwith

no

remedy

in

equal

protection

or

antidiscrimination

jurisprudence.

The

large

andgrowingpopulationofexfelonstodaymorethan12millionpeople,representing8%ofthe

81Hillv.Gill,703F.Supp.1034,1038(D.R.I.1989)(emphasisadded).

82JeremyTravis,InvisiblePunishment:AnInstrumentofSocialExclusion,inINVISIBLEPUNISHMENT:THE

COLLATERALCONSEQUENCESOFMASSIMPRISONMENT,supranote7,at15.83

Id.at21.


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25

workingagepopulation84constitutesamarkedcaste,subjecttodiminishedlifechancesand

discriminationmandatedbystatute.Theselawsareapowerfuldriverofclassandracial

stratification.Lawspreventingfelonsfromseekingpublicemploymentareespeciallyhardon

blacksbecausetheratioofemploymentinthepublicsectortoemploymentintheprivatesector

ismuchhigherforblacksthanforothergroups.85Ininnercities,inparticular,publicemployment

isoftenthebestavailableemployment.Statutorylimitationsonexfelonemploymenttherefore

exertadisparateimpactonblackAmericansevennetoftheirrepresentationinthepopulationof

exfelons.

B.Criminal

Record

Discrimination

Statutorydiscriminationagainstexfelonsaffectsonlypublicemploymentandthosejobs

thataresubjecttolicensingrequirements.Discriminationagainstexfelonsoftheformthat

DevahPagerobservedinherauditpairstudyemployerssystematicallydisfavoringapplicants

withcriminalrecordsexistsacrossoccupations.Effortstoremedythedisparateracialimpactof

exfelondiscriminationviaconventionalantidiscriminationlawhasproducedmixed,butmostly

poor,results.

TitleVIIdoesnotcategoricallyprohibitemployersfromusingcriminalrecordsasabasis

forhiringdecisions.86Towinanantidiscriminationsuitagainstanemployerforusingcriminal

recordsinhiring,aplaintiffmusteitherdemonstratethattheemployerwasintentionallyusing

criminalrecordsasaproxyforraceorthattheemployerspracticehadadisparateimpactona

84SeeChristopherUggen,MelissaThompson&JeffManza,Citizenship,Democracy,andtheCivic

ReintegrationofCriminalOffenders,605ANNALSAM.ACAD.POL.&SOC.SCI.281(2006).85

SeegenerallyDarity,supranote25.86

42U.S.C.2000e2(2004).


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26

classofpersonsprotectedunderthestatute.Employersmaydefeatthelatterargumentwitha

showingofbusinessnecessity.

Disparateimpactlitigationwithexfelonplaintiffsfacedenormousobstaclesfromthe

start.TitleVIIsbusinessnecessitydefensemeansthatevendisparateimpactanalysisoperates

inserviceofthelawsbroadergoaloferadicatingonlyirrationaldiscrimination.TheSupreme

Courthasindulgedemployerdefensesofraciallydisparatehiringpracticesonsafetyand

efficiencygrounds,andacriminalrecord,tothemindsofmostjudges,implicatesboth.87

Nonetheless,plaintiffsallegingcriminalrecorddiscriminationfoundsomeearlysuccess.Inthe

1970s,two

federal

courts

invalidated

hiring

practices

that

automatically

disqualified

candidates

withcriminalrecords.Inthemorenotableofthetwocases,Greenv.MissouriPacificRailroadCo.,

theEighthCircuitsustainedadisparateimpactsuitagainstMissouriPacificRailroad,whose

felondisqualificationprogramrejected2.5blackapplicantsforeverywhiteapplicantitrejected.88

