Japanese Textiles As Described In The Literature of Japan 552 A.D. to 1185 A.D.

9
Japanese Textiles As Described In The Literature of Japan 552 A.D. to 1185 A.D. Lynne Richards Historical literature represents an invaluable source of information for the study of textiles in that it often provides interpretive data concerning the social context of textile production and end use. In the current investigation, descriptive textile information was collected from English translations of historical Japanese literature dating from 552 A.D. to 1185 A.D. The data suggested that, during the historical period under investigation, silk was the textile material most prevalent within the upper and middle class popula- tions of Japan, regardless of season or activity, although it was not used to the exclusion of other fibers. These silks, either figured or plain, were frequently colored red, white or purple, but other hues were not uncommon. To some degree, silk was probably a prestigious fabric (especially if manufactured in China), in that it was usually associated with individuals having a higher social status. In general, the silk fabrics described as being worn by women were more decorative than those worn by men, and similarly, the silk fabrics described as being worn by young people were more decorative than those worn by their elders. Author’s Address: Department of Clothing and Textiles, College of Home Economics, Box 4170, Texas Tech University, Lubbock, TX 79409. Literature, representational art, and extant fabrics are invaluable sources of information for the study of historical textiles. However, while an examination of any of these three sources is helpful, a survey of historical liter- ature often provides interpretive data con- cerning the social context of textile production and end use not evident in art and/or artifacts. All three of the aforementioned data sources have been used in earlier studies to formulate conclusions concerning historical Japanese textiles. For example, imprints in ancient clay vessels were instrumental in tracing the de- velopment of Japanese textiles from the plaited fabrics of unaltered natural materials prevalent during the Jomon period (prior to the fourth millenium until 300 B.C.) to the use of coarsely woven hemp or bark fiber fabrics during the Yayoi period (300 B.C. to 300 A.D.). Similarly, early Japanese use of silk was materially sub- stantiated by the discovery of fibrous silk adhering to fourth and fifth century ironwork (Yamanobe, 1957, p. 2). Historical Chinese literature has contained a number of descriptive references to Japanese textiles. In the third century A.D., the author of a Chinese document entitled The History of the Three Kingdoms stated that a Japanese em- press presented decorative &dquo;splashed silk&dquo; to the Chinese King of Wei in 238 A.D., and

Transcript of Japanese Textiles As Described In The Literature of Japan 552 A.D. to 1185 A.D.

Japanese TextilesAs Described In TheLiterature of Japan552 A.D. to 1185 A.D.

Lynne Richards

Historical literature represents an invaluable source of information for the study oftextiles in that it often provides interpretive data concerning the social context of textileproduction and end use. In the current investigation, descriptive textile information wascollected from English translations of historical Japanese literature dating from 552 A.D.to 1185 A.D. The data suggested that, during the historical period under investigation,silk was the textile material most prevalent within the upper and middle class popula-tions of Japan, regardless of season or activity, although it was not used to the exclusionof other fibers. These silks, either figured or plain, were frequently colored red, white orpurple, but other hues were not uncommon. To some degree, silk was probably aprestigious fabric (especially if manufactured in China), in that it was usually associatedwith individuals having a higher social status. In general, the silk fabrics described asbeing worn by women were more decorative than those worn by men, and similarly, thesilk fabrics described as being worn by young people were more decorative than thoseworn by their elders.

Author’s Address: Department of Clothing andTextiles, College of Home Economics, Box 4170,Texas Tech University, Lubbock, TX 79409.

Literature, representational art, and extantfabrics are invaluable sources of informationfor the study of historical textiles. However,while an examination of any of these threesources is helpful, a survey of historical liter-ature often provides interpretive data con-cerning the social context of textile productionand end use not evident in art and/or artifacts.

