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Joint Crisis: Algerian War of Independence - France

JHUMUNC 2017

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Joint Crisis: Algerian War of Independence - France

TopicA:TheGrandEnsembleandtheAlgerianWar

TopicB:DomesticChallengesandtheChallengetoFrenchIdentity

OverviewThe French-Algerian War occurred

between 1954-1962, spanning the Fourth and Fifth Republics of France. The war was not limited to conflict between French colonial authorities and Algerian nationalists, but also involved civil divide on the Algerian front between populations of different cultural backgrounds, religions, and ideologies toward the future of the state. This committee opens in 1955 and serves as the managerial body of the French government, the French Cabinet, with Rene Gustav Coty as the director, who will be represented by the chair. Delegates are responsible for evaluating domestic and foreign challenges simultaneously. Part of the committee will revolve around growing resistance in the French colony of Algeria, while another segment will address the internal challenges faced by the French government, which affect the future structure of the government and all of France. Take into consideration the historical context of the committee; outlooks of the mid-twentieth century do not necessarily match those of the twenty-first century. Through crisis updates, notes and directives, delegates can attempt to further their own ‘political careers’ within the committee as the government faces domestic issues that are in need of restructuring. The decisions of this dynamic committee will directly affect the corresponding crisis

committee and its legislative board, the Algerian cabinet.

ParliamentaryProcedure For this committee, we will follow standard parliamentary procedure. We will remain in moderated caucus, unless a motion for an unmoderated caucus is motioned and approved. Standard voting procedure will be observed, and any differences regarding procedures will be subject to the decision of the chair and dais staff.

DelegateBiographiesMauriceBougrès-Maunoury

Maunoury played an important role as the leader in the French Resistance, a movement to interfere with the Nazi occupation of France. Following the end of World War II, Borges served as minister for several different seats including defense, interior, public works, and finance1.EdgarFaure

Faure was a member of the French Resistance and a known French Radical, but was the leader of the more conservative wing in his party. In 1955, he served as

1 “Maurice Bourges-Maunoury.” Orlando Sentinel. Orlando Sentinel, 13 Feb. 1993. Web. 11 July 2016.

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Prime Minister to France for a short period of time2. Following the Constantine Massacre, in which Algerian guerilla fighters went around to European houses and murdered men, women, and children, Faure made an unpopular decision to deploy more military forces to Algeria.

JacqueSoustelleAnthropologist and politician, Jacque

Soustelle, began as a strong leftist. He was one of the first to stand behind Charles de Gaulle’s forces following the fall of France to Germany and joined the Free French forces3. He later became the director of intelligence operations in Algiers. He was later appointed governor-general of Algeria in 19554. Though many feared his liberal education background, Soustelle favored integration among Algerians and the French5PierreMendes-FrancePierre Mendes-France was a notable leftist socialist politician in the French post war era. After serving in the Free French air force, Mendes-France joined Charles de Gaulle’s ministry6. Though his policies were unpopular, he gained popularity in France once again as a critic against the government’s policies, most notably against

2 “Edgar Faure, 79, Dies in France; Twice a Postwar Prime Minister.” New York Times. New York Times, 31 Mar. 1988. Web. 11 July 2016. 3 Cook, Joan. "Jacques Soustelle, Leader in Fight For a French Algeria, Dies at 78." New York Times. New York Times, 9 Aug. 1990. Web. 11 July 2016. 4 The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica. "Jacques Soustelle." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d. Web. 11 July 2016. 5 Ibid. 6 Waggoner, Walter. “Mendes-France, Who Lead France Out of Indochina, is Dead at 75.” New York Times. New York Times, 19 Oct. 1982. Web. 11 July 2016.

the war in Indochina7. In 1954, he became the prime minister to France and ended French involvement in Indochina.

FrançoisMitterrandFollowing World War II, Mitterrand

became significantly involved in the political arena of France. By 1950, he had become the Overseas Minister of France, where he frequently denied the colonial lobby8. As a direct response to the war, in 1955, Mitterrand famously stated “Algeria is France.” By 1956 he gained the role of Justice Minister, expressing support for the application of Martial Law in Algeria9.

