John F. Kennedy and His Role in the Civil Rights Movement · 1.3 John Fitzgerald Kennedy Kennedywas...
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Masaryk University Faculty of Arts Department of English and American Studies English Language and Literature Michaela Lupačová John F. Kennedy and His Role in the Civil Rights Movement Master’s Diploma Thesis Supervisor: doc. PhDr. Tomáš Pospíšil, Dr. 2008
Transcript of John F. Kennedy and His Role in the Civil Rights Movement · 1.3 John Fitzgerald Kennedy Kennedywas...
Masaryk University
Faculty of Arts
Department of English
and American Studies
English Language and Literature
Michaela Lupačová
John F. Kennedy and His Role in the
Civil Rights Movement
Master’s Diploma Thesis
Supervisor: doc. PhDr. Tomáš Pospíšil, Dr.
2008
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I declare that I have worked on this thesis independently,
using only the sources listed in the bibliography.
……………………………………………
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I would like to thank my supervisor, doc. PhDr. Tomáš Pospíšil, Dr.
for his help and guidance throughout my work.
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Contents
INTRODUCTION ___________________________________________________________ 6
1 PART I: INTRODUCTION TO THE TOPIC _________________________________ 8
1.1 AFRICAN AMERICANS IN THE USA _________________________________________ 8
1.2 THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT __________________________________________ 10
1.3 JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY ____________________________________________ 11
1.3.1 FAMILY BACKGROUND _________________________________________________ 12
2 PART II: EARLY POLITICAL CAREER __________________________________ 14
2.1 CAMPAIGN FOR CONGRESS ______________________________________________ 14
2.2 YEARS IN CONGRESS ___________________________________________________ 16
2.3 CAMPAIGN FOR SENATE ________________________________________________ 17
2.4 YEARS IN THE SENATE (1953 – 1960) ______________________________________ 20
2.4.1 BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION ________________________________________ 21
2.4.2 SITUATION IN THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY ___________________________________ 22
2.4.3 THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1957 __________________________________________ 24
2.4.4 LITTLE ROCK CRISIS ___________________________________________________ 27
2.4.5 CONVENTION OF YOUNG DEMOCRATS IN JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI ________________ 28
3 PART III: PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN __________________________________ 29
3.1 EARLY CAMPAIGNING __________________________________________________ 29
3.2 KENNEDY TEAM _______________________________________________________ 30
3.3 RELIGION ____________________________________________________________ 31
3.4 WISCONSIN PRIMARY __________________________________________________ 31
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3.5 THE ISSUE OF CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE CAMPAIGN _____________________________ 33
3.6 WEST VIRGINIA PRIMARY _______________________________________________ 33
3.7 FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC AFFAIRS DURING KENNEDY’S CAMPAIGN ____________ 34
3.8 SIT-IN MOVEMENTS ____________________________________________________ 35
3.9 NATIONAL CONVENTION IN LOS ANGELES _________________________________ 37
3.10 AFTER THE CONVENTION ______________________________________________ 38
3.11 PHONE CALL TO CORETTA KING ________________________________________ 40
3.12 TELEVISED DEBATES __________________________________________________ 42
3.13 NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS AND AMERICAN FREEDOM44
3.14 ELECTION RESULTS ___________________________________________________ 45
4 PART IV: PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE ______________________________________ 48
4.1 FIRST MONTHS IN THE OFFICE ___________________________________________ 48
4.2 DISCRIMINATION AGAINST AFRICAN DIPLOMATS ____________________________ 50
4.3 VOTING RIGHTS _______________________________________________________ 51
4.4 FREEDOM RIDES _______________________________________________________ 53
4.5 ALBANY MOVEMENT ___________________________________________________ 58
4.6 INTEGRATING THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSISSIPPI _____________________________ 61
4.7 BIRMINGHAM _________________________________________________________ 67
4.8 INTEGRATING THE UNIVERSITY OF ALABAMA ______________________________ 71
4.9 KENNEDY’S CIVIL RIGHTS BILL __________________________________________ 73
4.10 THE MARCH ON WASHINGTON __________________________________________ 74
CONCLUSION ____________________________________________________________ 77
BIBLIOGRAPHY __________________________________________________________ 82
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Introduction
Numerous books have been written about Kennedy’s political, as well as
personal life, about his great achievements and his flaws. John F. Kennedy, who has
become a myth, has been fascinating people of several generations. His political career
was developing during the fifties and at the beginning of the sixties, which are regarded
as the most remarkable decades of the twentieth century. It was the time of social and
political upheaval – new movements emerged and the traditional values were
questioned. The Cold War and Vietnam War were fought, Berlin Wall was constructed
and the world faced the threat of nuclear war. Apart from these challenges in foreign
affairs, Kennedy was also confronted with domestic issues during his career,
particularly with the civil rights issue during his presidency. Racial inequality became a
very controversial topic in the USA. The civil rights organizations intensified their
effort to fight segregation and to achieve full constitutional rights for African
Americans. Stern confirms that “civil rights and race relations were the most passionate,
obstinate and irrational issue in American history and politics” (“Eisenhower and
Kennedy” 4).
Kennedy’s character with regard to civil rights has been discussed by numerous
scholars and writers. While some see Kennedy as a key figure in the struggle for racial
equality, who contributed significantly to the integration of African Americans into the
American society, others criticize his performance for lack of action and they see his
contributions as mere political calculations. There are arguments supporting both views.
In my diploma thesis I am going to analyze the role of John F. Kennedy in the
Civil Rights Movement. Did Kennedy play such significant role as his supporters
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claim? Was his contribution to the racial problem so substantial or was it merely
motivated by his political needs? The thesis is divided into four parts.
In the first part, I am going to introduce the topic of civil rights, the roots of
racial inequality in the USA. I will briefly describe the development of the Civil Rights
Movement and I will provide background information about John Kennedy, his family
and his early life. In the second part of my thesis I am going to focus on Kennedy’s
early political career and his approach to the problem of civil rights during his years in
the House of Representatives and in the Senate. I will focus on his early political
campaigns and his voting record in the Congress.
The third part is going to deal with Kennedy’s presidential campaign. I am going
to analyze his speeches and acts regarding civil rights, particularly his telephone call to
Mrs. King which is believed to have contributed significantly to his victory. In the
fourth part I am going to examine Kennedy’s record on civil rights during his years in
office. I am going to outline President’s relation to racial injustice and civil rights issues
and its development. I am going to discuss individual events which occurred during
Kennedy’s presidency and analyze Kennedy’s role in them. The aim of this thesis is to
find out whether John Kennedy contributed to racial equality in the USA, how
significant his contributions were, and what were the motives for his acts.
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1 Part I: Introduction to the Topic
1.1 African Americans in the USA
The first Africans arrived at the Continent of North America in 1619 as
indentured servants. Trans-Atlantic trade brought millions of Africans to America and
new social order based on skin color was gradually established in the colonies.
Although according to the Declaration of Independence (1776), all men were equal,
blacks were owned by white masters as slaves, primarily but not exclusively in the
South of the United States where they worked on tobacco, rice and cotton fields. The
Civil War (1861 – 1865) brought an end to slavery. Emancipation Proclamation issued
in 1863 freed all slaves in the states of Confederacy. During the so called
Reconstruction era1 three amendments
2 were passed. These amendments aimed to
modify the social position of black population. However, during the period of
Reconstruction, new groups and organizations arouse and their main aim was to
threaten African Americans and prevent them from trying to exercise their rights.
Southern states started enacting the so called Black Codes, laws limiting civil liberties
of former slaves which helped establish segregation.
In 1896, the Supreme Court announced in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson that
separate facilities for white and colored people were legal as long as they were of equal
quality, which legitimized racial segregation and enabled it to become an inherent part
of the American society. Segregation was present at all spheres of public life – schools,
1 Reconstruction (1865 – 1877) was a period following Civil War during which the United States planned
to reconstruct the South. 2 13th Amendment from 1865 abolished slavery, 14th Amendment, passed in 1866, guarantees citizenship
to all persons born or naturalized in the United States; and according to the 15th Amendment, the right to
vote cannot be denied “on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude” (“The Constitution”).
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restaurants, accommodation and transport facilities were all segregated. As Morris
claims: “Racial segregation was the linchpin of Jim Crow,3 for it was an arrangement
that set Blacks off from the rest of humanity and labeled them as an inferior race” (517).
Desegregation became one of the main goals of the civil rights advocates. During the
First World War, African Americans were given the opportunity to “serve their
country” (Rosenberg 17), however, despite this new achievement other changes
regarding racial equalization did not occur between the First and the Second World
Wars. With the beginning of the Second World War African Americans were provided
new opportunities in the economical terms due to the increasing number of factories.
Large numbers of African Americans moved from the Southern states to the North of
the USA. In terms of economical conditions, the Second World War brought certain
changes to black population in the USA. The Second World War was a war fought
against fascism, racist regime, and the USA were one of the countries fighting against
this regime, however, their military forces were still segregated. According to Dudziak,
“World War II marked a transition point in American foreign relations, American
politics, and American culture” (7). In the 1950s, a decade after the Second World War,
decisions made by the Supreme Court in a series of successful cases brought more
liberties to black Americans and they also helped to develop The Civil Rights
Movement.
3 “Jim Crow era in the American history dates from the late 1890s, then Southern states began
systematically to codify (or strengthen) in law and state constitutional provisions the subordinate position
of African Americans in society“ (Davis 1).
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1.2 The Civil Rights Movement
The modern Civil Rights Movement, which started in 1954 by the Supreme
Court decision in the case Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka outlawing
segregation in public schools, “sought to force the U.S. social system to live up to its
ideology of equality for all under it” (Bush 6). However, a lot of effort had been made
by African Americans previously to this period in order to abolish racial discrimination
and achieve legal equality.
One of the first landmarks of the Civil Rights Movement was the Montgomery
Bus Boycott, which lasted almost one year,4 and which encouraged African Americans
and inspired them to a series of other protests. Martin Luther King, who led the boycott,
soon became a spiritual leader of the whole movement. The key element of the Civil
Rights Movement was nonviolence, as King and other civil rights leaders – James
Farmer (CORE), Bayard Rustin (principal organizer of 1963 March on Washington),
James Lawson (significant theoretician of nonviolence) and Glenn Smiley (civil rights
advocate) followed Gandhi’s philosophy of nonviolence. The forms of protests against
economic, educational and social disadvantages of the black people included boycotts,
sit-in demonstrations, marches and also legal challenges.
The civil rights demonstrations intensified and due to the expansion of modern
media they also became more visible to the Americans, as well as other nations. The
March on Washington, which took place on August 28, 1963, was the climax of the
Movement. The March attended by more than 250,000 people “was the largest
demonstration for human rights in United States history...” (Lloyed par. 1).
4 From December 1, 1955 to November 1956.
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The African American church played an important role in the Movement. It did
not only provide the spiritual support to the people, but it was also a meeting place for
them. It also played a key role in the organizing of nonviolent protests and in the
spreading of the civil rights advocates’ leadership. As Lafayette describes, “...the church
represented the freedom that the movement participants sought. It was a facility in the
community beyond the control of the white power structure” (3). The music helped to
unite the masses of people in their protests. The most famous song “We shall
overcome” became a symbol of the Movement.
1.3 John Fitzgerald Kennedy
Kennedy was the thirty-fifth President of the United States, the first Roman
Catholic President and the first American President born in the twentieth century.
Unlike Eisenhower, who represented rather a passive leadership, Kennedy “believed
that most of the progress in American history, in both foreign and domestic affairs, had
been initiated by Presidents” (Heath 7). On one hand the fifties and sixties were the
years of prosperity – the economic boom, which began during the Second World War,
continued. People were earning more money, the average adult achieved a high school
education, and television began to have a great impact on the society. On the other
hand, these were also the years of social unrest and rebellion. Many Americans strongly
disagreed with the war in Vietnam. Cultural values and social and economic systems of
the country were questioned. Kennedy had to deal with the domestic issues but also
with the situation at international political scene, which was rather unstable and
complicated therefore the President was constantly preoccupied with foreign affairs.
Some of the acts performed by Kennedy during his presidency and his political career
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have been questioned, however, Heath believes that Kennedy and Johnson “did more to
end racial injustice that did any previous President” (12).
1.3.1 Family Background
John F. Kennedy, often called Jack by his family members, was born on May 29,
1917, in Brookline, Massachusetts into a family of Irish Catholics (“John F. Kennedy”
par. 4). He grew up in very favorable conditions regarding education, as well as
economic and social environment. “Jack and his eight siblings enjoyed a privileged
childhood of elite private schools, sailboats, servants, and summers homes” (“John
Fitzgerald” par. 3). During his childhood John F. Kennedy often suffered from different
illnesses,5 and health problems continued also later throughout his life.
In 1936, Kennedy enrolled at Harvard University following “the path of his
father and brother...” (Kenney 12). During the time6 his father served as the U.S.
Ambassador to Great Britain, Jack visited Europe a few times and on one occasion he
stayed there for seven months in order to travel and gather information for his final
thesis. After he returned back to the USA, he worked on his Harvard senior thesis,
which was later amended and published under the title Why England Slept. The thesis
examines the response of British government to Hitler’s rise to power.
Kennedy entered the American Navy in 1941, and two years later he became a
hero when his motor torpedo boat PT 109 was sunk by a Japanese destroyer. According
to Dallek, Jack “was a unifying example of American egalitarianism” (Unfinished Life
5 The most serious were scarlet fever and diphtheria. He suffered from different allergies. During his
studies at Choate school, private boarding school, he often missed several months of school due to his
health problems. During his adulthood, Kennedy suffered from Addison disease. 6 Joe Kennedy served as Ambassador to Great Britain since 1938 to 1940.
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98). He was an example of a privileged child from a rich family who decided
voluntarily to risk his life in the name of nation. Kennedy used this story of heroism
well to his own benefit in his first political campaign to Congress in 1946, as well as
later in his other campaigns. During the Second World War, the Kennedys lost their
oldest son Joe, a navy pilot, who was killed in Europe on August 12, 1944. Joe was the
one who had been supposed to follow the political career and become an influential
politician one day. It was only after Joe died when the family political hope was passed
to Jack. As John Kennedy explained: “I never thought at school or college that I would
ever run for office myself. One politician was enough in the family, and my brother Joe
was obviously going to be that politician” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 117).
At the end of the war, Kennedy was not determined to pursue a political career.
He was considering a career of a journalist or a diplomat. In 1945, John Kennedy was
offered a job as a journalist at the United Nations Conference in San Francisco.7 He also
later covered Potsdam Conference as a journalist; however, eventually he decided for
the political career which was appealing to him more than journalism because in
Congress one “is able to participate to some degree in determining which direction the
nation will go...” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 120). According to Kennedy’s friend James
MacGregor Burns, Kennedy “did have political views, and strong political views, but
for his own psychological reason he wished to hide them from his family, friends, and
perhaps even from himself” (Schwab 59). Joseph Kennedy, Sr., who made a lot of
money in the stock market, saw a useful occupation as “the only acceptable goal” for
his children (Dallek, Unfinished Life 112). In 1946 John F. Kennedy made a decision to
candidate for the U.S. Congress.