All three of the aforementioned data sourceshave been used in earlier studies to formulateconclusions concerning historical Japanesetextiles. For example, imprints in ancient clayvessels were instrumental in tracing the de-

velopment of Japanese textiles from the plaitedfabrics of unaltered natural materials prevalentduring the Jomon period (prior to the fourthmillenium until 300 B.C.) to the use of coarselywoven hemp or bark fiber fabrics during theYayoi period (300 B.C. to 300 A.D.). Similarly,early Japanese use of silk was materially sub-stantiated by the discovery of fibrous silk

adhering to fourth and fifth century ironwork(Yamanobe, 1957, p. 2).

Historical Chinese literature has contained anumber of descriptive references to Japanesetextiles. In the third century A.D., the authorof a Chinese document entitled The History ofthe Three Kingdoms stated that a Japanese em-press presented decorative &dquo;splashed silk&dquo; to

the Chinese King of Wei in 238 A.D., and

296

again in 243 A.D. (Minnich, 1963, p. 47).Other Chinese references have chronicled

cultural and political exchanges that have im-pacted upon Japanese textile production anddesign.Japanese Buddhist monasteries historically

have served as depositories for Japanese artand cultural artifacts, including those made offiber. The H6ryaji monastery, for example,contains fabrics dating from the Asuka period(552 to 710 A.D.), including samples of tie-dyeing, plain and twill weaves, embroidery,and quilting. Knowledge of the textile prod-ucts of the Nara period (710 to 785 A.D.) hasbeen greatly enhanced by examination of thevast array of items presented to the GreatBuddha by the Empress Komyo in 756 A.D.,and since preserved in the Shoso-in, an eighthcentury imperial repository. The Shoso-in fab-rics evidence advances in both weaving anddyeing technology, and also illustrate the

pseudo-Persian (Sassanian) motifs popularwithin the powerful Chinese T’ang court.These borrowed designs were characterizedby roundels and symmetrically arranged ani-mals and human figures (Textile Designs ofJapan, 1959, p. 5).

While there are many extant examples ofJapanese Asuka and Nara textiles, fabrics reli-ably documented as having been produced inHeian Japan (794 to 1185 A.D.) are nonexistent(Minnich, 1963, p. 106). Therefore, the acqui-sition of information concerning the textileproducts of this latter period has been solelydependent upon evidence gleaned from writ-ten works and representational art.

In the current investigation, efforts weremade to collect descriptive textile informationfrom historical Japanese literature. A list of 58ancient Japanese literary works, dating fromthe Asuka (from 552 A. D. ) through the Heian(to 1185 A.D.) periods, was compiled, ofwhich 19 were found to be available in Englishtranslations. Thus, the time frame of the studycommenced with the date of the earliest avail-able Japanese literary work (the Manyoshiu, anextensive collection of poetry) and extendedthrough the Heian period, from which severalnoteworthy works of literature were available,but from which no extant textile artifacts have

survived.The 19 publications that formed the data

source for this study consisted of governmen-tal edicts, diaries, poetry, and fiction. Each ofthese Japanese references was thoroughly ex-amined for descriptive information concern-ing textile production, design, and end use.As such information was noted, it was codedonto specially prepared textile data forms.These forms, preprinted 5 x 8 index cards,were designed to record information con-cerning the bibliographical notation, fibercontent, fabric production technique, designmotifs and arrangement, design productiontechnique, fabric color and dye source, fabrichand, fabric finish, fabric end use, sex of fab-ric user, age of fabric user, social role of fabric

user, social significance of the occasion of fab-ric use, the yearly season of fabric use, and thegeographic origin of the fabric. A key wasemployed to numerically code the appropriateinformation into each of the above categoriesand to facilitate later computer analysis of thedata. One textile data form was completed foreach fabric described within the literature.