AlainSavary

Alain Savary was a French politician born in Algiers, Algeria and was well known for his policies as Education minister that drastically changed the French education system10. Savary joined the Resistance and later served under Charles de Gaulle’s government in postwar France. However, he later joined the Socialist Party as minister of Moroccan and Tunisian affairs, only to leave as a sign of protest following the hijacking of an airplane carrying an Algerian nationalist leader11. His opposition to French

7 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica. “Pierre Mendes-France.” Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d. Web. 11 July 2016. 8 “Entretiens inédits François Mitterrand – Marguerite Duras” éd. Sonores Frémeaux & Associés, 2007. 9 “Les guillotines de Mitterrand – Le Point.” Le Point.FR. 7 December 2014. 10 AP. “Alain Savary, 69, French Official Who Set Off Protests Over Schools.” New York Times. New York Times, 18 Feb. 1988. Web. 11 July 2016. 11 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica. “Alain Savary.” Encyclopedia Britannica

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colonialism, especially in Algeria, lead him to officially leave the Socialist party in 1958.

GuyMolletA member of the Socialist party,

Guy Mollet served as Prime Minister from 1956-1957. However, his leadership was short lived due to his inability to address the Algerian rebellion12. Mollet, in his attempt to deal with Algerian insurgents, sent French conscript to Algeria and failed to negotiate with Algerian rebels. Mollet’s failure to deal with the rebellion in addition to blaming Egypt for supplying aid to the rebels resulted in Mollet’s decision to join Britain in its occupation of the Suez Canal13. PaulAussaresses

Ausaresses was a senior French officer who fought during World War II, the First Indochina War, and the Algerian War14. However, forty years following the Algerian War, Ausaresses opened up about the torture, executions, and other inhumane tactics he used against Algerian guerilla fighters. Ausaresses, working under Jacques Massu, was the main executioner15.

CharlesdeGualleCharles de Gaulle was the general of

the Free French forces during the Resistance. In the postwar era, Gaulle Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d. Web. 11 July 2016. 12 The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica. "Guy Mollet." Encyclopedia Britannica Online. Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d. Web. 11 July 2016. 13 Ibid. 14 "French General Paul Aussaresses Who Admitted Torture Dies at 95." The Guardian. 15 Martin, Douglas. “Paul Aussaresses, 95, Who Tortured Algerians, Dies.” New York Times. New York Times, 4 Dec. 2013. Web. 11 July 2016.

played a notable role in forming the Fourth Republic in France, but resigned his post as president when his request for a strong presidential power was unpopular16. A nationalist, de Gaulle successfully strengthened France in its place in the international community and also went on to grant independence to Algeria, though the decision was controversial, not least in the light of de Gaulle’s 1958 declaration "Vive l'Algérie française !" (lit. "Long live French Algeria!")

RaoulAlbinLouisSalanRaoul Albin Louis Salan was a

French general, founder of the Secret Army Organization (OAS), and sought to overthrow de Gaulle17. The OAS, under Salan’s leadership, was a right-wing terrorist organization that worked to maintain French control over Algeria and campaign against de Gaulle’s rule over both France and Algeria. Though he was one of the generals who supported de Gaulle’s return to power in the Fifth Republic, he quickly changed his stance and attempted a military coup when de Gaulle became more supportive of giving Algeria its independence18.

JacquesÉmileMassuJacques Emile Massu, a well known

French general, fought to liberate Paris in World War II, and also fought in the Suez crisis, the wars in Indo-China, and in Algeria19. Though a highly decorated 16 Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970).” BBC. BBC, n.d. Web. 11 July 2016. 17 Krebs, Albin. “LED ALGERIA PLOT.” The New York Times. The New York Times, 03 July 1984. Web. 11 July 2016. 18 Ibid. 19 Kaufman, Michael T. “Jacques Massu, 94, General Wo Led Battle of Algiers.” The New York Times. The New York Times, 30 Oct. 2002. Web. 11 July 2016.