7 This was the founding conference of the United Nations.
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2 Part II: Early Political Career
2.1 Campaign for Congress
John Kennedy announced his intention to run for the U.S. House seat in 1946
(Kenney 25). He was campaigning for the Massachusetts Eleventh Congressional
District, which was inhabited by “liberal and conservative Harvard intellectuals” but
most of its citizens were dockworkers, fishermen and blue collar workers living in quite
poor housing conditions in the industrial areas of the District (Silvestri 17). The District
was inhabited by a variety of ethnic Americans of different descent, mostly Irish and
Italian but also Greek, Jewish and East European. Some of the neighborhoods had a
negative reputation due to high crime rates. Although Kennedy did not live in the
district, his family had “deep roots in the Eleventh” (O’Brien 192). John “Honey”
Fitzgerald – John’s maternal grandfather – served three terms as a mayor of Boston and
also three terms in Congress (Kenney 27).
An important element throughout Kennedy’s political career was his family’s
wealth, influence and prestige, and his first campaign was not an exception. Barnes
confirms, that “money was certainly indispensable to Kennedy’s success” (25). Joe
Kennedy Sr. “handled all money matters” (Silvestri 18). He did not only provide money
for administrative costs connected with campaigning but also for all sorts of advertising
including billboards, direct mailing and radio advertising. “People saw Kennedy, heard
Kennedy, ate Kennedy, drank Kennedy, slept Kennedy...” (Lasky 98).
Nine other candidates were running for the seat (O’Brien 194), however, young
Kennedy was putting a lot of effort into his campaign. He started earlier than his
opponents and it became a standard for his other campaigns as well, he was meeting a
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lot of people face to face, campaigning door-to-door, delivering a lot of speeches, and
walking in neighborhoods, visiting different public places. Kennedy’s team organized
numerous house parties and receptions, where his sisters8 and his mother, Rose
Kennedy, often participated as well. His campaign was very well organized in terms of
personnel. He had a lot of volunteers from lines of veterans and students working for
him. JFK’s war record, which he stressed throughout his campaign, certainly increased
his popularity with veterans. The main topics of Kennedy’s campaign were economical
issues – higher minimum wage, better housing conditions which were especially
important to working class people.
Many perceived Kennedy as “...millionaire’s son from Harvard trying to come
into an area that is longshoremen, waitresses, truck drivers and so forth...” (Dallek,
Unfinished Life 127). Some of his opponents called him a carpetbagger9 and although
many of them liked to point out how young and inexperienced Kennedy was, he won
the primary election on June 18, 1946. He earned forty percent of votes (Silvestri 24).
On November 5, 1946, Jack won the election against his Republican opponent, Lester
Brown (O’Brien 205).
Although Kennedy did not focus on the rights of black Americans during his
campaign for Congress, he made his first public statement regarding racial injustice at
that time. He complimented on the heroism of African Americans during the Second
8 JFK had five sisters: Rosemary (institutionalized in a hospital for mentally handicapped), Kathleen
Agnes (died in a plane crash in 1948), Eunice Mary, Patricia and Jean Anne, who served as Ambassador
to Ireland. 9 Carpetbagger – this term refers to someone who is trying to gain political success and in order to
achieve so he/she moves to a different place, to which he/she had previously no connection (Longman
Dictionary of Contemporary English).
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World War, and apart from that he called for the abolition poll tax10
and “new fair
employment laws aimed at eliminating workplace discrimination” (Bryant 15). Even
though he stressed the war records of blacks and he emphasized the need to abolish poll
tax, he did not criticize the situation in the South in connection with racial issues
explicitly. It is quite certain that he was just trying to appeal to black minority as he also
tried to other minorities because they constituted a high percentage of his voters. To
attract the interest of Italians, Kennedy liked to point out that his grandfather Honey
Fitz, who had been Boston Mayor, “had appointed the first Italians to city office”
(Barnes 65).
2.2 Years in Congress
Kennedy served three terms in the House of Representatives.11
His attendance
records in Congress were quite low which may be explained by his health problems,12
however, Barlett claims that his role in House of Representatives “failed to fascinate
him” (3). “His prospects for impact in major legislation were close to zero” (Barnes 77).
Later in his career he said about Congress: “We were just like worms in the House –
nobody paid much attention to us nationally” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 136).
Congressman Kennedy often voted in favor of the underprivileged. Despite his
privileged childhood, Kennedy was always a supporter of “equal opportunity and
fairness for all Americans, and his congressional votes favored civil liberties” (Silvestri
242). He supported issues such as health care, subsidized housing, rent control, school
10 Poll taxes enacted in Southern states between 1889 and 1910 had the effect of disenfranchising many
blacks as well as poor whites, because payment of the tax was a prerequisite for voting. 11 Kennedy was reelected in 1948 and 1950. 12 “...while traveling in England, Congressman Kennedy suffered a physical collapse, a result of
Addison’s disease” (Kenney 28).
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lunch program, which were crucial for the voters in his district, as most of them
belonged to a low income social class. However, Kennedy certainly did not have a
reputation of a civil rights advocate during his years in Congress. Most sources suggest
that he did not pay much attention to the civil rights and race related issues early in his
career. The reason may have been the fact that he had little experience with African
Americans and he was hardly aware of the reality they had to face, particularly in the
states of the Deep South. He grew up in a wealthy Irish-Catholic family in Boston.
Bryant suggests that Kennedy “would link the fight for equality to the struggle against
communism” (31). Depending on the issue, Kennedy was sometimes conservative,
sometimes liberal, however, when voting on important issues, he was in mostly
agreement with liberal Democrats from the North.
2.3 Campaign for Senate
John Kennedy decided to candidate for the office of United States Senator in
1951. His rival candidate in this election was Senator Henry Cabot Lodge.13
Kennedy’s
senatorial campaign was very innovative and very well organized. His family “played a
critical role, not only in terms of financial support but also with Robert Kennedy as
campaign manager and the Kennedy sisters along with Rose Kennedy hosting a series
of tea parties throughout the state...” (Kenney 28). Kennedy again, as in the previous
campaign, stressed his heroism during the Second World War. The main campaign
topics were anticommunism, Massachusetts economy, government spending, and
Kennedy started to deal with the civil rights issues. The reason might have resulted from
13 Lodge was at that time a respected politician who had served three terms in the Upper House (Dallek,
Unfinished Life 169). In 1916, Kennedy’s grandfather John F. Honey Fitz campaigned for Senate against
Lodge’s grandfather (Bryant 34).
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the growing struggle of civil rights advocates for the equality of African Americans in
all spheres of life, but also the fact that wanted to beat Senator Lodge and therefore he
certainly needed the support of black voters.
The crucial members of Kennedy’s team were: Joshua Guberman, a lawyer with
close ties to Boston black community; Harold Vaughan, assistant to Boston Mayor who
had excellent organizational skills and valuable contacts in the city of Boston (O’Brien
242); and Herbert Tucker, NAACP activist, whose main task was to secure black votes
(Bryant 38). Kennedy’s slogans were directly appealing to black voters. Advertisements
with the slogan: “Kennedy has done and will do more for more of us” were targeting
directly black voters in Boston Chronicle14
(Bryant 38). They used mail-shots, voter
registration drives and also the word of mouth in black communities. Kennedy was
addressing business people from black neighborhoods – he had a speech at the
Professional and Businessmen’s club, where he “addressed over a hundred black
businessmen” (ibid.). In addition, Kennedy’s campaign team decided to organize one of
Kennedy teas in Roxbury (a black neighborhood in Boston), which proved to be a great
success followed soon by other tea parties in African American neighborhoods (Bryant
40).
Kennedy’s campaign team did not target only ethnic voters15
but also women –
tea parties and receptions were targeted on women mostly. As O’Brien explains: “They
were often staged at an elegant local hotel; women guest got new hairdos, dressed
themselves...” (249). Kennedy needed to secure votes from the all segments of the
society, therefore the tea parties in black neighborhoods and speeches at African
14 Boston Chronicle was the widely read black newspaper (Bryant 35). 15 JFK gained support from different ethnic groups – Albanians, Greeks, Italians, Irish, Polish, and Jews.
His advertisements were also placed on foreign language newspapers (O’Brien 245).
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American business clubs can be seen as mere political acts motivated by his ambition. I
would not link these efforts to fight for civil rights of black Americans, but rather to the
political strategy which Kennedy followed.
An important element in Kennedy’s program was the proposal to amend the
Rule XXII, the so called Cloture Rule.16
In one of his first speeches concerning civil
rights issues, Kennedy claimed: “I want to go to the Senate to join those who are really
fighting for a change in the present Senate rules – which permit empty words to kill all
attempts to protect the constitutional rights of minority groups of Americans. I want to
go to the Senate to continue my fight for Civil Rights legislation” (Bryant 36). His tactic
to focus on the civil rights issues and the idea of paying special attention to black voters
proved to be successful because Kennedy defeated Lodge by victory of 70,000 votes
(Kenney 30). As Bryant confirms, “never before had a senatorial candidate pursued
black voters so aggressively nor drawn together such an accomplished campaign team
to help” (42). In 1952, ninety-one percent of Massachusetts voters went to the polls, “an
increase of more than seventeen percent from the Senate contest in 1946, with most of
the greater voting occurring in ethnic districts” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 175). Even
though, Kennedy expressed a certain interest in the civil rights act and he emphasized
the need for legislative changes, he did not propose any particular amendment or
measure to be taken in order to improve the situation of African Americans. He did not
mention any particular problems related to the injustice the African Americans were
16 The Cloture Rule originally required a supermajority of two-thirds of senators “present and voting.”
The so called filibuster was particularly used by senators from the Southern states to block civil rights
legislation. It was first applied in 1919. In 1975, “the Senate reduced the number of votes required for
cloture from two-thirds to three-fifths, or sixty of the current one hundred senators” (“Filibuster and
Cloture”).
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still experiencing. He was rather concerned with his opponent’s civil rights record and
the emphasis on civil rights issues could have been the tactics how to obtain more votes.
2.4 Years in the Senate (1953 – 1960)
Kennedy was sworn in as senator on January 3, 1953 (“Kennedy John
Fitzgerald”). During his years in the Senate, Kennedy’s private life was changing. He
got married to Jacqueline Bouvier on September 12, 1953 (“John Kennedy” par.3). He
went through back operations and during his convalescence, which was five months
longer than he had expected – seven months in total (Silvestri 54), he worked on his
book Profiles of Courage17
which was later very well received by the critics. The book
won the Pulitzer Prize in 1957 (Kenney 31).
Kennedy continued to support the same issues as in the House. He was mainly
interested in the economical issues of New England. He was in favor of minimum wage
increase, and he also favored industrial projects that aided New England. First, Kennedy
and his team wanted to fulfill the task set during the campaign – “...to do more for
Massachusetts than his predecessor” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 181). Kennedy was
particularly active in the economic issues of Massachusetts. He initiated regular
meetings of New England senators in order to discuss and deal with the region’s
economical issues more effectively.
Two controversial issues arose during Kennedy’s senatorial years – St.
Lawrance Seaway Project and McCarthy case. St. Lawrance Seaway18
was a highly
debated project strongly opposed by businessmen from New England who were afraid
17 The book is about courageous acts performed by members of the Senate through history. 18 St. Lawrence Seaway is a system of canals which enables ocean vessels to pass from the Atlantic
Ocean to the Great Lakes.
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of the competition from Midwest. Kennedy was the only Senator from Massachusetts in
the history of this project who voted for its realization. Although Kennedy originally
disagreed with the project during his senatorial campaign, later he decided to put
national interests over regional interests.
McCarthy case was another remarkable issue during Kennedy’s senatorial years.
Joseph McCarthy was a Republican Senator from Wisconsin (1947 – 1957) who
accused some government officials of being Communist and Soviet spies, however, he
was unable to prove his claims and therefore he was censured in December 1954
(“Preserving Senatorial Traditions” par.2). Kennedy was the only Democrat who did not
vote for censure of McCarthy. In December 1954, when the Senate decided in the vote
sixty-seven to twenty for McCarthy’s censure, Kennedy was recovering from the back
operation; nevertheless he did not express his position on this issue even later. “His
family’s relations19
with McCarthy were certainly an important factor,” that might have
contributed to his silence. (Schlesinger, Thousand Days 12).
2.4.1 Brown v. Board of Education
On May 17, 1954, The Supreme Court handed down the Brown v. Board of
Education of Topeka – a landmark which overruled the Plessy v. Ferguson decision
from 1896 which set the precedent of “separate but equal.” Although the Brown
decision outlawed segregation in schools, it did not specify the time until which it was
to be realized. On May 31, 1955, the Supreme Court ruled that desegregation needed to
be implemented with “deliberate speed” (Williams 93). Most Southerners in the Senate
denounced the Brown decision determined not to “allow race mixing” (Stern,
19 Joe Kennedy favored McCarthy and he had invited him to Hyannis Port – residence of the Kennedys.
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Calculating Visions 130). The so called Southern Manifesto, a document which opposed
racial integration, was signed by most of Southern senators.20
John Kennedy supported
the Brown decision because he perceived it as the law of the land; therefore he felt
obliged to follow it. However, he admitted that its implementation would take time by
which he supported the notion of “deliberate speed.” Kennedy generally tried to avoid
the topic of civil rights and racial issues in his speeches, particularly in those delivered
in the South but the topic became more important when the school desegregation, which
was much opposed by the Southern states, was enacted. Kennedy expressed his support
for Brown decision in his speech before the New York Young Democratic Club in
1956, however, his speech was very general and he did not suggest a way to enforce
desegregation (Golden 128). The issue of race and civil rights was strongly polarizing
the Democratic Party and therefore it was a very sensitive topic.
2.4.2 Situation in the Democratic Party
In January 1954, Kennedy delivered a speech to the country’s preeminent civil
rights organization, NAACP,21
and he acknowledged in his speech that there were “very
dim prospects of any suitable civil rights legislation being passed by this Congress...”
(Bryant 45). He called for actions which would end racial discrimination in employment
because he saw it as a way to protect New England textile mills against unfair
competition from the South, and also to improve America’s image abroad. Kennedy
saw the strategy of supporting such reforms, which would “validate” full constitutional
rights of African Americans, as highly effective (Dallek, Unfinished Life 215).
20 A hundred and one senators signed the Manifesto and three did not. Among the three who refused to
sign it was Lyndon B. Johnson. He refused to “place himself in opposition to the law of the land” (Stern,
Calculating Visions 131). 21 NAACP – National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the American civil rights
organization which was challenging racial discrimination since the beginning of the twentieth century.
