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ISSN: 1810—2174

Balochistan Review

Volume XXIV No. 1, 2011

(HEC RECOGNIZED)

Editor Naseeb Ullah

BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE

UNIVERSITY OF BALOCHISTAN, QUETTA-PAKISTAN

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Published bi-annually by the

Balochistan Study Centre,

University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan.

@ Balochistan Study Centre 2011-1

Subscription rate (per annum) in Pakistan:

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Contact:

Balochistan Review—ISSN: 1810-2174

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E-mail: balochistansc@yahoo.com

naseebasmi@yahoo.com

Website: uob.edu.pk

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Editorial Board

Patron in Chief: Prof. Dr. Abdul Nabi Vice Chancellor,

University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan.

Patron Prof. Dr. Abdul Razzaq Sabir Director, Balochistan Study Centre, UoB, Quetta-Pakistan. Editor Naseeb Ullah Assistant Professor, Dept. of Mass Communication, UoB, Quetta-Pakistan. Members: Prof. Dr. Andriano V. Rossi Vice Chancellor & Head Dept. of Asian Studies, Institute of Oriental Studies, Naples, Italy. Prof. Dr. Saad Abudeyha Chairman, Dept. of Political

Science, University of Jordon, Amman, Jordon. Prof. Dr. Bertrand Bellon Professor of Int’l, Industrial Organization & Technology Policy, University de Paris Sud.

Dr. Carina Jahani Inst. of Iranian & African Studies, Uppsala University, Sweden.

Prof. Dr. Muhammad Ashraf Khan Director, Taxila Institute of

Civilization, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad Prof. Dr. Rajwali Shah Khattak

Professor, Pashto Academy, Peshawar University Pesh-Pakistan. Mr. Ayub Baloch Member, Balochistan Public Service Commission, Quetta. Prof. Dr. Mehmood Ali Shah, Professor Emeritus, University of Balochistan, Quetta.

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Guidelines/Parameters for the Contributors: Following are the Guidelines/Parameters for the scholars/researchers contributing articles to

the bi-annual research journal of BSC “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW ISSN: 1810-2174”.

The article should be in a ready to print form

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Any queries regarding the publication or acceptance of the article can be sought at

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Editor “Balochistan Review”, Balochistan Study Center, University of

Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan. balochistansc@yahoo.com

Style

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header position in the rest of the pages (running head).

All authors’ full name and affiliations should also be explicit on the first page with

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

Comtents Page No(s)

Economics

“MICRO– CREDIT” A STRATEGY FOR POVERTY ALLEVIATION 9

AMONG RURAL WOMEN IN BALOCHISTAN

Shakira Bukhari & Jahangir Achakzai

Education

TEACHING OF ISLAMIC STUDIES AS A SUBJECT IN 19

THE SECONDARY SCHOOLS AND MADARIS IN PAKISTAN

Dr.Abdul Razzaq Sabir

Abdul Nasir

Geography

THE QUETTA CITY SPATIAL BUSINESS INTENSITY PATTERN 31

Muhammad Nawaz

History

AN ANALYSIS OF THE DIFFERENT THEORIES 45

ABOUT THE ORIGIN OF THE PASHTOONS

Dr. Hanif Khalil

Javed Iqbal

TREATY OF KALAT 1758 BETWEEN QANDHAR 55

AND KALAT AND ITS IMPACTS

Ghulam Farooq Baloch

Language & Literature

SOME COMMENTS ON INVALID HYPOTHESIS ABOUT BRAHUI LANGUAGE 71

Liaqat Ali Sunny

Shabir Ahmed Shahwani

Manzoor Ahmed Baloch

AN OLD PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF NEW PERSIAN AND 79

BALOCHI

Hamid Ali Baloch

Dr. Abdul Saboor

Dr.Bilal Ahmed

Media

FM RADIO AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN QUETTA CITY 89

Sadaf Naqvi,

Mohammad Fahim Baloch

Babrak Niaz

Mirwais Kasi

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Philosophy

THE RISE AND IMPACT OF ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM 101

IN PAKISTAN AFTER THE SOVIET INVASION IN AFGHANISTAN

WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO KHYBER PUKHTOONKHWA

AND BALOCHISTAN

Malik Mohammad Tariq

Psychology

BULLYING AMONG PRISON INMATES IN PAKISTAN 119

AN EXPLORATION OF THE PROBLEM

Dr. Muhammad Azam Tahir & Bairakataris Konstantinos

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

“MICRO– CREDIT” A STRATEGY FOR POVERTY

ALLEVIATION AMONG RURAL WOMEN IN BALOCHISTAN

Economy

Shakira Bukhari & Jahangir Achakzai*

ABSTRACT:

Pakistan being an under developed country is faced with many

socio-economic challenges. Among them the issue of poverty ranks

at the top. The available statistics confirm an increase in the

incidence of poverty in the country in recent years. Furthermore,

rural women are the most vulnerable groups to the poverty

incidence. They are denied access to productive resources most

especially credit. Micro credit is now a proven strategy for the

poverty alleviation among poor rural women. In other words, the

micro- credit enables the beneficiaries get out of the vicious circle

of poverty. The conventional credit programs only provide a limited

amount of credit to rural women. The establishment of special

credit programs targeting poor rural women is the need of the hour.

Both Government and Non Government Organization need to

handle this problem.

Women Development:

Pakistan is confronted with many social as well as economic problems. The

root cause of almost all these issues is the rapidly growing poverty in the

country which has now arrived at an alarming situation. To combat this

menace the country requires exploitation of all its resources in order to attain

the desirable level of socio-economic development. In a situation where

capital resources are very scarce, human resources can go a long way in * The authors are lecturer Commerce Department and Assistant Professor Economics

Department University of Balochistan , Quetta respectively.

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attaining such objectives. In Pakistan, human resources are in abundance and

extensive efforts are required for the development and utilization of such

useful asset. The women folk form about 50% of the total population of the

country, whereas their participation in economic activities is minimal. If seen

in historical perspective, it becomes clear that the situation with regard to

female labour force participation has not improved much. Keeping in view

the above historical fact, there is now a growing realization in the country

that the dream of sustainable development cannot materialize until and unless

women are made to play an active role in the economy.

Situation Analysis in Balochistan:

It is a common concept in Balochistan that women are “just

housewives and are not playing any significant role at the economic front.

But various studies show that women play a crucial role in the rural

economy, including agriculture, livestock, and cottage industries. They play

far more active role in the rural economy than is generally believed. Women

undertake a wide range of activities both in the field and at home. Although

their involvement in farm work is lowest in the earlier stages of crop

production when field preparation is largely undertaken by men but in the

later stages of the production cycle in the harvesting and post harvesting

phase their participation is very high. Home based post harvest operations

such as drying, cleaning, and storage of grains are almost exclusively carried

out by women. Their contribution is also significant in seed preparation,

collecting farm yard manure, weeding, harvesting, and various other farm

operations. Their involvement towards looking after the livestock and poultry

is remarkable. Women take primary responsibility for cutting fodder,

cleaning sheds, processing of animal products and care of sick animals. They

look after the herds, do the milking, collect wool, spin it and make bi-

products, and are also involved in weaving and so on. Besides the above

mentioned economic activities, on direct income generating side many

women are engaged in rural non-farm economic activities like handicrafts,

embroidery, quilt making, wool spinning, and tailoring, etc.

The irony is that, most of the official data on women’s work in the rural

economy do not present the real picture of women participation in economic

activities and show unbelievably low female labor force participation rates.

Even the Annual Labour Force Surveys gives a low rural female labour force

participation rate. More or less the same is the case of population census

which shows a massive underestimation regarding the rural female labour

force participation rate.

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In spite of the fact that women of poor households do engage in productive

labour and play a vital role in the economic and social life, yet they continue

to be perceived as marginal to our society. Apart from cultural specific

biases, there are also transcultural reasons for the bias against women which

are rooted in the analytical framework within which the economic

contribution of individuals is assessed.

As a result of the factors causing a situation where women have been marked

as inferior in society and the continuing process of their underestimation as

economic agents as well as the gender biased development policies pursued

so far, most women in Balochistan carry a double burden, that of being poor

and of being women.

Micro Credit a Proven Strategy for Poor Women:

According to the latest figures given by the Federal Statistics

Division, 7.9 million households in the country with an average of six heads

each are living under the poverty line with incomes below $60 a month.

''Roughly 60.45 million of the 180 million total population are living below

the poverty line and among them about 50% are women.

Micro credit is now a proven strategy for reaching poor women. The Micro

credit Summit Campaign reports that 16.4 million of the world’s poorest

women now have access to financial services—accounting for nearly 80% of

the 20.3 million poorest served by microfinance. Yet women in South Asia

lag far behind their sisters in the rest of the world regarding access to

financial services. There are good reasons to target women. Gender equality

turns out to be good for everybody. The World Bank reports that societies

that discriminate on the basis of gender have greater poverty, slower

economic growth, weaker governance, and a lower standard of living.

Women are poorer and more disadvantaged than men. UNDP’s oft-quoted

1995 Human Development Report found that 70% of the 1.3 billion people

living on less than $1 a day are women.

Now the question arises that how poverty is to be alleviated among these

women.

This could be done through changing the age-old Vicious Circle of Poverty

(“low income---- low savings low investment ----low production

low income”)

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to the Virtuous Circle of Prosperity: (“Low income---- Micro credit ----

investment---- more income -- more credit---- more investment ----

more income”)

Figure 1: Vicious Circle of Poverty

Figure 2: Vitruvius Circle of Prosperity

Low Production

Low Saving

Low Investment

Low Income

Low Consumption

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It is in this context that access to credit which at present is very low for

women can make the real difference between the two situations. In other

words credit becomes an important tool for poverty alleviation. But

unfortunately, women in Balochistan have virtually no access to formal

credit, which severely limits their ability to invest in more productive

activities. Access to formal credit by women, especially in the rural areas has

been denied on the grounds that; a) women are unable to provide collateral to

the financial institutions, b) women cannot follow the credit procedures and

complicated formats of the financial institutions due to their wide spread

illiteracy c) Women take loan for only some limited traditional activities d)

they do not make decisions over economic resources, e) their resource base is

very slim, f) that they do not own assets that can be used as collateral, g) that

their saving capacity is very low, h) That they cannot understand the

paperwork and i) That they cannot deal with male loan officers

The above apprehensions are mostly baseless and the ground realities are in

contrast to the above factors. There is good evidence (AKRSP, BRSP,

Grameen Bank) that women desire, are able and are willing to pay for credit,

and that using group guarantees as a substitute for physical collateral leads to

very high repayment rates. They also have a greater potential role in saving

mobilization than is generally realized. A Large number of women, have for

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example, been active savers through the traditional rotating savings and loan

associations (or “Committee” system). Infact women might be more

comfortable dealing with female loan officers-the absence of female staff

should not restrict women from access to credit. It is considered respectable,

for example, for women to deal as a group with male personnel.

Availability of Micro Credit:

According to Professor Dr. Muhammad Yunus the Nobel laureate, a well

known Economist, and pioneer of Gramean Bank* working for poverty

alleviation through micro credit “The World Bank has failed to achieve the

goal of poverty alleviation. This is because of its failure to change its policies

with the change of time. To alleviate the poverty first of all World Bank is

needed to reform of its structural organization. “World Bank has been

established 60 years ago. In this long period World had changed a lot but the

World Bank didn’t change its policies. The Bank could not fulfill the

objectives for which it was formed. It has adopted, as its functions, to

develop the infrastructure, to develop roads and highways. They are doing all

these for many a time with stress on this. But to alleviate the poverty one will

have to work with the people. He said that he had told WB President, “You

have forgotten the common people. But if you cannot attach the people with

your work poverty alleviation will not be possible. He said that development

program of World Bank is more targeted towards increasing the growth, not

towards poverty alleviation. But to eradicate poverty growth should be

targeted to the poverty alleviation. He criticized the World Bank for not

extending enough monetary support to the micro credit finances saying that

World Bank give on an average 20 billion US$ as loan in a year but the micro

finance organizations only get 1% of the loan where it deserves to get at least

5% .

CONCLUSION

Pakistan is confronted with many socio-economic problems. The root cause

of almost all these issues is the rapidly growing poverty in the country which

has now arrived at an alarming situation. Although, about one third of the

population is victim of the menace of poverty, among them rural women are

the most vulnerable groups affected by this menace. They have very limited

access to productive resources as well as credit.

*Daily Dawn 05-11-2007

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Micro credit is now a proven strategy for the poverty alleviation among poor

rural women to enable them gets out of the vicious circle of poverty. The

conventional credit programs only provide a limited amount of credit to rural

women. The establishment of special credit programs targeting poor rural

women is the need of the hour. Both Government and Non Government

Organization need to handle this problem. As the majority of the women in

rural Balochistan are illiterate, the procedures and related formats for availing

credits and repayment of loans should be made simple and easy for rural

women. Last but not the least, keeping in view the wide spread poverty in the

province in general and rural women in particular, in the absence of formal

collateral for credit, the formation of groups of rural women to be recognized

as substitute of hard collateral is very crucial to the success of special credit

programs for women.

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REFERENCES

1. Aurat. 1992. Special issues on rural women in Pakistan. Aurat

Foundation.

2. Buthe, T., 2000. Banker to the poor: Micro lending and the battle

against

world poverty. J. Int. Affairs, Columbia University of International

Public affairs

3. Carr, M., M. Chen and R. Jabvala, 1996. Speaking Out, Women’s

Economic

Empowerment in South Asia, IT Publications, London, UK

4. Choudhry. M. G and Khan. Z. 1987. Female Labor participation rates

in rural Pakistan. Islamabad. P.I.D.E.

5. Dr. Stella Pieters Kwiers.1991. Crucial role of women in

development.

6. Fourth World Conference on women. Beijing. 1995. Pakistan national

report.

7. Government of Pakistan, 2005. Economic survey of Pakistan,

Economic

Wing Finance Division, Islamabad, Pakistan

8. Jaffri, Y.S., 1999. Assessing Poverty in Pakistan, a Profile of Poverty

in

Pakistan, Mahbub-ul-Haq center for Human Development,

Islamabad, Pakistan

9. Mumtaz Khawar and Farida Shaheed. 1987. Women of Pakistan: Two

steps forward. One step back. Lahore. Vanguard Books Ltd.

10. Mrs. Zuekha Zar. 1991. Education. Skill development and

employment of women.

11. National Consultant Group for poverty alleviation through Social

Mobilization Multan 1997. First national workshop on poverty

alleviation through social mobilization.

12. NRSP, 1999. Sixth Annual Report. National Rural Support

Programme,

Islamabad, Pakistan

13. Rutherford, S.,2002. The Poor and their Money, Oxford University

Press,

London, UK

14. Shehla Abbasi. 1990. Profile of women of Balochistan. Quetta.

Government of Balochistan and UNICEF.

15. S.M. Arif. T.M. Faiz. Overview of economics position of Balochistan.

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16. Shahnaz Kazi. 1994. A strategy for supporting employment and

income generation of poor women in Pakistan.

17. Shaheed, Farida and Khawar Mumtaz. 1990. Women’s economics

participation in Pakistan. UNICEF Islamabad.

18. Tariq Hussain. Asad Azfar EDC (Private) Ltd. Islamabad. 1994.

Community Mobilization and Poverty Alleviation.

19. UNICEF. 1980. Socio-economic Survey of rural areas of Balochistan.

20. World Bank. 1989. Women in Pakistan: An economics and social

strategy. Volume 1. World Bank. Washington D.C.

21. Yunus, M., 1999. Banker to the poor: Micro-lending and the Battle

against World Poverty, Public Affairs, New York. Amazon

Publishers.

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

TEACHING OF ISLAMIC STUDIES AS A SUBJECT IN THE

SECONDARY SCHOOLS AND MADARIS IN PAKISTAN

Dr.Abdul Razzaq Sabir

*

Abdul Nasir†

ABSTRACT

In Pakistan it is mandatory for all Muslim students up to

Secondary school level to study Islamic Studies as a compulsory subject.

In the government sector and private sector secondary schools provide

education to the general youth of the country to perform services in all

fields of life. Islamic Studies to the masses is also main component of

the syllabi of the Islamic religious schools or Madaris in the country.

These Islamic religious schools or Madaris mostly provide to the youth

from poor class and those learning to be Islamic clerics. In the paper

Education Policy of Pakistan with reference to Islamic Education will

be discussed the education policy of the country clearly mentions that

Education and training should enable the citizens of Pakistan to lead

their lives according to the teachings of Islam as laid down in the

Qur'an and Sunnah and to educate and train them as a true practicing

Muslim. There are two main education systems running parallel in the

country modern education system and religious education. The

education policy of the country assures to evolve an integrated system of

national education by bringing Deeni Madaris and modern schools

closer to each stream in curriculum and the contents of education. In

the primary education system Nazira Qur'an is introduced as a

compulsory subject from grade I to VIII while at secondary level

translation of the selected verses from the Holy Qur'an is also offered.

The paper will further discusses the teaching methodology

regarding teaching of Islamic Studies, criteria for selection of Islamic

Studies teachers, and their qualification. The paper will further discuss

the course contents of Islamic Studies text b ooks teaching in the

* Dean Faculty of Social Sciences University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pak

† Lecturer Department of Education, University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pak

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government secondary schools and their comparison with the courses of

other religious schools or Madaris.

KEY WORDS:

Islamic Studies, Islamic Education, System of Education, Secondary

Schools, Madaris or Madrasaas, Pakistani educational system, Quranic

education, knowledge, objectives of education, curriculum, teaching

methodology, education, Masjid Schools.

INTRODUCTION

It is a fact that Pakistan is an ideological state, hence, due preference

has always been given to such recommendations that help strengthen the

Islamic values of education. In addition to the recommendations contained in

this study those suggestions that flash the view-points of individuals and

organizations of Pakistan will also be incorporated in the study and hopefully

this will provide a short moment of thinking to the state officials and

educationists both. The paper will also be interesting and helpful to the

outside world to know the steps taken by the governments time to time

regarding teaching of Islamic Studies as a compulsory subject in the country.

PAKISTAN’S EDUCATION POLICY

Since the inception of Pakistan in 1947, five Educational Policy

Reports have been produced. These are:-

(1) Educational Conference, 1947.

(2) Commission on National Education, 1959.

(3) New Educational Policy, 1969.

(4) National Education Policy, 1972 and

(5) Educational Policy, 1978

(6) National education Policy 1998-2010.

In the silent features of the Pakistan’s Education Policy 1998-2010

the aim and objectives about teaching of Islamic Education clearly mentions

that “Education and training should enable the citizens of Pakistan to lead

their lives according to the teachings of Islam as laid down in the Qur'an and

Sunnah and to educate and train them as a true practicing Muslim. To evolve

an integrated system of national education by bringing Deeni Madaris and

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modern schools closer to each stream in curriculum and the contents of

education. Nazira Qur'an will be introduced as a compulsory component from

grade I-VIII while at secondary level translation of the selected verses from

the Holy Qur'an will be offered.( Pakistan’s National Education

Policy:1998-2010:2)

According to the national education policy of the country Education

and training should enable the citizens of Pakistan to lead their lives

according to the teachings of Islam as laid down in the Qur'an and Sunnah

and to educate and train them as a true practicing Muslim. To evolve an

integrated system of national education by bringing Deeni Madaris and

modern schools closer to each stream in curriculum and the contents of

education. Nazira Qur'an is introduced as a compulsory component from

grade I-VIII, while at secondary level translation of the selected verses from

the Holy Qur'an are also being offered.

SECONDARY EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN

Secondary education or secondary school education in Pakistan

commence from class 9th. Upon completion of class 10th, students are

expected to take a standardized exam taken by a Board of Intermediate and

Secondary Education (BISE). After successful completion of this

examination, the students are awarded a Secondary School Certificate locally

known as 'matriculation certificate' or 'matric' later on students eligible for

entrance to a college and complete grades 11 and 12 or inter classes. Upon

completion of grade 12, they again take an exam test which is also

administered by the regional boards. Upon successful completion of this

examination, students are awarded the Higher Secondary School Certificate

or HSC. This level of education is also known as F.A/ F.Sc. or 'intermediate'.

During these classes students have choice to choose pre-medical, pre-

engineering, computer science, social sciences, commerce etc.