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officer, he is most notorious for his leadership in Algeria. Military commander during the Algeria’s fight for independence, Massu turned to harsh measures and torture tactics to fight rebel insurgents. These tactics proved to be successful in reducing and almost eliminating terrorism in Algiers by the FLN20 MauriceChalle

Maurice Challe was a general in Algeria and commander of the air force.21 Before becoming a commander in Algeria, Challe had worked at the École de Guerre Aérienne which was the School of Air War, and had been a part of the operation to retake the Suez Canal from Egyptian Nationalists.22 Challe strongly opposed French President Charles de Gaulle’s policies regarding decolonization, so Challe along with three other generals staged a coup in Algeria and Paris called the Algiers Putsch23. This coup failed and Challe was imprisoned from 1961 until 1966 when he was granted amnesty. 24 EdmondJouhaud

Edmond Jouhaud worked for France in Indochina as an air force commander and in Algeria as the air force chief of staff.25 He 20 “Obituary: General Jacques Massu.” The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, 27 Oct. 2002. Web. 11 July 2016. 21 Naylor, Phillip C. "Challe, Maurice [1905–1979]." Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East and North Africa. Ed. Philip Mattar. 2nd ed. Vol. 1. New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. 579. World History in Context. Web. 11 July 2016. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid.

25 "OBITUARY / General Edmond Jouhaud Rebelled against De Gaulle." Globe & Mail [Toronto, Canada] 5 Sept. 1995: D4. World History in Context. Web. 11 July 2016.

left the air force in 1960 and had a deep hatred for General de Gaulle.26 After General de Gaulle agreed to negotiate independence in Algeria, Jouhaud joined three other generals in a coup to seize power.27 After the coup failed in five days Jouhaud joined the Organisation Armée Secrète and conducted killings and bombings in Algeria and France.28 Jouhaud was eventually arrested and sentenced to death, but ultimately only ended up serving six years in prison.29

AndréZellerAndré Zeller was a member of the

Organisation Armée Secrète and was one of the four generals who conducted a coups in Algeria against the French government.30 The group had a deep hatred of General de Gaulle and his decolonization policies.31 The coup ultimately failed and the group proceeded to engage in bombings and killings before the members’ arrests.32 Zeller was ultimately imprisoned for 6 years before his eventual release.33

MarcelBigardMarcel Bigeard served as a

commander in Algeria.34 He took a major

26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid. 29 Ibid. 30 "Organisation Armée Secrète (Secret Army Organization)." Encyclopedia of Race and Racism. Ed. John Hartwell Moore. Vol. 2. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008. 388-389. World History in Context. Web. 11 July 2016. 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid. 33 Ibid. 34 "General Marcel Bigeard." Independent [London, England] 1 July

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role in the Battle of Algiers.35 Bigeard was known for his harsh methods which often included torture and bombing of civilians36. Bigeard believed that these harsh methods were necessary.37

YvesGodardYves Godard was a general in

Algeria.38 Godard had previously fought in World War I, Austria, and Indochina.39 Godard used harsh tactics, including torture, in his interrogation techniques.40 Godard was part of the putsch against France and was subsequently imprisoned.41RobertLacoste

Lacoste was resident minister and governor general in Algeria.42 He strongly supported repression under any means necessary and engaged in torture in order to enforce French control.43 He increased the number of departments in Algeria and attempted to make the administration more Algerian.44 Lacoste also supported plans to increase autonomy and Muslim representation. 45

2010: 8. World History in Context. Web. 11 July 2016. 35 Ibid. 36 Ibid. 37 Ibid. 38Tucker, Spencer. Encyclopedia of Insurgency and Counterinsurgency: A New Era of Modern Warfare. Santa Barbra: ABC-CLIO, 2013. Print. 39 Ibid. 40 Ibid. 41 Ibid. 42 Naylor, Phillip C. "Lacoste, Robert [1898–1989]." Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East and North Africa. Ed. Philip Mattar. 2nd ed. Vol. 3. New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2004. 1362-1363. World History in Context. Web. 11 July 2016. 45 Ibid.