ThecourtinGreenexpressedconsiderabledoubtthatacriminalrecordwasausefulpredictorofa

prospectiveemployeesquality.Unfortunately,thecourtfailedtorigorouslyinterrogatethe

circumstancesinwhichacriminalrecordwouldorwouldnotconveymeaningfuldatatoa

potentialemployer.Instead,thecourtsettledforthegnomicdeclarationthatasweeping

disqualificationforemploymentrestingsolelyonpastbehavior...restsuponatenuousand

insubstantialbasis.89

TheSupremeCourts1979decisioninNewYorkCityTransitAuthorityv.Beazarputa

hastystop

to

the

progress

of

ex

felon

discrimination

cases

litigated

under

Title

VII.90

In

Beazar,

87SeeN.Y.C.Trans.Auth.v.Beazer,440U.S.568,584(1979)(acknowledgingthelegitimate

employmentgoalsofsafetyandefficiencyinassessingjobrelatedness).88

Greenv.Mo.Pac.R.R.Co.,523F.2d1290(8thCir.1975);seealsoGregoryv.LittonSys.,Inc.,472F.2d631(9thCir.1972).

89Green,523F.2dat1296.

90440U.S.568(1979).


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27

theCourtupheldtheTransitAuthorityspolicyofrefusingtoemploymethadoneusers,despite

thepolicysdisparateimpactonAfricanAmericansandLatinos.TheCourtsinvocationofthe

TransitAuthorityslegitimateemploymentgoalsofsafetyandefficiencybecameatouchstoneof

subsequentdisparateimpactlitigation,andlatercourtsweresubstantiallymorereceptiveto

employerswhocouldprofferapublicsafetyrationalefortheirdiscriminatorypractice.91Justice

WhitesplaintivedissentinBeazarnotedthatthesuddenemphasisonsafetywasrootedmorein

intuitionthanempiricalfact:thepetitioners,hewrote,[p]resentednothingtonegativethe

employabilityofsuccessfullymaintainedmethadoneusersasdistinguishedfromthosewhowere

unsuccessful.92

Thepaucityofempiricalevidencelinkingdruguseorcriminalrecordstopoorjob

performancedidnotstopthelogicofBeazarfrombeingrapidlyinstitutionalized.Infact,after

Beazar,courtsbecamemoreandmoreconclusoryinassertingthecommonsensepresumption

thatemployershadlegitimaterationalityandsafetyreasonstodiscriminateagainstexfelons.In

Williamsv.Scott,forinstance,anIllinoisdistrictcourtresolvedtheissueinasinglesentence:

[T]hequestionofplacementoftheburdenofpersuasiondoesnotatallaffectthesituationhere,

wherethereisnobasiswhateverfordrawingarationalinferencethattheabsenceofafelony

recordisnotjobrelatedforthepositioninquestionandconsistentwithbusinessnecessity.93

Eveniftheywererequiredtomountamorepersuasiveempiricalcasethatthereexistsa

legitimatebusinessreasonfordiscriminatingagainstapplicantswithcriminalrecords,

contemporaryemployers

could

easily

make

the

case

that

the

practice

of

ex

felon

discrimination

is

justifiedbybusinessnecessitythankstotheemergenceofthelawofnegligenthiring.

91Id.at587.

92Id.at605(White,J.,dissenting).

93No.92C5747,1992U.S.Dist.LEXIS13643,at*9(N.D.Ill.Sept.3,1992)(emphasisinoriginal).


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Discriminationagainstexfelonshasbecomeinherentlyrational,becauseexfelonlaborcreates

highercostsforemployers.Becauseemployeesthatexposeanemployertoriskareinherently

moreexpensivethanidenticalemployeeswhodonotinvitethatrisk,employersbearthiscost

regardlessofwhethertheexfelonstheyhireprovokelawsuits.Therelationshipbetween

negligenthiringanddisparateimpactlawreflectswhatLaurenEdelmanhascalledthe

endogeneityoflaw.94LikeBeazar,negligenthiringpresumesthatpastbehaviorisanaccurate

indicatoroffutureaction.Thispresumptionreinforcesitsownmarketrationality.Asthisviewof

humannatureisinstitutionalizedinthedoctrineofnegligenthiring,employersadoptcompliance

strategiesthatnotonlysymbolizeacommitmenttofindingsafeemployees,butactuallyare

marketrational,becausetheyreducethethreatoflitigation.Comingfullcircle,thisrationality

thenbecomeslegitimategroundsfordefeatingdisparateimpactcases.