23
The problem of frequent protests22
initiated by African Americans and
increasing violence23
against black population, particularly in the South, signaled a need
for new legislation and legislative changes. The issue of civil rights was highly
controversial in the Democratic Party. O’Brien explains, that “taking a stand on civil
rights was a painful decision” (368). Any support to civil rights issues would have
outraged the Southerners and therefore threaten the unity of the Party.
Kennedy’s interest in the civil rights during his years in the Congress seemed
“more political than moral” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 217). Although he was in favor of
the civil rights issues, he certainly was not occupied with this issue exceptionally. There
were other civil rights advocates24
in the Senate who were leaders in the field of civil
rights. On July 1 (four weeks before the Chicago convention), Kennedy was on CBS
political talk show Face the Nation where he was interviewed mostly on the issues of
civil rights. Most of Kennedy’s responses were rather evasive and neutral. He said that
it was unnecessary for “the Democratic platform to endorse Brown,” however; he
explained that he accepted that decision because it was the law of the country and
therefore he was obliged to accept it (Bryant 56). Kennedy confessed that he was
against the so called Powell Amendment.25
The 1956 Democratic National Convention
22 Montgomery Bus Boycott was fighting the segregation on buses in Montgomery, Alabama. Rosa Parks
– NAACP activist refused to give up her seat to white man. King’s philosophy of non-violence proved to
be successful in this case – in November 1956, the Supreme Court declared segregation on public buses
unconstitutional (Williams 59 – 89). 23 In 1955, several blacks were killed in Mississippi by white men. Mississippi was the most segregated
state in the USA “and racially motivated murders were not new to the state” (Williams 39). The most
striking case was the murder of Emmett Till, a fourteen year old boy who came from Chicago to visit
relatives in Mississippi. The story was covered by media all over the country and the American people
were shocked at the cruelty of killing. It is often seen as a turning point in the struggle of African
Americans for their civil rights. 24 Among the well known civil rights supporter was Senator Huber Humphrey of Minnesota and Senator
Paul Douglas of Illinois (O’Brien 367). 25 Powel Amendment suggested cutting federal funding in the states which had refused to integrate
schools.
24
was the first one to be fully covered by television and so “Kennedy’s charm, youth and
charisma” influenced a lot of people and “Kennedy for vice-president boom started”
(Schwab 81). Despite the fact that Kennedy gained support from Southern delegates
because his opponent, Estes Kefauver from Tennessee had openly supported civil rights
(he was one of the three senators who refused to sign the so called Southern
Manifesto26
), Kennedy narrowly lost the nomination of vice president in Chicago
against Kefauver. However, the support from Southerners “damaged Kennedy’s civil
rights image in the North” (O’Brien 368).
Since 1955, Democrats had been in control of the Senate, nevertheless, all civil
rights legislation was prevented from reaching the floor. In the course of the fifties, it
was becoming more obvious that due to the pressure from civil rights groups and due to
the Supreme Court decisions on desegregation27
of schools, legislation changes
regarding race relations in the South were inevitable. In 1956, Herbert Brownell,
Eisenhower’s attorney general, presented Congress a draft of civil rights bill. All civil
rights bills sent to Congress by President Truman (1946, 1947 and 1948) had been
blocked.
2.4.3 The Civil Rights Act of 1957
The Eisenhower’s civil rights bill included four main provisions: “the creation of
a Civil Rights Commission, the addition of an assistant attorney general, the further
protection of voting rights and the elimination of the requirement that federal jurors be
competent as such under the state law” (Winquist 625). The bill was strongly opposed
26 Southern Manifesto was a document denouncing the Brown v. Board of Education decision. 27 On May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court outlawed segregation in public schools in the case of Brown v.
Board of Education of Topeka by interpreting the 14th Amendment.
25
by most Southerners, particularly outraging was Title III (sometimes also called Part III)
which entitled attorney general with the right to protect all civil rights, including school
integration and voting rights. These four provisions were highly prioritized issues by
civil rights leaders in 1957. Johnson convinced Southern senators not to use filibuster.28
His main argument was that it would “hurt the American image abroad and aid
communist propaganda depicting blacks in the United States as only half-free” (Stern,
Calculating Visions 135). In return he promised to ensure that Title III would be
removed and jury-trial amendment would be added to Title IV.29
Great debates on whether the bill should be sent to Judiciary Committee30
were
held in the Senate. The Southerners believed that if the bill had got to Judiciary, it
would have been killed there and therefore they strongly supported this idea. Kennedy
was well aware of the fact that no matter which position he had taken, he would have
always turned one wing of the Democratic party against himself (Democratic party was
composed of civil rights opponents as well as civil rights advocates). Kennedy did not
participate much in the debates; however, he opposed the proposal to avoid Judiciary
Committee, because “he wanted the bill to be considered ‘on its own merits,’ using
normal procedures...” (O’Brien 370). On July 24, 1957, it was decided that Title III
would be eliminated from the bill. Kennedy received a lot of criticism for his standpoint
regarding the Judiciary Committee issue from civil rights advocates.
28 Filibuster means to “delay or block legislative action” (“Filibuster and Cloture”). 29 Part IV would increase the power of the Justice Department to seek injunctions against actual or
threatened interference with the right to vote (“Civil Rights” par.4) 30 According to the rules, the civil rights bill passed by the House would go to the Senate Judiciary
Committee, chaired by James Eastland, Senator of Mississippi – “hated symbol of Southern racism”
(Golden 129).
26
The next controversial provision of the bill was the proposal of jury-trial
amendment, which was favored by the Southerners because juries in the South were
composed of white citizens mainly and as Stern explains: “it would be all but
impossible to get such a jury to convict a white person for violating the voting rights of
a black person” (Calculating Visions 137). In this case Kennedy again voted with the
Southerners – in favor of the amendment. Kennedy’s decision might have been
influenced by legal scholars31
whom he had consulted before the vote. The bill passed
with majority of fifty-one to forty-four (Bryant 76). Kennedy again came in for a lot of
criticism from civil rights leaders and advocates. Numerous newspapers criticized
Kennedy for supporting freedom to African nations, but refusing to support full
constitutional rights to African minority in the States. Most black periodicals
condemned his performance as purely political decision.
The Civil Rights Act was passed on September 9, 1957, ninety-one years after
the previous civil rights act. The final version of the 1957 Civil Rights Act did not
satisfy the civil rights leaders because it did not achieve enough of their objectives. It
did not improve lives of African Americans in a significant way. The Act included Title
IV and it also created the Federal Commission on Civil Rights which had the right to
hold hearings and call witnesses. Kennedy was afraid of losing his popularity in the
North as well as South and as O’Brien explains, Kennedy’s standpoint was strongly
“motivated by his political ambition” (373).
31 “Mark De Wolfe Howe, renowned civil libertarian and leader in Americans for Democratic Action;
Paul Freund of Harvard Law School” (O’Brien 371) advised Kennedy to support the amendment because
“weakened bill was better than no bill at all“ (Bryant 74).
27
2.4.4 Little Rock Crisis
Although “from mid-forties to mid-fifties, blacks in Little Rock made dramatic
gains” (Williams 92), in 1957, four years after the Supreme Court outlawed school
segregation, nine black students (often referred to as the Little Rock Nine) were
prevented from entering Little Rock Central High School. Governor Orval Faubus32
called in the Arkansas National Guard to support the segregationists. The crisis gained
attention throughout the USA but also abroad. After the troops were called off, African
American students were attacked by an angry mob of white people. Riots broke out and
Eisenhower was forced to send 101 Airborne Division paratroopers to Little Rock to
protect the black students and restore order and enforce rulings of the Supreme Court.
The President originally tried to avoid expressing his stand; however, he was eventually
forced to act due to the escalating situation. He had never thought he would have to
approach to a solution like that. In July, 1977, Eisenhower said: “I can’t imagine any set
of circumstances that would ever induce me to send Federal troops...into an area to
enforce the orders of a Federal court...” (Stern, “Eisenhower and Kennedy” 2). The nine
African American students finished the school year under the protection of federal
troops. All high schools were closed the following year in order to force black students
out of school. The schools reopened again in 1959 (Williams 118).
According to Bryant, Kennedy commented on this issue in October, 1957,
saying that he disapproves of “mob violence“ and “defiance of lawful court orders“
(83). He briefly supported the action of President but he also admitted that “there could
be disagreement over President’s leadership on this issue” (Brauer 22). As previously,
32 Orval Faubus served as governor of Arkansas from 1955 to 1967. During his administration only nine
out of four hundred and ten school districts were desegregated (“Politics” par.7 -10).
28
Kennedy did not mention any particular reasons which had led to the situation, nor did
he propose any solution to the problem. He only disapproved of violence and denial of
court decision which was very general.
2.4.5 Convention of Young Democrats in Jackson, Mississippi
Although Kennedy was discouraged from visiting Mississippi during the Little
Rock Crisis, he refused to cancel his speech which he had promised to give at the
Convention of Young Democrats in Jackson, Mississippi. Kennedy, however, was in a
difficult position due to the growing interest in the solution to the civil rights issues.
Thinking about his presidential campaign already, he was careful not to alienate
Southern supporters or Northern liberals and therefore he intended to avoid speaking
about the crisis in Little Rock. But as soon as he arrived in Jackson, Mississippi, he was
“publicly challenged” to express his views on integration by Wirt Yerger, Mississippi’s
GOP state chairman (O’Brien 375). Kennedy realized that he could not avoid speaking
about the subject; therefore he revised his speech before the performance.
Kennedy stated: “I have accepted the Supreme Court decision as the supreme
law of the land. I know that we do not agree on that issue – but I think most of us do
agree on the necessity to uphold law and order in every part of the land” (Bryant 85).
His statement was very general, and as many times before he only emphasized the fact
that it was necessary to accept the law of the land as legally binding. Kennedy shifted
from the issue of “North versus South” to “Democrats versus Republicans” which was
very clever (ibid.). He certainly proved to be a speaker with wonderful skills to attract
the audience, because despite the initial tensions Kennedy received a standing ovation at
the end of his speech.
29
3 Part III: Presidential Campaign
3.1 Early Campaigning
Numerous speculations about Kennedy’s presidential nomination occurred
towards the end of the 1950s, but Kennedy himself remained silent for long time,
however, he did survey the situation months before he officially announced his
candidacy. Since the 1956 election to the Senate, Kennedy traveled throughout the USA
delivering numerous speeches at universities, various business and public organizations,
seeking support from both the general public and from politicians. Kennedy was
achieving great success with media because he attracted their attention very easily.
According to O’Brien, “the media and the public found him fascinating” (328). Many
newspapers and various magazines (Time, Life, American Mercury and others) covered
Kennedy. Apart from his political standpoints, they were also interested in his
personality, his social and family life.
In 1958, when Kennedy ran for his second term in the Senate and won by
875,000 votes (“the greatest margin up to that point in Massachusetts history”), his
chances of becoming the presidential nominee enhanced considerably (Schlesinger,
Thousand Days 11). John F. Kennedy officially announced his candidacy for the
Democratic presidential nomination on January 2, 1960. In his speech he stressed that
he had been in “the service of the United States” for eighteen years emphasizing his
numerous trips to foreign countries and his experience in that field (Kennedy,
“Statement of Senator Kennedy Announcing His Candidacy” par. 6).
30
3.2 Kennedy Team
Kennedy surrounded himself with a very qualified team – loyal advisers and
organizers. Heath suggests that “Kennedy’s campaign organization may well have been
the most efficient in American political history” (39). Robert Kennedy gave up his job
and became John’s campaign manager. According to O’Brien, Robert Kennedy’s
strength was the ability to “address specific situation,” choose the right staff that were
devoted to do their jobs and to inspire them to great performances (428). Robert was
responsible for the entire campaign except for speechwriting, which was the
responsibility of Ted Sorensen. Robert Kennedy played a key role in decisions made by
John Kennedy during his presidency when Robert Kennedy was appointed attorney
general. He was highly committed to civil rights and during the crises which erupted in
the USA during 1962 and 1962 Robert Kennedy was one of the closest advisors to the
President. Harris Wofford, a former Civil Rights Commission attorney, was appointed
as the Campaign Civil Rights Coordinator, and in certain situations he had been very
influential. Wofford advised Kennedy to call Coretta King and express his support for
Martin Luther King when he was arrested in October 1960. Wofford also advised
Kennedy to strongly support civil rights movement in his first TV debate with Nixon
and he prepared the statistical data about the disadvantages a black child has to face
during his childhood compared to a white child which JFK presented during the debate
(Bryant 171 – 174). In 1961 Wofford was appointed as Special Assistant to the
President for civil rights. Wofford contributed largely to Kennedy’s image of civil rights
advocate.
31
3.3 Religion
Kennedy’s weakest point during the campaign was his religion. Roman
Catholicism was a very prominent issue in the USA. The majority of Americans were
afraid that the Roman Catholic Church did not recognize the separation of church and
state and that a Catholic president might be influenced by Rome. A massive anti-
Catholic campaign was organized throughout the USA. Anti-Catholic materials were
distributed by Protestant and Fundamentalist groups throughout the country. There had
never been a Catholic president in the history of the USA. A Catholic candidate for
presidency in 1928 Governor Alfred Smith (the first Catholic to run for president)
suffered a crushing defeat. He was a target of numerous groups’ attacks, including the
Ku Klux Klan (Barnes 42).
Kennedy originally intended to avoid the question of religion and ignore the
Catholic issue all together but he was forced by circumstances to cope with the religious
bigotry. He had been discussing the issue since 1956 and he constantly assured
Americans that he believed in the constitutional separation of church and state.
However, his religion was a matter of doubt even among liberal Democrats. The
suspicion “of divided Catholic loyalties between church and state” had been deeply
rooted in the American society (Dallek, Unfinished Life 232).
3.4 Wisconsin Primary
“The first important test” in Kennedy’s campaign was Wisconsin with Hubert H.
Humphrey from Minnesota as his opponent. Apart from the fact that Wisconsin was a
predominantly Protestant state, Humphrey was popular with farmers, unlike Kennedy
32
who had voted against higher supports to farmers during his years in the Senate.33
Kennedy did not focus much on the civil rights issues during the primaries because
none of the major primaries were taking place in the South. Both candidates rather
focused on the economical issues, nevertheless Humphrey was known for fighting in
support of civil rights and New Deal34
social programs during his years in the Senate
where he served since 1949 (Dallek, Unfinished Life 244), unlike Kennedy who
supported the Southerners during the key votes on civil rights issues in 1957.
In order to improve his chances in Wisconsin, Kennedy decided to devote
himself to promoting civil rights, even though the African Americans counted only for a
very small percentage of the Wisconsin population. In his speeches Kennedy often
linked the problem of racism in the United States to the Cold War and the necessity to
deal with it not only because it was morally wrong but also in order to avoid criticism
from the Soviets. Apart from that, he frequently pointed out the fact that discrimination
against minorities, particularly African Americans, in the USA, could play an important
role in the international politics regarding “the newly emerging African and Asian
countries” (Barnes 3). Eventually Kennedy won the primary election in Wisconsin
receiving fifty-six per cent of the vote (Dallek, Unfinished Life 250). Kennedy certainly
was aware of the discrimination against blacks and he was convinced that it was
morally wrong, however, he was not familiar with the subject, because he did not
encounter any particular problems regarding racial discrimination and therefore he
probably did not feel the urge to deal with it.