The Results

A total of 1,099 descriptive textile citationswere discovered within the 19 Japanese liter-ary references examined. The majority of thesetextile descriptions were within three refer-ences written during the Heian period by onlytwo women. The Genji Monogatari and theMurasaki no Shikibu Nikki, both written byMurasaki no Shikibu, contained 394 and 124citations, respectively. The Makura no Shoshi,written by Sei Shonagon, contained 248 cita-tions. In total, 60 textile citations were ex-tracted from Asuka literature, 111 citations fromNara literature, and 928 citations from Heianliterature (Table 1).Although silk was the predominant textile

fiber identified within the Japanese literature,representing 71.24 percent of all those cita-

tions that specified fiber content, the amountof described consumption of silk varied ac-cording to historic period. During the Asukaor earliest period, silk represented 66.67 per-cent of those citations that specified fiber

297

content, as compared to 36.96 percent duringthe Nara period, and 83.11 percent during theHeian period. The decline in described silkconsumption during the Nara period was dueto a greater variety of fibers having been as-cribed to the nobility (the predominant usersof silk during all three historic periods) and alarger number of gods or saints being de-scribed in Nara literature as consumers of al-ternative fibers. Other fibers that were men-tioned in the historic literature included (inorder of frequency within the total sample)hemp or jute, tree bark fiber, cotton, linen,and wool.Within those citations that stated both the

fiber content of the fabric and the seasonwithin which it was used, it was noted thatsilk was apparently considered appropriate foruse throughout the year. During the autumn,86.2 percent of the fabrics were silk; duringthe winter, 79.31 percent were silk; during the

spring, 80.64 percent were silk; and during thesummer, 64 percent of the fabrics were said tobe silk. The drop in described silk consump-tion during the summer months was paral-leled by an increased mention of linen, hempor jute, and tree bark fibers, and, consideringthe potential warmth of silk fabrics, was notunexpected. This overall pattern of fiber con-sumption was congruent with that notedduring individual analyses of Asuka andHeian literature, wherein silk was the fibermost frequently described as being usedwithin each of the four seasons. The numberof Nara citations (four) that specified bothfiber content and season, however, was toolimited to warrant a valid conclusion con-

cerning the seasonal consumption of specifiedfibers during the Nara period.While both male and female characters were

most frequently described as using silk fab-rics, female consumption of silk (80.37 percent

298

of those citations stating female use of a spe-cific fiber) was somewhat higher than that ofmale consumption (67.02 percent of male useof a specific fiber). In contrast, men made

greater use of such utilitarian fabrics as cotton,linen, hemp or jute, and tree bark fibers (Table2). This finding is congruent with the sex rolesof men and women in historical Japanese cul-ture, in which upper class women enacteddecorative roles, while upper class men werefree to engage in more active pursuits.The more frequent description of silk con-

sumption in relation to female characters may

also be due, in small part, to the social rolesthat were assigned to the male and femalecharacters within the historic Japanese liter-ature. Within the female population, upperclass (noble) women represented 85.07 percentof that sample, while upper class (noble) menrepresented 79.84 percent of the male popula-tion. In contrast, men were more frequentlydescribed as being a god or saint than werewomen (Table 3).

Analysis of the fiber content of the de-scribed fabrics in relation to the social role ofthe fabric user suggested that silk was a costlyand prestigious textile in early Japanese his-tory (Table 4). While 95 percent of those fab-rics said to have belonged to the Imperial familywere described as being silk, none of the fab-rics associated with peasants were so speci-fied. This pattern of consumption was notedwithin literature from each of the individual

historic periods. A relatively large proportionof those fabrics associated with servants was

also described as being silk (71.42%). Con-sidering the prevailing customs of dressingretainers in attractive clothing and rewardingmessengers with silken robes, this findingwas not as incongruent as it might first appear.The data also suggested that hemp or jute

fabrics were considered appropriate for lowerclass individuals, as these fibers were nevermentioned in conjunction with the Imperialfamily, but were worn exclusively by the fewpeasants described in the literature. The singlereference to a wool fabric was associated with

a mythical god or saint, thereby supportingthe belief that this fiber was fairly uncommonin historical Japan.The type of activity during which a textile

was said to be used apparently had only lim-ited influence on the fiber contents of that

fabric. Within the Japanese literature, silk wasassociated with both ceremonial and non-

ceremonial activities within the political, reli-gious, family and social’ spheres (Table 5).