Asvirtuallyanylawreviewarticleonthesubjectpublishedinthelastdecadewilltellyou,

disparateimpactlitigationhaslimiteddoctrinalvitality.Avigorousantidiscriminationregime

aimedatpromotingthehiringofexfelonsispossible,butwouldrequireextensivenew

legislation.Onemodelmightbestateefforts.EightstatesConnecticut,Hawaii,Illinois,

Massachusetts,Minnesota,NewYork,Pennsylvania,andWisconsinhaveattemptedtolimitby

statutetheextenttowhichemployerscanrelyoncriminalrecordstomakehiringandfiring

decisions.NewYorkseffortisthemostprogressive,aswellastheonemostsquarelypositioned

withintheframeworkofantidiscriminationlaw.Article23Apermitsemployerstodeny

employmentastheresultofacriminalconvictiononlywhenthereisadirectrelationship

betweenthepastconvictionandthedutiesofemploymentorwheretheemployeescriminal

94SeeLaurenEdelman,ChristopherUggen&HowardErlanger,TheEndogeneityofLegalRegulation:

GrievanceProceduresasRationalMyth,105AM.J.SOC.406(1999).


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historyindicatesthatemployingherwouldposeanunreasonablerisktopublicsafety.95Despite

itsuseofthelanguageandlogicoffederalantidiscriminationjurisprudence,Article23A

representsanimprovementbecauseitsignifiestheNewYorklegislaturesefforttomore

rigorouslyquestionassumptionsaboutbehavior,rationality,andbusinessnecessity.Article23A

explicitlydiscouragestheautomaticassumptionthatexfelonslackgoodmoralcharacter,and

requiresemployerstoconsidereightfactorswhenhiring:

(a) The public policy of this state, as expressed in this act, to encourage thelicensureandemploymentofpersonspreviouslyconvictedofoneormorecriminaloffenses.

(b)The

specific

duties

and

responsibilities

necessarily

related

to

the

license

or

employmentsought.

(c)Thebearing, ifany,thecriminaloffenseoroffenses forwhichthepersonwaspreviouslyconvictedwillhaveonhis fitnessorabilitytoperformoneormoreofsuchdutiesorresponsibilities.

(d)The timewhichhas elapsed since the occurrence of the criminal offenseoroffenses.

(e) The age of the person at the time of occurrence of the criminal offense or

offenses.

(f)Theseriousnessoftheoffenseoroffenses.

(g)Anyinformationproducedbytheperson,orproducedonhisbehalf,inregardtohisrehabilitationandgoodconduct.

(h)Thelegitimateinterestofthepublicagencyorprivateemployerinprotectingproperty,andthesafetyandwelfareofspecificindividualsorthegeneralpublic.96

Thesefactorsareamongtheonesthatfederalcourtscouldhaveconsidered,butoptednotto,

indevelopinganexfelondiscriminationjurisprudence.Theracialbiasthatineluctablyattends

95N.Y.CORRECT.LAW750755(McKinney2005).

96N.Y.CORRECT.LAW753(1)(McKinney2005).


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discriminationagainstjobcandidateswithcriminalrecordsdemands,attheveryleast,thatcourts

considerthesequestionsthoroughly,withproperattentiontoempiricalresearch.

ThishasnotbeenthecaseinNewYork,despiteArticle23Asbestintentions.NewYork

Statecourtshaveinconsistentlyenforcedtherequirementthatemployersconsiderthestatutory

factorswhenhiring.Theyhavealsoallowedcityagenciesandotheremployerstostretchthe

limitsofthestatutorylanguagebyaffirmingtangentialrelationshipsbetweencertaincrimesand

certainjobs.97InAlTuriLandfillInc.v.NewYorkStateDepartmentofEnvironmental

Conservation,forinstance,theNewYorkCourtofAppealsupheldthedenialofalicenseto

expandalandfill

based

on

the

applicants

prior

conviction

for

federal

tax

fraud.98

The

court

found

thatthedishonestyinherentintaxcrimeswasanathematothedutiesofthelicense,which

includedaccuraterecordkeepingandeffectiveselfpolicing.99Decisionsliketheseshowthat