RogerTrinquierRoger Trinquier worked at the

airborne base and was a main participant in the Battle of Algiers.46 Trinquier then proceeded to fight in several different regiments in Algeria. Trinquier had previously worked in Indochina.47 Trinquier is famous for his book Modern Warfare and especially for his support of torture if applied with strict guidelines.48

FernandGambiezGambiez was sent to Algeria to

maintain peace.49 He commanded an infantry division initially before being promoted to inspector general and finally becoming commander in chief.50 Before Algeria, Gambiez had fought in World War II and in Indochina.51 Gambiez was arrested by the rebels during the Algiers putsch.52

JeanCrepinCrepin was an army officer stationed

in Algeria.53 Crepin was eventually promoted to commander in chief but he was distrusted because he seemed to be too close with de Gaulle.54 He had previously fought in Indochina like many other generals.55

46 Trinquier, Roger. Modern Warfare; a French View of Counterinsurgency. New York: Praeger, 1964. Print 47 Ibid. 48 Ibid. 49Turanel, Eudes. "Général Fernand Gambiez, Fondateur Du 1er Choc." France. N.p., 29 Mar. 2016. Web. 11 July 2016. 50 Ibid. 51 Ibid. 52 Ibid.

53 Johnson, Douglas. "Obituary: General Jean Crepin." Independent [London, England] 9 May 1996: 12. World History in Context. Web. 11 July 2016. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid.

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Crepin was the youngest five star general in the French army.56

JacquesMarieAlfredGastonFaureJacques Faure was a general in

Algeria.57 Faure originally planned a coup against the French government in 1956 which was never carried out and he received thirty days of arrest in the barracks.58 Faure was then one of the generals who took part in the Algiers Putsch.59 He was imprisoned until 1966 and had his rank of major general reinstated in 1974.60

56 Ibid. 57 "Ecole Supérieure De Guerre." NB FAURE Jacques-Marie-Alfred-Gaston. N.p., n.d. Web. 11 July 2016. 58 Ibid. 59 Ibid. 60 Ibid.

Topic A: The Grand Ensemble and the Algerian War

IntroductionThe Algerian War of Independence

began in 1954 and consisted of a conflict greater than just the violent decolonization of a French territory. This war also included the use of guerrilla warfare, domestic terrorism, and the violent shattering of ethnic, religious, and cultural relations between and within the people of France and Algeria. The committee will begin in late 1955 in the early stages of conflict. For the first topic, delegates will take into account the events unfolding domestically in France as well as across the Mediterranean in Algeria, ultimately directing the future of a crumbling French system of governance. Please keep in mind the development of the Algerian state in relation to France in comparison to other territorial expansions in the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries.

French troops disembarking on the island of Mogador, in Essaouira bay in 1844 (Public Domain Lithography by Mayer)61

61 Lakhdar, Omar. Bombardment of Mogador. November, 1844. Castello Real a Amagdour

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HistoryandBackgroundInformation The history of the relationship between France and Algeria was relatively short compared to the length of many other relationships between a colonizing European power and a colonized foreign state. After Charles X was restored to the French monarchy in 1824, an attempt was made to increase the popularity of this Bourbon Restoration and stir feelings of nationalism and patriotism62. Depending on the approach used in analyzing the relationship, there are numerous points at which one could identify as the beginning of tensions. However, the most widely accepted event marking the beginning of the French colonization of Algeria occurred in 1827. Algeria was still under Ottoman control, and after a disagreement an Ottoman ruler struck the French consul with a fly wisk 63. Charles X took this as an insult and from that point on, the French domination of Algeria increased. This caused the situation to quickly escalate to a naval blockade against the capital’s port, following which France invaded and seized the capital of Algiers in 1830 while rapidly taking control of other coastal communities. Additional French military forces were brought over in the following years to quell resistance within the interior of the country and help retain control over their new territory. From that point, the French domination of Algeria reached new heights when the French seized many religious buildings, looted homes in Algiers, 62 Horne, Alistair. A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954-1962. New York: New York Review, 2006. Pp. 29-30. Print. 63 Abun-Nasr, Jamil. A history of the Maghrib in the Islamic period, p. 249

and gained control over much of the country’s farmland64. France continued to assert its power by digressing from Algiers to surrounding regions.

It is often accepted that the French gained enough control to smother Algerian national resistance by 1847 with the abdication of an Algerian ‘Sharif’, Abdelkader El Djezairi’65. A religious and military leader, Djezairi led a struggle and eventually a military campaign against the French during the mid 19th century. Within Algeria, his efforts to unite the country against foreign invaders and his ability to combine religious and political authority has led to his being acclaimed as the "Saint among the Princes, the Prince among the Saints"66.