1 The term social, as related to ceremonial or nonceremo-nial activities, is herein used to denote the preplannedgathering of two or more individuals for activities withinthe bounds of polite or fashionable society, the purpose ofsaid activities being other than political, religious, or im-mediately familial in nature.

299

However, the description of silk fabrics didoccur less frequently in conjunction with thereligious sphere, congruent with the Buddhistvows of poverty, and also less frequently inconjunction with nonceremonial family ac-tivities.Of those fabrics that were described as con-

taining decorative motifs, 58.5 percent weresaid to have been manufactured with abrocade or damask technique in which the de-signs constituted an integral part of the fabricstructure. Other design production techniquesspecified within the historical literature were(in order of frequency) embroidery, quilting,tie-dyeing, printing, painting, application of

metal ornaments (bracteates), and patchwork.With the exception of printing, all of these dec-orative procedures were mentioned in con-junction with silk fabrics.The data suggested that embroidered,

painted, bracteated, and printed textile de-signs were associated with prestigious persons,in that only the Imperial family and nobilitywere described as owning fabrics decoratedwith these techniques. Patchwork designs,on the other hand, were mentioned only inrelation to priests or nuns, again suggestiveof the Buddhist vows of poverty. With the

exception of the bracteates, which were usedonly on women’s clothing, none of the decora-

300

tive techniques were restricted in use by sex.However, fabrics that were described as be-

longing to women were more frequently dec-orated with embroidered, painted, tie-dyed,bracteated, or quilted designs, than were thosefabrics belonging to men.According to the references, Japanese fab-

rics apparently became more decorative withthe passage of time. Within the literature of

the Asuka period, 75 percent of those citationsthat provided design information specificallydescribed plain (i.e., not decorated) fabrics.The number of plain fabrics decreased to 45.45percent within the Nara literature, and to13.11 percent within the Heian literature.

Only weaving and quilting were mentioned asdesign production techniques during theAsuka period, expanding to include embroid-ery and patchwork during the Nara period.The Heian literature, however, included refer-ences to all of the previously mentioned designproduction techniques. This increasing vari-ety and technical difficulty of design produc-tion techniques, progressing from the Asukathrough the Heian periods, may have beendue in part to the expanding cultural contactsevidenced between Japan and her neighbors.It was during the Asuka period that Buddhistmonks, accompanied by skilled craftsmenfrom China and Korea, immigrated in greatnumbers to Japan, while during the Nara pe-riod, immense influence from the powerfulChinese T’ang court was felt within all aspectsof traditional lifestyle.Of those textile citations that mentioned

specific design motifs, 30.57 percent describedfloral patterns while 19.46 percent mentioned

foliage designs. Animal and bird motifs repre-sented 13.9 percent of the described fabric de-

signs, as did geometric motifs. Aquatic pat-terns were mentioned in 8.34 percent of thosetextile citations that included fabric designinformation. Pictorial landscapes were speci-fied in reference to 19.46 percent of the dec-orative fabrics, being primarily composed oftree and/or water patterns.An analysis of fabric motifs in relation to the

sex of the fabric user also supported the possi-bility that textiles owned by women weremore ornamental than those owned by men.

Animal, bird, aquatic, foliage, and pictorialdesigns were never mentioned in relation tofabrics used by men. All of the motif catego-ries, however, were described as decoratingfabrics owned by women, with only geomet-ric motifs appearing more frequently on thosefabrics owned by men.Murasaki no Shikibu noted in her eleventh

century diary that for ceremonial dress, &dquo;the

younger ladies wore much-embroidered

clothes; even their sleeve openings were em-broidered. The pleats of their trains were or-namented with thick silver thread and theyput gold foil on the brocaded figures of thesilk.&dquo; At a later date, she wrote, &dquo;I went to the