Article23Asuffersfromthesamemaladyasfederalexfelonantidiscriminationjurisprudence.It

givesemployersvirtuallyunconstrainedleewaytorejectapplicants,providedtheycanarticulatea

creativeaccountofhowtheplaintiffsoffenserevealedacharacterflaw.Becausemostfeloniesdo

involvegenericmalfeasanceofsomekinddishonesty,selfdealing,untrustworthiness,

peevishness,andsoforth(feloniesarecalledmaluminseforareason)acriminalrecordwill

alwaysbelegitimategroundsfordisqualifyinganapplicantifgoodcharacteristreatedasade

factorequirementofalljobs.Whentherequisitenexusbetweenthecriminalactandthe

characteroftheemploymentissufficientlyloose,lawslikeArticle23Abecomeimpossibleto

distinguishfromthegenericandinfinitelypliablegoodmoralcharacterrequirementsemployed

97SeegenerallyJocelynSimonson,RethinkingRationalDiscriminationAgainstExOffenders,13GEO.J.

ONPOVERTYL.&POLY283,pt.III(2006).98

751N.Y.S.2d827(N.Y.2002).99

Id.at829.


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bymanyprofessionallicensingboards.itisnotsurprising,then,thatoneLegalAidattorneyhas

concludedoftheNewYorklaw,[T]heserightsareoftenveryhollowandrarelyenforced.100

LawslikeArticle23Atendovertimetobevitiatedbythesameprocessthatmadefederal

antidiscriminationlawaninadequatevehicleforaddressingthedisparateimpactofcriminal

recorddiscrimination:thelegalratificationofabstractrelationshipsbetweenbadcharacter(of

whichacriminalrecordispurportedlyindicative)andinadequacyasacandidateforemployment.

What,then,isthealternative?

Oneoptionwouldbetotreatcriminalrecorddiscriminationasaproblemthatrequiresa

jurisprudenceofaccommodation.InheranalysisofArticle23A,JocelynSimonsonadvocatesa

rethinkingoftheconceptofrationalityasitrelatestoexfelondiscrimination.101Sheproposes

thatjudgesshiftthefocusofthediscussionawayfromtheimpactofexfelondiscriminationon

marginalproductivityorindividualemployersexposuretolitigationrisk.Instead,sheproposes

thatjudgesbeinstructedtothinkoftheeffectthattherepeateddenialofjobstopeoplewith

criminalrecordshasonsocietyasawhole.102Statedinotherterms,Simonsonsproposalcanbe

understoodasademandthatemployersberequiredtoaccommodatejobapplicantswith

criminalrecordsbytreatingthemonequalfootingasapplicantswithoutcriminalrecords,

regardlessofwhetherhiringtheemployeewiththecriminalrecordwouldresultinincreased

costs.

Advocatesofimposingaccommodationrequirementsonemployersemphasizethat

antidiscriminationlawisproperlyaimednotatextirpatingactsofprivateanimusbutat

addressingapatternofsocialandeconomicsubordinationthathasintolerableeffectsonour

100Simonson,supranote97,at297n.83.

101Id.at307.

102Id.(emphasisinoriginal).


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society.103Thecollateralconsequencesofacriminalconvictionentailmassiveandlargely

unacknowledgedracialinequality.Exfelondiscriminationimpairstheintegrationoflarge

numbersofAmericans,especiallyblackmen,backintociviclife.Anditisuniquelydifficultto

addressthroughconventionalantidiscriminationapproaches,becausediscriminationagainstex

felonsistypicallymarketrational.Thesefactorsmayjustifyreorientingeffortstocurbcriminal

recorddiscriminationtowardanaccommodationstandard.