This set the stage for the birth of the 20th century nationalistic conflict over Algeria. On the one hand, the French settlers supported by the French state were putting down roots in Algeria, and on the other hand, the first organized resistance had emerged. This was the beginning of long nationalistic memories on both sides which ultimately were torn apart in the Algerian War.

After gaining control of Algeria, the French significantly increased the number of European settlers in the area while the Muslim population continued to grow drastically. Despite the fact that the Muslim population far outnumbered that of the European settlers, the Europeans received economic and political superiority. Algerian

64 Ibid. 65 “Abdelkader”. Encyclopedia Britannica. I: A-Ak – Bayes (15th ed.). Chicago, IL; Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. 2010. Pp. 18-19. 66 Bouyerdene 2012, Chapter 3

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nationalists began to demand equal rights to their European counterparts, but these demands were mostly ignored prior to World War II. After World War II, residual anger and resentment led to the spontaneous killing of 88 French settlers, driving the French to retaliate by killing thousands of Muslims. As a result, in 1947 the Statute of Algeria was established, creating an assembly that included Muslims as a part of the constituency. Still, this assembly accomplished very little, and in 1954 the FLN carried out attacks on various French establishments in Algeria.

RiseoftheFLNThe Front de Libération Nationale,

or National Liberation Front, is an Algerian socialist party formed in reaction to French rule and officially founded upon the declaration of the Algerian War on November 1, 195467. The FLN mostly resists the lack of self-governance and the three different types of administrations that were used in Algeria that they claimed promoted discrimination against Muslims as the choice of administration depended on the racial distribution in that specific area. The FLN is an official establishment stemming from the Organisation spéciale, or Special Organisation, which is a semi-militarized force put together in 1947 in preparation for combat against France. At its founding, the FLN consisted of five leaders. Following the formation of the organization in 1954, these leaders have recruited and consolidated Algerian nationalist organizations68. Although the FLN has absorbed nearly all other nationalist bodies, it failed to form a 67 “The Multi-Party System in Algeria.” Yale University. Accessed 11 July 2016. 68 Ruedy, John. “Algerian War of Independence.”

merger with the Mouvement National Algérien (MNA), or the Algerian National Movement69. The Algerian National Movement remains viable because while the FLN represented a majority of Algerians’ beliefs, it does not uphold the thoughts of all Algerians. In reaction to the small, yet firm, establishment of the MNA, the FLN has reshaped its organizational structure to form a quasi- provisional government consisting of a five-man executive, a legislative body and six territories - wilayas - with boundaries following those of the Ottoman administrative districts. This allows the FLN to project its status among different factions, groups and tribes and gives it the upper hand in its dealings with other nationalist groups. The rise of the FLN, set in stark contrast to the weakness, internal divisions and general diplomatic and financial decay of the Fourth French Republic, set the stage for the bitter, violent and prolonged Algerian War.

The army branch of the FLN70

TheToussaintRougeIn the early morning hours of All

Saints day on November 1, 1954, FLN guerillas launched 30 bombing attacks throughout Algeria. Broadcasting from 69 S.N. Millar, “Arab Victory: Lessons from the Algerian War (1954-62)”, British Army Review, No. 145, Autumn 2008, p. 49. 70 L’Armée de Liberation National. March, 2015. Warscapes.

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Cairo, the FLN called on Muslims in Algeria to join a national struggle to restore a “sovereign, democratic and social” Algerian state on the basis of Islamic principles71. Thus the occasion became known as the Toussaint Rouge (Red All-Saints' Day).

TheFLN’sUseofTerrorismandGuerillaWarfare

The FLN has gained control and notoriety through the development, expansion, and employment of its armed wing, the National Liberation Army. The National Liberation Army is fighting not only for an independent role of Algeria, but also its own independence as the sole force commanding Algeria. At the outbreak of the War in 1954, the Algerian National Movement (MNA)72 is in competition with the FLN for “leadership” of the armed struggle for National Liberation, and so FLN’s guerrilla units have been fighting against both France and the MNA.

The FLN relies heavily on ambushes and night raids to evade the more superior organized French firepower and targeted army, police, farms, mines, factories, transportation and telecommunications facilities.