ISLAMIC EDUCATION AS A SUBJECT

A Historical Study of the Determinants and Evolution of the Islamic System

of Education relates to the analysis of factors that have led and still contain

the ingredients for building a strong system of education in Pakistan. Islam,

as a religion, contrasts with the European concept of a religion. It

encompasses the totality of Muslim life that draws its inspiration from the

Quran and Sunnah. This is a wide conceptual difference between the two

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approaches – the one apparently individualistic and the other socialistic. In

order to bring it home to the modern mind, Islam, as such, with all its

radiations, through its fundamental sources, on the Islamic philosophy of life

that vindicates the socio-economic, political, philosophical and ethical

foundations, has been discussed in detail. Since, these aspects of life are fully

expressed in the ideology of Pakistan which still continues to remain a living

force in our country, today, this discussion would firm up the base on which

the edifice of Islamic Education on stands.(Tirmizi:258)

The relationship between the ideology of Pakistan and Islam as a

polity has been precisely expounded so that the modern mind may well

understand the influence of Islamic philosophy of life that provides firm roots

for developing a viable system of education in Pakistan. It is a chain

development descending down as blending of revelational and rational

knowledge that tightens together these determinants to promote and organize

the education norm that bears its own credibility. It endears a growing

entirety of its own, distlinguishable from other concepts.

Islamic concept of knowledge, objectives of education, curriculum,

teaching methodology, evaluation, teacher-student relationship, education

travels, women education and the role of Masjid (mosque) are a queer

pronged manifestation of these determinants, spotted and seen in every

Muslim society. The rationale behind the organizing and analyzing of these

determinants is to evoke and foster scores of multifarious researches in

multiple ways. This may eventually provide a norm-base to testify the think-

tank of the educators and the active role of the educational institutions.

(Tirmizi: 258)

ISLAMIC VALUES AND THE SUBJECT OF ISLAMIC STUDIES AT

SECONDARY LEVEL

Education in Pakistan remains within the public sector at all levels

even though elite institutions are much more likely to be found within the

private sector. The curriculum for the large number of public sector schools is

given final approval by the Curriculum Wing of the Federal Ministry of

Education. The textbooks prepared by the provincial textbook boards follow

the guidelines given by the Curriculum Wing repeatedly emphasize the need

to inculcate a narrowly defined set of Islamic Values.

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The emphasis on Islamic studies became much more pronounced after

General Zia Ul Haq‟s coup in 1977. Islamiyat had been a compulsory subject

from Class I up to Class X but it was now made compulsory up to B.A/B.SC

(Bachelor of Arts/Science degree equivalent to 14 years of schooling). But it

is not required at the M.A. stage, but when students appear in professional

examinations such as MBBS (Bachelor of Medicine Bachelor of surgery) or

CSS (competitive examinations for the Federal civil services) they again have

to study Islamiyat as a separate subject and can qualify only if they pass in

this exam as well. Under General Zia, from Class VI to Class VIII, it was

made compulsory for students of all religions to learn Arabic. The

justification was to enable Muslim students to acquire a better comprehension

of Quraanic teachings. Previously, Arabic had been an optional subject.

During the same period, a section of the Islamiyat syllabus was separated for

Sunnis and Shias at the level of Class IX and X. Separate books were

introduced for students of the two sects but a common book was re-

introduced in 1999. However, they attempt distinct sections of the

examination paper. (Faizi: 2010:98)

From Class I to Class VIII the subject of Diniyat (Religious Studies)

was taught in government schools. But, in 1997, the subject of Islamiyat

(Islamic Studies) was introduced. The former subject included space for an

introduction of other religions, though in practice this does not appear to have

been implemented on any significant scale in the classrooms. For students of

persuasions other than Islam, there are few practicable options to studying

Islamiyat. In Class VIII, there is special paper civics for non-Muslims, for

which students of minority communities may appear. However, schools

seldom have any provisions for the teaching of this subject. In 1987, a book

on ethics to be used by minority communities‟ students was produced by the

Sindh Textbook Board and subsequently printed by the Punjab Textbook

Board, as well. Moreover, it is not now available. Mostly non-Muslims

students take up Islamiyat as a subject even though it is not compulsory for

them.

In schools, children generally have at least two or three periods of Islamiyat a

week, sometimes more, of 45 minutes each. The Islamiyat curriculum places

a premium on inculcating a Muslim identity among Pakistani children. In the

subject of Islamiyat, concepts such as Jihad are framed in terms of waging

war against the infidels rather than in the broader interpretation that would

privilege Jihad against poverty, illiteracy or inequity. (Faizi: 2010:99)

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MADRASA OR RELIGIOUS SCHOOL EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN

There are three main types of religious institutions or Koranic schools where

only the Koran is taught, Mosque schools where both Koranic and secular

subjects are taught and Madrassas where only Islamic learning takes place.

The mission of most Madrassas in Pakistan is to prepare students for

religious duties. Adhering to strict religious teachings, Madrassas teach

Islamic subjects such as the Koran, Islamic law and Jurisprudence, Logic and

the Prophet’s traditions. Depending upon the level of the Madrassa (primary,

middle or high), the concentration of religious teachings increases. Hafiz-e-

Koran (the one who memorizes the Koran fully) or Qari (theone who can

recite the Koran with good pronunciation and in a melodic tone) are produced

at the lower level of Madrassas. The higher levels of Madrassas produce Alim

– the Islamic scholar and/or teacher. An Alim certificate from a Madrassa is

equivalent to an MA degree in Islamic studied or Arabic from a regular

university. A Madrassa student after graduating from grade 10, is qualified

enough to declare Fatwas – religious edicts. Those students who enroll in

Madrassas full time do so with the knowledge that they will become well

versed in religious studies only and will find jobs in the religious sector since

very few Madrassas supplement religious education with secular subjects.

(Uzma Anzar:2003:14-16)

There are five major Islamic schools of thought in Pakistan:

Deobandi, Bareili, Ahle- Hadith, Salafi, and Shia. Each sect has their own

Madrassas in which they teach their own version of Islam. The two main

sects of Sunni Islam - Deobandi and Bareili - dominate the Madrassas system

in Pakistan26. Deobandi schools are most commonly found along the

Afghan-Pakistan border and within the city centers. The Deobandi and

Bareili sects originated in the colonial Indian sub-continent in response to the

perceived imperial plot to destroy Islam and its followers by enforcing its

own version of education. The Deobandi sect is considered the most

conservative and anti-west. The core religious curriculum in Pakistani

Madrassas is similar to any other Madrassa in the world except that it had a

few more books in Persian. It focuses on the teachings of Islam – Hadith,

Fiqa, Tafseer, Sunna and the like. A typical model of what is taught in

Madrassa schools in Pakistan is provided as under:-.

First Year Biography of the Prophet (Syrat), Conjugation-Grammar (Sarf),

Syntax (Nahv), Arabic Literature, Chirography, Chant illation (Tajvid)

- 25 -

Second Year Conjugation-Grammar (Sarf), Syntax (Nahv), Arabic

Literature, Jurisprudence (Fiqa), Logic, Chirography (Khush-navisi), Chant

illation, (Tajvid)

Third Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence: (Fiqh), Syntax (Nahv), Arabic

Literature, Hadith, Logic, Islamic Brotherhood, Chant illation: (Tajvid),

External study (Tareekh Millat and Khilafat-e-Rashida – these are Indian

Islamic movements).

Fourth Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence (Fiqa), Principles of

Jurisprudence, Rhetorics, Hadith, Logic, History, Cant illation, Modern

Sciences (sciences of cities of Arabia, Geography of the Arab Peninsula and

other Islamic countries)

Fifth Year Koranic Exegesis, Jurisprudence, Principles of Jur isprudence,

Rhetoric, Beliefs (Aqa'id), Logic, Arabic Literature, Chant illation, External

study (History of Indian Kings)

Sixth Year Interpretation of the Koran, Jurisprudence, Principles of

Interpretation & Jurisprudence, Arabic Literature, Philosophy, Chant illation,

Study of Prophet’s traditions

Seventh Year Sayings of the Prophet, Jurisprudence, Belief (Aqa'ed),

Responsibility (Fra'iz), Chant illation, External Study (Urdu texts)

Eighth Year Ten books by various authors focusing on the sayings of the

Prophet. (Course Contents Dar-ul-Uloom Dewband)

Pakistani Madrassas pay heavy emphasis to the teachings of Arabic and

Persian. The languages in the Pakistani Madrassas are not taught for their real

worth but because they facilitate mastery of the religion and because they are

necessary for an Alim. For this purpose Arabic, of course, occupies the centre

stage. Persian, which was socially and academically necessary in Muslim

India, still forms part of the curriculum. Urdu is generally the medium of

instruction in Pakistani Madrassas. Urdu is, indeed, the language in which

Madrassa students become most competent in most of the Madrassas. Most

of the books from which languages are taught are very old Arabic and Persian

books that were written in the 1500’s or before. Pakistani Madrassas today

still teach many of the Dars-e-Nizami texts. These are some of the oldest

exiting Arabic books. Students also study the Persian translation of Arabic

books. “The Arabic books are treatises on grammar in rhymed couplets. One

of the best known among them, Kafia Ibne- Malik, is so obscure that it is

always taught through a commentary called the Sharah Ibn-e-Aqil. The

commentary is often the dread of students and a source of pride for the

teacher who has mastered it. In the Madrassas Arabic is not taught as a living

language. (Rehman:1998 :197-214)

- 26 -

The teaching style of a typical teacher in a Pakistani Madrassa,

especially, in lower grades is very autocratic and little children are punished

for not conforming to the rules and regulations. Severe corporal punishment

is the norm, which results in high drop out rates. A Majority of the teachers is

males who are the product of the Madrassa system. A few have attended Al

Azhar University in Cairo to gain specialized Islamic knowledge. Al Azhar

University also seconds some of its Islamic scholars to various Madrassas all

over the world where they teach religion to students in higher classes

(Rehman: 1998:210-11)

According to government statistics, there are currently 11,491

madrasas in Pakistan, although unofficial sources have estimated their

numbers to range from 12,000 to 15,000 with a total student enrollment of

1.7 million. Pakistan Education Statistics gives the total number of madrasa

students in the country as 1.518 million out of which 140,431 have been

listed as enrolled at the tertiary levels, i.e., in Sanavia Aama, Sanavia Khassa,

Alia Almia and Darja-e-Takhassus. Most madrasas are identified with a

particular school of doctrina orientation—Deobandi, Barelwi, Ahl-e-Hadith

and Shia. Each doctrinal school has established its own federation (wafaq) of

affiliated madrasas that prescribes curriculum, establishes standards, conducts

examinations, and issues diplomas.(Pakistan Education Statistics:

2004:225) The following are the major madrasa federations in Pakistan:

Wafaq-ul-Madaris Deobandi Multan 1959

Tanzim-ul-Madaris Barelwi Lahore 1960

Wafaq-ul-Madaris Shia Shia Lahore 1959

Rabitatul-Madaris-al-Islamia Jamaat-e-Islami Lahore 1983

Wafaq-ul-Madaris-al-Salafia Ahl-e-Hadith Faisalabad 1955 (Education

System in Pakistan: 2006:26)

CONCLUSION

The syllabi of three types of secondary Education in Pakistan are

different from each other, In the private schools Islamic Education is a

compulsory but confined upto the Islamic teachings, in the government

secondary schools besides other compulsory and elective subjects Islamic

Studies is a compulsory while in the madrasas the most of the syllabi based

on the Islamic Studies only. If we critically analysis the Islamic Studies

subject at secondary level in Pakistan we observe the subjects of Islamic

Studies at class lX and Xth levels we come to know that to some extent they

- 27 -

cover Islamic values but very less number of students have the complete

awareness about Islamic civilization. In the class room the teachers by the

help of charts show the reflection of Islamic values in the compulsory

subjects of Islamic Studies..

The main causes of non effectiveness of the Islamic Studies at

Secondary level besides financial problems are the less interest of the parents,

Separate family system, Negative role of media, Illiteracy, parents are busy in

their jobs, incomplete material about Islamic values in text books, all subjects

have no connection with Islamic values, non sincerity of the teachers in

professional training etc.

On the other hand education system in the traditional religious

schools known as madrasas or madaris or Islamic religious schools have

been the focus of Western media in general and the intelligentsia’s

attention in particular since the last over three decades. The Pakistani

madrasa curriculum remains virtually unchanged.

The government blames madrasa authorities for the failure of its

reforms. However, these reforms were prepared in haste by government

officials with little understanding of traditional education, and without any

input from the madrasa ulama. The ulama’s opposition to these reforms

was then used by the government to excuse its lack of commitment.

Madrasa curriculum may be said to have played a role in creating an

environment that encourages hostile or, at least, negative attitudes toward

the “other.” However, to claim that there is a direct causal relationship

between madrasa education, on the one hand, and anti-Americanism or

anti-Westernism, on the other, is, at best, a tenuous proposition. Madrasa

education per se is entirely devoid of political content. With the same

curriculum, madrasa students were never shown to be anti-American until

the 1990s. Furthermore, anti-Americanism is not something that is

exclusively confined to the madrasas or, for that matter, to Muslims alone.

The Bush administration’s policies in the Middle East; the U.S. invasion

and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq; the scandals of Abu Ghraib and

Guantanamo Bay; the widely-reported stories of torture and “extraordinary

renditions;” and the general perception that the “global war on terror” is

primarily directed against Muslims have all irreparably damaged the moral

standing of the United States in the eyes of Muslims. There is now a great

deal of pessimism among the madrasa ulama who largely feel that the

situation will not “change for the better.”

For advanced and scientific learning through higher levels of Islamic

education systems (in Madrassas), major changes would be required. For

- 28 -

example, in Pakistani Madrassas mere introduction of math and computer

courses will not change the views of the students towards the society and the

world at large. Computer and English language courses cannot do much to

alter the mindset of students in Madrassas . The first thing to consider, in this

regard, is the orientation of the Islamic education curricula. The questions

that Islamic scholars and teachers must be pushed to ask are, currently what

types of religious ideologies and beliefs are being promoted by Islamic

curriculum in various Madrassas? Are they compatible with the prevailing

political, religious, human rights, women’s right realties that surround the

Muslim world today? How through Islamic education systems in combination

with scientific interventions, Muslim nations can advance in the 21st century?

Could the Madrassas be brought back to the point where they lead the debate

on Ijtihad –independent reasoning and pave the way for advancement in

Muslim societies?

The answers to these questions should come from the Muslim leaders

and scholars themselves. At present, it would be wise for the international

donors and educators to facilitate this dialogue. Only if Islamic leaders and

scholars are able to articulate the answers to the above questions and are

willing to a change, the world could witness another Islamic renaissance.

- 29 -

REFERENCES

Course Contents of the Dar-ul-Uloom Dewband, India website

http://www.darululoom-deoband.com/english (accessed on 20-5-2012)

Faizi , Waqar Un Nisa Ph.D dissertation “The Reflection Of Islamic Values

In The Compulsory Subjects Of Social Sciences At Secondary (ix-x) Level In

Karachi” JUFW, Karachi 2010 p-98.

Pakistan Education Statistics, 2004-225, Islamabad, Government of

Pakistan, 2006 and reproduced in the NBR Project report April 2009 p-26.

Pakistan’s National Education Policy, Ministry of Education Govt of

Pakistan, 1998-2010 p-2.

Rehman, Tariq (Dr) “Language, Religion and Identity in Pakistan: Language-

Teaching in Pakistan Madrassas” Ethnic Studies Report, Vol XVI, July 1998

p-197-214.

Report on the Education System in Pakistan Nordic Recognition Information

Centers, October 2006 Page- 26.

Tirmizi, Shamim Ahmed (Dr) Ph.D Dissertation of BZ University, Multan p-

258 already available at HEC Pakistan website

http://prr.hec.gov.pk/Chapters/202-9.pdf ( accessed on 6th Feb, 2012)

Uzma Anzar, “Islamic Education A Brief History of Madrassas With

Comments on Curricula and Current Pedagogical Practices” 2003 p-14-16.

- 30 -

- 31 -

BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

THE QUETTA CITY SPATIAL BUSINESS INTENSITY

PATTERN

Geography

Muhammad Nawaz*

ABSTRACT

An indication of the rapid progression of urbanization across

the globe, the spread of urbanization in Europe and Middle East

is apparent, as are rising levels of urbanization in Africa and

Asia, Pakistan has progressed appreciably, in 1901 only 9.8

percent 0f total population lived in urban areas. It is estimated

that 2025 A.D. the 60 percent of total population of the country

will live in town and cities. As the urban places are playing very

high role to business opportunities and progress, provide

services, in socio-economic development of the region.

In fact the business intensity pattern of a city, its structure,

functions, composition, spatial organization, the body of a

character of the city, a city is business complex with large number

of retail business that is its components and takes the advantage

of a city location business, form, function and development.

Among these retail businesses groups of business tend to

concentrate and occupy the considerable part of the city space,

where as other occupy low intensities areas.

INTRODUCTION

The city of Quetta as the capital of Balochistan province with

565137 urban dwellers in 1998, which will became the place of one million

peoples in 2015 is situated at the height of 1676.4 meter from sea level, bowl

shaped, 6 K.m. wide 20 Km (average) long valley bounded by mountains,

growing relatively at higher rate (4.15 percent annually) than other urban

settlements in the province. The urbanization processes in the region and its

* Assistant Professor Department of Geography University of Balochistan Quetta Pakistan.

- 32 -

influence on Quetta being the seat of government, provide the facilities of

higher order, improved living conditions, employment opportunities as

compare to other urban centers of the province. The population of Quetta city

according to the1941 census was 64476 persons it was 6.97 percent increased

between 1931-41 comprising of Quetta municipal area (7406773 sq. meter). In

1951 the population was 83892 persons which were 30.11 percent increased

during the 10 years, where 37.33 percent increase show in 1955, but a

significant growth in 1972 (48.19 percent) and (80.88 percent) in 1981 seems

a very high increase in 10 years. Similarly the increase in area was 151

percent in 1975 and 8.29 percent again show a large expansion in municipal

area. In 1998 the population of Quetta city including cantonment was reached

to 565137 persons (97.79 percent increased, and as 19.49 percent more area

was included in municipal limits in 1992,and 15039225 (sq. meters) 31.20

percent area was added in 1998 in the municipal corporation. On the basis of

50 years growth record of Quetta city, it is estimated that the number of urban

dwellers will reach 2000000 in 2020. In order to present study “The Quetta

City Spatial Business Intensity Pattern” can focus and became a most favored

area or the city of more than two million dwellers comfort, planning and

development.

METHODOLOGY

The analytical framework laid down, has been used the

Geographical Information System (G.I.S.) techniques, methodological

measures and analysis methods which range from collection of primary data

of 14936 establishments from the field, Quetta Municipal Area (Q.M.C.) to

classification, tabulation of data and the use of inferential statistics and

mathematical model.

The present study aim to analyze the “The Quetta City Spatial Business

Intensity Pattern” and which will provide the guideline to city structuring,

growth, it’s planning and development.

Data Collection.

Primary data of 14936 establishments were collected from the

Quetta Municipal Corporation (Q.M.C.) area.

The city was divided into 494 business blocks on the basis of road and

streets, and the base map of 1:2500 scales was used.

The data were analyzed through using the Geographical information

System (G.I.S)

Software techniques and presented in the form of a map and tables.

- 33 -

The business intensity of the city devised and calculated from the

following formula:

Business Intensity Index (B11) = Area under Business Establishment in

Block

Ground Area of the Block

Business Intensity The distribution of business activity in the city and its concentration

pattern is represented through analysis of chief variable i.e., Area under

Business Establishments, and the Business Intensity Index.

These analyses Tables 1, 2 and figure 1 serve to bring out internal

variations with in an expanse of a homogeneous area in terms of its basic or

essential quality i.e., the extent and intensity of retail business activity.

Further, the analyses furnish the lead to differentiation of intrinsic

character of the city region in to what has been classically discriminated as

the “Core” or “Hard core” and “Periphery” or the “Non-core” to contrast

primarily with the major differences in the levels of concentration of business

across the city region. While the two variable, viz: area under establishments

and business intensity index are indicative of spatial variations and the degree

of business intensity as a ratio of area under business to the total of area or

total space with in the city blocks, the one variable, area under establishments

are indicator of intensity in space- use by the business establishments with in

the city limits. The later variable define the essential characteristics of the

“hard core” which, when compared with other business centers of the city,

must illuminate characteristically a much higher rate of use of “hard core”

space than that found in other business centers of the city.

Number and Area of Business Establishments

The concentration pattern of commercial establishments is

analyzed in table 1 and the accompanying map fig.1 which shows area under

business establishments. A total of 14936 retail establishments covered

260105 sq.meters, in 494 business blocks adopted for enumeration.

Table 1 shows the number of blocks, number of establishments and

area under establishments categorized into concentration levels or classes of

blocks. It may be pointed out that the number of blocks under Colum 3 of the

table suffers from limitations with respect to inter-category comparison on

account of uneven block size, but this limitation is overcome when the

numbers of establishments are compared block-wise, as the establishment’s

size differences are not too wide to disallow meaningful comparison.

However, when analyzing the table a reference is made to the number of

block; it is done simply to give an indication of the extent of concentration

- 34 -

levels irrespective of the block size, as mainly it is the block or blocks which

have been categorized.