Oneobviousobjectionisthatexcriminalsaremorallyculpableinawaythatothergroups

thatemployersareobligatedtoaccommodate,likethedisabled,arenot.Butmoraldesertisofno

particularmoment

to

the

accommodation

standard

in

federal

disability

law,

which

requires

employerstoaccommodatedisabilitiesevenwhentheystemfrominiquitousbehavior.104

Whetheronefindstheargumentforcivicintegrationofexoffendersaspersuasiveastheparallel

argumentforthecivicintegrationofthedisableddependsononesbeliefinthepossibilityof

rehabilitation.Thematerial,social,andpoliticalconsequencesofmassincarcerationwithouta

concomitantcommitmenttoreintegrationarewelldocumented.105Buteventhosestrongly

opposedtorequiringemployerstobearcoststhatstemfromtheapplicantspastmisdeedsmust

acknowledgethatthespecialtollofexfelondiscriminationonblacksmakesreducinglabor

marketdiscriminationagainsterstwhilecriminalsagreatermoralimperative.

Thisuncertaintyabouttheproperroleofantidiscriminationlawisexacerbatedbythe

absenceofanyprinciplednationalconsensusontheproperbalancebetweencompetingsocietal

commitmentsto

rehabilitation,

deterrence,

and

crime

prevention.

The

failure

of

consensus

about

103SamuelR.Bagenstos,RationalDiscrimination,Accommodation,andthePoliticsof(Disability)Civil

Rights,89VA.L.REV.825,837(2003).104

SeegenerallyMarkKelman,MarketDiscriminationandGroups,53STAN.L.REV.833,84054(2001).105

See,e.g.,R.RichardBanks,BeyondProfiling:Race,Policing,andtheDrugWar,56STAN.L.REV.571,59499(2003)(detailingthesocialharmsofincarceration).


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thegoalsofincarcerationsurelycontributestothecountrysinconsistentandmyopicprison

policy.Butitisadebatethatanaccommodationistexfelonantidsiscriminationmodelwould

havetoconfrontheadontobesuccessful.TheAmericanswithDisabilitiesActrequiresjudgesto

strikeaseeminglysimplebalancebetweentwocompetingconsiderations,inclusionandcost.An

exfelonaccommodationregimewouldbemuchmorecomplicated.Thecosttoindividual

employersincludingtheriskofemployeescommittingcrimesintheworkplacewouldhaveto

bedirectlybalancedagainstthesocialcostsofexfelonexclusion,ratherthanconsideredina

vacuumastheyareatpresent.Thelegitimacyofotherreasonsemployersofferforrefusingtohire

felonswouldhavetobeevaluatedandsimilarlybalancedagainstthebenefitsofreintegration.

Collateralconsequencesforexoffenderswouldhavetobestandardizedandreducedtonarrowly

addresstherealshorttermriskofrecidivism.Andmostimportantly,federallawmakerswould

havetodevelopspecificnationalstandardstodistinguishbetweenillegitimateexfelon

discriminationanddiscriminationthatisclearlyjustifiedbycriminologicaldata(forinstance,

discriminationagainstsexoffendersforpositionsinvolvingexposuretochildren).Suchan

antidiscrimination

regime

would

be

orders

of

magnitude

more

difficult

to

properly

administer

thantheADA.

Totheextentthatantidiscriminationlawistheappropriatevehicleforremedying

employmentbarriersfacedbyexfelons,theemphasisshouldbeontheconsequencesofthose

barrierstoracialminorities.Thediffusesocialimpactofalargepostprisonpopulationisa

seriousconcernwhateveritsracialcomposition.Butifthecollateralconsequencesofmass

incarcerationdidweighsoheavilyonblackmen,theirconsequenceswouldbebetteraddressed

withpoliticalandstructuralreformofthecriminaljusticesystem.Theracialinequityofcriminal

recorddiscrimination,however,aggravatestheblackwhiteunemploymentgap,excludeswilling

blackworkersfromthelaborforce,andvitiatesoursocietyscommitmenttoliberal


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antidiscriminationnorms.Putanotherway,theproblemofmassincarcerationistheproblemof

thecolorline.Forthisreason,antidiscriminationlawmaybethebestvehicleforaddressingthe

needsofexfelons.