33 Kennedy voted against continuing farm price support in 1952, 1954 and 1956. He voted for reduction
of funds for the Agriculture Conservation Program in 1953. (“John F. Kennedy’s Voting Record” p. 3) 34 New Deal was a series of programs organized under President Hoover with the aim to recover the
economy of the USA after Great Depression.
33
3.5 The Issue of Civil Rights in the Campaign
Kennedy delivered a few powerful speeches on civil rights. One of them was at
the Jewish Reception Center on March 23, 1960. In this speech he stressed the
importance of voting rights and the necessity to speed up school integration. He
assigned a great responsibility to Congress, calling for their leadership in the matter of
civil rights (Bryant 116 – 117). During his speeches regarding the issue of civil rights,
Kennedy often criticized President Eisenhower for his lack of leadership in the field of
civil rights. On August 2, 1960, Kennedy announced that the Civil Rights Section for
his campaign had been established in order to focus “on the issue of civil rights – and
working on all the problems involved in that field will be a representative group of
people of all races and creeds from all section of the country” (Kennedy, “Statement of
Senator John F. Kennedy on Civil Rights Section” par.1).
3.6 West Virginia Primary
West Virginia, a rural state with high unemployment and low average income,
was another important test for Kennedy. As the West Virginia primary approached, it
was clear that Kennedy’s Catholicism was a very influential issue in this state. When he
found out he was losing votes due to his religion, he decided to deliver a speech
regarding his religion on television, in which he emphasized that nobody was concerned
about his religion when he served the country in the Navy during the Second World
War. Kennedy’s arguments proved to be influential because eventually he won the
primary election in West Virginia. He beat Humphrey “receiving over sixty per cent of
the votes” (O’Brien 455). It was a decisive victory for Kennedy because Humphrey
withdrew from the contest and Kennedy believed that the issue of his religion had been
dealt with “once and for all” (Kenney 42). His victories in West Virginia and Wisconsin
34
“reduced his party’s fears about the political liability of his religion” (Brauer 30). The
issue of race was not discussed much during the West Virginia primary.
3.7 Foreign and Domestic Affairs During Kennedy’s Campaign
The American-Soviet relations deteriorated considerably when Nikita
Khrushchev announced on May 5, 1960 that an American U-2 spy plane had been shot
down over Soviet airspace. This initiated one of the biggest crises of the Cold War. It
also had an impact on the presidential election in the USA. Foreign affairs became the
most prominent issue and there were other candidates – Lyndon B. Johnson, William S.
Symington and Adlai E. Stevenson – who were favored in this field more than John
Kennedy. On July 2, former President Truman called on Kennedy and asked him to
once again consider his candidacy. Truman stated that due to the complicated situation
in the international political scene he would favor a more “mature” and “experienced”
president (Dallek, Unfinished Life 260). Apart from Kennedy’s Catholicism, his
previous silence during the McCarthy affair and his voting on civil right issues, his
youth was also another obstacle Kennedy had to overcome. He defended himself
publicly. In his memorable speech he named significant American presidents35
who,
despite their young age, had achieved great things.
Kennedy was in a difficult situation regarding the civil rights issues because he
was under pressure from the Southern Democrats who strongly opposed any changes
regarding segregation but on the other hand, African Americans and civil rights
advocates were calling for firmer actions on civil rights. Kennedy was well aware of the
35 Kennedy named presidents under the age of forty-four (Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, James
Madison) who made significant contributions to the American nation (O´Brien 461).
35
fact that his chances in the South were quite weak, especially with the growing
popularity of Lyndon B. Johnson, who was from Texas.
Kennedy needed to obtain support from black Democrats, most of whom were
quite “suspicious” about Kennedy (Bryant 127). In the speech delivered in Baltimore on
May 13, Kennedy criticized Eisenhower for his “failure of a firmer moral leadership on
civil rights” (ibid.). He promised equal opportunities to all Americans if he became
president. In the speech performed at the National Democratic Club in New York on
June 17, 1960, Kennedy proposed the “idea of using executive order to enact a reform.
He called for a presidential action in education, voting and public accommodations and
federally funded housing” (ibid. 130).
Harris Wofford arranged a private breakfast between Kennedy and Martin
Luther King. Kennedy and the civil rights leader met for the first time face to face on
June 23, 1960. During their conversation, Kennedy confessed that “it was only in recent
months he had come to comprehend fully the true moral force of the civil rights
struggle” (Stern, Calculating Visions 25). Afterwards, King expressed his confidence in
Kennedy’s morality regarding civil rights issues. He described him as “having definite
concern but not deep understanding” (Silvestri 243).
3.8 Sit-in Movements
On February 1, 1960, four black students were refused service at a whites-only
lunch counter at Agricultural and Technical University in North Carolina. The so called
sit-in movement was started and it spread across the country throughout eleven cities in
two weeks. White people also participated in the movement, mostly in Northern cities.
On May 10, six lunch counters in Nashville started serving African Americans,
36
however, sit-ins continued and by October they had been organized in a hundred and
twelve Southern cities.
Kennedy made his comments on the movement on March 23, 1960, at the
Democratic Midwest Conference. He supported the protestors, pointing out the fact that
the opportunities were not equal for all Americans. He stated: “We have not yet secured
for every American, regardless of color, his right to equal opportunity...and that
includes equal opportunity at the polls, in the classroom, in the five-and-ten cent stores
and at the counter” (Bryant 118). Kennedy said that “it was in the American tradition to
stand up for one’s rights – even if the new way was to sit down” (Brauer 33). Many
members of the Kennedy’s team were worried that these words would outrage white
Southerners; however, Kennedy decided to make this statement. Even though King
expressed his positive opinion about John F. Kennedy (In a letter to his friend he wrote:
“I was very impressed by the forthright and honest manner in which he discussed the
civil rights question. I have no doubts that he would do the right thing on this issue if he
were elected President” (Stern, Calculating Visions 25)), there were still many others
who were having doubts about Kennedy’s interest in the rights of African Americans.
For instance, Roy Wilkins of NAACP said: “It is very difficult for thoughtful Negro
voters to feel at ease about the endorsement of Senator Kennedy by Governor John
Patterson36
... Anything with an Alabama odor does not arouse much enthusiasm among
Negro citizens” (Williams 140).
Kennedy beat another candidate, Wayane Morse, in Maryland and Oregon, but a
few days before the Democratic National Convention, which was held in Los Angeles
36 John Patterson was Governor of Alabama. He was a supporter of segregation in the South. He played
an important role during Freedom Rides in 1961.
37
from July 11 to July 15, another opponent came to the scene - Lyndon B. Johnson
announced his candidacy. He started to publicly attack Kennedy by pointing out his
frequent absences in the Senate and he kept calling for public evaluation of Kennedy’s
health. Out of 4,509 Democratic delegates attending the Convention, only eighty-nine
were black; however, they were important because they represented such states which
were necessary for Kennedy’s victory. The night before the convention Kennedy spoke
in front of the NAACP (6,700 members) and he promised that “as president he would
deliver 'moral, political, legislative and, above all, executive leadership in civil rights'.”
(Bryant 142). Kennedy expressed his support for sit-in movements and he also pointed
out that the solution to racial issues in the USA was important for the American image
abroad. Media differed in their description of how Kennedy’s speech was accepted.
Some suggested that the audience accepted his speech very positively and his
performance was a success but others stated that although he received applause it was
only polite (ibid. 140 – 143).
3.9 National Convention in Los Angeles
John Kennedy was nominated the Democratic candidate for President at the
National Democratic Convention in Los Angeles. He narrowly won the nomination on
the first ballot. His position was strong in all regions apart from the South. Despite a
certain disagreement in Kennedy’s team, Kennedy offered Lyndon B. Johnson to run
for vice-presidency with him. Kennedy was well aware of the fact that running together
with a Texan would certainly increase his chances in the South. In addition, Kennedy
needed someone more mature than him and someone with a different religion. Johnson
was older than Kennedy, he was a Protestant and he was from the South.
38
In his acceptance speech, delivered in Los Angeles on July 15, 1960, Kennedy
insisted on a strong civil rights plank in the party platform, which was adopted by the
Democrats. Apart from enforcing voting laws (by eliminating literacy tests and
payments of poll taxes as requirements for voting) and supporting federal actions to end
discrimination at schools and in housing, the plank stressed the need to amend
congressional procedures – reforms of filibuster and House Rules Committee (Kennedy,
“Address of Senator John F. Kennedy”). Democrats in their platform claimed: “The
time has come to assure equal access for all Americans to all areas of community life,
including voting booths, schoolrooms, jobs, housing, and public facilities” (Wooley sec.
85). In addition, the Democratic platform stressed the need for “strong, imaginative, and
persuasive leadership by the President” (ibid.). Kennedy expressed his disapproval with
the performance of the Eisenhower administration in the speech. He said: “...it is time
for a new generation of leadership – new men to cope with new problems and new
opportunities” (Kennedy, “Address of Senator John F. Kennedy”).
3.10 After the Convention
The Republicans nominated Richard Nixon a candidate for the presidential
office at the Republican Convention in Chicago. Nixon was a member of the House of
Representatives since 1947 and in 1952 he was elected Vice-President of the United
States. Henry Cabot Lodge37
was nominated as the Republican candidate for the Vice-
Presidential office. On one hand Kennedy and Nixon had much in common. They had
been active on the American political scene for about fourteen years. Both had been
elected first to the House of Representatives and then to the Senate. They were both
37 Henry Cabot Lodge, U.S Ambassador to the United Nations, had been defeated by Kennedy during the
1952 contest for U.S. Senate seat.
39
fairly young – Kennedy was forty-three and Nixon forty-seven. On the other hand, they
were very different in their appearance. Kennedy gave the impression of a young
energetic man who loved sports, socializing; he enjoyed communication with media
unlike Nixon who did not seem to have any desire for sports or socializing.
Kennedy’s nomination revived the Catholic issue again. According to the
National Conference of Citizens for Religious Freedom, “Roman Catholic Church with
its dual role as both a church and a temporal state, made Kennedy’s faith a legitimate
issue in the campaign” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 282). Kennedy decided to confront the
issue of religion again. He agreed to talk in front of a group of Protestant ministers in
Houston on September 12, 1960. Despite his advisors’ objections, he also agreed to
answer any questions without a previous preparation. At the beginning of his speech,
Kennedy emphasized that although religion was “the chief topic” of the discussion,
there were “far more critical issues to face in the 1960 election” (Kennedy, “Speech of
Senator John F. Kennedy, Greater Houston”). He named the problem of spreading
Communism, problems with poverty and health care in the USA and the struggle to
keep pace with the Russians – there was a general fear that the United States were
falling behind the communist countries in technology and science. He asked to be
judged on the basis of his “record of 14 years in Congress” instead of judging him on
the basis of pamphlets and publications which were launched against him (ibid.). All the
questions asked by the ministers were answered by Kennedy with “confidence and
poise” (O’Brien 477). According to O’Brien, this speech was one of the most
“powerful” and important in his career and it even led to certain positive changes (478).
Christian Century (Christian magazine based in Chicago) became neutral and did not
oppose Kennedy any more. Christianity in Crisis (journal focused on modern theology)
even became supportive.
40
Kennedy’s opponents often emphasized that Kennedy had very little experience
in the foreign affairs and Republicans kept pointing out that Kennedy was unsuitable for
the White House due to his young age. His wife Jacqueline was also in their eyes “too
young to be the First Lady” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 281). Kennedy decided to use his
youth as a benefit. In many of his speeches he stated that a new, more energetic
generation was needed to govern the country in order to deal with numerous domestic
and foreign affair issues.
3.11 Phone Call to Coretta King
Many historians see the phone call to Coretta King, in October 1960, as one of
the key moments of the campaign. On October 22, Martin Luther King was arrested for
violation of a parole agreement during a sit-in demonstration. He had been arrested for
driving with an Alabama driving license while being a resident of Georgia. He was
sentenced to four months of hard labor in a rural jail. King’s wife, pregnant at that time,
contacted Harris Wofford worrying about her husband’s life. Kennedy’s top advisor,
Louis Martin, suggested Kennedy should make a gesture to express his concern about
King. Wofford and Shiver, one of Kennedy’s aids who supported the movement, made
a plan. Shiver, who was at that time staying with Kennedy in Chicago, suggested that he
call Coretta King. However, he intentionally chose a moment when no other advisors
were present because Shiver and Wofford were well aware that other campaign aides
would have certainly disagreed with this suggestion. Kennedy agreed and called Mrs.
King immediately. He promised her that he would “keep an eye on her husband’s
situation” (Williams 142).
Kennedy later commented on his action saying: “She is a friend of mine and I
was concerned about the situation” (Kennedy, “Statement by Senator John F. Kennedy
41
on Telephone Call”). Robert and other aides strongly disapproved of Kennedy’s action
when they found out. They were afraid of losing votes from white conservative
Democrats. However, Robert Kennedy changed his opinion a day later and called Judge
Oscar Mitchell (who had sentenced Reverend King) in Atlanta. Robert Kennedy
strongly criticized the judge for not allowing King to pay bail. King was released on
bail the day after Robert Kennedy’s call. According to Stern, Louis Martin contacted
Robert Kennedy and told him that Nixon was about to call a press conference in order
to criticize King’s arrest and subsequent punishment by several Democrats who were
members of the judiciary (Calculating Visions 35).
O’Brien states that this is the official version; however, there are some other
“important facts” to be mentioned (487). According to him, John Kennedy contacted
Ernest Vandiver, Governor of Georgia, and asked him to take an action in favor of
releasing King. The governor refused any public action but he contacted the judge of
DeKalb County who eventually agreed to release King. Then John Kennedy told his
brother to call the judge in order to cover up the Vandiver’s involvement. Regardless of
the sequence of events, John F. Kennedy’s phone call to Coretta King and Robert F.
Kennedy’s phone call to the judge influenced Martin Luther King and he publicly
changed his endorsement from Nixon to Kennedy. He appealed to other voters to do so
as well. He said: “It’s time for all of us to take off our Nixon button” (Williams 143).
King also praised Kennedy for “moral courage of high order” (Stern, Calculating
Visions 36).
John Siegenthaler, Robert Kennedy’s administrative assistant during the
campaign, noted that “suddenly civil rights was a crucial part of that 1960 campaign...”
(ibid. 35). Popular newspapers in African American communities devoted a lot of space
42
to Kennedy’s action. Kennedy’s campaign staff had copied and distributed two million
copies of a pamphlet38
describing the phone calls. Kennedy’s advisors on civil rights did
not see it as propaganda but rather as “just reporting what had been said” (ibid. 37).