TABLE: 1 * AREA UNDER BUSINESS ESTABLISHMENTS BY BLOCK CATEGORIES

BLOCK

CATEGORY

CONCENTRATION

LEVEL

NO OF

BLOCKS

AREA

OF

BLOCKS

**

PERCENTA

GE OF

BLOCK

AREA

NO. OF

ESTABLI

SHMENT

S

PERCENTA

GE OF

ESTABLISH

MENTS

AREA

OF

ESTABLI

SHMENT

S ( in sq.

m.)

PERCEN

TAGE OF

AREA

OF

ESTABLI

SHMENT

S

I

401+ VERY HIGH 155 5705465 45.18 10428 69.81 197371 75.88

Ii

301-400 HIGH 72 1994715 15.79 1754 11.74 27839 10.70

Iii

201-300 MEDIUM 48 1633707 12.93 845 5.65 11237 4.32

Iv

101-200 LOW 122 1874771 14.84 1376 9.21 17744 6.82

V

-100 VERY LOW 97 1418272 11.23 533 3.56 5914 2.27

TOTAL ------- 494 12626930 100 14936 100 260105 100

*field data ** Area in sq.m.

It is inferred from table 1 that 69.81 percent of the total

establishments occupying 75.88 percent of the total space used as business

establishments of the city, fall in “very high concentration level” and are

concentrated in 155 out of 494 blocks. It is obvious that such a high level of

concentration, comparatively in a limited 45.18 percent of total blocks area of

the city may be identified with the core or hard core of the city, which

represent the highest degree of intensity. More over high concentration level

category establishments made up 10.70 percent of the city establishments.

The degree of significant concentration level will however be

represented by the aggregate of "very high" and "high concentrations level"

establishments, which combine to demonstrate on impressive concentration

to the extant of about 81.55 percent of city establishments with about 86.58

percent of area under total city retail business establishments.

It may noted that "medium concentration level" is not extensive as it

cover 5.65 percent of the total establishments as compare with 12.77 percent

in low and "very low” concentration classes. This low extensiveness in terms

of percentages of the number of establishments is resulted due to the size and

number of blocks in the category, which can further accentuated in respect of

area under establishments, since low and very low concentration levels

covered only 9.09 percent against 4.32 percent of establishments area under

medium category. These three levels may indicate the spatial extent of non

core areas of city region.

Figure 1 distinctly exhibits five areas of major concentration i.e., (i)

The Liaquat bazaar area, (ii) The Peripheral region, of Liaquat bazaar and

- 35 -

Double road area, (iii) The Satellite Town and Pashtoonabad, (iv) Joint and

Jail road area, (v) Sariab-Sabzal road area.

Out of 155 blocks showing very high concentration level, 96

belonged to the Laqat bazaar area alone. Similarly out of 72 blocks of high

concentration level, again 21 placed in Liaquat bazaar area.

The extent of medium or low is for more limited in Liaquat bazaar

area than Satellite Town, Pashtoonabad or on the Kansi, Meccongy, Joint and

Jail roads areas. This suggests the greater beneficial aspect and locational

advantages of the Liaquat bazaar area for business activity and its expansion

in comparison with other areas of the city.

The differences of area under establishments with in each block

category may further highlight the details of otherwise much generalized or

stretched concentration quality over a wide rage of area under establishments

in each block.

In the very high concentration class, very wide range of area under

business establishments of the block is noticeable, as the block with the

largest area contained 10603 sq.meter under business establishments giving a

staggering figure of 4.07 percent of the total area under city establishments.

The block with smallest area under business establishments in the same

category covered 401 sq.m. or 0.15 percent of they total area of city

establishments. It is remarkable that under this category, four blocks with

establishments area above 4000sqm. Contained about 9.51 percent of total

area under retail establishments in city which come to about 11.73 percent of

the total area under the establishments in the blocks falling in the very high

concentration class. These blocks belonged to Auto spare parts markets on

Double road, Beef / Shoes markets on Upper Kansi road in Liaquat bazaar

area, Bukhari center in Quandhari, bazaar of Liaquat bazaar area, Auto work,

blanket and carpet markets on Double road area. No block had larger floor

area under establishments than its ground area in the city.

Further 19 blocks recorded area under business establishments

ranging 2001 Sq.m. to 4000 sq.m. from which 15 blocks are located in

Liaquat bazaar area, as Hashmi market Regal Plaza, Baldia Plaza, Kansi road

Lunda bazaar, Malik Plaza, Auto parts and work block, Sartaj Complex,

Sonehri market, Cut piece street and Dr. Bano road blocks Auto spare parts

and work beyond M.A. Jinnah road block, Gourdatt Singh street, Curtain

market on kansi road block, Blanket market on Abdus Sattar road block,

Auto part, street beyond M.A Jinnah road block, the latter four blocks of

same category a block of Briach market on Sirki road, a block of Auto parts

market on the double road area, and one each block located on Sabzal and

- 36 -

Faqeer Muhammad roads. Out of 47 blocks from 1001 to 2000 sq.m.

category 31 blocks are again located in Liaquat bazaar area, i.e., Old bus

stand block on circular road, cosmetics and electronics market block on

Shah-re-Iqbal, Dry fruit street block, Motorcycle spare parts market block on

Abdus Sattar road, Mutton and Beef market block on Art school road, Auto

work and spare parts market block on Jamal-ud-din Afghani road, Cloth

market block beyond Baldia plaza, Gourdatt Singh ( sports goods) block,

Zulfiqar market in Liaquat bazaar block, Mannan Chowk block, Quandhari

bazaar whole sale block, Old bus stand (Auto work) block, Home appliance

market street on circular road block, Shoes Market block on Liaquat bazaar

road, two blocks of cloth whole sale on Jamalud-din-Aghani road,

Electronics market in Qandhari bazaar block, Spinzer market block, Lalazar

market block, London street Liaquat bazaar block, Shalimar market block,

Khyber market block, Liaquat market block, Chorri Gulli block, Motti Ram

road frame market block, a block of General merchant whole sale in

Quandhari bazaar, Shoe market on Thanna road block, Shoes and Crockery

market on Toughi road block, Hardware and Shawls/cap market in Surajganj

bazaar block, Electronics market block on Abdus Sattar road, Medicine

whole sale block on Dr. Bano road, Saraffa market block on Abdus Sattar

road, an other block of shoes market on Thanna road, Junction market block

on Prince road, Shoes market block of Mannan Chowk, Hardware market

block in Surajganj bazaar. The former 16 blocks of same category were

located as a General merchants block on Gawalmandi Chowk in the

peripheral area of Liaquat bazaar region, a block on Sabzal road containing

the Kabbray, again a block of General merchants located on lower Kansi

road, a block of Hardware on lower Sirki road, two blocks on lower Sariab

road, one block had located on Meccongy road comprising the General

merchants, one block of this category on the Lower Sabzal road and one on

the middle Sariab road, both containing the general merchants, one block

identified near the New bus stand of general merchants, one block of this

category on Joint road beyond railways station, one block on the middle

Sabzal road, a block of Old auto spare parts and work located near New bus

stand, one block of similar concentration located in the Satellite town area.

The remaining 424 blocks of the city, under the concentration from 1 to 1000,

one hundred one blocks are again located in Liaquat bazaar area.

- 37 -

Distribution Pattern of Business Intensity

The business Intensity index ( B11) is a ratio of area under business

establishments in a block to the ground area of the block, owing to the effect

of block area, which is the base of this measure, the distributions pattern of

business intensity in term of degree and extent of concentration will appear to

be less convergent, though not deviant from the pattern of business

concentration demonstrated by area under business establishments, which is

independent measure and used as such in the forgoing analysis (table 1)

without reference to the area of block. However, B11 serves as a more

representative indicator of use of the city space by business activities in

particular and other associated and central location oriented enterprises in

general.

Business intensity implies that, which higher business intensities, the

area of establishments in block categories increases while the percentage of

block area which presents percentage of the city space correspondingly

decreases.

As shown by table 2 in terms of B11 distribution, the higher order

class explicitly demonstrates a remarkable

ABLE: 2* BUSINESS INTENSITY INDEX

BLOCK

CATEGO

RY

CONCENTR

ATION

CLASS

NO OF

BLOCK

S

AREA

OF

ESTABL

ISHMEN

T S

IN Sq.

meter

PERCENT

AGE OF

AREA OF

ESTABLIS

HMENT S

AREA OF

BLOCKS

(sq..meter

)

PERCE

NTAGE

OF

AREA

OF

BLOCK

S

0.0401 + VARY HIGH 194

163756

62.95 1241779 9.83

0.0400

0.0301- HIGH 45 13825 5.31 419134 3.31

0.0300

0.0201- MEDIUM 71 30096 11.57 1221879 9.67

0.0200

0.0101- LOW 93 27421 10.54 1886052 14.93

-0.1

VERY LOW 91 25007 9.61 7858086

62.23

Total - 494 260105 100 12626930 100

*Field data

Concentration pattern, that much more than half of the city space

falling only under very high concentration class, which about 62.95 percent

- 38 -

of the area under establishments of the total establishments of the city space.

The high concentration class covered relatively low percentage of

establishments 5.31 percent of total city establishments, also in a very limited

3.31 percent of blocks area, which mostly covered the peripheral areas of the

very high concentration class. These classes together covered about 69

percent of the total area under city establishments in only 14.14 percent of the

city space.

It obvious that the degree of concentration as shown by these two

categories stand in sharp relief to the area under the rest of the categories.

These two classes may represent or contain the nucleus or ‘core’ of the city

region. Both the extent and morphology of the core will, however, be subject

to determination by close examination of the spatial pattern of B11 in close

relation or correspondence with, other variables and their spatial pattern with

in the city expanse.

Intensities categorized as medium extended over a large area, i.e.,

1221879 Sq.meter or 9.67 percent of the city space and this class covered

about 12 percent of area under business establishments as compare to high

category. The spatial extent of this class implied that business intensities

were quite appreciable which in term of block area embraced a considerable

spatial extensiveness to the city space.

Intensities decrease in areas under low and very low B11

concentration categories as shown by the differences of area under business

establishments between the medium, low and very low B11 categories. These

areas may clearly fall in the non-core or extra-nucleus region of the city.

Intra categories differences of intensity with in the very high

concentration level and its spatial distribution may be examined so as define

its extent and location, since this category has in its fold what may ultimately

be distinguished as the hard core, which is identified in term of maximum

concentration of business activities or highest level of business intensity. One

hundred and ninety four blocks with B11 ranging from 0.0401 to 0.9079 fell

in this category. Of these eighty four blocks situated in the Liaquat bazaar

only, that showed intensity (0.1.39 to 0.9079). Their intensities implies a

considerable concentration with small size of establishments in form of

markets or in some cases from ground floor to upper floors which were used

as good own or store, only one block Dawood Cloth Centre, where upper

floors were used as multi-story catering establishments recorded 1.14 percent

of the total city establishments space, a number of blocks showed, very high

intensity due to the smaller sizes of block or total area of the blocks in this

class. The very high concentration category blocks showed a discontinuous

distribution as these occupied five separate locations along an axis of roads of

- 39 -

this area, these five main areas were identified (a) The Liaquat bazaar (Baldia

plaza, Cut piece Street, Shabnaum market, Hashmi market, Sonehri market,

Zulfiqar market and lower Meccongy road area),(b) Lower Kansi road and

meet market area,(c) Mission road area ,(d) M.A Jinnah road, Qandhari

bazaar area and Circular road area

In the Liaquat bazaar there were thirteen out of eighty four blocks

falling under this category. These blocks belonged to Motorcycle spare parts

market, Cut pieces ( cloth) street, Shabnaum market ( cosmetics), Saraffa

bazaar ( Jewellers market), Hashmi market, Sonehri market,

Liaquat market block, Zulfiqar market, Malik plaza, Baldia plaza, Chorri

Gaulli block, Muhammad Ali market block and Cassette market block.

On the Kansi road axis comprised the Meat market block, Lunda

bazaar block, Beef market and Shoes market blocks.

The Mission road area blocks of this very high concentration class are

consisted Hard ware market block, Shoes market block, Trunk market bazaar

block, Shawls/Cap street block and Surajganj bazaar blocks.

The M.A Jinnah Road and Qandhari Bazaar blocks are comprising

Bukahri Market (money changers) block, Russian Galli ( Electronics market

block), Grocery market block, Shoes market & General merchants whole sale

market block, Medicine / whole sale market block, Shoes market block,

Electric and Hardware market block, Cassette and Garment street block,

Fateh Khan market block, Regal Plaza and Sartaj complex blocks.

The Circular road area blocks were belonged to Trunk market bazaar

block, Kabbary bazaar, Shoes Market Street block, Hardware market block,

Grocery market block, and Electric market blocks. Some of the blocks of

Circular road, Mission road and M.A Jinnah road areas belonged to the whole

sale business and are not presented the true picture of the retail trade.

From the above analysis of spatial distribution of the very high

concentration level, it is concluded that spatial pattern of the city core is

marked by multiple-nuclearity and it is distinctly star–nuclear divided as it is

in five discontinuous and distant locations.

The high concentration category embraced roughly 4 percent of the

total city area and 6 percent of the area under establishments’ shows the

distribution pattern of medium category blocks whose location with respect

to high order concentration blocks are noteworthy. In Liaquat bazaar area and

double road new bas stand areas, most of the high category blocks are either

sandwiched between or closely boarder on the very high or medium

concentration categories, signifying a position or situation as an attractive

locale for business growth and intensification in the immediate future. The

following blocks may be cited as falling in this category Gawalmandi Chowk

- 40 -

block, Patel road Chowk block (Grocery) three blocks consisted furniture and

wood work are located on the both sides of upper Prince and Meccongy roads

Chowk, Fateh Khan market block on M.A Jinnah road, Bilal market (New

bus stand) Shoes market (Pashtoonabload) Grocery market (Pashtoonabad),

and Lunda Bazaar (Kansi road)

The High category blocks mostly comprised the grocery, located in

the peripheral area of very high concentration class in the medium

concentration class in a ring shape, contiguous with the medium

concentration category of blocks and hence also they denote an area for

further intensification or assimilation to medium concentration category.

As shown in figure1 there are existed three areas or city segments of

quite discernible extend which had medium, low and very low B11

categories. These were mainly again located in the peripheral areas of very

high and high classes and on the axis of thoroughfare or along the both sides

of intra and inter city roads segment occupied 31.72 percent of the

establishments area of the city and which is less than half of the very high

concentration category. On the basis of low business intensities these areas

may be termed as weak or low profile zone. One of these very low profile

areas were bounded by Sariab-Sabzal roads, are laying in the west of the city.

These medium low and very low classes are further located in to three areas

of the city

(a) Most of the blocks shown the medium intensity in table 2 are

located in Satellite town and Pashtoonabad, the areas which

laying in the south-east of the very high or core area of the

city, consisted the mixed retail establishments.

(b) The Kansi and Meccongy roads extended from Liaquat bazaar

or city hard core area toward east direction, covered mostly by

blocks of low and medium intensities:

(c) Joint and Jail road areas clearly occupied by the blocks with

low intensity concentration category, the area is in the west of

railway station and further west bounded by Sabzal road

which, comprised the very low intensity blocks of the city

space.

CONCLUSION

Quetta city comparatively has three different retail business

intensities areas as are High, Medium and Low.

The high intensity retail area as Liaquat bazaar, Suraj Ganj bazaar,

Quandhari bazaar Archarand Cicular roads or business Components

- 41 -

playing an important role and has a very strong impact on the business

pattern of city growth, structure, planning and development

The medium intensity or the peripheral region and other areas of

this category/intensity class is a highly important for city center

expansion in particular and city future growth and development in

general.

Certainly the last three categories as medium, low and very low or

low retail business intensity class with its mixed retail business, those

are located in all the areas or business categories, is an indication of

space opportunity for future city growth and development.

The retail business analysis resulting, that the limited area of

Quetta city which bounded all sides by mountains and its location at

active Chaman-Naushki Seismic fault, both horizontal and vertical

development, severe water scarcity constraints, the city of Quetta need a

highly technical management planning and development in future to

safety and the comfort of 1.5 million dwellers.

- 42 -

REFERENCE:

Allaway W.Arthur, Black C. William, R. Michael and Mason J.

Barry.1996,

Evolution of a Retail Market Area: An Event History Model of Spatial

Diffusion, Economic Geography.

A, Loukaitou-Sideries. 1997, Inner City Commercial Strips: Town

Planning Review, Vol.68.No, 1, pp.1-29.

Beauregard, R.A.1995, Edge Cities, Peripheral zing the Center: Urban

Geography, Vol. 16, No.8, pp. 708-721.

Berry, B.J.L. and J. Parr. 1988, Market Centers and Retail Location:

Theory and Application, Englewood Cliff, NJ, Prentice Hall.

Bromley and C. Thomas. 1993, Retail Change: University of Chicago

Press, Department Of Geography, Research Paper, 85.

Bengali Kaiser. 1988, The Economy of Karachi: Growth and Structural

Change, Applied Economics Department, University of Karachi, Karachi.

Michael Pacione.2001, Urban Retailing: Urban Geography, A Global

Perspective, pp. 229-248 and 447-461.

Proud foot, Malcolm J. 1937, City Retail Structure: Economic Geography,

vol. 13, pp. 425-428.

- 43 -

- 44 -

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

AN ANALYSIS OF THE DIFFERENT THEORIES ABOUT THE

ORIGIN OF THE PASHTOONS

History

Dr. Hanif Khalil*

Javed Iqbal†

ABSTRACT

The Pashtoons is an ancient race, nation or tribe on this earth having

its own identity, specific values, norms and traditions and a peculiar

charm since thousands of years. To trace the origin of the Pashtoons

various theories have been presented by renowned scholars in

different periods. In these theories, the theory of Israelies and the

theory of Arian Tribes became very hot and famous for academic

discussions among the historians and researchers.

In this paper along with other miscellaneous theories, these two

famous theories have been discussed with references and evidences. At

the end the conclusion has been given and the most acceptable theory

has been pointed out.

INTRODUCTION

The topic is under discussion since very long that who are the Pashtoons

and what is the origin of the Pashtoons? To trace to origin of the pashtoons

various theories have been presented by some eminent scholars, researchers,

historian and linguist. But this question has not been answered yet

scientifically with proved evidences. However some theories came under

discussion in this respect. In these the most popular theories are as under

1. The Pashtoons are from semitic races and belong to the Israelies.

2. The Pashtoons are the descendents of Qatora, the wife of Hazrat

Ibrahim (P.B.U.H).

3. The Pashtoons are basically from Greek races.

4. The Pashtoons are from Arian tribes.

* Assistant Professor NIPS Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad † Lecturer, Pashto Department University of Balochistan Quetta

- 46 -

Some other theories have also been presented and analyzed but the following

two theories became most popular and always remain under discussions of

researchers in different times.

1. the theories of Bani-Israels

2. the theories of Arians

In this discussion we will try to analyze these two major theories and to trace

the most acceptable theory about the origin of the Pashtoons.

The Theory of Bani Israelies

The first famous and old theory about the genealogy of the Pashtoons is that

they are Bani Israel. We find this theory for the first time in Makhzan-e-

Afghani written by Niamat Ullah Harvi, a scholar at the court of the Mughal

Emperor Jahangir. He has completed his research about 1612 A.D. Most of

the other historians and writers in their books and writings followed this

theory, which was presented by Niamat Ullah Harvi. In these historians and

writers the most popular Pashtoon writer Afzal Khan Khattak, the grandson

of Khushal Khan Khattak in his Pashto book Taareekh-e-Murrassa, and Hafiz

Rahmat Khan in his history book, containing the genealogies of the

Pashtoons, Khulaasat-ul-Ansaab, followed and accepted this theory without

any analysis and criticism and made this theory as the base and fundamental

evidence of their writings. Famous orientalist and historian Olaf Caroe

repeats the story in his book the Pathans. In the words of Olaf Caroe.