C.PolicyReform:Race,Privacy,andStatisticalDiscrimination

Partofthereformeffortofthe1970sand80storeducecollateralconsequencesof

convictionscenteredontheprivacyrightsofexoffenders.106In1976,however,theSupremeCourt

ruledinPaulv.Davisthatarrestrecordswerepublicinformation.Butindividualstateswere

allowedtosettheirownstandardsaboutaccesstocentralrepositoriesofcriminalrecords,and

searchandretrievalofrecordswascumbersomeinthepredigitalera.107Noncriminalaccessby

employersorotherswasrelativelyrare.Today,therapiddeclineinthecostsofcriminalrecord

checksthankstothetransitiontodigitalrepositoriesmakesdiscriminationonthebasisof

criminalrecordeasierthaneverbefore,andraisesanobviousquestion:canwepreventemployers

fromdiscriminatingagainstexfelonsbylimitingemployersaccesstothoserecords?

Compellingrecent

research

suggests

that

efforts

to

limit

employer

access

to

criminal

recordsmaymakethingsworseforblackmalejobseekersbyleadingemployerstostatistically

discriminateagainstblackmen.Holzer,Raphael,andStolltestedthestatisticaldiscrimination

hypothesisbysurveyingasampleofemployerstodetermineeachfirmswillingnesstohire

employeeswithcriminalrecords.108Theyalsoaskedabouttheirmostrecenthireforaposition

withnohighereducationrequirement.

106SeeShawnD.Bushway,LaborMarketEffectsofPermittingEmployerAccesstoCriminalHistory

Records,20J.CONTEMP.CRIM.JUST.276,285(2004).107

Id.at286.108

HarryHolzer,StevenRaphael&MichaelStoll,PerceivedCriminality,CriminalBackgroundChecks,andtheRacialHiringPracticesofEmployers,49J.L.&ECON.451,45152(2006).


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Thefindingsofthestudyshowedthatstatisticaldiscriminationagainstblackmalesis

commonplace.Employerswhoconductedcriminalbackgroundcheckswereastartlingfifty

percentmorelikelytohireblackemployeesthanemployerswhodidnt.109Andtheeffectwas

muchstrongerforemployerswhoclaimedtobeunwillingtohireexoffenders.Consistentwith

thestatisticaldiscriminationhypothesis,theeffectsforblackmalesweremuchlargerthanthe

effectsforblackfemales.GiventhatanearliersurveybyHolzerhadshownthatmorethansixty

fivepercentofemployerswouldnotknowinglyhireanexoffender,110theresearchersconcluded

thatintheabsenceofcriminalrecords,theuseofrace(andgender)asaproxyforcriminalityis

pervasive.Theyadditionallyarguedthateasyaccesstobackgroundcheckswasanetpositivefor

AfricanAmericanjobapplicants:

ThispositiveneteffectindicatesthattheadverseconsequencesofemployerinitiatedbackgroundchecksonthelikelihoodofhiringAfricanAmericansismorethanoffsetbythepositiveeffectofeliminatingstatisticaldiscrimination.111

Holzer,Raphael,andStollsresultssuggestthatapolicyofconcealingaccuratecriminalrecords

wouldbothofferlittlebenefittoAfricanAmericanswithcriminalrecordsandneedlesslypunish

law

abiding

African

Americans.

112

TheresultsoftheHolzer,Raphael,andStollstudyaregrimnewsforthegreat

desideratumoftheAmericanrehabilitativeideal:thecleanslate.Forwhattheytrulyreflectisthe

extenttowhichraceandcriminalityareintertwinedintheeraofmassincarceration.Whena

blackmalehasa29%chanceofspendingtimeinprisonoverthecourseofhislife,raceandcrime

becomemutuallyconstitutive.AsR.RichardBankshasargued,incarcerationrateshavemade

109Id.at464.

110HARRYHOLZER,WHATEMPLOYERSWANT:JOBPROSPECTSFORLESSEDUCATEDWORKERS(1996).

111Holzeretal.,supranote108,at473.

112Interestingly,theresultsofPagersauditpairstudymaysupportHolzersstatisticaldiscrimination

hypothesis.Pagereliminatedascandidatesforherstudyanyemployerthatsaidthatacriminalbackgroundcheckwasconductedaspartofthejobapplication.HersampleofemployersisthuscomposedofpreciselythesortofemployerHolzerpredictswillbemostpronetostatisticallydiscriminate:thosewhocareaboutcriminalrecords,butdonotconductbackgroundchecks.