Queen’s audience ... My dress was of red andpurple and light green. My karaginu [a shortrobe representing the outermost garment of aHeian noble woman’s court costume] was

green and white. The rubbed design on thetrain was in the very latest fashion, and it

would perhaps have been better if a youngerlady had worn it&dquo; (Omori and Doi, 1920, pp.85, 143). Both of these passages suggest thatdecorative fabrics were not considered appro-

priate for older persons. This concept wassupported by the findings of the currentstudy, in which elderly persons were not de-scribed as owning fabrics with embroidered,tie-dyed, bracteated, patchworked, or quilteddesigns. In contrast, none of the fabrics attrib-uted to children were specifically described asbeing plain or without some decorative orna-ment (Table 6).Within those citations that described the

fabric motif and also stated the season within

which the fabric was used, it was noted that

fabric decoration was most commonly as-sociated with textiles used during the spring.Inversely stated, only 25 percent of thespringtime materials were said to be plain orunfigured, while 100 percent of the wintertimefabrics mentioned in the citations that pro-vided design information were so described.Seventy-five percent of the summer fabricswere said to be undecorated and 87.5 percentof the autumn fabrics were without decora-

tion. Of those springtime fabrics that did con-tain motifs, floral designs were most prevalent(33%), followed by geometric patterns (25%).

301

Red fabrics were most frequently describedwithin the historical Japanese literature, rep-resenting 27 percent of the 752 citations thatprovided color information. Red was fol-

lowed, in order of frequency, by white fabrics(21.01%), purple (19.28%), green (8.78%),blue (6.52%), yellow (6.52%), black (5.85%),and orange (1.60%). Descriptions of brownfabrics appeared least within the historical lit-erature, representing only four percent of thosecitations specifying fabric color. With only afew exceptions, an analysis of fabric color inrelation to the sex of the fabric owner, the ageof the owner, and the social role of the ownermaintained the aforementioned order of fre-

quency (i.e., red occurring most frequently,followed by white, purple, etc.). The devia-tions from this pattern of use included thefacts that women were described as wearingblue slightly more often than yellow, olderpersons owned more blue fabrics than fabricsof any other hue, and priests and nuns weremost frequently described as wearing grayrobes (i.e., of a black hue).The data suggested that, congruent with the

increasing prevalence of decorative fabricswith the passage of time, fabrics also becamemore colorful. Within the Asuka literature,66.66 percent of those citations specifying fab-

ric color described white (i.e., the absence ofcolor) textiles. Within Nara literature, the per-centage of white fabrics had decreased to 55

percent, while within Heian literature, only19.08 percent of the so-described fabrics weresaid to have been white.With the exception of one yellow linen fab-

ric and one red bark fiber fabric, all other tex-tile citations specifying the fiber content of adyed textile referred to silk (91.66%). Becauseprotein fibers (silk and wool) more readilyaccept natural dyes than cellulosic fibers

302

(cotton, linen, hemp or jute, and tree barkfiber), a disproportionately frequent occur-rence of dyed silk would be expected. Thesingle citation that mentioned a wool fabricdid not specify the color of that fabric.Eighteen of the total 1,099 textile citations

specified the dye material used to color thefabric. Black was said to have been producedby chestnut husks or soot, blue by indigo

leaves, purple by sappanwood or murasakiroots, red by scarlet salvia or madder, andyellow by saffron. Only 0.93 percent of thosecitations that specified fabric color describednatural, non-artificially colored textiles.

In an examination of fabric color in relationto product end use, it was noted that while redwas the hue most frequently mentionedwithin descriptions of clothing, red was notused, within the Japanese literature, in rela-tion to furnishing fabrics. The results suggest-ed that within the home, curtains and screenswere usually gray (30.76%), white (23.07%),or yellow (23.07%); rugs and fabric mats werefrequently green, purple, or black (33.33%each); and bedlinen was usually white (75%).Although red was the color most frequentlyassigned, by the historic Japanese authors,to five of the seven clothing categories, redwas not as often associated with hats or hair

ornaments, nor with fabric trains. Hats and

hair ornaments were most frequently describedas being white (85.71%), while trains wereusually designated as being purple (46.42%).The descriptions of clothing found within

the Heian literature suggest that JapaneseHeian costume was composed of multitudi-nous color combinations. For example, Sei

Shonagon wrote in the late tenth century:

Towards noon the Middle Captain of the ThirdRank ... arrived at Smaller Shirakawa. Over a

303

thin silk robe of dark orange he wore a dazzlingwhite one of glossy silk; his Court cloak waslined with violet and his laced trousers were thesame color, while his trouser skirt was of deepred material (Morris, 1979, p. 58).