"The Afghan historiographers maintain that Saul had a son

named Irmia (Jeremiah) who again had a son named Afghana,

neither of course known to the Hebrew Scriptures. Irmia, dying

about the time of Saul’s death, his son Afghana was brought up

by David, and in due course in Solomon's reign, was promoted to

the chief command of the army. There follows a gap of some four

centuries to the time of the captivity. Since Bakhtunnasar is

mentioned, one must presume that the reference is to the second

captivity early in the sixth century B.C, that of Judah from

Jerusalem, and not the first captivity over one hundred years

earlier, that of Israel by Shalmaneser the Assyrian, from Samaria,

If this is so, it rules out any suggestion, often made, that the Bani

Israel, the sons of Afghana, are in any way connected with the

lost ten tribes. Nevertheless the theory of the ten tribes has had its

notable supporters. In its aid it was suggested, originally by Sir,

- 47 -

William Jones, pioneer of oriental studies in Warren Hastings,

time that the Afghans are the lost ten tribes of Israel mentioned by

the prophet Esdras as having escaped from captivity and taken

refuge in the country of Arsarath, supposed by that elegant

scholar as identical with the modern Hazarajat, the Ghor of the

Afghan historians. But the reference in the afghan chronicles to

Nebuchadnezzar makes nonsense of any identification with the

ten tribes. The truth is that Muslims commentators of the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were not well up in the

history of the Hebrews. They make no distinction between Israel

and Judah, and do not seem even to be aware that there were two

captivities." ( Caroe:1958:5)

Olaf Caroe also quotes Raverty who was an excellent scholar of Pashto

literature as well as the history of the Pashtoons. Caroe admitted him as the

last pleader of this theory in English writers. He narrates about the concept of

Roverty as:-

"The last pleader for the Bani Israel tradition in English is

the redoubtable Raverty. Referring to Cyrus, the first of the

Persian Achaemenids, he notes that it was customary for the great

King to transport a whole tribe, and sometimes even a whole

nation, from one country to another. The Jews were even a stiff-

necked race, and he asks form credence to the possibility that the

most troublesome anong them had been moved to the thinly

peopled satrapies of the Persian Empire where they would be too

far away to give trouble. It is not possible he asks, that those Jew

who could make their escape might have fled eastward, preferring

a wandering life in a mountainous country with independence to

the grinding tyranny of Cyrus successors and their satraps? In

facts there was no other direction in which they could have fled"(

Caroe:1958:6-7)

Our scholars linked the historical background of this theory, related to Hazrat

Suleman, Saul, Talut, Armia and Barkhia and Afghana, to Hazrat Khalid Bin

Walid and Qais Abdur-Rasheed, who is considered as the old grandfather of

Pashtoon tribes, Saraban, Ghorghashts, and Beetan. Sir Olaf Caroe writes

about this historical background in the following words.

- 48 -

"The Afghan chroniclers would have it that Khalid Bin

Walid, the most famous of the Prophet's Ansar (companions) and

the first great Arab conqueror, belonged to the tribe of the

descendants of Afghana resident near Mecca. (All other Muslims

tradition states him to have been an Arab of the Makhsum family

of the prophet's tribe of Quraish.) On conversion to Islam, while

the Prophet was still alive and before Khalids conquest of Syria

and Iraq, Khalid either proceeded in person, or sent a letter, to his

kinsmen of the Bani Israel settled in Ghor, to bring them tidings

of the new faith and an invitation to join the Prophet's standard

there resulted a deputation of a number of representatives of the

Afghan of Gohar, led by one Qais, which proceeded to meet the

prophet at Medina. This Qais is said to be descended from Saul in

the thirty-seventh generation, an under-generous allowance for a

period of some seventeen hundred years. This Qais and his

comrades then waged war most gallantly on the Prophet's behalf.

TLe chronicle proceeds:

The Prophet lavished all sorts of blessing upon them; and

having ascertained the name of each individual, and remarked that

Qais was a Hebrew name, whereas they themselves were Arbas,

he gave Qais the name of Abdur Rashid and observed further to

the rest that, they being the posterity of Malik Talut, it was quite

proper and just that they should be called Malik likewise… and

the prophet predicted that God would make the issue of Qais so

numerous that they would out vie all other people, that their

attachment to the faith would in strength be like the wood upon

which they lay the keel when constructing a ship which seamen

call Pathan; on this account he conferred upon Abdur Rashid the

title of Pathan also." ( Caroe:1958:7-8)

Renowned historian and researcher Sayyed Bahadur Shah Zaffar Kakakhel

also narrated this background in his Pashto book Pukhtana da Tareekh pa

Rana kay (The Pashtoons in the perspective of history). He explained the

story of Qais Abdur Rasheed and also criticized the theories of Bani-Israel at

the end. Bahadur Shah Zaffar explains that

"All the Pashtoons got entered into Islam. The Holy prophet Hazrat

Muhammad (P.B.U.H.) prayed for them and changed the name of

their leader Qais into Abdur Rasheed. Hazrat Muhammad (P.B.U.H.)

gave him the title of Bathan. It means the leader of the boat of his

- 49 -

nation. Hazrat Khalid bin Walid married his daughter Sara Bibi with

Abdur-Rasheed than Qais came back to his own area and in his area

he started to preach Islam. He died in 41 Hijri at the age of 77 during

a war. He had three sons, the eldest Saraban, the second Beetan, and

the third Ghurghasht. These three being the ancestors of the various

branches of the Pashtoons" (Kakakhail: 1981:32-33)

Criticism on this theory

As mentioned earlier that along with Bahadur Shah Zafar Kakakhel some

other historians and writers presented this theory that Pashtoons are from

Semitic races and they are Israelies. But a number of scholars rejected this

theory with new evidences and authentic sources. First of all we must quote

Sayyed Bahadur Shah Zafar Kakakhel who are of the opinion that

"There is no solid proof to accept this theory, even in

Arabian history or in Islamic history"(Kakakhail: 1981: 35).

An another scholar Dr. Abdur-Raheem author of the Afghans in India, wrote

about this theory

"The theory of the Semitic origin of the Afghan does not stand the serious

analysis. The resemblances in features cannot be considered as providing

scientific criterian for grouping different peoples into one race. The

Sumerian resemble the Aryans in features through they are not considered

to have any affiliation with Aryan people. The portraits of the koshan

kings found their coin has the same type of feature but they are certainly

neither Afghans nor Semitic" (Abdur-Raheem: 1969: 43)

Similarly the author of "History of Afghanistan" Sir Percy Cycks also

criticized the theory of Bani Israel in the following words.

"A protest must here be made against the erroneus view

that the Afghans are members of lost tribes of Israel, which

various writers including Bellew and Holdich advocated. Actually

this theory is of purely literary origin and is merely an example of

the wide spread customs among Muslims of claiming descent

from some personage mentioned in the Quran or some other

sacred work. In the case of the Afghan they claim Malik Talat or

king Savl their ancestor. Among the reasons advanced in support

of this claim are noticably curved noses of the Afghan but this

peculiarity is equally striking in the portraits of the koshan

- 50 -

monarch of the first century A.D who had no Hebrew blood in

their veins." (Percy: 1973:78)

Renowned orientalist James.W. Spain quoted some other European scholars

who had been discussed in their writings that Pashtoons are basically

belonged to Semitic races. He narrates that

"The idea that the Pathans were descended from the nation

of Israel was encouraged by their tight tribal structure, their stark

code of behaviour, their strikingly Semitic features, their bearded

patriarchal appearances, and their predilection for biblical names

(acquired from the Holy Quran): Adam, Ibrahim, Musa, Daud,

Suleiman, Yaqub, Yousaf, Esa, and the rest. It was a favourite

subject of speculation by British soldiers, administrators, and

missionaries, and persisted in memoirs and travel books well into

the twentieth century.

The only trouble is that it was not true. I feel something of

a coward saying this here in a book written half a world away

from the Frontier, when I know that I would never have the

courage to say it to a Pathan. Nevertheless, we must face the facts,

although, happily, the facts about the Pathans are anything but

prosaic. The myth of the Semitic origins of the Pathans was

debunked more than a hundred years ago by Bernhard Dorn,

Professor of Oriental Literature at the Russian University of

Kharkov, in a book with the interesting title, A Chrestomathy of

the Pashto or Afghan language, which was published by the

Imperial Academy in Saint Petersburg in 1847. The most recent

and comprehensive treatment of the subject appears in the Pathans

by Sir Olaf Caroe, a former British governor of the North West

Frontier Province " (Spain:1972:28-29)

James .W. Spain further says that in the connection of the Pashtoons to

Semitic races, the tale of the Qais is not authentic. This story is based on

mythical traditions. He wrote

"This is not to say that the genealogies should be ignored

or taken lightly. They were first set down by Persian speaking

chroniclers at the court of the Moghul emperors in the early part

of the seventeenth century. The sophisticated Moghul historians,

possibly impressed by the same outward signs of Semitic

- 51 -

connections that misled the British two hundred years later,

apparently made up the decent of the border tribes from the

mythical Qais and improvised a connection for Qais with Saul of

Israel" (Spain:1972: 29)

In the same way English writer G.P Tate also argues that this so-called

genealogy of the Pathans was compiled under the religious influence on the

Pathans, which has no historical evidence. He writes in his book, the

Kingdom of Afghanistan in the following words:-

"The origin of the tribes who call themselves Afghans has

attracted a great deal of attention, owing to the fact that they claim

to be the descendants of Jews, who had settled in Ghor; and the

various clans refer their origin to some one of the three sons of

Qais, the chieftain of that community, who is said to have been

the 37th

in descent from Saul, king of Israel, Owing to intercourse

with the Jews settled in Arabia, so the story goes, Qais was

induced to visit the Prophet Muhammad, who won the Jewish

Chief to Islam, and bestowed on him to the name of Abdur

Rashid, and the title of Pathan. This last is a mysterious word

which cannot be traced to an origin in any known language, but it

is believed to means either or both, the rudder, or the mast of a

ship. So say those who have committed the genealogy of the

Afghans to paper. The conversion of Qais is not mentioned in the

history of Islam. The so-called genealogy of the Afghans was

complied at a time when all the races of Mankind were believed

to have been the offspring of the first man and woman created by

the Almighty and the eponymous ancestor of every tribe appears

at some stage in the genealogy, which there seems every reason to

believe was concocted in the 15th

century A.D., probably when

the Afghans began to attain to power in India. The main feature in

it is the alleged Jewish ancestry of all the tribes, and this belief

must have been very strong for the retention of the legend, when

the tables of descent were complied. All that can be said at

present is that the legend has preserved the memory of a fact

which has dropped out of history. It is not improbable that there

may have been a Hebrew community in Ghor." (Tate:1973:10)

We have seen in the above mentioned references that the theory of Bani

Israel about the origin of the Pashtoons is not reliable and nor it is based on

- 52 -

authentic evidences. But this theory remained under discussion for a long

time among the scholars of Pashtoon history. However at the mid decades of

20th

century (AD) a new theory has been presented by some scholars of

Afghanistan, Pakistan as well as some orientalists. This Theory was that

Pashtoons are from Arian races or Pashtoons are Arians in origin.

Are Pashtoons Arians?

As mentioned earlier with quoting a few references that the theory of Bani

Israelies has been criticized by some eminent scholars and historians. Thus

this theory has been rejected by presentation of the theory of Arians put

forward by some orientalists and some Afghan writers and historians. In

orientalists Morgan Strine and Dr. Trump were in favour of this theory. In

Afghan writers Professor Abdul Hai Habibi and Bahadur Shah Zaffar in

Pakistani historians accepted and explained the theory of Arians in detail.

According to this theory the Pashtoons is the branch of the Arian tribes which

are known in history as Indo Arian tribes. Actually the Indic branch is

divided in two major parts named Indo European and Indo Arian and then the

Indo Arian branch is divided in two sub branches named Indo Iranian and

Indo Arian. Pashtoons are belonged to the branch of Indo Iranian. This theory

is based on the words "Pashtoon" (name of nation or tribe) and Pashto (name

of the language of that tribe or nation). The scholars and historians of Indus

civilization have found these words in Vedic literature especially in Rig-

Veda, the Holy Book of Arian tribes and Hindus. According to Bahadar Shah

Zafar

"In Rig-Veda the word phakt or phakta were used for the

geographical surrounding of the Pashtoons. "Phaktheen" was used

for Pashtoon. Initially Phakthean was converted into Pashteen and

than into Pashtoon. It is also mentioned in Rig-Veda that

Pashtoons used to stay in Bactria (Bakhtar) the old name of

Pashtoon area and the present Afghanistan for so many years. In

Bactria the Pashtoons are known as the inhabitants of Bakhd.

After that the city of Balkh in the present Afghanistan became

famous because of these Pashtoons as stated by some Greek

historians they were known as pakteen and pashteen, and these

words resembled with word Pashtoon and Pashtoonkhwa. So for

the first time Mr. Lasan accept the resemblance between the

words paktnees and Pashtoon. Keeping in view all these facts it

became believable that the Pashtoon nation was a branch of the

- 53 -

Arian tribes and their languages was one of the languages of

Arian stock"(Kakakhail:1981:33)

We have seen in the above mentioned references that the scholars of modern

era emphasized that the theory of Bani Israelis loses it authenticity and the

theory of Arians can be considered comparatively authentic with solid

evidences. Although some contemporary scholars are inclined to declare that

Pashtoons are related to Greeks. In these scholars a Pashtoon intellectual

Ghani Khan argues in his book the Pathan A Sketch that

"The oldest relics, you see are of distinctly pre-Greek

period. They are the same in conception and style as those of the

united provinces or Orissa, e.g. the features of dolls and gods two

things the humanity has of mixing up are most unlike those of

Pathans of today. But when we came to Buddhist and the features

of the dolls Budhas and Kings and saints take the likeness of

those of the Pathans of today. The great ferocity of the Pathan will

be a reaction to a rather long dose of Buddhist non-violence"

(Khan: 1990:4)

But in the presence of Arians theory and the availability of supporting

evidences the theory of Greeks also could not been accepted. As a whole a

majority of scholars, researchers and linguists are stressing to prove that

Pashtoons are from Arian tribes.

CONCLUSION

Although it has been explained in detail the historical references and the

validity of evidences proved that Pashtoons can be considered from Arian

races. However it is also mandatory and should make it clear that the

Pashtoon tribes have their own peculiar charm and specific values. On the

base of these peculiarities we can consider the Pashtoons as an individual

tribe or nation in Arian tribes or a specific tribe of South Asian nations.

- 54 -

REFERENCES

Caroe, Olaf, The Pathans, Oxford University Press Karachi, 1958.

Kakakhel, Syyed Bahadur Shah Zafar, Pashtoon Taareekh Kay Aienay

Main (Pashtoons in the light of history), Abdur Rasheed Press Gujrat,

1981.

Abdur-Raheem, Afghans in India, Oxford University Press Karachi,

1969.

Percy Cycks, Sir, History of Afghanistan, Oxford London, 1973.

Spain, James W., The way of the Pathans, Oxford University Press

Karachi, 1972.

Tate, G.P. The Kingdom of Afghanistan a Historical Sketch, Indus

publications Karachi, 1973.

Khan, Ghani, The Pathans - A Sketch, Pashto Adabi Society Islamabad,

1990.

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

TREATY OF KALAT 1758 BETWEEN QANDHAR AND

KALAT AND ITS IMPACTS

History

Ghulam Farooq Baloch*

ABSTRACT

The main objectives behind this study are to search and

explore the reasons events, clause and impacts of very famous

treaty of Kalat 1758. No doubt this treaty was opened new ways

of development and projection for Balochistan, but, majority of

the historians, specially Afghan writers deliberately ignored this

important treaty in their books, because this treaty was not only

prove the complete independence of Balochistan but also it

shown the failure of Afghan monarch about their Balochistan’s

policy. This treaty was confirmed the position of the Khanate of

Kalat, and Balochistan became a complete independent country

on the globe. If one side this treaty was good for the Khanate,

than the other side it’s provided many confidence and

cooperation to the Afghans monarch for his conquest in east

(India and Punjab) and west (Iran). This treaty was also

established the relations between Baloch and Afghan nations.

No, doubt the Afghan, Baloch every kind relations, political,

fiscal, and geographical, based on this treaty. The British and

Baloch Writers support this treaty and discussed it in their

books, but not in detail. This treaty means “the backbone of

Baloch Afghan relations”, if it skipped from the history, the

history of both countries cannot be defined.

KEY WORDS

Afghan, Afghanistan, Ahmed Shah Durrani, Baloch, Balochistan, Bolan

Pass, British, India, Iran, Kalat, Kalhora Brothers, Mekran, Mir Naseer

Kan, Mughal, Nadir Shah Afshar, Qandhar, Shah Wali Khan Bamezai,

Sindh.

* Assistant Professor, Balochistan Study Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta.

- 56 -

INTRODUCTION

Balochistan and Afghanistan and their natives have a great history.

The relation between them is centuries old and they are very near to each

other. The period of eighteen century has many importances for both

Afghanistan and Balochistan.

Nadir Shah Afshar came in power in 1736 in Iran. (Lawrance: 2007:146-47)

After the unification of Iran, he captured Afghanistan and Balochistan too

from 1738 to 1740, and he defeated Mughal Empire Mohammad Shah

Rangeela of India and destroyed Dehli. (Lawrance: 2007:174-217) In 1736

A.D., when Nadir Shah marched to Qandhar and a battalion of his troops

attacked upon Mekran and Kalat, then the ex-ruler of Kalat Mir Mohabbat

Kahn went to Qandhar and appealed in the court of Nadir Shah Afshar for

restoration of his government upon Kalat, which was in the hands of his

younger step brother, Mir Ehltaz Khan. So Nadir Shah Afshar accepted his

request, make him the ruler of Kalat and hostage his younger step brothers

Mir Ehltaz Khan and Mir Naseer Khan and their mother Bibi Maryam with

some notable personalities in Qandhar. (Naseer: 2000:42) So, during the

reign of Nadir Shah Afshar, Mir Mohabbat Khan was the ruler of Kalat under

the supremacy of Nadir Shah Afshar. (Naseer: 2000: 42)

During In this reign, one day the Mir Ehltaz Khan killed by his younger

brother Mir Naseer Khan in Qandhar. In the last years of his government,

Nadir Shah Afshar had been mad. In 1747, A.D he killed by his nephew

(Lawrence: 2007:360-70).And with the end of his reign Iran again hunted of

anarchy. Ahmed Khan Sadozai was one of the most popular general of him.

(Tate: 1973:67) He was the commander of nearly 12000 Afghan soldiers. He

left Iran and marched to Qandhar. (Tate: 1973: 67) In 1747 A.D he became

the ruler of Afghanistan by the acceptance and cooperation of other Afghan

tribal Chiefs. (Ganda Singh: 1990:58-59) During this revolution Mir Naseer

took advantage and escaped from Qandhar to Sheraz, and than came to Hub

Chauki in Lasbela, and after some days he came to Sindh in the court of

Kalhora rulers after their positive response. (Naseer: 2000:46,51,52). From

Sindh he contact with Afghan Prime Minister (Ashraf-ul-Wuzraa) Shah Wali

Khan Bamezai, who was the one of his best friends. In 1749, after the two

years struggle Mir Naseer Khan became the ruler of Kalat and Mir Mohabbat

Khan arrested in Qandhar.

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THE CAUSES OF THE TREATY OF KALAT OR TREATY OF NON-

INTERFERENCE 1758 BETWEEN QANDHAR AND KALAT

In the beginning the relations of both countries Afghanistan and Balochistan

were nicely and friendly going on. They were best friends to each other. In

every kind situation they supported each other, but still the position of

Balochistan was not clear. Mir Naseer Khan believed himself independent

but, Ahmad Shah Abdali thoughts were different. So, after some years the

conflicts opened when Mir Naseer Khan attacked on Mekran. The causes of

conflict between Qandhar and Kalat were following.

1. Naseer Khan policies:

Mir Naseer Khan was progressive and liberal minded ruler. He wished to

unite the Baloch territory on national bases, for the honour of Baloch nation.

He dislikes the claim for Balochistan from Afghan monarch. He was not

interested in the slavery of any nation, not for others neither for himself. He

just wished the unification of Baloch nation in single geographical boundary.

So he applied policy of unification and in the beginning he unified the tribal

areas of Sarawan and Jhalawan, and prepared some squads of Baloch

warriors. He solved the tribal and social problems and conflicts, and took

many useful steps in the favour of tribes. (Naseer: 2000: 46, 51, 52)

Qandahar was looking these activities in doubtful eyes.

2. Claim by Ahmed Shah Durrani

When Ahmed Shah Durrani established Afghan government in

Qandhar he declared him self as a successor of Nadir Shah Afshar

and claimed for Balochistan as an occupied country of

Afghanistan. Ahmed Shah Durrani was believed himself as heir of

Nadir Shah Afshar, so, he claimed for the occupied areas of him.

According to G. P. Tate:

“Ahmed Shah was gradually tightening his hold over the country of

Sindh and also of Balochistan (Kalat) with regard to letter he seams to have

assumed that he allegiance paid by the Khan’s for that status to Nadir Shah

had decided to him after the death of that famous sovereign”.(Tate:1973:75)

No doubt, this claim was baseless and had no historical fact. Because,

Ahmed was not the son or any relative of Nadir Shah Afshar, and Nadir Shah

was the ruler of Iran, the other areas like Afghanistan, Sindh and Balochistan

were occupied dynasty by him. So, the death of him the Iranic dynasty hunted

by anarchy and the occupied got freedom, as like Afghanistan has been

independent under the common of Ahmed Shah Durrani, and Sindh and

Balochistan also got independence from Iranic domination.

- 58 -

3. Claim for Afghan traders to the khan of Kalat for their dead

persons in the dynasty of Kalat during their travel.