According to Brauer, Kennedy’s phone call “demonstrated sensitivity to the black
political temper that was missing in Nixon campaign” (51). Nixon did not get involved
in the affair. Although Kennedy expressed his concern over the injustice and he did not
hesitate to express his support in this matter, he used it very well to his own profit by
publicizing the case in media. The publicity which was given to this case was certainly
encouraged by his team.
3.12 Televised Debates
Various historians agree that another key moment in the 1960 election was the
first televised debate. Schlesinger sees it as the “turning point” in the campaign
(Thousand Days 69). Both presidential candidates agreed to four debates on TV. Nixon
had been better known to the nation than Kennedy because he had been vice president
for eight years. O’Brien states that, in 1960 forty-six million Americans already owned
televisions (480). The first radio-television broadcasted debate39
was carried by all
networks and the debate provided great opportunity for voters to see their candidates
and as Allen states: “the visual contrast was dramatic” (par.2). “The camera contrasted a
handsome, well groomed, articulate Kennedy with the poorly dressed and badly made-
up Nixon” (Rorabaugh 17). Nixon had previously injured his knee and at the time of the
first debate he still looked quite exhausted and very pale whereas Kennedy looked very
38 The pamphlet cover read: “’No Comment’ Nixon versus a Candidate With a Heart, Senator Kennedy:
The Case of Martin Luther King” (Brauer 50). 39 It was the first-ever televised presidential debate (Allen par.1).
43
confident and relaxed. The visual image was certainly very influential because
according to TV viewers, Kennedy won the first debate, however, the radio audience
agreed that Kennedy was defeated by Nixon.
The first TV debate, which helped eliminate the issue of Kennedy’s youth and
inexperience from the campaign “in one stroke” was focused on domestic issues
(Schlesinger, Thousand Days 69). In his opening statement, Kennedy stressed the
importance of supporting education and science in order to keep up with the Soviet
Union. He said that the direction in which the world would move depends much on “the
kind of society” the Americans will build (“Senator John F. Kennedy and Vice
President Richard M. Nixon First Joint Radio-Television Broadcast”). Kennedy then
moved to the topic of the civil rights and talked according to the memorandum prepared
for him by Wofford.40
Kennedy claimed that he would not be “satisfied until every
American enjoys his full constitutional rights. If a Negro baby is born ... he has about
one-half as much chance to get through high school as a white baby. He has one-third as
much chance to get through college as a white student. He has about a third as much
chance to be a professional man, and about half as much chance to own a house. He has
about four times as much chance that he will be out of work in his life as the white
baby” (ibid.) Kennedy addressed the American people also in his summary, unlike
Nixon who used both, the opening as well as the closing statement, “to draw contrasts
between himself and Kennedy” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 285).
Although the main topics of the next three debates were US involvement in
China and American relations with Cuba, the candidates were asked to “sum up their
40 Wofford urged Kennedy to express his support to civil rights movement. He saw it as a chance to show
the civil rights plank – “the Democrats´ strongest asset” (Bryant 171).
44
intentions in the field of civil rights” (“Senator John F. Kennedy and Vice President
Richard M. Nixon Second Joint Radio-Television Broadcast”). Kennedy emphasized
the importance of “equality in education in schools” (ibid.) He also promised to
“establish a moral tone and moral leadership” to solve the question of equality in
education in all sections of the United States if he became the president (ibid.). Kennedy
promised to end the discrimination in federal housing “by a stroke of the President’s
pen” (ibid.).
Nixon, who improved his image in the subsequent three debates, said that
Federal Government should assist districts which would like to integrate their schools.
Nixon stated that it was necessary to “do something about” segregation but he did not
say what exactly should be done and how it should be reached (ibid.). Nixon closed his
reply by accusing Kennedy of not speaking about civil rights during his visits to the
South. Regarding civil rights issues discussions in the TV debates, Kennedy was
certainly more successful than Nixon because he expressed his awareness of the fact
that African Americans still could not exercise their full constitutional rights and he also
implied his intention to deal with this problem whereas Nixon’s comments were very
general and did not suggest Nixon’s particular interest in the topic.
3.13 National Conference on Constitutional Rights and
American Freedom
Wofford suggested organizing a conference with the aim to bring together senior
Democrats and civil rights leaders in order to discuss the implementation of party
platforms into government policy. The National Conference on Constitutional Rights
and American Freedom took place in Park-Sheraton Hotel in New York on October 12,
1960 (Bryant 176).
45
It was agreed that the country needed a president who would not only speak
about civil rights issues but who would also “act on them ahead of time” (ibid.).
Kennedy delivered his speech, in which he spoke about executive leadership and
executive action. He emphasized that it was not only about legislation and he assured
that the new Democratic administration would “press for executive leadership and
action” (Kennedy, “Speech of Senator John F. Kennedy, National Conference” par.7).
He briefly mentioned the necessity “to create the conditions in which compliance with
the constitutional requirements of school desegregation takes place” (ibid. par.9). The
participants of the Conference agreed that it was necessary to press for the fulfillment of
commitments regarding civil rights set in the Democratic platform. Johnson did not
attend this conference. He stated: “...the administration of Jack Kennedy and Lyndon
Johnson will be an administration which will protect the constitutional rights of all
Americans” (Bryant 176). He did not express any particular support to civil rights
issues, but he implied that he would denounce any policy that would not be in
compliance with the Constitution.
3.14 Election Results
In 1960, seven million more people voted in the election in comparison to
previous presidential election. Almost sixty-four percent of eligible voters cast ballots.
Kennedy received 303 electoral votes compared to Nixon who received 219 electoral
votes. However, Kennedy won the election by the smallest popular-vote margin in the
twentieth century. He earned 49.7 percent compared to Nixon’s 49.6 percent (O’Brien
495).
Kennedy’s personal attractiveness, campaign style and the phone call to Coretta
King, as well as the first televised debate contributed to his victory. Kennedy won the
46
crucial states such as Michigan, New Jersey, Illinois, Pennsylvania, and New York due
to the African American vote. Nixon’s campaign was missing “black political temper”
(Brauer 51). Although civil rights were not a crucial part of Kennedy’s campaign, he
promised the African Americans “a wide range of Presidential action on their behalf”
(Stern, Calculating Visions 39).
Religion played an important role in the South, however, Southern states were
traditionally mostly Democratic which helped to reduce the importance of religion.
Among the reasons which contributed to Kennedy’s victory might also be “the faltering
economy in the election year, anxiety about the nation’s apparently diminished capacity
to meet the Soviet threat...” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 295). Johnson on the ticket proved
to be quite important because it is believed that he helped Kennedy win some Southern
states (Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina and
Texas) (ibid.).
During the year of 1960, international tensions were escalating and therefore the
national safety and the technical progress were key issues in the presidential election.
Both candidates, Nixon and Kennedy, were occupied with the cold war and none of
them really focused on civil rights in their campaign. Media did not press either
candidate on the issues of race or civil rights either. It was very effective for Kennedy
and Johnson to “divide their campaign along the Mason-Dixon Line.”41
Kennedy rarely
visited the South during his campaign and if he did, he usually managed to avoid the
topic of civil rights. Johnson was campaigning in the South. He traveled in his “LBJ
Victory Special locomotive” (Bryant 169).
41 The term Mason Dixon Line is used to refer to cultural differences between the North and South of the
USA.
47
Although Kennedy devoted some speeches to civil rights, he still used rather
general expressions. In his civil rights statements he often spoke about protecting
constitutional rights but he rarely addressed a specific issue directly. He never explicitly
criticized Southern officials for failing to comply with the Constitution, for denying the
African Americans their rights. In his statements Kennedy often criticized Eisenhower
for failing in many categories, including civil rights. Kennedy particularly criticized the
President for “allowing the Little Rock Crisis to explode” (O’Brien 603). It still seemed
that Kennedy advocacy of civil rights was highly influenced by political needs rather
than his moral obligation. Heath believes that “no single factor decided the 1960
election. Instead, a combination of many and a measure of good luck as well made John
F. Kennedy President (47).
48
4 PART IV: Presidential Office
4.1 First Months in the Office
Civil rights advocates and activists were full of hopes when John F. Kennedy
won the presidential election in 1960. Kennedy’s campaign was full of promises
regarding changes in all spheres of Americans’ lives. He promised better economical
situation, improvements in education and health care and fair chances for African
Americans. But during Kennedy’s presidency no civil rights act, for which the African
Americans had hoped so much, was passed. Civil rights did not seem to be a high
priority for the new president. The first two years of Kennedy’s presidency were rather
disappointing for civil rights supporters. He was mostly preoccupied with the
worldwide situation – the threat of spreading Communist influence and the threat of
nuclear confrontation. Bryant, however, admits that at certain circumstances “when he
did not feel bound by political constraints” Kennedy could be “sensitive to black
aspirations” (212). As an example he mentions the President’s annoyance when during
the inaugural parade there was not “a single black cadet” among the members of Coast
Guard Academy (ibid.). Kennedy saw it as unacceptable which suggests that he had a
personal interest in the integration of African Americans into the society.
Kennedy was not hostile to the situation of black minority; however, apart from
the escalating tension at the international political scene, there was the issue of strong
Southern influence in the Congress. Kennedy was aware of the fact that there was a
very slight chance that new civil rights legislation might be passed in 1961 because
49
Southerners held key positions42
in the House and the Senate. Schwab suggests that
“almost all Southern Congressmen could be counted on to oppose any program which
benefited blacks” (141). Although Kennedy administration did not propose any strong
legislation regarding civil rights, they pursued the desegregation in federal employment
practice. Kennedy appointed African Americans to new government positions. “During
his first two months in office he selected ... forty Negroes for important posts” (Brauer
68). The most notable was the appointment of Thurgood Marshall (who was famous for
advocating civil rights at the Supreme Court, especially in Brown v. Board of
Education) to the Second Circuit Court of Appeals in New York (ibid. 69).
“He also enlarged and strengthened the implementation and enforcement powers
of the Equal Employment Opportunities Committee...43
which covered 20 million
federal employees” (Silvestri 244). The act regarding desegregation in housing was
postponed because Kennedy knew that he could not turn Southern delegates against
himself because he needed them in order to enforce other policies. ”Kennedy clearly
aimed to win Southern Democratic support for his legislative program” (Brauer 87).
Schwab suggests that “during Kennedy Administration the black rebellion of the
1960’s came into its own.”44
The Civil Rights Movement was certainly intensifying and
due to the advancement of modern media it was also largely publicized. The President
42 “Of the twenty standing committees of the House, ten were chaired by Southerners; nine of the sixteen
standing committees of the Senate were chaired by southerners” (Stern, Calculating Visions 40). 43
Kennedy established by the executive order a Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity on March
7, 1961, and it replaced two existing but according to Brauer “largely ineffectual” committees (79). The
aim of the committee was to “undertake specific plans for progress involving recruitment, training, hiring
and upgrading of Negro employees” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 383). Kennedy nominated Lyndon Johnson
the chairman of the committee. According to 1964 Civil Rights Act, the Committee was transformed to
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. 44 The number of protests (demonstrations, sit-ins, prayers) increased considerably at the beginning of the
1960. The civil rights activists organized a lot of protests aware of the fact that they might turn into a
violent demonstration. However, they anticipated that it would give them a legitimate reason to demand
reactions from government officials, particularly president administration.
50
and his aides wanted to avoid any direct confrontations because confrontations
regarding racial discrimination usually attracted a lot of attention not only inside the
USA but also worldwide. During his campaign Kennedy criticized Eisenhower for lack
of action with regard to racial discrimination in federally aided housing and stated that
if elected, he would do so “by a stroke of pen” (“Stroke of the pen” par.1). When the
civil rights supporters saw that the President did not pursue any new housing legislation,
they started to send pens to the White House to remind Kennedy of his promise.
4.2 Discrimination against African Diplomats
The fact that discrimination was present at all spheres of life was proved in the
spring of 1961 by an affair regarding discrimination in public accommodation in
Charleston, South Carolina, where black members of National Civil War Commission
were denied the hotel services on the basis of the color of their skin. Southern delegates
strongly criticized Kennedy for “unauthorized intrusion into the actions of a privately
owned hotel” after the President contacted General Ulysses S. Grant III in order to
request “equal treatment for all commission members” (Dallek, Unfinished Life 382).
The authorities could not force any hotel to integrate; therefore they decided to arrange
a different place for the banquet – at the US naval base outside Charleston. The
Southerners liked to point out that even though the President called for desegregation,
the Navy still segregated the personnel. This incident clearly demonstrates that
segregation and discriminatory practices were still widely used a hundred years after the
Emancipation Proclamation.
The difficulties regarding public accommodation and restaurants were also
frequently experienced by African diplomats. The year of 1960, when Kennedy was
elected, is often referred to as “the Year of Africa” (Dudziak 153). Former colonies
51
were becoming independent states – “between January and November of that year,
seventeen African nations achieved independence” (ibid.). With the increasing number
of newly independent countries, the number of African diplomats in the USA also
increased and they often encountered discriminatory practices in housing and public
accommodation.
The racial discrimination in the USA might have had great influence on the
relationships of the USA with newly independent nations in Africa. Especially when
tensions with Soviet Union were increasing, the USA needed support of the newly
emerging countries, as well as, within the United Nations. Kennedy was concerned
about the image of the USA during official visits of African diplomats. Bryant
acknowledges that Kennedy “ordered an investigation after a presidential honor guard
for the visit of Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah included only three black soldiers”
(212). The administration initiated “a highly organized and partially successful drive to
desegregate” public places in certain states (Maryland, Virginia) in which the diplomats
often traveled (Holder 32). Angier Biddle Duke, chief of the Protocol, proposed the
creation of a special section – New Nations Division – with the responsibility to “help
foreign African diplomats in Washington – and to prevent incidents that would provoke
ill will” against the USA (ibid. 33).
4.3 Voting Rights
The Justice Department focused on the voting rights during the first year of
Kennedy administration. They saw voting as “the keystone in the struggle against
segregation” (Dudziak 156). They believed that the more African Americans would go
to the polls, the more the politicians would have to take their views into consideration.
Burke Marshall, Assistant Attorney General, was in charge of negotiations with the
52
officials from the Southern states. Kennedy administration wanted to negotiate with
local officials to give “full respect to the federal system and full opportunity for local
self-correction” (Schlesinger, Thousand Days 934). During ten months, Marshall’s
office “launched fourteen voting rights suits” (Bryant 249). By 1963, forty-two suits
were filed (Schlesinger, Thousand Days 935). Proving discrimination required a lot of
analyses and it was usually a very long process. Attorneys from Justice Department
went to the Southern states in order to analyze the situation – they examined witnesses
and studied FBI reports. Brauer claims that, “despite the considerable efforts that the
Justice Department put into voter suits, they had little immediate impact on Negro
registration” (119).