Coercion of moderate elements and their subjugation to a reign of terror has been instrumental to the FLN. Kidnapping, mutilation, throat slitting, decapitation of Muslim officials of the colonial regime, and

71Wilkinson, Stephan. “Algerian Quagmire.” Military History 33, no. 3 (September 2016): 30. MasterFILE Premier, EBSCOhost (accessed December 5, 2016). 72 “Military.” Algerian National Liberation (1954-1962). N.p., n.d. Web. 11 July 2016.

later village elders and simple citizens are commonplace.73 74

FinancingtheAlgerianWarPolitically, the FLN has worked to

coerce and convince the Algerian Muslim population to support its prosecution of the war with financial contributions. Various social organizations were sponsored or created by the FLN, including labor unions, professional associations, students’ and women’s organizations. These organizations, backed up by intellectual justifications written by FLN’s political theorists, went on to lead opinion and to drive support for the FLN.

As the clout of the FLN grew, European settlers in the interior of Algeria were coerced into selling their land holdings at a fraction of their value, further strengthening the economic base that was supporting the Front de Libération Nationale.

ConcludingRemarksAs our nation works to recover from

World War II, our colony of Algeria is bursting with insurgency. The rise of nationalism and the use of guerilla warfare tactics have made the problem difficult to contain. The committee must work together to solve this problem and defeat the FLN in order to retain the colony.

73 “Algerian National Liberation (1954-1962)” GlobalSecurity.org. 5 December 2016 74 Alistair Horne, A Savage War of Peace, pages 134–135

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QuestionstheCommitteeMustAddress

1. Can colonial authority be maintained with a weakened central state? If so, what measures should be enacted to ensure the continued control of colonies, particularly Algeria?

2. What methods could be used to rebuild France to pre-war levels of strength and build authority within the Algerian colony?

3. How can France exploit the divisions between the FLN and MNA to improve its strategic position in Algeria?

Topic B: Domestic Challenges and the Challenge to French Identity

IntroductionThe increasingly strained

relationship between France and Algeria has not only challenged France’s relationship with its colonial counterparts, but has created domestic complications as well. Discerning national identity has became increasingly difficult, but the French face challenges greater than simply classifying people as ‘French’ or ‘Algerian.’ By the time of the French-Algerian war, ethnicity and religion are additional points of internal tension, with conflicts between Christians and Muslims becoming particularly heated.

HistoryandBackgroundInformation

In the colonial period between the mid 19th century and the present day (1955), Algeria has experienced an influx of European settlers from deprived regions in the south of Italy, Spain and France. While most immigrants are working class or peasants seeking a living, some are wealthy men drawn by the opportunity for large land-holdings. France even sent criminal and political deportees in large numbers. These people became known as the colons (settlers) and acquired an Algerian identity distinct from their original identity. They became self-serving and effectively sought to escape the orbit of France–as is common with all colonies throughout history–to the point that Napoleon III in the 1860’s sought a strategic alliance with the Arabs of Algeria with his grand visions of a royaume arabe (Arab kingdom) with himself as the roi des Arabes (king of the Arabs). His plan had two pillars: the restoration of tribal lands

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and French citizenship status. The colons would not let go of the seized lands and the Arabs took offense at the requirement to give up their allegiance to Muslim sharia (religious) law causing Napoleon III’s plan to fall apart. Over the decades between Napoleon III and today (1955), the two Algerian identities and the French identity continue the march towards their eventual collision.

Today, France is in a state of geopolitical decline, which is also the case for all the former colonial powers at the start of the post-colonial era which began with the end of World War II. With the situation in Indochina deteriorating, in France is in an especially weakened state and is ill-equipped to handle another war erupting in Algeria.