Bolan Pass was the only route for trade from Central Asia and

Afghanistan to Sindh, Punjab and India from early time. During

the reign of Nadir Shah Afshar, the Khan of Kalat was responsible

to provide security and protection to the traders in Bolan Pass and

as well as in the other areas of Balochistan. Mir Mohabbat Khan

was a powerless and weak ruler and was not a good administrator.

So, the Afghan traders unfairly collected a big sum of money from

the Khan of Kalat for their natural died persons, whose died in the

dynasty of Balochistan during their travel. They were claimed for

their dead people in the court of Kalat that the Baloch tribesman

killed their people and robed their luggage. So, the Khan of Kalat

was paid them, and now in the reign of Mir Naseer Khan this

situation was continued. The Afghans were addicted to collect

money from Kalat unfairly. During the reign of Mir Naseer Khan

the behavior of Afghans traders was very critically and

unmannered.

According to Ex-Prime Minister of Kalat Akhund Muhammad

Siddique,

“In the reign of Mir Naseer Khan Noori the Afghan traders created

many disturbances for the Khan of Kalat, if an Afghan was died his own and

natural death, but they claimed that the Baloch tribesman killed him and

demanded for a lot of money as his dayyat or murder”. (Akhund: 1984:60-

61)

So, in these situations, it was necessary that the Khan of Kalat and

Afghan monarch define and clear their position and revise their relations.

4. Arrest of Attur Khan and Ahmed Yar Khan “The Kalhora

Brothers” In Balochistan’s dynasty

The Government of Afghanistan was support and protects the Kalhora

government and received a lot of money as state tax or Khiraj for this

support and protection. After the death of Noor Mohammad Kalhora

his elder son Mohammad Yar Khan became the ruler of Sindh.

According to Daulat Ram “He ruled five years as dictator. After five

years tribal chiefs of his state arrested him because of his extremist

policies and behavior, and Mian Ghulam Shah became a new ruler of

Sindh by the support of tribal chiefs and land lords. During this

situation, Attur Khan, the brother of Mian Ghulam Shah received the

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nomination letter from Afghan King Ahmed Shah Durrani, than he

reached Shikarpur with an Afghan squad under the command of Haji

Attahi Khan. He seated him on the ruling chair of Sindh and than he

(Haji Attahi Khan) left for Qandhar with his troops. In these situations

Mian Ghulam Shah escaped to Bahawalpur from Sindh. After the

departure of Afghan troops, now the field was empty, so, Mian

Ghulam Shah attacked on Sindh and defeated Mian Attur Khan in a

battle with the help of Mohammad Fateh Khan, the brother of

Bahawalpur’s ruler and his troops. Mian Attur Khan and his brother

Mian Ahmed Yar Khan escaped to Qandhar. But, the government of

Kalat arrested them in the territory of Kalat. Deewan Mal was the

ambassador and spokesman in the court of Qandhar from Sindh

government. He approached to Ahmed Shah Durrani for help. So, the

Afghan monarch sent an Afghan squad against Kalat under the

command of Shah Wali Khan Bamezai. (Ganda Singh:1990:210)

5. The defeat of Afghan troops in Punjab

1. Ahmed Shah Durrani attacked on Punjab after a short time of his

emergence. Punjab was under the governorship of Mir Moin-ul-Mulk

and the Sikhs of Punjab were not only supporting him, but also they

were serving in his army. Ahmed Shah Durrani sent some squads to

Punjab under the command oF Shahjehan Khan Popalzai and Taimoor

Shah, (The elder son of Ahmad Shah Durrani). The Afghan troops

defeated by Sikhs in Punjab, so, they left Punjab and came to

Peshawar and appealed to the Afghan king for help. His two

important tribal chiefs and commanders had been arrested by the

Sikhs and Marhatas of India. On same time Mir Naseer Khan of Kalat

applied the term “Hit and hit hot” and announced his independence.

(Ganda Singh:1990:210,11, also see, Dehwar, 1990:389)

6. Attack on Mekran by Mir Naseer Khan and the peak of conflict

In the year of 1756 Mir Naseer Khan attacked on Mekran because of

some reasons and defeated the Gichki ruler of Kech, Malik Deenar

Gichki and took possession on Kech. Mir Shah Baig the brother of

Malik Deenar Khan Gichki, escaped to Qandhar and appealed for help

against Kalat in the court of Ahmed Shah Durrani. Ahmed Shah

Durrani sent a massage to Mir Naseer Khan that immediately leave

Mekran (Kech) and go back Kalat, otherwise, Kalat is not very far

from Qandhar. In this situation Mir Naseer Khan left Mekran and

went to Kalat. ( Naseer: 2000: 60-61) But now he fully decided that he

will free his country from the domination of Afghanistan.

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7. Immediate Cause

The conflict and non-confidence were continuing from both sides

Afghanistan and Balochistan. Suddenly, Mir Haji Khan, the son of

Mir Mohabbat Khan, the ex-ruler of Kalat and the nephew of Mir

Naseer Khan stood against him and took armed action against the

state. So, Mir Naseer Khan took strict military action against Mir Haji

Khan and his allies the Shahwani tribes of Kalat (Iskalakoo). Mir

Naseer Khan roughly punished the rabbles and killed majority of

them. Mir Haji Khan survived and escaped to Qandhar and went in

the shelter of Ahmed Shah Durrani. He also appealed to Ahmed Shah

Durrani for heir-ship of Khanate of Kalat. Ahmed Shah Durrani called

Mir Naseer Khan to come Qandhar. But, Mir Naseer Khan refused his

order and sent him a register with 2 lakh names of Balolch

warriors,(Ganda Singh: P.210) and also told him that do not interfere

in my internal affairs for the next time.

It was the immediate cause, so, Ahmed Shah Durrani sent a Posse to

Kalat under the command of Shah Wali Khan Bamezai, the Prime Minister of

Qandhar.

The Treaty of Kalat or Treaty of Non-Independence 1758 A.D

After three battles and forty days blockade of Kalat fort, a treaty singed

between both countries. The all those historians who researched on

Balochistan, majority of them accepted these reasons and events and as well

as the treaty of Kalat 1758 A.D. like, Mason, Hennery Pottinger, Ganda

Singh, Elphinstone and Akhund Mohammad Siddique. The main points of

the treaty were following.

1. Khan-e-Baloch, Mir Naseer Khan will not pay any tribute to the

Shah-e-Afghan in future.

2. Khan-e-Baloch will not supply San (Military assistance) to

Ahmed Shah Durrani. But provided he is at war against external

enemies, the Khan will supply a military contingent as a token of

help, on the condition that the Afghan King provide annually Rs.

100,000 and military weapons and provide for the expenditure of

the army as reward.

3. Khan-e-Baloch will not provide any help or asylum to rebel

princes of the Sadozai or Afghan Chiefs. On the other hand, the

Afghan King also will not give any help or refuge to prince of the

Royal family of Kalat-e-Ahmedzai.

- 61 -

4. Shah Afghan in future will never interfere in the internal affairs,

disputes and matters of Balochistan.

5. all those areas of Khan-e-Baloch, which are in the possession of

the Shah-e-Afghan will be handed over today the Khan-e-

Baloch.(Khan:2007:210)

Analyze and importance of this treaty

This treaty shows the political and diplomatic wisdom of Mir Naseer

Khan. He stress Ahmed Shah Durrani to sign an agreement. After the treaty

of Kalat, the Khanate of Balochistan started its reforms and maintains

diplomatic relations with neighbor countries, Iran, Afghanistan, Oman, Sindh

and Ottoman Empires of Turkey. The Ottoman Empire, the Caliph of Muslim

world awarded him the title of “Beyglar Beygi” or “Chief of the

Chiefs”.(Hughes:2002:185)

Dr. Ganda Singh tribute to the diplomacy and wisdom of Mir Naseer

Khan in the following words,

“He was one of the best commanders of Ahmed Shah Abdali. He took

part in several expeditions to help the Afghans against the Iranians in

Khurasan in 1759, in the battle of Panipat India against Marhatas in 1761 and

in Punjab against Sikhs in 1765. Baloch troops successfully participated in

these battles under the command of Mir Naseer Khan”. (Singh: 1990:210)

Inayatullah Baloch writes,

“Kalat agreement or non-interference treaty made it possible for the Khan to

bring stability and order internally, as well as to expend the Khanate and to

reunite all the Baloch areas claimed by the Baloch nationalists. In his time,

Kharan, part of Siestan (Iran, Afghanistan), Jacobabad, Mekran, Chagai and

Quetta were part of the Khanate of Balochistan. Moreover, the Khanate

extends its influence over Bandar Abbas, Sindh and Kharan. It is interesting

to note that his Khanate did not include any non Baloch areas and he declined

the offer of Ahmed Shah to divide Punjab between the Baloch and Afghans,

contrary to practice of Persians, the Afghans and the Mughals, who were

expansionist and exploited other nations”.(Baloch:1987:27-29)

The Afghans, British and local resources provided different kind of

information. Every writer has its own opinion. The Afghan and British

writers have not paid full attention to the importance of this treaty. Afghan

writers like Munshi Mehmood Al-Hussaini, Munshi Abdul Karim, Gulistan

etc. were the Royal family servants; especially Munshi Mehmood Al-

Hussaini was very close to Ahmed Shah Durrani. He just touches the Baloch

Afghan relations and the treaty of Kalat.

- 62 -

According to Inayatullah Baloch;

”Munshi Mehmood Al-Hussaini, served Ahmed Shah has an official

historian and was appointed as Munshi (Secretary) in 1753-54, who would

his memorable description of all his deeds for edification of generations to

come in order that his name adorning the inhabited quarter of the world might

remain of ages on the tables of history. He completed his work Tarikh-e-

Ahmed Shahi in 1773-74. His work has unique importance for the reign of

Ahmed Shah because it was written by an eye-witness in his official position,

being royal Munshi. This position permitted him access to official documents

as well as to interview the Afghan officials and Chiefs on important issues.

His work is useful for students of Central Asian and Indian studies. It

discussed the external relation of Ahmed Shah with Mughal India and Persia.

It touches on the Baloch-Afghans provided the text of the Kalat Treaty of

1758”. (Baloch:1987: 28)

Beside, there are Gulistan and Abdul Karim, who completed their

works in the reign of Taimoor Shah and Zaman Shah. Like Hussaini, they

also failed to include the text of the treaty in their works. The Afghans writers

of 19th

Century and 20th

Century like Syed Jamal-ud-Din Afghani, Sher

Mohammad Gandapuri, Professor Abdul Majeed Afghani and Qazi Attaullah

Jan have not given any account of the war of 1758 and the peace treaty of

Kalat. The contemporary Afghan writers and historians have not given any

attention to the importance of the treaty as matter of fact; the modern Afghan

writers have been influence by the state policy on Pashtoonistan, which

claims the territory of the Pakistani North West Frontier Province (Khyber

Pakhtoonkhwa KPK), and Balochistan as a part of Afghanistan. Ghubar, a

prominent Afghan nationalist writer does not give details on Baloch-Afghans

relations. He claims that Mir Naseer Khan not only acknowledge the

suzerainty of Ahmed Shah but also agreed to prove any reference for this

particular claim. Habibi, like Ghubar fails to give any detail about the treaty

or to hint at the sources on this subject. Among the Afghan historians, the

work of Herawi is important. He has given attention to the Baloch Afghan

war (1758) and provides the gist of the treaty with references and footnotes.

His sources are based on the work of Maleson, Hittu Ram and Ganda Sing

without referring to any Afghan historical source. (Baloch:1987: 28-29)

British resources and information provided by those British spies,

political agents, civil and military officers, those spent their time and services

in Balochistan, Afghanistan and Iran. In the beginning of 19th

century the

British spies appeared in Balochistan for collecting every kind (social,

political, military, religious and historical), information for their

governments. In 1809 Hennery Pottinger, Captain Christy, and Captain Grant

- 63 -

were deputed to report on Balochistan, while Malcolm and Elphinstone were

sent to Persia and Afghanistan. Later on Pottinger and Elphinstone published

their work. The title of Hennery Pottinger’s book is “Travel in Sindh and

Balochistan” while the Elphinstone’s book title is “An Account of the

Kingdom of Caubul and its dependents.

Elphinstone writes,

“It is not known what induced Mir Naseer Khan to throw of his

dependence on the Durrani government, but he declared himself

independent in the year 1758.” (Elphinstone: 1990, 2nd

Edition, P-290)

Elphinstone and Pottinger’s works provides primary sources about the

politics and relations of the 18th

and 19th

century of Afghanistan and

Balochistan.

The writing of Hennery Pottinger is very important since there is no

record for inset of European to the interior of Balochistan until 1809 (apart

from the Greek writings from the time of Alexander’s march through

Gedrosia and the brief remarks of Marco Polo). There works are more

reliable than the British writing of the late 19th

century and 20th

century

because, in the early period, the British had no common frontier with

Balochistan and Afghanistan as well as had not developed a long term

foreign policy towards these countries. The information provided by

Pottinger and Elphinstone great efforts together reliable information form the

official and non-official resources, when the memories of the past events

were still fresh and many people were alive who’s were eye witnesses to the

reign of Naseer Khan the great. Elphinstone and Pottinger should great

interest in Baloch-Afghan relations with special reference to the treaty of

1758. (Baloch: 1987:290-91)

Pottinger explain the Baloch-Afghan relations in the following words,

“The King was to receive the cousin of Naseer Khan in marriage as a

pledge of their further friendship, and that the Khan was to pay no tribute,

whatever, but, when called upon was to furnish troops and to transport them

at his own expense to the royal camp, after which, he was to receive an

allowance, in cash, equal to half of their pay. The Khan also expressly

stipulated that he and his successors were never to assets in a civil war, a

clause to which they have strictly adhered throughout all the dissentions

respecting the Kabul dominions”.25

Pottinger further explains, that when Captain Christy and my self were at

Kalat in 1810, Shah Mehmood one of the competitors for the thrones wrote to

Mehmood Khan (Khan of Kalat) desiring his aid against Shuja-ul-Mulk. The

Khan’s reply was that, he was ready to assist in expelling invaders from the

dominions of the King of Kabul, or to provide his troops for Foreign Service

- 64 -

but that his father’s treaty with Ahmed Shah was sufficient answer to the

present demand. (Baloch:1987:284)

Elphinstone gives some more record about the Baloch-Afghan

relations in the light of the treaty of Kalat; He says

“His accounts make responsible Afghan chiefs and the Shah’s Prime

Minister for the failure of Ahmed Shah to subdue Naseer Khan “The Kalat

lasted forty day during which time the Durrani cavalry suffered severely from

the scarcity of the forage. The bad aspect of the King’s affairs in India added

to his own impatience for a speedy conclusion of the war, and Naseer Khan

having made an overture for peace, a negotiation was commenced and an

agreement concluded which is still the basis of the connection between the

King (Shah) and the Baloches”. (Elphinstone: 1990:290-91)

According to Inayatullah Baloch, In 1834 Shah Shuja approached Mir

Mehrab Elphinstone, Pp290-91 Khan the Khan of Kalat for military help against

Amir Dost Mohammad. His request was turned down by the Khan on the

Pretext of the Provision of the non-interference in the internal affairs under

the Treaty of 1758”. (Baloch: 1987:31)

Western writers specially the British political and military officers

regarded the Durranis, and do not accept Balochistan as a sovereign state.

A.W. Hughes was one of the Political officers says, “Negotiation took place,

ending in a treaty between the Durrani King and the Brohi (Baloch) Khan in

which it was mutually agreed that Naseer Khan should pay no tribute, but

should furnish when called upon, a contingent of troops. Sending them at

own cost to the royal camp by receiving a cash allowance equal to half of

their pay”. (Hughes: 2002:187)

The other British resources like Hittu Ram, Burnes, Masson and

Mohan Lal do not provide the text of the treaty. Persi Monsorth Sykes have

to different statements about Naseer Khan. In the book “A history of

Afghanistan” he gives following statement,“Naseer Khan has been mentioned

as a subordinate who acknowledged the suzerainty of Ahmed Shah”. (Sykes:

1940:359) .

While in the book “History of Persia” the statement is different;

“Balochistan was ruled by Naseer I the great, who reigned from 1750 to

1793, and whose sway. He was entirely independent”. (Sykes: 1940:291)

Malleson was a British military officer. He gives the following text, “The

intelligence which from time To time reached to Ahmed Shah for

progress made by the Marhatas in Hindustan, by him more than ordinarily

anxious to bring Naseer Khan for reason. But, time to reduce Kalat by

blockade failed him, and after the fifth unsuccessful assault he became

helpless of storming it Naseer Khan on his part was tired of an

independence which shut him up in his capital. By these Naseer Khan

- 65 -

agreed to acknowledge the suzerainty of Ahmed shah, and to furnish a

contingent of troops whenever that monarch should wage war out of his

own territories. On the other side Ahmed Shah agreed to furnish a sum of

money and a supply of the ammunitions of war whenever he should

require the service of the Biluch (Baloch) contingent. He further

renounced his right to demand the services of this contingent for any

internal quarrel and he absolute the Biluch chief from payment of tribute.

To make the agreement more binding Ahmed Shah married a cousin of

the Biluch ruler”. (Baloch: 1987:112)

Hittu Ram personal Assistant of Sir Robert Sandeman also supports

Maleson”. (Hittu Ram: N.D:63) While Sandeman comments, “In former

days, during the reign of Abdullah Khan, Mohabbat Khan, Naseer Khan

and his successors when disputes arose between Kalat government and

the Sardars, these were referred for settlement to king Ahmed Shah

Durrani, and his successors. For example, on the death of Abdullah Khan,

Khan of Kalat Mohabbat Khan succeeded greatly oppressed the chiefs

and people. The Sardar there upon petitioned Nadir Shah, who disposed

Mohabbat Khan and placed his brother Naseer Khan on the Guddee”.

(Baloch: 1987:327, also see, Naseer: 2000:63)

But, Inayatullah Baloch does not agree to Sandman’s remarks and

says, “The above statement of Sandman had factual mistakes and need the

following corrections;

1. Abdullah Khan, the founder of the sovereign state of Balochistan was

not a contemporary of Ahmed Shah.

2. Mir Mohabbat Khan was an ally of Nadir Shah who supported him

against the Afghan and Sindhi Chiefs.

3. Mohabbat Khan was arrested and disposed by the joint alliance of

Ahmed Shah, and Naseer Khan and the rebel chiefs of Balochistan.

Sandeman never hides his intentions or providing the above

mentioned account on the history of Kalat and its political status, to justify

the British Forward Policy in Balochistan, which resulted in the treaty of

Jacobabad 1876.

The British government by the treaty of Jacobabad has taken itself

this duty and the state is now ruled in accordance with ancient custom and

old precedent”. (Baloch: 1987:28-30)

G. P. Tate gives the following statement,

“It is believed that in the summer of 1758 he was obliged to march

into Balochistan, where is feudatory, Naseer Khan of Kalat, is known

to have become restive under the ever increasing demands for tribute

which he paid in return for the government of his country and

- 66 -

personal services at the head of the armed forces of the tribesmen.

According to local chronicle the small fortress of Kalat detained the

Shah for forty days and then only the diplomacy of Shah Wali Khan

induced the refractory Kan to submit to his suzerain.” (Tate: P-78)

Local Cruzon, one of the most famous British authorities and the

expert of Persian question also follows Sandeman, but added, that Naseer

Khan arrested his own independence during the later period of Durrani

rule”.(Baloch:1987:27)

The Huges Buller text is that,

“The rulers of Kalat were never fully independent. There was always

as there is still a paramount power to which they were subject”.

(Baloch:1987: 27)

But, both of above mentioned British officers Lord Cruzon and Huges

Buller failed to give any text or provide any historical document in the favor

of their statement about Balochistan and the treaty of Kalat.