It seems that even though Kennedy contributed to the improvements of the
African Americans’ situation, he did not like to point it out too much. The reasons
might have been that he did not want to outrage the Southerners because he needed their
support. He seemed to be willing to act in favor of African Americans to the point
where it came to a possible confrontation with some senators or congressmen from the
Southern states. School desegregation and desegregation in public accommodation
would have required such confrontations and that may have been the reason why
Kennedy administration focused mostly on voting rights and fair employment
opportunities. O’Brien explains that “legal authority on voting rights was stronger
(though still limited) than any other civil rights field” (593). Civil Rights Acts of 1957
and 1960 guaranteed federal government rights to investigate whether law had not been
violated. It also entitled general governor to file suits on behalf of persons whom the
right to vote had been denied.
53
4.4 Freedom Rides
In December, 1960, The Supreme Court of the USA outlawed in the case of
Boynton v. Virginia segregation at interstate bus terminals. It extended the Supreme
Court decision from 194745
when segregation on interstate buses was declared unlawful.
The Freedom Ride was a project of CORE (the Congress of Racial Equality),
particularly of James Farmer,46
its executive director. CORE sent an interracial group of
travelers down to the Deep South in order to test the situation there – to test whether
Southern states complied with the laws of the country. In his letter to President, Farmer
explained that it was “designed to forward the completion of integrated bus service and
accommodations in the Deep South” (Kenney 99). They were well aware of the fact that
violent reactions from white segregationist might occur and they hoped in such cases to
be able to demand response from the White House. As Bryant explains, the aim was to
“provoke crisis ... so that the federal government would be compelled to act” (262).
Although the Supreme Court declared segregation in all interstate travel facilities
unconstitutional, many African Americans were harassed or even jailed if they moved
freely at bus facilities or sat in the front seats of buses. The CORE informed the officials
in advance about their plan in writing. They sent letters to President Kennedy; Attorney
General Robert Kennedy; J. Edgar Hoover, the Chairman of Interstate Commerce
Commission; then to the president of Greyhound Corporation and the president of
Trailways Corporation (bus companies) and to the FBI. According to Farmer, there was
no response from any of the institutions (O’Reilly 206).
45 The CORE organized “Journey of Reconciliation” in 1947 after the Supreme Court outlawed
segregated seating on interstate buses and trains. At that time they traveled only through the Upper South,
however, they were attacked during the journey and eventually arrested in North Carolina for “violating
the segregation laws of the state” (Williams 147). 46 James Farmer was black civil rights activist, one of the founders of CORE in early 1940s. Farmer as
well as Martin Luther King studied and advocated the Gandhi philosophy of nonviolence.
54
The Freedom Riders (13 demonstrators - seven black and six white) left
Washington D.C. on May 4, 1961, and their plan was to travel through Virginia, North
and South Carolina and finish in New Orleans on May 17 – the anniversary of Brown
decision. The Riders managed to travel without much trouble through Virginia,
however, in South Carolina and in Alabama they were attacked by segregationists. In
Anniston (Alabama) they were forced to leave the bus as it was firebombed and then
they were beaten up by members of Ku Klux Klan who used iron bars. Violent attacks
took also place in Birmingham, where the Riders were awaited by segregationists. The
police offered no protection to the Riders. The next day the pictures of burning bus
carrying Freedom Riders and the attacks at Birmingham Magic City Terminal were on
the front pages of numerous newspapers, not only in the USA but also abroad.
The pictures of African Americans being harassed by angry white mobs while
trying to exercise their rights guaranteed to them by the US Supreme Court were in
sharp contrast with the image of “beacon of freedom and democracy” as the USA tried
to present themselves in the world (Rosenberg 31). President Kennedy called
“emergency meeting” with the members of Justice Department (Williams 148). As
Dallek confirms, “the Freedom Riders caught the Kennedys by surprise” (Unfinished
Life 384). The President and his aides worried about the image of the USA in the world,
especially after the debacle of Bay of Pigs Invasion and before the upcoming meeting of
Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev in Vienna.47
“Kennedy... saw the headlines as another
blow to America’s international prestige” (ibid.)
47 The meeting with Nikita Khrushchev in Vienna was scheduled for June 3-4, 1961.
55
The President and the Attorney General agreed on sending federal marshals to
Alabama if necessary, however, Robert Kennedy perceived the protection of Freedom
Riders as a responsibility of local police, even though he was aware of the fact that there
was certain evidence that Eugene Connor (police official in the city of Birmingham)
“had facilitated the Birmingham violence” (Bryant 264). According to Rorabaugh, FBI
had the information proving that Connor “had agreed to give the Klan 15 minutes alone
with the Freedom Riders” (82). The Justice Department and the President
administration could have (and according to their critics should have) acted more
promptly on the account of such information, however, they postponed any intervention
until later.
The Kennedys sent John Seigenthaler, a Justice Department aide, to Birmingham
in order to monitor the situation for them. Seigenthaler had a meeting with John
Patterson, Alabama Governor, who promised to “protect all people in Alabama, visitors
and others, whether on the highways or elsewhere” (Brauer 100). When a new group of
Freedom Riders left Birmingham on May 20, their bus was accompanied by a plane
flying over and state patrol cars were along the highway between Birmingham and
Montgomery. When the bus arrived in Montgomery, “Riders exited the bus into the
middle of an angry, howling mob of 500 – 1,000” (Rorabaugh 82). The Riders were
severely beaten and so were the crews from NBC News and Life (ibid.) When
Seigenthaler, who had been following the bus, tried to help two female Riders he was
“knocked unconscious and left lying in the street for nearly half an hour” (Williams
155). Martial Law was declared in Montgomery and Robert Kennedy sent four hundred
federal marshals there (Rorabaugh 83).
56
Despite the attacks, the Riders decided to continue in their journey and on May
24, 1961, they left Montgomery and headed for Jackson, Mississippi. No violence
occurred in Jackson because the Freedom Riders were awaited by the police, arrested
and sent to jail. Robert Kennedy had made an agreement with James Eastland,
Mississippi Senator, that the Freedom Riders were guaranteed the protection under the
condition that upon their arrival in Jackson they would be arrested. Burke Marshall,
Assistant Attorney General, later admitted that “the arrests ‘were
unconstitutional...without any question’” (Stern, Calculating Visions 60). However,
Robert Kennedy wanted to avoid the crisis so desperately that he “agreed” with the
imprisonment of the Riders (Silvestri 244). After the Riders entered Mississippi,
Attorney General, Robert Kennedy, issued his first public statement on the crisis. In his
speech “he praised state authorities for protecting the riders” and he also “appealed to
the patriotism of the riders and rioters” (Bryant 276), however, he drew the attention to
the upcoming meeting of John F. Kennedy and Nikita Khrushchev in Vienna and stated
that anything that “brings or causes discredit on our country, can be harmful to his
mission” (ibid.). In other words he told both sides that they had certain responsibility for
the crisis.
President Kennedy issued his first public statement regarding Freedom Rides
and the crisis it provoked on May 20, 1961. Kennedy expressed his belief that all the
responsibility of maintaining peace and order is the responsibility of local authorities.
He claimed: “I call upon the Governor and other responsible State officials in Alabama,
as well as the Mayors of Birmingham and Montgomery, to exercise their lawful
authority to prevent any further outbreaks of violence” (Kennedy, “Statement of the
President Concerning Interference”). He also declared that he hoped that “any persons,
whether a citizen of Alabama or a visitor there, would refrain from any action which
57
would in any way tend to provoke further outbreaks” (ibid.). By saying this the
President called upon the Freedom Riders and other civil rights activists to stop any
further protests in order to keep peace and order.
According to Stern, Harris Wofford and Burke Marshall tried to convince the
President that he should say “a few stout words of support for the riders” but Kennedy
refused (Calculating Visions 61). He also refused to see the Riders when asked by
CORE and Southern Christian Leadership Conference. During the summer of 1961,
more than sixty different Rides went through the South and “by the end of summer over
300 were behind bars in Mississippi” (Anderson 53). On September 22, 1961, the
Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) banned segregated interstate transportation
facilities so it is possible to say that the objective of the Freedom Rides was met. Apart
from that they also managed to provoke the administration into action. The order of ICC
was initiated by Robert Kennedy. “Under heavy pressure from Robert Kennedy, the
Interstate Commerce Commission brought an end to all segregation signs in railroad
and airport, and bus terminals” (O’Brien 591).
During the crisis, President remained silent most of the time, however, on July
19, during the President’s News Conference he claimed that: “... everyone who
travels...should enjoy the full constitutional protection given to them by the law and by
the Constitution” (Kennedy, “President’s News Conference of July 19, 1961” p.3).
Dallek points out that Kennedy believed that he had “done more for civil rights than any
President in the American history” (Unfinished Life 387). Nevertheless, it was not
“enough to keep up with the determined efforts of African Americans to end two
centuries of oppression” (ibid.). The fact that Kennedy administration eventually
managed to keep law and order was viewed positively, as well as the fact that they
58
refused to accept racial mob violence. However, they were criticized for not interfering
with local police, who in many cases were members of Ku Klux Klan and approved of
violence.48
The President and his administration were “pushed into acting where it had
refused to act earlier,” nevertheless they managed to cope with the situations and
enforce new rules regarding racial discrimination (Schwab 151).
4.5 Albany Movement
Albany, a farming town in Georgia with the population of fifty-six thousand
people, became the venue of the next civil rights crisis. Forty percent of Albany
population were African Americans (Anderson 66). Segregation was still very
widespread: schools, despite Brown decision, still remained segregated and a very low
percentage of African Americans were registered to vote. Public facilities – library,
buses, parks and swimming pools were still strictly segregated as well. At the beginning
of the new decade, the civil rights organizations intensified their struggle considerably.
In the summer of 1961, members of Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee49
arrived in Albany in order to fight against segregation in an organized, effective way.
Later that year in November 1961, Albany Movement50
was formed with the aim to
organize activists. The members of Albany Movement complained to the Justice
Department about the situation of African Americans in Albany, however, the only
response they received was that “federal government had no authority to intervene”
(Bryant 315). All efforts for desegregation were blocked by the city officials who rather
48 According to O’Reilly, FBI had information that members of Ku Klux Klan were planning an attack on
Freedom Riders and provided this information to the local police, however, nothing was done to prevent
the attack. It was also the case of Birmingham (206 - 207). 49 The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee was a civil rights organization which was established
in 1960. It played important role during sit-in demonstrations and Freedom Rides. 50 The Albany Movement was an umbrella organization which included Ministerial Alliance, the Negro
Votes League, and the Criterion Club (Williams 167).
59
chose to close all public parks instead of taking further steps toward desegregation.
Campaign which aimed to desegregate public buses also led to suspending of bus
services.
In mid-July, 1962, Martin Luther King came to Albany for a trial in which he
was sentenced to forty-five days51
in prison for organizing a march in February of 1962.
According to Bryant, the Kennedys saw the imprisonment of Martin Luther King as
very inconvenient because it was before the Georgia Democratic Gubernatorial Primary
and they hoped that “racial moderate” Carl Sanders would win the primary (316).
King’s imprisonment always attracted media attention and it was very likely that it
would encourage voters to support the segregationist candidate. King was released from
the jail upon a bail payment, which was provided by a contributor whose identity was
not revealed. However, it was a day after Burke Marshall called Coretta King to express
her support of Kennedy administration. He told her that “the Department was trying to
secure her husband’s release” (Brauer 168). Until now, it has not been clarified who
secured King’s release, whether it was a result of the Department’s intervention or
whether there really was an anonymous donor. Dr. King decided to stay in Albany in
order to organize street protests, but on July 21, District Judge J. Robert Elliot (who had
been appointed by Kennedy) issued an official order which banned demonstrations.
Despite the ban on demonstrations, protests increased and large numbers of
protesters were arrested. The mass meetings and demonstrations continued for next six
months. On July 24 (only four days after Judge Elliot issued his order banning
demonstrations), “U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit in Atlanta ruled that
51 M.L.King was sentenced together with his aide Ralph Abernathy for forty-five days in jail or a 178
USD fine. Both of them chose jail.
60
Elliot’s ban on demonstration was illegal” (Bryant 319), and that inspired further
protests and marches. King was again arrested after he went to the City Hall and
demanded a meeting with Mayor Kelley.
Despite the fact that the incidents attracted the attention of national press and the
events in Albany became a national issue, city officials repeatedly rejected the civil
rights leaders’ requests for negotiations. President Kennedy criticized the Albany
authorities’ approach at the News Conference held on August 1, 1962. He said: “…I
find it wholly inexplicable why the City Council of Albany will not sit down with the
citizens of Albany, who may be Negroes, and attempt to secure theme in a peaceful
way…” (Kennedy, “News Conference 40” p.2). The President also pointed out that
federal government is going to make every effort “to provide a satisfactory solution for
the protection of the constitutional rights of the people of Albany…” (ibid.).
On August 8, 1962, the Justice Department legally intervened by issuing a
statement in which they declared that “the court should not consider the injunction
because the city did not have ‘clean hands,’ since it continued to enforce segregation in
public facilities” (Brauer 175). As Bryant confirms, it was “a clear signal to the City
Commissioners in Albany and, implicitly, to other southern segregationists that they
could not longer treat blacks unlawfully” (324). A week later, on August 15, 1962, the
City Commission finally agreed to meet with the civil rights leaders, but their meeting
did not bring any satisfying results for the civil rights advocates. The street protests
continued, however, Albany African Americans were losing interest and the attendance
at mass meetings was gradually declining.
Although the Albany Movement did not bring about any changes (schools
remained segregated and other public facilities were closed) and as Stern confirms,
61
“civil rights activists suffered one of their most bitter defeats,” it provided the civil
rights organizations with great experience of organizing mass meetings and
demonstrations (76). In comparison with the previous civil rights crisis Kennedy’s
approach changed considerably. While during the Freedom Rides he refrained from
criticizing the Southern officials, during the Albany events, he criticized explicitly the
city officials. Bryant suggests that Albany together with other events of that year
“marked a shift” in Kennedy’s language regarding civil rights issues (328). The events
“galvanized him to speak out against segregation in America in more forceful terms
than he ever had before” (ibid.). During the News Conference held on September 13,
1962, when he was asked to comment on the situation he said: “The United States
Constitution provides for freedom to vote, and this country must permit every man and
woman to exercise their franchise” (Kennedy, “President’s News Conference, Sept.13”
p.2 ). He condemned the attacks against civil rights activists as “cowardly as well as
outrageous” (ibid.). At both news conferences (Sept. 13 and Aug. 1, 1962) the President
spoke very directly about the issues of civil rights. He even expressed clearly his own
point of view and criticized directly city officials when he said that he does not
understand why city officials of Albany are so unwilling to negotiate with activist when
“the U.S. Government is involved in sitting down at Geneva with the Soviet Union”
(Kennedy, “News Conference 40” p.2).