ImpactoftheIndochinaWarControl of Indochina was severely

threatened during World War II, as Chinese, Japanese, British, and French soldiers were present in the region while defending territories they thought belonged to them. The United States was also heavily involved in the region, as it was a strategic location during World War II to plan and enact anti-Japanese resistance. Near the end of the war, the American government expressed its disapproval of the French regime, particularly through its diplomatic statements that argued that Indochina was in better condition before the French arrived. While anti-colonial movements had already started in other countries’ territories, this was the first time that another Western government had criticized another’s inability to maintain territorial control and this marked a shift in international attitude toward the French. On September 2, 1945, Ho Chi Minh declared the Democratic Republic of

Vietnam independent from France, but by the end of September 1945, French control of Indochina had been restored.75 By 1946, the First Indochina War had begun; in the same year, the 1946 Constitution of France established the Fourth Republic. This new political structure was plagued by inherent political instability. There were three dominant political parties, the Christian Democratic Popular Republican Movement, the French Communist Party, and the French Section of the Workers’ International, all of which had starkly contrasting views.76 This three-party system led to frequent forming and breaking of alliances, and the frequent replacement of prime ministers. This was incredibly costly for the French government, not only in terms of efficiency and ability to react to growing concerns, but also financially; by the beginning of the French-Algerian war, the French government needed millions of dollars per day simply to maintain the conflict in Indochina. The growing expenses of an Indochina war effort triggered anti-war sentiment across France, especially amongst the youth population and members of the French Communist Party. Anti-war sentiment was marked by numerous public demonstrations, particularly in cases such as the Henri Martin Affair, which served as an embarrassment to the young Fourth Republic. In 1950, Martin, a French-Communist activist, widely distributed anti-French propaganda in Indochina calling for the war to end. Similar activities included the case in which Raymonde Dien and other French militants deliberately impeded ammunition deliveries by rail into

75 “A Clash of Republics,”UC Press. Web. 8 December 2016. 76 Ibid

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Indochina.77 Later, stories of corruption within the military, particularly of money laundering and arms training, surfaced, causing the French people to increasingly criticize and question the government.78

The final humiliation for France came at the Battle of Dien Bien Phu79 earlier this past spring. According to Anthony James Joes, this decisive conflict between the French side and General Giap’s Viet Minh ended typically for the entire French effort in Vietnam: “flawed strategy, inadequate means, abundant heroism”.80

“Dien Bien Phu has Fallen” - front cover of Le Parisien, 9th May 195481

Thus, for the better part of the decade immediately preceding the Algerian War, the conflict in Indochina has

77 Watts, Philip. “Sartre’s Republic,” Nottingham French Studies. Edinburgh University Press, Web. 9 December 2016. 78 Ibid 79 James Joes, Anthony, Victorious Insurgencies: Four Rebellions that Shaped Our World, p.118 ‘Dien Bien Phu: The Path to Dien Bien Phu’

80 Ibid. 81 Songs of Dien Bien Phu. August, 2012. talkvietnam.com

destabilized France socially, morally, politically and financially. It has been a recipe for more instability, poor decision-making, and ultimately for failure in France’s Algerian decolonization policy. With France weakened and distracted, French liberal governors sent to Algeria have been bullied, co-opted or otherwise made to serve the colons own selfish agendas, leaving France helplessly unable to impose her own national interest in Algeria.

FrenchGovernmentStructureVulnerabletoDivisiveFrenchPoliticsinthe1950s

There was a deeper source of weakness which, together with Indochina, contributed to the inability of France to set and follow a clear policy in Algeria. Since the French Revolution, conservative and authoritarian elements in French society turned out to have been fertile ground for the dictatorship of two Napoleons, each of whom replaced the Republic with their personal Empire. This gave rise to a peculiar trait of French republicanism that comprised the deep mistrust of a strong executive. Thus, the Constitution of the French Fourth Republic provided for a weak President, a weak Prime Minister and a strong National Assembly. However, with France reeling from World War II, Vichy and Indochina, this Assembly turned out to have been unruly, undisciplined and chaotic, severely destabilizing the French government82 and rendering it unable to deal effectively with the challenges caused by the onset of the Algerian War.

82 A Knapp, V Wright The Government and Politics of France, page 4

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AlgerianWarResistanceMovements

The FLN - Front Liberation Nationale - (National Liberation Front) was formed in 1954 from a splinter group of paramilitary leaders from the so-called Special Organisation, who had been in hiding. The initial group of 5 leaders expanded during the summer of 1954 and on November 1st, 1954, the FLN launched the Algerian War83.