Atchison is silent on this topic and does not provide any kind

information about the treaty of Kalat 1758. Inayatullah Baloch comments on

the work and attitude of the British writers and the British forward policy in

the following words;

“As a matter of fact, the version given by the advocates of the forward

policy on the political status of Balochistan has great influence on the writing

of the scholars like Ganda Singh, Dupree and many others, with out having a

debate on the gist mounded by Maleson or views hell by British political

writers. Its seem very hard to accept the version of the treaty, published in the

period of the Climax of the British forward policy by the British forward

policy by the British officers, who were devoted to promoting and extending

the frontiers of British imperialism and denying the right of independence

and sovereignty to the backward states like Balochistan. The version given by

Pottinger seems more reliable. It was supplied when the memories of people

were fresh. The British had no clear foreign policy towards these states at this

time”. (Baloch: 1987: 30-31)

Qazi Noor Mohammad Gnajabavi was the chief justice of Balochistan

in the reign of Mir Naseer Khan during the invasion of Punjab against the

Sikhs in 1763, by Ahmed Shah Durrani. He wrote an important book in 1765,

after the treaty of Kalat. He described the relation s between Naseer Khan

and Ahmed Shah, says:

“Ahmed Shah requested to Mir Naseer Khan for military help against

Sikhs, the Shah’s request for aid provides evidence of the sovereign status of

Naseer Khan instead of a subordinate position. And Naseer Khan received by

the Shah’s representative at a great distance from the Royal camp. The

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special treatment was given to him being a sovereign ruler”. (Ganjabvi,

1990:60-63)

Mir Gul Khan Naseer was one of the most popular personalities in

Balochistan. He was not only a politician but he was also a historian,

philosopher and a poet. The Baloch Nation has dedicated him a title of

Malik-us-Shoraa, (the head of the poets). He was the writer of many books on

the topic of ethnic and political history of Balochistan, and on poetry. He also

translated and compiled many other famous books. He composed war ballads

of Jam Durrak, the famous poet of Balochi language and literature in the

court of Mir Naseer Khan. These ballads throw light on the event of the war

1757-58. The poet admires the deeds of the Khan and Baloch people, who

served Kalat from the slavery of the Afghans. The Ballads confirm the

existence of a written treaty without giving the contents of it”. (Naseer: 1984

:57, also see,Dames: 1988:123-33)

In Gul Khan Naseer own book he gives same text, while provide

Ganda Singh and Malleson but, does not give their reference. (Naseer:

2000:60-61) In the beginning of 20th

century, the work of Maulana Raheem

Dad Shahwani (Maulai Shedai) is very inprotant. He regards Naseer Khan as

great statesman like Bismark of Germany. He deals with the treaty of Kalat

and claims for the sovereignty of Balochistan. (Baloch: 1987:28,114-15) But

he also failed to give the text of the treaty or any reference.

The official record of Kalat state had not been published until 1970.

Later on the ex-court Minister (Wazeer-e-Darbar) Malik Allah Bakhsh

Dehwar published some of these official records of the state of Kalat. The

book contains many important and valuable documents of the period of

Mir Naseer Khan and his successors, including the Urdu translation of the

Treaty of Kalat 1758.( Baloch:1987: 115)

Prof Dr. Ashiq Mohammad Khan Durrani also gives the Pottinger’s

record, but, failed to give the text of treaty”. (Durrani: 1999:119-21)

Dr. Shah Mohammad Marri gives the text of the treaty and writes,

there was only one point was doubtful, in which the supremacy of Ahmed

Shah was declare”. (Marri: 2000:129)

Besides, all of this discussion this is true that, in the end of treaty the

King of Afghanistan, Ahmed Shah Durrani told to Mir Naseer Khan the

Great that,

“This country has given you by God, and this is your”. (Ganda

Singh: 1990:124)

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CONCLUSION

It is very interesting that a small state and financially bankrupt and

un-identified country brought out a great power of his time on the table of

talk, and declared his freedom. This is out of mind that, why the Afghan and

British writers deny this treaty?

While, this treaty had notable influences, this treaty was more

beneficial for Balochistan; Balochistan took many achievements and benefits,

which were following:

1. The completion of the geographical unification of Balochistan:-

The dynasty of Balochistan came under the rule of different Baloch

tribes but, all of them fail to give an exact boundary and unite them

accept Mir Naseer Khan the Great. During the reign of Nadir Shah

Afshar the Balochistan occupied by him, that time the Ahmedzai

family were ruling. In the beginning of Mir Naseer Khan’s rule he

tried for the unification of Baloch territory and as well as the tribes,

but Ahmed Shah restricted him and he declared himself as a ruler of

all Baloch and Afghan dynasties. And he shows himself as successor

of Nadir Shah Afshar. But, after the treaty of Kalat 1758, it could

possible that Mir Naseer Khan completed his mission for the

unification of the Balochistan, and as well as unified the Baloch

Nation.

2. Complete independence

As described in above pages that the geographical position of

Balochistan not clear before the treaty of Kalat 1758. Baloch families

were ruling on such like country which had no geographical and

political boundaries. A Great warrior of Ahmedzai rulers, Mir

Abdullah Khan Qahar conquered a huge area in west and east, from

Bandar Abbas to Derajat and north to south from Qandahar to the

coast of Mekran. But, he failed to bring this all area under single

central government. The treaty of Kalat 1758 made it possible that

Balochistan come on globe an independent country with a area of

3,40,000, square miles. The last words of Ahmed Shah Durrani after

the treaty proves the independent position of Balochistan; as he told,

“This country has given you by God, and this is your”.

4. Start of internal and external conquests

Before the treaty of 1758, Mir Naseer Khan was bounded and was not

in this position to apply his policies. It was the treaty of Kalat, which

provided chances to Mir Naseer Khan for achievements and

- 69 -

conquests. He captured Mekran, Kharan, Lasbela, Iranic Part of

Balochistan and brought them under single central government. He

successfully organized the Baloch tribes and their country and formed

a constitutional Government in the whole Country. Moreover, he

participated in many other battles against the enemies of Ahmed Shah

Durrani, like Iranians, Sikhs of Punjab, Talpurs of Sindh and the

Kalhoras of India, after the treaty of Kalat Ahmed Shah defeated his

every enemy with the help of Mir Naseer Khan and occupied a huge

area of Punjab, Sindh, India and Iran and formed an Afghan

Kingdom. This is fact that these achievements were not possible

without the treaty of Kalat.

5. Stability of the “government of Kalat and reforms

After this treaty Naseer Khan’s concentration focused on the stability

of government and country. He started his reforms for the better-ness

of his peoples. He developed his country’s water resources and

agriculture system. He organized the court of Kalat, on Iranic court’s

pattern. He divided his country into provinces for the easiness of

administration and establishment. He reformed the financial system of

government and increased his country’s revenues. He introduced

many more departments and gave them under the headship of well

known and academic personalities. He also reformed in the

communication sector and constructed many more highways for the

development of trade and travel. Industries developed in Kalat and the

population of the city increased. He made a fully armed regular Army

from the youngsters of Baloch tribesmen, and divided it into three

main squads. Balochistan came on globe as an independent country

with a huge area. He also formed his country Judiciary system and

developed this very important department. He appointed Qazi Noor

Mohammad Ganjabvi as Qazi-ul-Qazat (Chief Justice) of the Country

and also opened provincial courts for the quick justice.

This treaty brought both nations Baloch and Afghans very near to

each other. They made good and strong relations. After this treaty

Afghanistan was able to solve its internal and external problems and make

itself strong and stable. Balochistan achieved many benefits with complete

independence and comprehensive geography. This treaty also proved the

Great leader ship and wisdom of Mir Naseer Khan the Great.

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REFERENCE

1. Akhund Muhammad Siddiqui,1984, Akhbar-ul-Abrar, (Tarikh-e-

Khawanin-e-Kalat), Translated by: Mir Gul Khan Naseer, Nisa

Traders, Quetta

2. Baloch, Inayatullah,1987, The Problem of Greater Balochistan,

GMBH, Stuttgart, Germany

3. Dames, Long Wroth, 1988, Popular Poetry of Baloches, Balochi

Academy, Quetta

4. Dehwar, Muhammad Saeed, 1990, Tarikh-e-Balochistan, Nisa

Traders, Quetta

5. Durrani. Ashiq Muhammad Khan, Prof. Dr. 1999, Tarikh-e-

Afghansitan, Sang-e-Meel Publications, Lahore

6. Elphinstone, Mont Stuart, 1990, 2nd

Edition, The Kingdom of

Caboul, Vol-II, Gosha-e-Adab, Quetta

7. Ganda Singh, Ahmed Shah Durrani, 1990, Gosha-e-Adab, Quetta

8. Ganjabvi, Noor Mohammad, 1990 Jang Nama, Tohfatul-Naseer,

Pakistan Study Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta

9. Hart, Lawrance Lak, , 2007, Nadir Shah, (Translated by: Tahir

Mansoor Farooqui) Takhliqat Lahore

10. Hittu, Ram, N.D. Tarikh-e-Balochistan, Sang-e-Meel

Publications, Lahore

11. Hughes, A. W. reprint, 2002, The Country of Balochistan, Sales

and Services, Quetta

12. Khan, Ahmed Yar, Mir, 2007 Tarikh-e-Qaum-o-Khawanin-e-

Baloch, Al-Asar Publications, Lahore

13. Marri, Shah Muhammad, 2000, Baloch Qaum Aed-e-Qadeem say

Asre Hazir Tak, Takhliqat, Lahore

14. Naseer, Gul Khan, Mir, 1984, Balochi Razmia Shairi, Balochi

Academy, Quetta

15. Naseer, Gul Khan, Mir, 2000, 4th

Edition, Tarikh-e-Balochistan,

Kalat Publisher, Quetta

16. Pottinger, Henry, 1986,Travel in Sindh and Balochistan, Indus

Publications, Karachi

17. Sykes, Persi Monsorth, 1940, A History of Afghanistan, Vol -II,

London

18. Sykes, Persi Monsorth, 1940, A History of Persia, Vol-II, London

19. G.P. Tate, 1973, Kingdom of Afghanistan, Indus Publications,

Karachi

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

SOME COMMENTS ON INVALID HYPOTHESISES

ABOUT BRAHUI LANGUAGE

Language & Literature

Liaqat Ali Sunny*

Shabir Ahmed Shahwani*

Manzoor Ahmed Baloch†

ABSTRACT:

Linguistics desideration in Balochistan is a common feature. The

Brahui, Balochi, Saraiki, and Pashto language have learnt to grow

side by side in ideal co-existence. Particularly from Balochi, Brahui

has adopted many other features besides words. As pointed out by

Denys Bray, and other western scholars. There has been large-

scale borrowing between these languages. And some of it has been

identified but the language of origin in each instance has usually

not been fixed with certainty, and deferent scholars gave different

ideas and hypothesis about Brahui, some of them link it with

Dravidian, and some of them non-Dravidian like, Indo Aryan,

Semantic, Uraltaic, Koch-o-Baloch, Kurdgali, Iranian, and Proto

Dravidian etc but still remains a lot of confusions in minds, who are

they? Because they have (linguists) created contradiction. So in this

article their ideas and hypothesis has been tested.

INTRODUCTION

This hypothesis has confused the linguists that the “Brahui” language

belongs from which family? Obviously it is too difficult to give an

authenticated theory about Brahui language, but the national and international

linguists has mentioned many hypothesis according to their knowledge, here

it will be explained all hypothesis as followed:

1- Dravidian

2- Un-ravidian * Lecturer, Dearment of Brahui University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan.

* Assistant Professor, Depatment of Brahui,University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan

† Lecturer, Depatment of Brahui,University of Balochistan, Quetta-Pakistan

- 72 -

3- Proto-Dravidian

1- Dravidian:

The word “Dravidian” is related with the word “Dravida” which is not

a Dravidian origin, we can say that the Dravidian is a latest form of dravida.

Linguists emphasis that the “Dravida” is the Tamil’s (Sunsikratian) form. In

404 Wraha Mihra has used the Dravida a Tamil tribe “Pandia”

(Siddiqui:2001). In seventh century “Kumar Labut” had understood one

language to all indo-southern languages and named it “Andra Dravida

Bahasha” which he ment “Talgu” by “Andra” and “Tamil” by “Dravida”

(Siddiqui:2001).

German scholar “Lalson” declared the Brahui language as a

Dravidian, after Lalson, Robert Kaldowell analyzed his hypothesis. And he

brought so near to both languages. Than, M-B-Amanio, M-S-Andronof and

Danys Bray had said the Brahui language is a branch of Dravidian family too.

And the Brahui linguist and scholar Dr. Abdul Rahman also accepted the

above said hypothesis (Day Tik: 2003) .

Danys Bray explained strongly the relation of Brahui and Dravidian

family with the help of grammatical structures farther he gave several

examples to ascertained his hypothesis that it is of course in its grammatical

system that Brahui reveals its Dravidian origin(Bray:1978).

i) The grammatical relations of noun are shown as in Dravidian by

means of suffixes, and most indeed all of the suffixes, whether

expressive of case relations (Na, E, An, Ki etc)

Or of plural number (K, T, Sk) are traceable to a Dravidian

Source.

ii) Of the pronouns, the second person in both numbers (Ni, Num)

and the first person plural (NAN) are essentials the some as in

Dravidian.

iii) The reflexive in Brahui and Dravidian has preserved one uniform

type (Ten, Tan) with signal consistency. It is only in the light of

its Dravidian counterparts that the Brahui demonstrative with it

triple series (DA, E, O) its curious optional forms in the singular

(Dad, Ed, Od) its still more curious forms in the plural (Dafk,

Efk, Ofk) becomes fully explicable.

- 73 -

iv) In the interrogatives (Der, Ant, Ara) the family likeness in but

thinly disguised and several of indefinite pronouns (Pen, Elo, At)

are stamped with the Dravidian birth mark. The Dravidian

relationship of the first three numbers (Asit, Irat, Musit) after

regarded as hardly less significant witnesses to the origin of a

language than the personal pronouns, is unquestionable.

v) In the verb the most palpable analogies are the pronominal

termination of the plural (N, Re, R) the formations of the causal

(IF) and above all, the organic, negative conjugations. Though the

Brahui verb is not devoid of characteristics of its own, a full

understanding of it would be impossible without the help of the

Dravidian languages.

According to Danys Bray and Colwell that the Brahui language

considered as a whole seams to be derived from the same source of the

Panjabi and Sindi but it evidently contains a Dravidian element. It is the

converse, put forward tentatively by lesson long time ago. Brahui belongs to

the Dravidian languages group, it has freely absorbed the alien vocabulary of

Persian, Balochi, Sindhi, Jatki, and other neighboring languages, in spite of

all inroads its Dravidian grammatical system has remained true to type

(Naseer:1998).

ii- Kamil- Al- Qadri:

The above scholar also links the relationship of Brahui and

Dravidian languages he expresses his worthy views in this way”

“Brahui language may or may not be descended from Dravidian

but in many points the likeness of the Brahui to the south Indian group*(i) of

language is striking. Among these we note, some of its pronouns and

numberals-elements of speech less often borrowed. The use of post-positions

for prepositions and the addition of these to an inflectional stem, instead of

directly the foot, the absence of a comparison of adjectives by suffixes, the

lack of relative pronoun, except as borrowed, the negative conjugation of the

verb, the expression of gender and number for the most part by added words

of sex or multitude, rather then suffixes, the inflections of Brahui are simple,

and of the agglutinative type. The suffixes of declension are the some or

nearly so singular and plural, and in the latter case follow the sign of number.

Only the first three numerals (Asit, Irat, and Musit) are indigenous. These

being directly from other language*ii (Bray: 1978).

- 74 -

iii- Dr. Abdul Rahman Brahui:

Dr. Brahui says that the word “DRAVIDA” is also suitable to

the old inhabitant of India besides Aryan, further he adds his glosseme that it

is new research about Dravidian that they used to live near Atlantic Ocean.

2- Un-Dravidian Hypothesis:

More than enough Un-Dravidian hypothesis are available about

Brahui language. But all of them are invalid hypothesis. The all below

hypothesis come in un-Dravidian hypothesis.

i) Aryan

ii) Koch-O-Baloch

iii) Kurd Galian

i) Aryan

i) “The visit of Balochistan and Sindh” Potinger’s book 1816,

he wrote that Brahui language is totally different by its neighboring

languages, which hears like Punjabi but it doesn’t belong to Dravidian family

(Tosha 1977).

ii) In 1838 Left-R-Leach has written in “Journal*(iii)” that

Brahui is an Indo-Aryan language. (Tosha 1977).

iii) Some international linguists accepted that the Brahui is not a

Dravidian language, but a little bit vocabulary has mixed or borrowed by

other languages on the base of vocabulary Brahui can’t belong Dravidian

language. Names come in this series, Coldwell, Razly, Gerirson, Ahyo Billers

and I-C-S (Brahui Dr. Abdul Rehman).

ii) Koch-O-Baloch

i) This hypothesis expressed first time by S-H-Ravalinson with the

argumentry reference of “Firdossi’s” “Shah Nama”( Dey Tik:2003). After

the mentioned book with word Balochi” Koch had been written together, Mr.

Long Worth, Dynes Bray and many other scholars suspected about present

inhabitant trib Brahui *(iv) to a Koch race. (Naseer: 1998).

iii) Kurd Gali

In 1974 A local researcher Mir Aaqil Khan Mengal has revealed this

hypothesis that Brahui is called Kurdgali as well. Present era in Besema

- 75 -

(Kharan) Lasbela, and Karkh Brahui is known as Kurdgali (Ulus:1977) Mir

Aaqil Khan Mengal copied the ideas of tenth country’s Arab’ Geologist “Ibn-

e-Hukal” that the Brahui is a Sub-section of a Kurd Tribe (Bray: 1978)

Whenever the Koch-o-Baloch came to Kalat under guidance of

Baloch Chief “Miro” to avoid them self by the outrage of “Nosherwan” Sewa

family was ruler of Kalat, Nichara, Zahri and Khuzdar. And the inhabitants

were called Sewae tribe. There language resembled to Brahui.

Beside Sewa, the “Judgal” populated on the surfer of Sorab, Khuzdar,

Karkh and Lasbela.

When Koch-o-Baloch, abandon the Burzkoh*(v) Sewae named than

Burzkohi which was change in to Brohee, Bravi, and Brahui. (Naseer: 1998)

3- Proto-Dravidian Hypothesis:

Mostly local scholars like, Dr Abdul Rahman Brahui and Dr Razzaq

Sabir links the Brahui a proto-Dravidian language. Razzaq Sabir says (in his

an article “Brahui literature in 20th

century”) that the mostly linguists are

agreed that Brahui is not only Dravidian but it is a proto-Dravidian language.

Because the languages of Dravidian family are oldest language of sub-

continent. Same way Brahui is oldest languages of Pakistan. (Day Tik: 2003)

According to Dr. Razzaq Sabir, if some one rejects that the Brahui is not

proto-Dravidian so it required a strong proof because both Brahui and

Dravidian languages are so closed to each other, on the base of emotional and

lack argument we can’t omit Brahui from Dravidian. (Sabir: 2003)

CONCLUSION

In first hypothesis we can find evident proof that the Brahui

language may be a main Branch of Dravidian languages. Because Sir Denys

Bray and Kamil Al Qadri had given a detail Knowledge with the help of

grammatical structure that Brahui belongs to the Dravidian language group. It

has freely absorbed a rich vocabulary of Persian, Balochi, Sindhi, Jatki and

other neighboring languages. Absorbing the alien vocabularies Brahui does

not change its grammatical system. And it is another evident proof that the

numeral rules of Brahui is same as in Dravidian languages it accurse.

The said hypothesis still it is a hypothesis which is required

dependant variables, for this we must have strong matter of all Dravidian

languages to analysis the grammatical and numeral system of both languages.

On the base of other’s hypothesis we can’t give a strong

recommendation that the Brahui language belongs to Dravidian language.

- 76 -

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

(i) The South Indian group is called Dravidian family or comprise

Dravidian languages like, Tamil Godaba, Gondi, Kannada,

Kodegu, Kalami, Konda, Kata, Koya, Kui, Kuruk, Malyalam,

Malto, Manda, Naiki, Parji, Pengu, Toda and Tulu. Dr. Razzaq

Sabir, has written in his book “Dravarhistan” that the number of

Dravidian languages is increased upto 26 but only seventeen 17

languages had accepted as official language of India.

(ii) Here other language means the Brahui and Persian, because

thay have the some numerals after the first three numerals as

Brahui has after it. The like, Char, Panch, Shash, Haft, Hasht,

Noh, Dah, etc.

(iii) Journal of the Asiatic Society the Bangal, Vol-7 PP 537 to

562, here we can see some example of Brahui language and

folklore, Couplets. from Munshi Gulab Sing and Sons Lahore

the very Journal was reprinted on 539 page Journal’s Editor

James Prinsep expresses his views like this that Brahui is an

Indo-Aryan language.

(iv) Brahuis are branch of Baloch nation and it is further divided

into perhaps more then fifty section and each section has

isolated in to dozens sub-sections..

(v) Burzkoh is the name of a high mountain in Iran. The settlers of

Burzkoh are called Burzkohi according scholars now Brahui is

the new shape of same burzakhi.

- 77 -

REFERENCES

Bray, Danys. The Brahui language: Brahui academy. Quetta

:Pakistan,1978.

Siddiqui, Khail. Zuban kiya hai: Bekon Books. Multan, 2001.

Naseer,Gul Khan Mengal. Koch -o –Baloch: Zamrud Publications.

Quetta. Pakistan,1998.

Brahui, Dr. Abdul Rehman .Brahui Zuban o Adab ki mukhtasir

taareekh: Urdu Board .Lahor. 1982.

Brahui, Academy. Tosha: Brahui Academy. Quetta.Pakistan, 1977.