4.6 Integrating the University of Mississippi
Mississippi was one of the poorest states in the USA and also the state with the
highest percentage of African American population. Forty-five percent of
Mississippians were black, but only five percent of black population were registered to
vote (Williams 208). Lynching, beating and other violent acts were frequent practices
62
used to prevent African Americans from registering to vote or other attempts to exercise
their rights. In some counties of Mississippi there was not a single black voter registered
and eighty-six percent of African Americans lived in poverty (Cozzens 1). Very high
percentage of college graduates was leaving the state which led to lack of doctors and
lawyers. At certain places it was still quite common that children worked in fields
instead of going to school. Mississippi had much fewer bookstores and libraries than
any other state.
Schools in Mississippi were still strictly segregated and the University of
Mississippi, commonly known as Ole Miss, was not an exception. Therefore when
James Meredith, twenty eight years old air force veteran and native Mississippian,
applied for admission in January 1961,52
he was rejected solely on the basis of his skin
color. Meredith contacted Medgar Evers, NAACP53
field secretary, for legal assistance
(O’Brien 603). On May 31, 1961, NAACP and James Meredith filed a lawsuit at the
Federal Court in Meridian, Mississippi. (“Integrating Ole Miss”). Kennedy
administration intervened in the case for the first time on August 31, 1962, when the
Justice Department asked the Supreme Court Judge to put aside stays issued by Judge
Ben F. Cameron.54
After a series of court contests, on September 10, 1962, the U.S. Supreme Court
ordered the University of Mississippi to admit James Meredith. Three days later, on
September 13, Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett expressed his strong stand against the
ruling of the U.S. Supreme Court in a statewide television and radio speech. He refused
52 James Meredith claimed that he was inspired by John F. Kennedy’s inaugural speech. 53 The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People – one of the most influential civil
rights organizations in the USA. 54 Judge Ben F. Cameron was a member of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals who kept postponing the
injunction of ordering integration of Ole Miss by issuing four separate stays (“Integrating Ole Miss”).
63
to ever allow the integration of a single school. In his proclamation he said: “We must
either submit to the unlawful dictates of the federal government or stand up like men to
tell them no” (Barnett par. 6). He also encouraged the people of Mississippi to fight
against integration by claiming that he had no doubts that “the overwhelming majority
of loyal Mississippians…will never submit to the moral degradation, to the same and
the ruin which have faced all other who have lacked the courage to defend their beliefs”
(ibid).
Although publicly Barnett strongly opposed the idea of Meredith’s enrollment,
he had been negotiating with Attorney General Kennedy. On September 15, 1962
Robert Kennedy called Governor Barnett to seek a solution to the crisis and since then
until September 28, they had over twenty phone conversations (Dallek, Unfinished Life
514). According to Williams, Barnett suggested in one of their phone calls that
Meredith was led to school by army troops. Such situation would have suggested that
Barnett was forced to allow his enrollment. He did not want to be blamed by
Mississippians for allowing integration of Ole Miss, He did not want to “appear to
capitulate to the federal government” (Kenney 104). However, his suggestion was
rejected by Robert Kennedy. They did not reach an agreement and Barnett personally
blocked Meredith’s second attempt to get registered.
When President Kennedy came to realize that the peaceful way (telephone
conversations with Governor Barnett and actions at courts55
), in which they were trying
to solve the problem was not efficient, he federalized the Mississippi National Guard on
September 30, 1962. James Meredith was escorted to the campus, where he stayed
55 Barnett was found guilty of civil contempt and “ordered to purge himself by following Tuesday or face
arrest and a fine of ten thousand U.S. dollars per day” (Schlesinger 943).
64
overnight guarded by twenty-four federal agents (Williams 216). President Kennedy
delivered a speech on nation-wide television, in which he announced that Meredith had
been “in residence on campus of the University of Mississippi” (Kennedy, “President
Kennedy’s Speech with notes” p.1). He stressed the importance of law as “eternal
safeguard of liberty” and he also stated that “Americans are free…to disagree with law
but not to disobey it” (ibid.). During the President’s speech, the situation at Ole Miss
deteriorated considerably. A large crowd protesting against Meredith’s enrollment had
gathered at campus and violent rioting broke out. At approximately eight o’clock, when
Kennedy was beginning his speech, French journalist, Paul Guihard, was murdered.
Later that night, Kennedy ordered twenty-three thousand troops “to proceed to
Oxford” (Rorabaugh 102). The President had no other possibility than to order the
Army to Oxford because gunfire spread and the situation at the campus became very
violent. Government officials worried about Meredith’s life and his security. Nicholas
Katzentbach, Deputy Attorney General, who was present at the campus, demanded the
troops in order to get the situation under control. The U.S. Army soldiers arrived in
Oxford on October 1 between two and three a.m., which was rather late after the order
was issued. Army officials later provided numerous explanations for their delay.
Nevertheless, at this point the relations between the White House and Pentagon sank
very low. Kennedy and his team were deeply disturbed by the Army’s indifference to
presidential orders. “The Kennedy brothers and their advisors sensed something sinister
in the military’s farcical incompetence” (Talbot 155).
On October 1, 1962, James Meredith was escorted to Lyceum Hall for
registration. He was followed by marshals everywhere he went in order to protect him
from physical violence. During the rioting two people died, three hundred and seventy-
65
five were injured, including a hundred and sixty-six federal marshals (O’Brien 608).
Two hundred people were arrested (Kenney 107).
The Mississippi Crisis was followed very closely by media in foreign countries.
Most of their reactions to the presidential response were positive. A Swedish newspaper
claimed: “There is hardly to be found a corresponding example in the world of a
Government so powerfully protecting the rights of a minority. In the midst of tragedy,
this is a victory for American democracy and for the ideas upon which it rests”
(Dudziak 164). Most media abroad, even in Africa, praised Kennedy administration for
the way in which he handled the crisis. The manner in which the federal government
handled the crisis positively affected the image of the USA abroad.
President’s solution to the problem seemed to have more supporters than
opponents in the USA. The Ole Miss crisis did not hurt Kennedy politically. Brauer
confirms that “Mississippi confrontation did not seriously hurt Kennedy’s standing
among white Southerners” (201). In addition Schlesinger reports that “in the fall
election the Democrats won more Negro votes than ever” (948). The Kennedy’s stance
was regarded by Americans as a sign that the President was willing to support the rights
of all Americans citizens, including African American minority, even though it might
have weakened his popularity.
However, the Democratic Party members were not in an agreement about
Kennedy’s conduct. According to Talbot, the Mississippi Crisis “drove a permanent
wedge between the Kennedy administration and the white South” (158). He also
suggests that Kennedy realized that “the attempt to reach some sort of consensus with
Southern states, with its congressmen and senators” was at its end (159). Kennedy
expressed clearly that regardless of the problems inside the Democratic Party, he was
66
determined to carry out the duties expected from president. When a reporter asked
President Kennedy whether he believed that Ole Miss Crisis would have an impact on
enforcement of his administrations programs in Congress, Kennedy explained that he
believed that “the majority of southerners recognized that his duty is “to carry out the
court order..” (“Transcript of Interview”).
Integrating Ole Miss was a great achievement for the civil rights leaders and it
gave African Americans hope and belief that there was a certain possibility they might
be able to receive the support from federal government in their struggle for equal rights.
However, some civil rights leaders were not satisfied with the manner in which the
Kennedy administration handled the crisis. For instance, Martin Luther King criticized
John F. Kennedy for failing to praise Meredith in his speech. According to Dr. King,
Kennedy only summoned “the nation to obey law” (O’Brien 608). The fact is that
Kennedy did not express any support to James Meredith, he did not appeal directly to
the consciences of the Southerners as he did during the Albany crisis, however, he
expressed much stronger support to civil rights than in any previous case.
John and Robert Kennedy both tried to avoid the use of troops as long as it was
possible. They had been criticizing Eisenhower for letting the crisis in Little Rock grow
to such an extent that ordering federal troops was the only possibility to resolve the
crisis. They perceived the use federal troops as a great failure. Stern explains that John
Kennedy as well as Robert Kennedy “had a real conviction that it was wrong to send
troops in…” (“Eisenhower and Kennedy” 4). It was also the reason why Kennedy kept
persuading the Governor - he wanted to avoid using federal troops; he wanted to
persuade Barnett to take steps leading to Meredith’s registration without violence and
particularly without the necessity for federal troops. Kennedy certainly did not consider
67
delaying of Meredith’s registration at Ole Miss, as Burke Marshall pointed out during
his discussion at JFK Library in September, 2002. Kennedy was presented with a very
difficult situation and there was not much he could do. Robert Kennedy claimed that he
had never seen his brother “so angry” (Talbot 155). He himself regarded the night when
the battle of Ole Miss was fought as the “worst night” he had ever spent (ibid.).
The Ole Miss crisis certainly marked a shift in Kennedy’s approach to the civil
rights and in his views of the South. During this civil rights battle Kennedy experienced
the manner in which Southern representatives dealt with federal government officials
and how easily they ignored a Supreme Court decision. Therefore he could easily
picture what sort of treatment the African Americans must have been experiencing for
many years. Apart from the fact that the Ole Miss crisis “stirred doubts within JFK’s
inner circle about how firmly the president was I control of his own army, it also
contributed to the conviction that “the South was a hostile territory” (Talbot 162).
4.7 Birmingham
Birmingham was the most segregated of large cities in the whole country.
Fleming described Birmingham as the “symbol of segregation” (82). The population of
the city was 350,000 people and 140,000 were African Americans (Brauer 230). Martin
Luther King and his SCLC wanted to challenge the segregation in Birmingham by
launching protests in March 1963, soon after the municipal election. However, the first
round of the election did not produce a majority for any of the candidates.56
Albert
Boutwell, who was preferred by city’s black population, won the election by a small
56 The candidates were both segregationists – T. Eugene “Bull” Connor – police commissioner and Albert
Boutwell, who was the more moderate of these two. He was also more preferred by African Americans
(Brauer 230).
68
margin on April 2, 1963, but his opponent T. Eugene “Bull” Connor immediately
disputed the result and initiated court proceedings and as a result of that Birmingham
had two administrations until the case was settled.
Dr. King started his protests by boycotting shops in downtown and by sit-in
demonstrations at lunch counters, but on April 12, 1963, many protestors, including
Martin Luther King were arrested for organizing a march. Coretta King, Reverend
King’s wife, called the White House to ask for help of the administration. Robert
Kennedy promised “to do all he could to have her husband’s situation improved”
(Brauer 232). The Kennedys’ intervention probably influenced the manner in which Dr.
King was treated. Brauer describes that the conditions of King’s imprisonment
improved considerably after the administration intervention (ibid.). During the
imprisonment, Reverend King wrote his famous Letter from Birmingham Jail in which
he responded to a statement issued by white clergymen from Alabama, according to
whom it was not correct to fight against injustice in the streets. In his letter King
explained that direct actions were important because so far no civil rights would have
been achieved without them. He explained that “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice
everywhere” (“Letter from Birmingham Jail”).
After Dr. King was released on bond, he knew, based on the Albany experience
that jails were large enough to take a lot of black adults and that was the reason he
decided to “recruit” schoolchildren for his peaceful protests. During their first march, on
May 2, 1963, nine hundred children were arrested (Bryant 234). The next day, when
another group of young students marched, Eugene Connor did not hesitate to order
firemen with hoses and police dogs to break up the demonstrations. Governor Wallace
sent sixty troopers to assist the local police. Some groups of African Americans
69
responded to the brutal violence against demonstrators, many of whom were children
and women, by violent rioting in the city. Kennedy administration was denying their
right to intervene, however, Assistant Attorney General Burke Marshall was sent to
Birmingham in order to negotiate with both sides – white city officials and black civil
rights leaders in order to come up with a solution. The members of Kennedy
administration were working also from Washington. Robert Kennedy called Dr. King
and tried to persuade him not to use children in his protests. The administration also
initiated negotiations with companies whose subsidiaries were located in Birmingham
to contribute to a settlement of the crisis. President Kennedy started his News
Conference, on May 8, 1963 with the Birmingham situation. He stressed that he had
“made it clear since assuming the Presidency that [he] would use all available means to
protect human rights, and uphold the law of the land” (Kennedy, “News Conference 55”
p.1). Kennedy explained that his administration had been focusing on settling the
problem “in a peaceful fashion” (ibid.).
As a result of negotiations it was announced on May 10, 1963, that Birmingham
merchants had agreed to desegregate lunch counters and employ more African
Americans. Connor responded by urging whites to boycott stores whose owners agreed
to integrate. Soon after the announcement, Ku Klux Klan rallied and the house of
Reverend A.D. King, Martin Luther King’s brother, was bombed and so was the motel
where M.L.King resided. The events in Birmingham attracted not only national media
but also media abroad. The pictures of children being attacked by police dogs were
published all over the world. “A Nigerian newspaper accused ‘the USA of becoming the
most barbarian state in the world’” (O’Brien 835). President Kennedy’s concern about
the image of his country abroad might have also contributed to the active role his
administration assumed in order to resolve the crisis.
70
Robert Kennedy was afraid that violence might spread into other big cities in the
country and Williams reports that therefore he “convinced his brother to send in federal
troops” (194). Most of the objectives, set by the civil rights activists, were fulfilled and
as Brauer confirms, “the message of Birmingham to the nation’s blacks was quite clear:
street demonstrations could win tangible gains” (238). Kennedy emphasized in his
televised speech on May 12, 1963, that “the federal government would not permit ‘a
few extremists’ on each side to sabotage the settlement (Dallek, Unfinished Life 598).
The Supreme Court ruled that Mayor Boutwell and new council were legitimate
representatives of Birmingham. The crisis was resolved; however, Robert Kennedy had
a survey conducted, and it revealed that about thirty Southern cities “might explode in
violence during the summer” (ibid. 599). The Birmingham events certainly inspired
African Americans in other cities to peaceful protests. In April and May of 1963, 758
demonstrations were organized (Shattuck, “On Kennedy and King” 7). During the
summer following Birmingham crisis, fourteen thousand African Americans “were
arrested in the states of the old Confederacy” (Schlesinger, Thousand Days 964).
Birmingham crisis was a certain landmark with regard to two different matters.
First, I believe that it is possible to say that white Americans started to change their
attitude towards the problem of racial inequality. The television spots picturing black
children being attacked by police dogs brought the American citizens to reality. It
accused the conscience of white America in terms which could not longer be ignored.
But the awakening was so belated that it could hardly claim moral credit” (Schlesinger,
Thousand Days 960). The white Americans slowly came to understand the fact that they
could no longer regard the South as a rather separate part of their country and ignore its
problems. Secondly, the administration adopted a different approach to the situation
than it had previously. They exercised their influence in different spheres of the city life
71
which proved to be successful because they managed to persuade business leaders to
desegregate lunch counters by which they contributed to the setback of Eugene Connor.
4.8 Integrating the University of Alabama
Since 1962, the President “moved from crisis to crisis” (Bryant 417). Alabama
University was the last segregated state university in the nation. Governor George
Wallace promised during his campaign in 1962 “to stand in the schoolhouse door and
bar any black student from entering the University of Alabama” (O’Brien 836). On May
21, 1963, Federal District Court ordered the enrollment of two black students, Vivian
Malone57
and James Hood who had attempted to register at the University of Alabama.