Safety,Security,andtheStatusofthePieds-Noirs Complicating the French response to the resistance was the presence of about 1 million non-Muslims of French nationality in Algeria, called Pieds-Noirs (“black feet”). Since the French invasion of 1830, mainly Catholic (but also a significant number of Jewish) Europeans had moved to Algeria, becoming the prime political and economic force in the region even though they were a numerical minority84. From the beginning of FLN operations in November 1954, Pieds-Noirs were immediately singled out as perfect targets for anti-French military action. Initially, the Pieds-Noirs believed that they would be protected by the French military, and that French forces would quickly overrun the opposition.85 But as the conflict heated up, the FLN carried out assassinations, bombings of cinemas and restaurants (places considered French), mass 83 Tachau, Frank, Political Parties of the Middle East and North Africa, page 31 84 Kimmelman, Michael. "Footprints of Pieds-noirs Reach Deep into France." New York Times. New York Times, 5 Mar. 2005. Web. 14 Oct. 2016. 85 "Pied-Noir." LookLex Encyclopedia. LookLex Encyclopedia, n.d. Web. 14 Oct. 2016.

massacres, torture and rapes in farms. The Pieds-Noirs represented a significant number of French citizens who would not accept Algerian Independence in any form86.

InternalTensionsStrainingtheFrenchIdentity

Today while the Algerian War heats up, the population of European settlers have deep historical roots in Algeria. As a result, their sense of national identity has been pulled in different directions by the strains of the War:

“Unlike the military protectorates of Tunisia and Morocco, Algeria was a colonie de peuplement, or a settler colony. As a result, the Français d’Algérie were generationally implanted in their country after the Algerian conquest in 1830. Because many Français d’Algérie had family ties in Algeria dating back more than a century, they felt that they had a strong ancestral claim to the land. The longevity of their presence in Algeria further created a more special culture and political climate for the European settlers than it did in other colonies. Equally special to Algeria is the difficulty of decolonization.”87

PotentialLossofFinancialSupportfromAlgeria

The prevailing global economic model of the colonial era of the 18th and 19th centuries was significantly challenged by the exertions and ravages of World War II. One after the other, starting with India in 1947, former colonial territories began fighting for 86 Idib 87 Hubbel, Amy, Remembering French Algeria, page 8

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their independence from their weakened former colonial masters. While the parties involved to worked to maintain existing levels of trade and financial support from the motherland for the former colony, the independence presented an challenge to the state finances of colonial master countries, including France, which by the mid 1950’s was reaching the end of its “second empire”.

At its peak in 1920, France was one of the largest empires in history, with French sovereignty extending over 110 million people in 11,500,000 km2 of territory in all the oceans of the world.88 But by 1954 as decolonization was progressing, the massive loss of territory threatened France with potentially painful fiscal adjustment.

ConcludingRemarksThe Algerian War brought to the

forefront deep divisions between the French, the colons (Pieds-Noirs), and the local tribal population. These divisions slowly accumulated from the colonial history of Algeria, until the local indigenous population spearheaded by the FLN and its military wing took matters in their own hands. To some extent, the 20th century decolonization process happened everywhere in the same era because one rebellious indigenous population in one country encouraged the other to rise up in arms against the colonial masters. However, in Algeria the situation has been much more fluid, with two local paramilitary groupings that distrusted each other and patriotism running high in both France and Algeria. The government of France has an impossible task in its hands. The Algerian War is a source of political and financial instability; it has further enfeebled the country’s diplomatic position, and undermined the moral basis of 88 “Largest Empires in the History of the World.” Inews.

the state when it was found that French troops torturing and summarily executing FLN fighters. More than any other single cause, the Algerian war has started to erode the foundations of the French state and challenge the loyalty of servants and citizens89.

QuestionstheCommitteeMustAddress

1. Can France afford to prosecute two foreign wars at the same time, in Indochina and Algeria?

2. Does France have a moral obligation to the Harkis and if so, what should be done for them?

3. What are the economic risks and opportunities for France and French companies if Algeria becomes independent?

From left to right, the six historical Leaders of the National Liberation Front (FLN): Rabah Bitat, Mostefa Ben Boulaïd, Didouche Mourad, Mohammed Boudiaf, Krim Belkacem and Larbi Ben M'Hidi.90

89 Knapp, A. Wright, V The Government and Politics of France, page 51 90 September 25, 1962: Algeria Declares Independence from France. September, 2015, thenation.com