Sabir, Dr. Abdul Razzaq. „Drawarhistan“: Brahui Academy. Quetta.

Pakistan, 2003.

Brahui. Ulus Gichen Brahui: Border Publicity Organization.

Quetta.Pakistan, 1977.

- 78 -

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BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

AN OLD PHONOLOGICAL STUDY OF

NEW PERSIAN AND BALOCHI

Language & Literature

Hamid Ali Baloch*

Dr. Abdul Saboor Baloch†

Dr. Bilal Ahmed‡

ABSTRACT

The Balochi language is one of the ancient languages, which

belongs to the Iranian branch of Indo-European family. This

language has a very deep-rooted history and similarities with the

Sanskrit, Avesta, Old Persian and Pahlavi (which are now

considered as dead languages). These languages flourished side by

side for thousands of years and the concerned language did not let

itself dead because of its enrichment and nomadic environment.

Balochi is currently spoken in Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, India, the

Arab Gulf States, Turkmenistan, east Africa and some Scandinavian

countries such as Sweden and Norway. The aim of this paper is to

show the differences between the new Persian and the Balochi

languages and to clear the misunderstandings of those writers who

have considered the Balochi language as a contemporary of the new

Persian. In this paper phonetics and the phonological basis of the

Balochi language will be discussed to prove that the Balochi

language has a long history of approximately 5000-6000 years. As

far as, the Persian language concerns, the evolutionary changes and

the changes of phonetics, the phonetically variations will be

mentioned that which language (Persian or Balochi) is most

affected. References from different sources will be given to eliminate

the misunderstandings of those so-called linguists who not lingual

* Lecturer, Departmanet of Balochi, University of Balochistan, Quetta.

† Assistant Professor and Chairperson, Department of Balochi, University of

Balochistan, Quetta. ‡ Chairperson Department of Persian Universiy of Balochistan, Quetta

- 80 -

approach to the Persian and the Balochi languages. Different epoch

will be mentioned to prove the internal changes of both languages.

INTRODUCTION

The origin of the Balochi language was an enigma* for the linguists

before one and a half century and the Balochi language has been considered

as a dialect of the Persian language. These concepts took place when the

British Imperialists captured the Baloch land for the political and financial

interests. A.W. Hughes was the first man among the British colonial Generals

who directly raised hands towards the Balochi language without a lingual

approach of both Persian and the Balochi languages, considered the Balochi

as a dialect of the New Persian.

This is also a prevailing concept in Persia and majority of the Persian net

sites are in the view that Balochi has not its own existence and history, except

a dialect of the Persian.

But the development and analyses of the modern linguistics and lingual

researches showed that these ideas were fake, counterfeit and unacceptable.

Approximately, all linguists are agreeing on the point that the Balochi

language belongs to the Iranian Branch of Indo- European family, which has

a very long and deep-rooted history.

Joseph Elfenbein inscribes that the Balochi language belongs to the eastern

group of the Iranian languages like Parthian and Arsacid Pahlavi. Ancestor of

the Balochi language was neither Parthian nor Middle Persian ( Sasanid

Pahlavi), but a lost language which thus while sharing a number of

characteristic features with either, some with both, had a pronounced

individuality of his own. This language may have been a variety of Median

speech since the Kurdish dialects, which have a noteworthy affinity with

Balochi are to be traced, in Minorasky’s opinion, to the ancient Median

(Josef. Ency: Vol-1: 1960).

Another European linguist T.A Mayer who has a wide grip over the Iranian

languages had been confirmed this statement before Josef Elfenbein that the

Balochi to be the remnants of the Medians or the ancient west Iranians,

*The writers who worked on the Balochi language during the British era in the Indian

subcontinent could not differentiate the Balochi language to the Persian language, because

most of them were not linguists.

- 81 -

whose language bears signs of affinity to the language of the Medes

(Mengal: 1988:8)

The later scholars and linguists approved it. In 1925, Robert Gilbertson found

certain affinities between Kurdish and Balochi but Tedesco carried a vast

research on the Iranian dialects in 1921. He places Balochi in the center of

western Iran or Zagros range, but Longworth Dames refers to the abode of it

to be around the Caspian coasts (Cosa-bir, a Baloch tribe). Tedesco, however,

puts pre-Balochi among the North Western dialects of Iran, including the

present Caspian dialects. Mackenzie in 1961 also places the Balochi in

Central West Iran (Windfuhr: Isogloses:458).

Dr. G.L Windfuher writes, sketch of Persia and Parthians; Kurds and Medes

and adds Kurdish shares a number of features with the Median band of

dialects. However, it also exhibits a cluster of innovations and lexical items

which it shares with a dialect group now adjacent to Kurdish, namely, Persian

and Baloch (Windfuhr: Isogloses. P. 458). K. Mason writes that Balochi is

another Aryan language of akin to the Old Persian, Old Arian, Achaemanid

and Median (Masson: 1945: 325).

No doubt, Balochi stands closer to the Achaemanid, the court language of the

Achaemanid King who spoke Persian at home and also shared features with

the Avesta dialect of Median language, the one in the Gathaas or Hymns of

secret Knowledge, called “Gat” in Balochi ( Mengal: 1988:11). None of the

above-mentioned linguists declared Balochi as a dialect, even the

contemporary of the Persian language, but akin of the Old languages such as

Old Persian, Avesta and Sanskrit. The supposed linguists differentiated the

Balochi language with New Persian by studying the phonetics, semantics,

etymology and grammar. Balochi has a lot of phonetic differences, which

even not match with the new Persian, but a great similarity with Old Persian,

because it flourished at the same time, in the same region. Being the Akins of

each other, it is a real fact that there will be a little bit lexical influences or

similarities in the concerned languages.

Phonological Changes:

The linguists have deeply studied the phonological differences between the

new Persian and the Balochi language, and proved that both languages have a

lot of Phonetic variations. In this context, Professor Khalil Saddiqui mentions

that Balochi language has a Phonetical similarity with the Sanskrit. It has also

maintained it’s Avestan and Pahlavi Phonemes and the phonemes have been

themselves in the New Persian. He further adds, that phonetically the Balochi

- 82 -

language, somehow near similarity with the Avestan and on the other hand, it

also relates a little bit with Pahlavi. The palatal voices in the Balochi and

Pahlavi languages are same and still maintained their positions, but these

phones and phonemes have been changed in the New Persian.

For example, the words, Rōč and Rōčan are still in its concerned form in the

Balochi but changed its shape into Rōz and Rōzan in the New Persian

.Balochi has not even been changed the unvoiced phonemes, but in the new

Persian the case is different , it has changed the unvoiced phones into the

voiced from. The word Zāt, Kurt have been converted into zād and Kard;

āp, šap, and dāt converted into āb, šap and dād in the new Persian, but the

Balochi did not break up its kinship with the Pahlavi and Avesta but

phonetically made its relationships strong with the said languages.

He further adds that Balochi might be older than newer and may be the

contemporary of the Pahlavi language (Siddiqi: 2001 :202-203).

Agnes Korn adds a new point about the classical approach of the Balochi

language among the other Iranian languages, she mentions that “Balochi is of

particular importance for the study of the history of the Iranian languages

since (in contrast to all other modern Iranian languages) it directly reflects the

old Iranian consonants in all position of the word. Although the remarkable

archaicity noted by Geiger might be the result of somewhat more complex

processes than hitherto assumed, Balochi is a key witness for the

reconstruction of earlier stages of the Iranian languages for which the

evidence often scares or difficult to interpret. Among the contemporary

Iranian languages, Balochi occupies and important place, as the area where it

is spoken is comparatively large and the number of its speakers

comparatively high. A further interesting point is that the Balochi lexicon as

well as its historical phonology reflects with a variety of neighboring

languages. (Korn: 2005:7)

It's clear to note that the Persian language has changed its phonological,

morphological and even the lexical structures since centuries ago. Thousands

of years before the Persian language was known as the Pārsī ay bāstān (Old

Persian), the language of Cyrus the Great.*

At that time, the Persian was in its purified form, but when the time passed

simultaneously and the rulers came one after another to occupy the seats of

the Kingdom, the process overthrew a major effect on the Persian language.

The Old Persian appeared in the shape of Pahlavi after five centuries to the * Cyrus the Great is known as Kōryūš e Azam in the Persian history. He defeated the Medes

king and maintained the Old Persian language as the official language of his court. He was

the first king or ruler who expanded the boundaries of his kingdom from Persia to the

Greece.

- 83 -

Iranian subjects, and it was adopted as the court or official language of the

Iranian Kings.

The catastrophic change in the Pahlavi* language takes place, when the

Caliph Umar manages an expedition to Iran by his commander Abu Musa

Ash’ari†. When is Iran is conquered in the era of the caliph Umar, the Arabic

language became the official language of the Iranian masses and it engulfed

the Persian language in all aspects. It’s interesting to note that the major

phonological change occurs at the said time. Even the proverbs, idioms and

structure of sentences have been changed.‡

In the early years of the twentieth century the passions of patriotism and love

to the Persian language stimulated a prejudice against the Arabic language

and once again a movement of purification was started by some Iranian

linguists. Pur Daud was one of the key figures among them, who led the

movement in the name of “Pārsī ay bāstān” with his nearest companions.

The aims and objectives of this movement were to eliminate the Arabic

words, purify the language in its old form such as the Old Persian. But his

language purification movement became unsuccessful because of his extreme

linguistic views. He was condemned by the other Iranian linguists

throughout Iran. On the one hand Mirza Muhammad Khan gave him the title

* Pahlavi is basically called the Middle Persian and most of the Persian intellectuals are in

views that language of Šāhnāmeh Firdōsī is Pahlavi but there are some confusion

concerning to the Pahlavi word.some say that the word “Pahlavi” was the name of a city in

Iran which meant “Cantonment or Army”. In this regard the great poet Firdōsī mentions in

his book:

Za pahlav barūn raft Kaūs Šāh

Za harsū hamē gašt gard e sipāh

Firdōsī further mentions that this was the language of Pahlavans (inherited singers), who

used to sing different songs in the courts of kings.

Agar pahlavani nadānī zubā

Bitāzī tū arwandrā Dajlw xwā

Nizami converys a different message about the name Pahlavi and says that Pahlavi is the

name of a musical mode.

Bahar ē ganjiš ču pidaram kard

Ba pahlav zubāniš harē nām kard

For further details see (Muhammad Hussain Azad. 1988:143-147). † Abu Mūsa Aš’arī was one of the key commanders of the muslim army in the battle of

Qadissiyya. He was sent to the Baloch Sardar and commander Siyahsawar ( known as Al-

Dissawar in the Arbian History), to reconciliate upon some strategic issues against the

Persian army. Aš’arī along with the Baloch army assaulted the Persian throne and occupied

the Iranian region. This was a good omen for the Arabs and Islam and this was the time when

the Arabic language started penetrating in the core of Persian language and engulfed it. ‡ For further details see the poetry of Sheikh Sadi and Hafiz and the contemporary Persian

poets and prose-writers.

- 84 -

of “extremist” and on the other hand, the words of French, German and

English languages were Persianized simultaneously. So, this movement took

his last breath and could not succeed it from the influence of other languages

till now, and this process led the Persian language to another way e.g. This

changed its structure (Siddiqi: 2001:202-203)

Beside, the Balochi language has not lost its original form and after

thousands of years, it has fully maintained its old linguistic structure, but

somehow, because of mass migration through different communities the

Balochi language has adopted a little bit sounds i.g. ţ, ŗ and đ,* which are

basically the Indian sounds.

A comparative of sketch of the Old Iranian sounds:

It is interesting to note that Balochi is the only language in the Iranian region,

which has preserved its old Iranian sounds, but the other languages like

Kurdi, Persian, Pashtu Luri and Saghdi have lost the sounds of their parent

languages. A small comparative sketch of the Old Iranian sound is given here

to specify that how Balochi has been preserved its old sounds.

The sound of OIr. Č (Korn:2005:84)

♦ Bal. čar (r) “turn/move” ( AV. čara- “move”- Parth. Čar “graze”†

♦ Bal. gičin‡ “select” (Av. Vī-činao-) NP- guzīn/ guzīd, Parth. wižīn-/ wižīd

§,

Balo. Rōč “day” (Av. rōčah) and the NP. Rōz.

Here we see that how the new Persian its original sound. The sound of Old

Persian “č” is being converted into “z” but the Balochi has sustained it till

today. Ĵ (Korn: 2005: 86)

Some examples of the Balochi and Olr sound č "چ"are as follows which have

changed themselves into z"ز".

* Most of the linguists favor this idea that all the Iranian languages have not the sound of ţ,ŗ

and đ, basically these sounds are found in indo-Aryan (Sanskrit) and new indo- Aryan

languages, such as Punjabi, Sindhi, Lehinda , Marhathi and others etc. such sounds are also

found in the Pushto language but actually Pashto has also taken these sounds from Indian

languages by mass migration through the indo- subcontinent. † Basically čarr and čar both words are found in the Balochi language in the whole dialects.

The meaning of čar is same as in the Parthian. ‡ Korn has taken reference of this word from Mocker. The real pronunciation of this word is

gičēn which means “select or purify”. § The Parthian sound ž is also found in the eastern hill dialect of the Balochi language (see

details in the book of Josef “Balochi language, a dialectology with texts). The word “gōžd-

meat” specifies the Parthian sound. Balochi thus corresponds to the Early Parthian stage with

regard to word- internal č ( Korn:2005: 86)

- 85 -

Sūčin(سوچن), ey rōč(اے روچ), dōč(دوچ),pač(پچ),pačag(پچگ), tāč(تاچ) and

rōčag(روچگ) have been changed phonetically as sōzan(سوزن), imrōz(امروز),

dōz(دوز), paz(پز), paza(پزہ), tāz(تاز) and rōza(روزہ) in persian.

The sound of Old Iranian Ĵ is converted in z in the new Persian. According to

Grunburg the age of Ĵ is *older than the sound of z.

♦ jan-† / jat “strike” (Av. Jan-, Np zan-/ zad, Parth žan-/ žad), jan “woman,

wife”(Av. Jinni-, NP- zan

♦ bōj- “open” (buj, MP boz-/ bōxt, Parth.bōž‡-/ bōxt “save”), raj- “colour”(NP

raz-/ rašt) drāĵ and in NP dirāz.

The OIr Z(Korn:2005:88)

♦ Zān- “know”(Av. Zanā-, NP dān-/dānist, Parth. Zān/ zānād), zāmāt “son-

in-law”(Av. Zāmātār-, NP dāmād);mazan “big”(Av. Maz-, MPM mazan

“monster”, OInd. Mahant-),mēz “urinate”(Av. maēza§-, NP mēz/ mēzīd.

OIr. I ( Korn: 2005:141)

♦ išt “brick” (Av. Ištiia-, NP xišt

♦ pit”father” (Av. Pitar-, NP pidar, Prth.pid (ar) Sans.pita

Olr. T"ت" changes itself in d"د" in the new persian(Moosa Mahmoodzahi

1370H:33)

♦ āzāt “ free, liberated” (Av. Āzāta- NP āzād )

♦ māt “mother”(Av.mātar-, OP mātar, Sans. Māta**

, NP mādar).

♦ zūt "speed, haste"(Av. Zūt-Pah. Zūt, NP- zūd

♦ palīt "impure, comtaminated " Pah,OP- palīt, Pah- palīt, Av. Palīt, NP-

palīd

The new Persian has lost the old Avestan and Old Persian clusters

which are the signs of the oldness of the Iranian languages. Whether Sanskrit

is considered to be the langue of Indo-Aryan language and it has very near

kinship to the Old Persian Avestan and the Balochi languages. The cluster

* For details see monthly gwānk ( Baloch: 2009:Balōčī o Fārsī e rājdaptarī arzišt)

† Jan is used for both noun and verb. In the eastern dialect of the Balochi language jan means

“to strike” but in the western dialects of the Balochi language the verb form is “janag”. For

example ā janagā int (he is striking) etc. ‡ The word bōž has the similar sound and meaning in the eastern dialect of the Balochi

language and the Parthian language. § The Avestan word maēza is very near to the Balochi verb mēzag phonologically and

morphologically. **

The Sanskrit sound of māta is very near and similar to the Balochi word māt

morphologically and phonologically. The above-mentioned word pita of the Sanskrit is

structurally same to the Balochi language.

- 86 -

sounds “granč/ ōšt*” of Sanskrit, Avesta and Balochi are mostly same. For

instance, the clusters bra-, tra-, sra-, gra,- kra- and such like other clusters

are the same morphologically and phonologically. These cluster sounds are

found in the Vedas and in the Avestan sacred books†. The clustered words

like, brā-t, krā-m, dra-hmadān, gwam, gwaz‡ and thousand of other clustered

words are found in the Balochi language which specifies the old sounds of

the Iranian region.

CONCLUSION:

A thorough phonological study showed that the Balochi language still keeps a

vast place in the Old Iranian languages. The Balochi language preserved its

old sounds what its contemporary languages could carry it on. The languages

like Medi, Old Persian, Parthian , Sanskrit and Avestan languages which

were considered to be the language of religions and officials in the courts of

kings in different eras of the history. Being in the strong safeguard and

protection they cannot preserve themselves in the pages of history. By the

passage of time when the kingdoms collapsed the said languages already

started declining simultaneously. Regarding to the new Persian language it

lost its old shape and as it has mentioned before that after conquering the

Persian region the Arabic language laid a strong effect on the Persian

language.

Balochi is the only language which has maintained its original form and the

Old Iranian sounds. It has been said that it has lost a little bit sound and

adopted some Indian sounds like Sindhi and Lehinda§.

As it has been mentioned that the Balochi is the only survived language in the

region and if someone wants to study the historical background of the Old

Iranian languages he has to study the Balochi language**

.

Some writers in the British era misunderstood the Balochi language and

interpreted as the dialect of the Persian language but the modern research and

linguists concluded that the modern Persian is itself lost away its original

phonological and morphological structures.

* The word ōšt was used for cluster in the Balochi language by Sayad Zahoor Shah Hashmi

and the word granč used by a small group of literary men in Turbat which not yet been

accepted by the total literary men of the Balochi Literature. † See further details (Baloch: monthly Gwānk Jan, Balōčī o Sanskrit e hamgōnagī).

‡ These sounds are only found in the Sanskrit, Avesta and the Balochi languages not any

other new Iranian languages. § The Saraiki language which was firstly mentioned by William Jones in his book, the

linguistic survey of India and after that the later writers adopted the same word for Saraiki. **

See Korn 2005 introduction of her PhD thesis

- 87 -

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Elfenbein, Josef: The Balochi Language: A Dialectology with Texts

2. Mengal, Mir Aqil Khan: 1990, A Persian-Pahlavi and Balochi

Vocabulary, Vol. 1, Balochi Academy, Quetta.

3. Gilbertson, Gorge Waters English-Balochí colloquial dictionary:

Ghāno Khān (Haddiānī.), Haddiānī Ghāno Khān - 1925 - Volume 2.

4. Korn, Agnes: 2005. Towards a Historical Grammar of the Balochi

Grammar, A Phonology and Vocabulary,

5. Siddiqui, Khalil Ahmad. " Zubān kyā hae" Bacon Books, Gulgasht

Multan 2nd

Edition.

6. Windfuhr, Dr. G.L: 1975. “Isoglosses: A Sketch on Persians and

Parthians, Kurds and Medes”,.

7. Masson, Charles: 1844. Narrative Of Various Journeys In Balochistan

Afghanistan The Panjab And Kalat Vol IV.

- 88 -

- 89 -

BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

FM RADIO AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN QUETTA CITY

Media

Sadaf Naqvi

Mohammad Fahim Baloch

Babrak Niaz*

Mirwais Kasi†

ABSTRACT:

FM Radio is a device that can influence to its listeners in

worldwide areas. It has capacity to increase one’s knowledge, ideas,

and understanding on any issue while maintaining personal

relationship with its transmission. It is a medium by which its

listeners interact with their environmental subjects. It can also be

noteworthy, such as bringing change into a person’s attitudes,

culture and can cause for social change. Social change is the

process of fetching development in social structures that can make

people learn the ways of living styles in a particular community

circle related to cultures and traditions. This study would call

attention to the role of FM Radio in causing development, change,

and listeners’ adjustment in the given social environment with

special focus on informative programmes and effects on the local

populace particularly in Quetta city which is distinguished by multi

cultural and multi linguistic mass land.

Introduction:

The last ten - twelve years have been witnessed a rapid growth in the

broadcasting industry of Pakistan. The trend is mainly a result of the forces of

globalization, chiefly liberalization, privatization and the free market

economy. Government sets the regulatory bodies to regulate the operation of

the electronic media that are also being charged with enforcing an ethical

code of broadcasting. In Pakistan, FMs’ operations are mainly funded by

* Authors are Lecturer, Department of Media and Journalism, University of Balochistan,

Quetta, Pakistan. † Lecturer, Department of International Relations, University of Balochistan, Quetta,

Pakistan.