Similarly, Murasaki no Shikibu noted withinthe eleventh century Genji Monogatari, &dquo;Her

little girls too were in uniform dress, greenrobes, cloaks of pink lined with crimson,trousers of figured Chinese satin, and jacketsof yellow Chinese brocade&dquo; (Seidensticker,1976, p. 599).Congruently, the results of this study

suggest that although red robes were mostfrequently described, white, purple, green,yellow, blue, black, orange, or brown robes(in order of frequency) were also available.Hakama (trousers) were stated as being (inorder of frequency) red, purple, black, green,yellow, white, or orange, with blue or brownhakama not being mentioned. Descriptions offabric trains evidenced less color diversity andalthough usually purple, included mention of(in order of frequency) red, white, green, orblue trains.

Only 75 of the total 1,099 textile citationsstated the geographic origin of the fabricbeing described. Of these, 46.67 percent weresaid to have been manufactured in Japan,46.67 percent were produced in China, and 4percent were Korean. Both the Chinese and

Japanese fabrics were predominantly de-scribed as having been woven with a damaskor brocade technique, using white, red, orpurple silk yarns. All of the imported fabrics(i.e., Chinese or Korean) were mentionedwithin the Heian literature. Of those citations

from Asuka and Nara literature that desig-nated the geographic origin of the fabric, all

were said to have been Japanese.An analysis of fabric origin in relation to the

social role of the fabric user suggested thatChinese fabric may have represented an itemdenoting prestige in Heian Japan. While 75percent of those fabrics associated with the

Imperial family, and described in terms ofgeographic origin, were said to have beenmanufactured in China, only 47.06 percent ofthe fabrics associated with the nobility and 40percent of the fabrics associated with personsengaged in middle class occupations (i.e.,

merchants, skilled craftsmen, educators) weresaid to have been Chinese. Further examina-tion of the results, however, evidenced no

significant difference between the use ofChinese or Japanese fabric, in relation to

either the age of the fabric owner or the sex ofthe fabric owner.

The Conclusions

In summary, the results supported the as-sumption that the historical literature wouldprovide interpretative data concerning the so-cial context of textile production and end use.The data suggested that during the historicalperiods under investigation silk was the tex-tile material most prevalent within the upperand middle class populations of Japan, ir-

regardless of season or activity, although it

was not used to the exclusion of other fibers.These silks, either figured or plain, were fre-quently colored red, white, or purple, butother hues were not uncommon. To some de-

gree, silk was probably a prestigious fabric(especially if manufactured in China), in thatit was most frequently associated with indi-viduals having a higher social status. In gen-eral, the silk fabrics described as being wornby women were more decorative than thoseworn by men, and similarly, the silk fabricsdescribed as being worn by young peoplewere more decorative than those worn by theirelders.

References

Minnich, H. B. Japanese Costume and the Makers ofIts Elegant Tradition. Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tut-tle Co., 1963.

Morris, I. The Pillow Book of Sei Shonagon. London:The Folio Society, 1979.

Omori, A. S., and Doi, K. Diaries of Court Ladies ofOld Japan. Boston: Houghton and Mifflin Co.,1920.

Seidensticker, E. G. The Tale of Genji by MurasakiShikibu. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976.

Textile Designs of Japan. Osaka, Japan: Japan TextileColor Design Center, 1959.

Yamanobe, T. Arts and Crafts of Japan: Textiles.

Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1957.

Received February 16, 1982; accepted September 17,1982.