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theimageofblackcriminalitylessanungroundedstereotypeandmoreasocialreality.113Given

this,blamingemployersfortendingtostatisticallydiscriminatemissesthepoint.Racializedmass

incarcerationcompelsstatisticaldiscrimination.Thestigmaofprisonaffixesitselftoallblack

men.

What,then,isapolicyalternativetoheightenedprivacyregulations?Onealternativetoa

moreaggressiveaccommodationistantidiscriminationregimemightbedirectsubsidiesto

employerswhohireexfelons.114Thesesubsidiescouldcomeintheformoftaxcreditsortransfers

toinstitutionsthathireexfelons,orintheformofgovernmentprogramsthatinsureemployers

againstavarietyoflossesassociatedwithexfelonemployeesexposuretotortrisk,onthejob

crime,andsoforth.Andbecausethegovernmentcouldconditionreceiptofsubsidiesonracially

equitablehiring,asubsidyprogramwouldreducetheraciallydiscriminatoryimpactofexfelon

discrimination.Suchaprogramwouldhavetheaddedbenefitoftransferringthecostsof

reintegrationtotaxpayersasawhole.Thesavingsfromdecreasedrecidivismandhigher

workforceutilizationwouldlikelydefrayasubstantialportionofthesecosts.

CONCLUSION

Criminalrecorddiscriminationisjustonecontributingfactortoblacklabormarket

disadvantage,butthereisreasontobelieveitisaseriousone.Andwiththeprisonpopulation

remainingand

its

current

high

levelsand

the

ranks

of

ex

felons

growing

by

more

than

ahalf

millionAmericanseachyearitseffectswilllikelybemagnifiedinyearstocome.Evidenceonex

felondiscriminationcomplicateslongstandingdebatesaboutwhetheritisracismorsocial

113Banks,supranote105,at598.

114See,e.g.,LiorJacobStrahilevitz,PrivacyversusAntidiscrimination,75U.CHI.L.REV.363,379(2008).


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structurethatmostcontributestoenduringracialstratification.AsstudiesbyPagerandother

show,itisboth.Discriminationagainstexfelonshurtsblacksbothbecauseoftheirstatusasthe

mostheavilyincarceratedsocialgroup,andbecausethestigmaticharmsofaprisonsentenceare

magnifiedbyskincolor.Toproperlyaddressthissubtleformofdiscrimination,

antidiscriminationlawwouldhavetobedramaticallyreconceivedadevelopmentthatseems

unlikelyatbest.

Ultimately,though,racebiasedexfelondiscriminationisepiphenomenaltothemodern

carceralapparatus,andonlyunravelingthatapparatusoffersapermanentsolution.The

continuedgrowth

of

the

prison

population

is

almost

certainly

socially

and

fiscally

untenable.115

ProposalsforcriminaljusticereformarebeyondthescopeofthisArticle,butthewarondrugsis

oneobviousplacetobegin.Between1990and2000,drugoffendersaccountedforagreater

proportionofprisonpopulationgrowthamongblackinmatesthanamonganyotherracial

group.116Anationalcommitmenttotheeradicationofurbanpovertyandthedestratificationof

Americaninnercitieswouldhaveasimilarlylargeeffect.Aslongastheblackunderclassis

vituperatedasindolentandcriminal,harassedbyfruitlesspolicedruginterdictions,andcastinto

prisonincripplingnumbers,employmentdiscriminationagainstexfelonswillremainamajor

driverofblackunemploymentandracialstratification.

115Considerthatforthefirsttimeinitshistory,thestateofCaliforniawillspendmoreonprisonsinthe

20122013fiscalyearthanonhighereducation,atatimewhenitsbudgetdeficitstandsat$16billion(incidentally,$16billionisapproximatelywhatthestatewillspendonprisonsin2012).SeeEvanHalper,CaliforniasBudgetGapat$16Billion,L.A.TIMES,Feb.21,2008,atA1;MayaHarris,Prisonvs.EducationSpending Reveals California's Priorities S F CHRON May 29 2007 at B5

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