Governor Wallace personally blocked the entry of the students when they came to
register, although he knew that there was not much he could do in order to prevent the
desegregation. His intention was focused on the opposition to the federal government.
He aimed to oppose “federal intrusion in state affairs” rather than prevent integration of
the University (Dallek, Unfinished Life 602).
Kennedy administration was much better prepared this time since they had
learned a lesson from the mistakes made at Ole Miss. Administration officials were in
touch with the President of the University of Alabama and they also contacted Alabama
businessmen and community leaders from different public spheres to support
integration. As a result of that, “over two hundred Tuscaloosa58
civil officials signed a
petition urging Wallace not to ‘carry out [his] denounced intention of personally and
physically interfering with the order of the United States Court’” (O’Brien 837).
57 Vivian Malone became the first African American woman to graduate from the University of Alabama. 58 Tuscaloosa is a city in central Alabama where the University of Alabama is located.
72
President Kennedy federalized the Alabama National Guard after Nicholas
Katzenbach, Deputy Attorney General, was confronted with Governor Wallace at the
University campus on the day when the students were supposed to enroll. When the
federalized National Guard arrived, Governor Wallace stepped aside without any further
resistance. The students were admitted later that afternoon. Everything was carried out
without any violence or rioting. That night, on June 11, 1963, President Kennedy
delivered his speech on the civil rights, despite the discouragement of his advisors. In
this memorable speech Kennedy stressed that the Americans were “confronted
primarily with a moral issue…as old as the scriptures and …as clear as the American
Constitution” (Kennedy, “Radio and Television Report”). The President also appealed
to Congress and to all citizens of the USA in his speech. He stressed that the civil rights
issues and the injustice the African Americans were experiencing was a matter
concerning every American citizen. He insisted that they face “a moral crisis as a
country and as a people” and that “it is time to act in Congress, in your State and local
legislative body, and above all in all of our daily lives” (ibid). It was a very remarkable
speech. It was the first time that president of the United States acknowledged that it was
a “moral issue” (Leff, “Integrating the University of Alabama” p.19).
Bryant explains that Kennedy realized that “he could take a more proactive role
in shaping public opinion” (421). Many critics see the President’s awakening as a very
belated action. However, Schlesinger emphasizes that it was the perfect timing for a
speech like that explaining that “if he had made his June speech in February, it would
have attracted as little attention as his civil rights message that month” (966). Mr.
Katzenbach explained in his interview for John. F. Kennedy Library Oral History
Program that the speech was “enormously courageous” (Leff, “Integrating the
University of Alabama”). The reason why it was so courageous was that it was certain
73
that it would threaten the unity of the Democratic Party. Kennedy was aware of the
consequences his speech would have. The Southerners were outraged. The most critical
remark came from Senator Richard Russell of Georgia who accused Kennedy of
stepping toward communist (Bryant 424).
4.9 Kennedy’s Civil Rights Bill
On June 19, 1963, a week after the President’s historic speech on civil rights was
delivered, Kennedy sent his civil rights bill to the Congress. He claimed: “the time has
come for the Congress of the United States to join with the executive and judicial
branches in making it clear to all that race has no place in American life or law…”
(Sorenson 199). Kennedy’s bill prohibited discrimination in public accommodation
facilities, in restaurants, and shops and in any federally assisted programs. It empowered
the attorney general with the right to initiate school desegregation suits. The bill
proposed the establishment of a Community Relations Service which would assist
individuals in racial disputes. The bill also included proposal for new fair employment
programs.
As Kennedy and his aides predicted, the reaction of Southern was outraging.
Senator James Eastland “described the bill as a ‘complete blueprint for the totalitarian
state’’ (Bryant 428). The Southern opponents tried to delay the bill for as long as
possible, however, on October 29, 1963, “The Judiciary Committee approved it … and
reported it to the House on November 20” (Schlesinger, Thousand Days 973). The Civil
Rights Act was signed into law by President Johnson on July 2, 1964. According to
Stern, “Johnson played a crucial role in the fight to achieve a strong civil rights bill …
he helped secure several critical votes for cloture and kept pressing the civil rights
forces to maintain the integrity of the House proposal” (Calculating Visions 184).
74
However, there certainly was a certain shift in the character of the United States politics
resulting from Kennedy’s assassination which undoubtedly contributed to the passage
of the law.
4.10 The March on Washington
On August 28, 1963, civil rights activists and religious leaders organized the
largest civil rights rally in the American history – the March on Washington. The idea
of a march in the capital city was originally proposed by A. Philip Randolph59
in the
1940s. In 1963, civil rights organizations felt they needed to express their strong request
for effective civil rights legislation and influenced by Randolph they united themselves
and agreed to organize the “largest demonstration for human rights in the United States
history” (Lloyd par.1). Their aim to organize a massive demonstration in the capital city
was announced on June 11, 1963. The President met the Big Six60
of civil rights at the
White House and he tried to persuade them to call the march off but the civil rights
activists refused. Therefore Kennedy decided that his administration would express their
support to the March and would help to its peaceful realization. During the News
Conference on July 17, the President said that expressing “their strong views … is in the
great tradition … we want citizens to come to Washington if they feel that they are not
having their rights expressed” (Kennedy, “News Conference 58” p.5).
59 A.Philip Randolph, President of the Negro American Labor Council, together with Bayard Rustin and
A.J.Muste planned a march in 1941 to protest against segregation in army and unfair employment
opportunities for African Americans. To forestall the march President Roosevelt issued the so called Fair
Employment Act (The Executive Order 8802) – the first federal action against racial discrimination
practices in employment. 60 The Big Six were representatives of the largest civil rights organizations: M.L. King (SCLC), J.Farmer
(CORE), J. Lewis (SNCC), R. Wilkins (NAACP), Whitney Young (Urban League) and A.P. Randolph
(Silvestri 256).
75
The objective of the March was to support the civil rights bill which Kennedy
administration sent to Congress on June 19. It was seen as an opportunity to stress the
need for “unity, racial harmony, and, especially a cry to ‘Pass the Bill’” (Williams 198).
Over 250,000 people61
from all over the United States came to Washington,
D.C. in order to attend the March. The large group of demonstrators marched from the
Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial, where civil rights leaders performed
their speeches. Martin Luther King delivered his famous speech I Have a Dream.
Popular musicians and Hollywood celebrities62
expressed their support by performing
or by their attendance. Civil rights leaders met with the Congress members before the
March and later that day with the President at the White House. Kennedy welcomed all
the leaders saying: “You did a superb job in making your case” (Bryant 436). Bryant
confirms that Kennedy was “obviously relieved that the march was performed in a very
peaceful way” (ibid.).
Not only the Kennedy administration members were afraid that the March could
turn into a violent demonstration, but there was general fear that one little incident
might spark into a great violent riot; therefore security was a very important issue. FBI
conducted a number of surveillance operations in order to monitor the number of
activists coming to Washington in order to attend the rally. FBI also monitored whether
there was any connection with communist organizations. Special measures were taken -
Police, National Guard and Army were all prepared to intervene if necessary.
61 Figures referring to the number of participants differ from 200,000 to 300,000 people depending on the
source. 62 Among the celebrities who expressed their support to civil rights issues at the March were Marlon
Brando, James Garner, Paul Newman, Bob Dylan and many others (Lloyd)
76
Media across the country and also international media covered the March
extensively. Great international interest led to sympathy demonstrations in a number of
European cities, but also in Tel Aviv, Burundi and other places (Dudziak 192 – 193).
Williams considers the March so remarkable for the fact that it was the first time when
black and white people were marching together. This fact demonstrates certain change
in the society. The perception of the civil rights issue had certainly changed and the
nation came to understand the need for comprehensive civil rights legislation. However,
the Congress did not react swiftly. Committee meetings focused on the Kennedy’s civil
rights bill during the summer and autumn and the civil rights bill was finally passed in
March, 1964 “with Johnson’s strong presidential leadership” (Silvestri 257)
77
Conclusion
Although many writers and journalists focused on emphasizing his flaws and his
weaknesses, Kennedy has certainly become a legend, a symbol of his time. He still
remains one of the most popular presidents of the United States, admired even among
young generations. With regard to the civil rights Kennedy has been viewed very
controversially. While some historians and writers view his leadership on domestic
issues, particularly on civil rights, as superb, others strongly criticize him for his
approach to this issue.
Despite the fact that Kennedy delivered several positive speeches63
regarding
civil rights issues during his early career, he certainly cannot be regarded as a civil
rights advocate. During his years in Congress, he viewed civil rights and racial injustice
as a political problem and he tried to distance himself from it. He often linked the
problem of racial injustice to the Cold War. He worried about the negative image of the
USA in the world. In addition, he voted with the Southerners on key civil rights
legislation.
Kennedy certainly did not have much knowledge of the subject. He was raised in
a wealthy family in Boston, he always attended prestigious schools, therefore he had
limited opportunity to meet African Americans and become acquainted with the
problems they faced. Even though he touched the problem during his years in the
Congress, he mostly used very general, rather defensive language.
63 Although a lot of speeches during his campaigns for Congress were motivated by political reasons – he
needed to win the votes of African Americans, Kennedy delivered a courageous speech at NAACP
meeting very shortly before the Democratic Convention in Los Angeles in 1960.
78
During his presidential campaign Kennedy promised a presidency based on
proactive, flexible, energetic leadership which certainly attracted many voters because
at the beginning of the 1960s, the United States citizens were prepared for a change,
they were “ready to move” (Shattuck, “The Presidency of JFK” 11). Kennedy supported
a fairly strong civil rights plank during his presidential campaign and he promised to
end discrimination in housing with a stroke of pen. However, during his presidency, no
significant legislation was passed. Many African Americans were disappointed by
Kennedy’s poor performance on civil rights issues, particularly by little effort in
legislation. During the first two years in office, President Kennedy was very cautious
with regard to racial problems and he did not propose any comprehensive civil rights
legislation. His civil rights bill, which he sent to the Congress on June 19, 1963, was
viewed as his belated action resulting from growing pressure from civil rights leaders
and increased civil disobedience across the United States. Even his supporters agree that
Kennedy should have pursued the civil rights legislation earlier in his presidency.
Certain arguments can explain Kennedy’s rather delayed actions in the field of civil
rights.
Firstly, Kennedy lacked the support of Congress for any far-reaching civil rights
legislation. He was elected in 1960 – that year the Democratic Party lost twenty seats
and the so called Dixiecrat Coalition64
was formed. Committee chairmen were mostly
white Southerners who strongly opposed any civil rights legislation. The Democrats
needed Southern electorate to be able to enact their other legislation. The President
knew that if he had sent any major civil rights legislation, it would have probably been
64 The term Dixiecrat refers to Southern Democrats who refused to allow federal government to change
the traditional Southern way of life.
79
blocked and in addition, it would have outraged Southerners who would have blocked
all other important legislation65
Kennedy was going to propose. According to Alan
Brinkley, Kennedy never managed to “develop an effective working relationship with
the Congress on domestic issues” (Shattuck, “Presidency of JFK” 18).
Secondly, the South seemed to be separated from the rest of the USA. Robert
Dallek confirmed during a debate at the J. F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum
that the “the rest of the USA saw the South as sort of the crazy aunt you kept in the
attic” (Dallek, “Robert Dallek on John F. Kennedy” p.25). And such were also the
attitudes of most American politicians. During his visit to Alabama (when he arrived to
meet Governor Wallace in 1963), Robert Kennedy said: “It’s like a foreign country”
(Dallek, Unfinished Life 599). On his arrival at Alabama State Capitol General
Attorney Kennedy saw state troopers wearing helmets with the signs of Confederate
flags. Racism was an indispensable part of the Southern states’ culture and therefore it
was not possible to achieve racial equality over a night. In addition, the Southerners
were determined to defend their way of life even by means of terror and violence.
Bryant explains that there was a significant difference between the objectives of African
Americans living in the North and in the South. While those living in the North “had
already achieved a degree of financial success and longed primarily for social
acceptance,” the Southern blacks represented socially weak segment of society missing
“basic civil rights – access to jobs, education, voting booths” (464).
It is also very important to understand that the responsibilities of president are
far-reaching and very diverse. The end of the fifties and the beginning of the sixties was
65 His bills regarding domestic issues were related to economical issues – tax cuts, medical care system
and educational system.
80
the time of great rivalry with the USSR and the time of growing tensions at the
international political scene, therefore Americans were not focused primarily on
domestic issues. The Bay of Pigs operation was not only a great failure of Kennedy
administration, but it also contributed to concerns about “trusting CIA … and military
(Dallek, “Robert Dallek on JFK” p.17). Kennedy had to handle the problem of the threat
of nuclear war, which he managed to avert. He dealt with numerous other problems in
Asia, Latin America and with the Berlin crisis in Europe.
It was clear that racial problems were not among the top priorities for John
Kennedy but ordinary American citizens were not concerned much with the issue either.
Nevertheless, his approach to the civil rights issue certainly evolved during his political
career and Kennedy eventually did assume a more proactive role. His rhetoric regarding
racial problems changed considerably during his political career, particularly, during his
presidency. He became the first American President to speak openly about civil rights.
His vocabulary switched from “protecting constitutional rights” and poor image abroad
to “moral issue” and open criticism of Southern officials. The shift in President’s stance
was certainly influenced by increasing tensions escalating into violent riots in 1962 and
particularly in 1963. The events in the South required government intervention.
Kennedy had no other possibility than to send federal troops during some of the crises
despite his previous criticism of President Eisenhower.
There was certainly a shift in the U.S. society’s perception and the changing
situation abroad also contributed to President’s stance. Television played an important
role in forming people’s opinion. Television coverage helped to change the image of
black people. The whole nation was familiar with the peaceful demonstrations
organized by civil rights organizations brutally suppressed by Southern officials using
81
police dogs and fire hoses. The March on Washington contributed to a shift in the
perception of the civil rights issue as well. People began to sympathize with the African
Americans. Kennedy with his rhetoric, which had previously been associated mostly
with civil rights leaders, certainly helped to change the national picture of blacks and
the attitude toward them. With the newly independent nations in Africa and the recently
defeated fascism the world was becoming more concerned about human and civil rights
so there undoubtedly was the influence of changing world situation which contributed
to Kennedy’s more active role.
To sum up, Kennedy might not have done enough but he certainly did more than
had been done previously and he contributed to a different perception of the racial
problem in the United States even though the shift in his stance was rather belated and
undoubtedly resulted from the growing pressure of civil rights advocates and increasing
violence in the cities of the USA. His leadership and later also his assassination
contributed largely to the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Although Kennedy
“had only a small record of accomplishment in civil rights,” he had made it “fashionable
not to be racist” and therefore contributed largely to racial integration of African
Americans in the American society (Bryant 463).
.
82
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