- 90 -

advertising and other sources. Some FM radio stations on air the programmes

related to the community based problems and issues but many depend on

entertainment without logical reasons. Another drawback of the medium is

that they focus on only city based communities. Radio has proved itself as a

powerful medium in all over the world where it has become a tool for disaster

management. Likewise in Ghana, it was used for educational purpose after

tsunami (Website). Therefore, FM Radio stations must be proliferated

throughout the country in order to fulfill the needs of its audience in rural

areas particularly in Quetta where Frequency Modulated radio can replace the

other media with its super injecting qualities in the masses.

Emergence of PEMRA and FM Radio:

An independent corporate body PEMRA was established on 1st March, 2002

with the four major objectives to improve the standard of information,

education and entertainment. It was started to enlarge the choice available to

the people of Pakistan in the media for news, current affairs, religious

knowledge, art, culture, science, technology, economic development, social

sector concerns, music, sports, drama and other subjects of public and

national interest(PEMRA:2008:8). Airwaves in Pakistan were privatized and

FM radio stations are allowed in all provinces, the Tribal Areas have been

kept out of the sphere and the outcome is that with no ‘legal radio' allowed,

‘illegal radio' is alive here. It has learnt that many extremist groups are

running their illegal FM channels for propaganda against US and Pakistani

forces in the Tribal Areas Pakistani Government can't control them (Azmat,

2004: 38).

A total of 129 FM Radio licenses have been awarded for the entertainment

and educational purposes through open and transparent bidding. Of these,

106 FM Radio stations are functional in the country, whereas four FM radio

stations are operational in Quetta city (PEMRA:2009:35). Mainly these

stations broadcast programmes on topics related to education, health, civic

hygiene and local trade & commerce.

FM Radio and Social Change: theoretical Framework

Social change has been a social science researchers’ subject of interest for a

long time. The media scholars have been studying upon special effects of

mass media in bringing social change. The debate on the impact of mass

media started even before the arrival of screen media. There are various

studies that tried to determine the impact of early medium of mass

- 91 -

communication like puppet show, theater, telephone, telegraph and radio.

Radio itself is not a recent trend but FM radio is a new influx principally in

underdeveloped countries. To gauge its impact, it is pertinent to have a look

on past researches conducted on the impact of this medium. Radio’s role in

propagating the cause of war in World War II is a big success of the tool

(Tim, 1998: 194). This has led the social scientists towards views,

disagreements and discussions about the impact of media in formulating the

culture, social norms and public opinion of society.

Since the mid of 20th century, ‘development’ has become a term

synonymous with ‘growth’, ‘modernization’, and ‘social change’ (Mattelart:

1998:36). Researchers have not been able to agree on a single definition of

development or Social Change – perhaps because of the diverse nature of the

concepts built up in different regions with different physical environment,

culture, natural resources and general ways of life (Silvio: 2001). Of course

there are some similarities (common features) but each country remains

unique in its own settings. The best definition of development can be: “a

multidimensional process that involves change in social structures, attitudes,

institutions, economic growth, reduction of inequality, and the eradication of

poverty” (Thomas L. & Shirley: 1996).

Social Change can also be described as the conversion of traditions,

institutions and values or changing the mode of life.

Theories for Social Change: Social change occurs in the societies but

confusion mixes social change with cultural change though there is a big

difference between cultural and social change. Social change brings changes

only in the social organization whereas cultural change includes changes in

art, science technology philosophy and even the very social organization

(Mukhi: 2001:447). Here are some important studies briefly describing

social change.

August Comte’s Theory

Comte said that society has passed through stages namely Theological,

Metaphysical and Positive. In the theological stage society believed in

supernatural powers and accepted the idea that these powers controlled our

social behavior. During the second stage his ideas about supernatural powers

changes and from gods he came to abstraction and tried to explain social

behavior through abstractions (Trevor: 2000:44). The society is now in the

third stage in which everything is being empirically studied and all this is

going on in a cyclical order.

- 92 -

Karl Marx’s Theory

Karl Marx is of the view that economic factors and conditions alone are

responsible for social change. According to his philosophy, economic

conditions are deciding Factors in social change. He says that a stable and

regular trial and resist is going on in society in which economically weaker

sections of society are being broken by those who are economically strong,

are trying to live and endure. According to him when society gives up one

economic order and accepts the other, there is always a social change. Thus

he feels that society has passed through oriental, the ancient and feudal stages

and at each stage there was a social change (Friedrich: 1973:20). He says

that when capitalism replaced feudal order, a social change was witnessed.

According to him social change was likely to come because capitalism was

bound to die and would be replaced by socialism.

Theory of Religion

Marx Weber says that religion is responsible for bringing about the change in

society. He quotes from history that emergence of Hinduism, Islam,

Christianity or Judaism brought considerable social change (Jeffrey:

1983:33). Thus they give more importance to religion rather than to

economic aspects of life in social change.

Theory of Systematic Efforts

Ludwig Stein and Hobhouse are the supporters of this theory. They believe

that social change occurs with planned ways and conscious efforts plus these

efforts include knowledge and literacy (Mukhi:2001:449).

Effects of Media

Soon after the advent of radio and later television, their capacity to influence

the minds and deeds of the masses aroused numerous social inquiries. The

social scientists started that whether it has capacity to bring about any

influence for the audience or it is harmless at any cost. Theorists presented

many studies related to media and its influence or effects.

Two-step flow theory

This is a popular media effects theory, and to some extent is related to the

diffusion of innovation hypothesis. Lazarsfeld and his colleagues developed

the notion of a ‘two-step’ flow of media messages, and that the audience has

the ability to “select and interpret media messages” (Bob: 2005:266).

Their conclusion was that messages filtered through the mass media to

opinion leaders, peers or relatives, who then play roles in decisions that

- 93 -

people make after being exposed to media messages. It is still a relevant

theory for studying the relationship between FM radios and the development

in the developing countries like Pakistan.

Marshal Mcluhan and Cultural Studies

Many scholastic researchers of 1960s were indulged in the research types that

were said to be as Cultural Studies. These studies depend upon the watchful

views and observations rather than controlled experiments and statistics.

Mcluhan said that it was the nature of communication technology itself,

rather than the content that was carried on it, that changed society in radical

ways__ or, as he famously put it, “The medium is the message” (Terraence,

Mcluhan: 1997). Because it is suggesting that mass media gently massages

its users into a state of oblivion that destroys rationality and critical thinking.

Mcluhan also advanced the idea of the global village, information about

people of different cultures, in different countries thousands of miles away,

becomes as meaningful to media consumers as things happening in their own

neighborhoods (Terraence, Mcluhan: 1997).

Cultivation theory Cultivation theory was an approach developed by Professor George Gerbner;

He began his query with the question that how television watching may

influence viewers' ideas of what the everyday world is like. Cultivation

theorists argue that television has long-term effects which are small, gradual,

indirect but cumulative and significant. According to George Gerbner media

shapes the people’s view of the world (George :1994:17-41). The theory

helps to understand that how a person’s perception shapes or sometimes it is

distorted by media. Cultivation theory explains that with the passage of time,

the usages of media will “cultivate” inside users a distinct view of the world.

In this theory, the researcher is actually explains that how media can be a

source to change in the perceptions, attitudes and behavior.

Agenda-Setting Theory

Another theory about media effects is “Agenda Setting Theory”. In this

theory the way of political campaigns is studied. The investigators of this

study recovered the main effect of media to be agenda setting, telling people

not what to think, but to think about. Any issue that is discussed in media

effects its importance. The main thrust of agenda setting is that media content

will not change your point of view about any particular issue but it will

change your perception of what is important. In present era researchers think

that once any issue captures people’s attention, they have tendency to

- 94 -

influence government policy (HansBernd:1996:561-80). Media has

tendency to capture public’s attention that’s why it is used in political

campaigns.

Uses and Gratification Theory

In an effort to explain the ‘motive for attending to media’ came in form of a

set of studies that are denoted as the Uses and Gratification Theories. This

Theory was developed to explain the

active role of audience in selection of the medium as well as the content of

the messages rather than waiting messages from the media. The basic idea of

these theories is that “People put specific media and specific media content to

specific use in the hope of having some specific need or set of needs

gratified” (Stanley: 2000:210).

This theory was established on audience choice for media very first time.

Before the advent of this theory, social scientists paid attention on what

media do with audience rather what audience does with media.

Bullet Theory

Bullet theory implies that media effects flow directly from the media to an

individual like a bullet. According to this theory, people who watch violent

movies become violent and those who read immoral comic books become

morally wrong. Later on, some other studies like People’s Choice Studies

suggested as two-step flow in which media influence takes place most of the

time in interaction with interpersonal communication (Melvin: 2008:163).

For example, one may or may not buy a book depending on what his friend

has commented about it. A new super hit movie can earn millions of rupees

simply because of the advertisement and publicity.

The studies have tried to integrate many theories of development, and the

role and effects of mass media (including FM radio). The theories have

proved that media has capacity in bringing change in social set ups if the

target audience can access towards it. But sometimes when the audience does

not choose the medium to receive the messages, media cannot cause for

change. Media can be a big tool for the purpose of changing the opinion of

the masses in terms of propaganda and even boosting development processes.

Discussion FM radio is considered to be community-based and catering to local

audience; it is captivating that PEMRA has been unwilling to issue licenses

to foreigners. The issuance of licenses is conditional to the security clearance

- 95 -

from Ministry of Interior - manage to secure licenses. Also, the open bidding

process through which a license is awarded is expensive and only those with

tons of money and influence seem to get them. PBC does not fulfill the needs

of the local populace according to the people. BBC and VOA have the

programmes based upon the needs of the public of Pakistan but do not have

devoted local bulletins. PEMRA refuses to award licenses to non-

governmental organizations (NGOs) or community based organizations

(CBOs) in country. The reason is to avoid the prevailing of foreign agenda in

the country, even if they have reliability, local suitability and valuable

outreach (Aurangzeb:2011:45). If the stake holders pay attention in

promoting FM transmission with special concern on Journalism, this industry

will flourish in the provinces on ground roots.

The largest of Pakistan’s four provinces in land mass – in general and

provincial capital Quetta in particular has visibly expanded since 2000 in a

trend that largely reflects the shifting media landscape in the rest of Pakistan.

With the doors thrown open to private ownership of the airwaves,

independent TV channels and FM radio stations have come to be a part of

daily life. And with competition has come the rush for news or breaking

news. Even one still has to observe a critical group of private, independent

radio stations, locally owned and voicing local concern in languages of

Balochistan – something needed and often harshly demanded. In a province

long engaged in a monologue with itself ‐ cut off as it is from the rest of the

country through distances, lack of infrastructure and the Pakistani state’s

control over news and information from Balochistan ‐ the proliferation of

media in few years has fueled a desire for information, a wish to have a say

and be heard (Aurangzeb: 2010:12).

Sachal FM 105, Chiltan FM 88, FM 101 and Noori FM 96 (with no proper

set up) are on airing the transmission while keeping in view the culture of

Quetta city ((PEMRA:2012:22). The DJ’s style of communication and bulk

of entertainment with Indian songs is a big phenomenon of some of these FM

radio’s transmission. However, it is a start, with the passage of time; it will

cover the issues which really need to be addressed.

Population= Quetta

Sample= Balochistan University 20, Sardar Bahadur Khan University 20,

BUITMS 20, Government Girls College Quetta 20, Government Science

College Quetta 20.

- 96 -

:1 Do you listen to FM

radio?

Yes

=39%

No

= 61%

-

-

-

Q:2 What do you listen

in FM transmission

News

and

Current

Affairs

13%

Entertainm

ent

77%

Other

10%

-

-

Q:3 How much time you

spend in listening

FM radio?

1-2

hours

71%

More than

2 and less

than 3

hours

23%

More than 3

hours

6%

-

-

Q:4 Are you satisfied

with the contents of

FM radio

transmission?

Highly

Satisfie

d

37%

Satisfied

32%

Neutral

14%

Dissati

sfied

11%

Diss

atisfi

ed

06%

Q:5 Are you satisfied

with the number of

cultural

programmes in FM

transmission?

Yes

37%

No

45%

Don’t Know

18%

-

-

Q:6 How you benefit

from listening to

your desired FM

programmes?

A. You

are up-

to-date

on

issues

concern

ing your

daily

life

29%

B. Healthy

source of

relaxation

36%

A waste of

time.

22%

No

effect.

13%

-

Q:7 Do the

transmissions of FM

radio reach to all

segments of social

sector?

Yes

31%

No

42%

Don’t know

07%

-

-

Q:8 Do you think the

regional languages

programs result in

propagating

harmony among the

Yes

No

Don’t Know

27%

-

-

- 97 -

different sections of

society?

69% 24%

Q:9

The news and

current affairs

program present

unbiased and

neutral picture of

social issues?

Yes

58%

No

33%

Don’t Know

09%

-

-

Q:

10

Do you feel your

language

proficiency has

increased due to the

DJ’s style of

communication?

Yes

27%

No

59%

Don’t Know

14%

-

-

Q:

11

The approach of

RJs towards social

life is often:

Pragmat

ic

28%

Idealist

43%

Pessimist

20%

Don’t

know

09%

-

Q:

12

How would you

evaluate the effects

of FM radio

programs on the

youth of Pakistan?

Positive

35%

Negative

30%

Neutral

35%

-

-

Total sample size 100.

Findings

The findings of the research are that FM radio is listened by the young

generation of Quetta due to their main focus on entertainment and

interactive programmes with feedback. It is assumed that this forum

can be used as an effective tool of Social Change in Quetta.

People prefer to listen FM broadcasting due to the interesting contents

and better sound quality. The following results have been developed

on the basis of data collected through survey research method.

In accordance with the responses, people like listen to programmes

containing news and current affairs segments whereas most of the

respondents listen to entertainment programmes and very few people

prefer listening the programmes fall in other category.

- 98 -

The amount of time spend on listening Fm radio has relevancy to the

research. The collected data shows that most of the respondents

spend 1-2 hours in listening FM radio transmission.

Listeners’ satisfaction with the contents of FM transmission is

indirectly related to the main theme of our research and total

respondents were found highly satisfied with the programming of FM

radios. Moreover, very few respondents were highly dissatisfied with

the contents of FM radio programmes in general.

Maximum respondents believe that the news and current affairs

programmes present unbiased and neutral picture of social issues.

The majority of respondents believe that influence of FM radio

programmes on youth is positive, while some respondents consider it

negative.

Recommendations

Quetta needs to have more Frequency Modulated radio

stations as agent of social change to counteract the social issues like

sectarianism, prejudice, ethnicity, ignorance, starvation, joblessness,

feudalism and tribalism widespread in the society. FM radio can

produce awareness about social justice, human rights and can create

sense of gender balance among different communities. Through radio

these communities will start developing harmony among all segments

of social sections.

Some FM stations are airing the programmes based on

entertainment only. The audience of FM radio is Youth. So, it is

recommended that social awareness programmes, current affairs,

educational programmes, different up dates, and public interest

announcements must be broadcasted. Therefore, the part of the

society which is listening to FM radio as audience can turn into a well

informed citizen.

Social awareness lacks regarding economics, politics, health

care, women issues and other phenomena in Quetta city due to some

constrains. The programmes must also be based upon the issues

related to daily life of the people.

FM radio must be turned into the form of community radio so

that the small social issues can be addressed in broader way and the

intrusion of change can knock at the doors of local, towns, villages

and small vicinities. In this way, the acceptability for the social

change can grow on grass root level.

- 99 -

REFERENCES

1. www.internews.org/newsletter/2006_10/fall06_Tsunami.shtm

2. PEMRA ANNUAL REPORT 2008, p-8

3. Abbas, Azmat, (2004) “FM 103 forced off airwaves” The Herald. p.

38.

4. PEMRA, Annual Report, 2009, p-35

5. Crook, Tim, (1998) “International Radio Journalism, History Theory

and Practice,” Rutledge publishers, p-194

6. Mattelart, Armand & Mattelart, Michele, (1998) “Theories of

Communication: An Introduction” London: Sage, p-36

7. Waisbord, Silvio (2001) “Family Tree of Theories, Methodologies

and Strategies in Development Communication: convergences and

differences” The Rockefeller Foundation (accessed online at

http://www.undp.org/oslocentre/a2i.htm, Fisher, Harold A. (2001)

“Media and Development: The insights of a Pioneer and Reformer” in

Melkote, Srinivas R. and Rao, Sandhya (eds) Critical Issues in

Communication: Looking Inward for Answers, New Delhi: Sage

8. Servaes, Jan, Jacobson, Thomas L. & Shirley A. White (1996)

“Participatory Communication for Social Change” New Delhi: Sage

p-27

9. Mukhi. H.R., (2001) “A Simple Study of Sociology” p-447

10. Terevor noble. “Social theory and social change” Palgrave

Macmillan, p-44

11. Friedrich Engles, (1973) “Karl Marks on society and social change”

University of Chicago, p-206

12. Jeffrey C. Alexander, (1983) “Theoretical logic in sociology” Taylor

& Francis, p- 129.

13. Franklin, Bob et al, (2005) “Key Concepts in Journalism Studies”

Sage Press of London, p-266

14. W. Terrence Gordon, Marshall Mcluhan, (1997) “Escape into

Understanding” New York: Basic Books, p-75.

15. 1bid

16. Gerbner, George, L. Gross. M. Morgan, and N. Signorielli, (1994)

“Living with Television: The Cultivation Perspective” in J. Bryant and D.

- 100 -

Zillmann, eds., Media Effects: Advance in Theory and Research,

Hillsdale, NJ: Laurence Erlbaum, p.17-41

17. HansBernd Brosius Gabriel Weimann, (1996) “Who Sets the Agenda,

Agenda Setting as a Two-Step-Flow” Communication Research 23, no 5,

p-561-80

18. Stanley J. Baran and Dennis K. Devis, (1995) “Mass Communication

Theory: Foundations, Ferment and Future” Wadsworth Publishing

Company, Belmont California, p-210

19. Melvin Lawrence DeFleur, Sandra Ball-Rokeach, (1989) “Theories of

Mass communication” Longman, p-193.

20. Khan, Aurangzeb, (2011) “Media in Balochistan: Blighted but a

Brave New World Beckons”, INTERMEDIA, p-45

- 101 -

BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

THE RISE AND IMPACT OF ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM

IN PAKISTAN AFTER THE SOVIET INVASION IN AFGHANISTAN

WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO KPK AND BALOCHISTAN

Philosophy

Malik Mohammad Tariq*

ABSTRACT

Pakistan is situated in a region where fundamentalism has been

posed, of late, as one of the most threatening questions. The rise of

Islamic fundamentalism in Pakistan really began in the 1980s. On

the one hand, the military dictator, General Zia ul-Haq, was using

religion to justify his rule and was ‘Islamizing’ laws and society.

On the other hand, Pakistan had become a base camp for the

forces opposing the Afghan revolution. After the Russian invasion

of Afghanistan, the Zia allies with US, uses Islam to consolidate

his power passes pro-Islamic legislation, and create many

madrasahs and his policies created a “culture of jihad” within

Pakistan that continues until present day. Recently Islamic

fundamentalism has risen as an alternative political phenomenon

not only in Pakistan but also in the entire Muslim world. Islamic

fundamentalism in Pakistan is partly a link of this international

phenomenon and partly caused by specific local reasons. When

analyzing Islamic fundamentalism, one must understand that the

religion of Islam and Islamic fundamentalism are not one and the

same thing. If the teaching of Islam is studied we would know that

the best Muslims are the fundamentalists. The fundamentals of

Islam are based on peace; indeed the major point of Islam

preaches peace. The peoples who are usually described

fundamentalist are far from the following the fundamentals of

Islamic teachings. On the contrary they totally reject the teachings

of Islam or partially deviate from them. Islamic fundamentalism is

*Assistant Professor Department of Philosophy University of Balochistan, Quetta

- 102 -

now a reactionary, non-scientific movement aimed at returning

society to a centuries-old social set-up, defying all material and

historical factors. It is an attempt to roll back the wheel of history.

Fundamentalism finds its roots in the backwardness of society,

social deprivation, a low level of consciousness, poverty, and

ignorance. Most of them have seemingly reverted to Pre-Islamic

Jahilliya way of extreme loyalty to their groups, clans, or tribes to

fanatism.

DISCUSSION

On August 14, 1947, a new country named Pakistan was created. This

country, contemplated as a separate home for Indian Muslims, could be

viewed as: a geographic manifestation of the politics of Indian Muslims as a

minority group in the pluralistic Indian society; an expression of a

community with a firm belief in a separate social order with its own political

power base; and a sovereign state embodying the legacy of Islamic culture,

which had developed in India for about eight hundred years. The two Muslim

states in south Asia, Pakistan and Bangladesh (the eastern wing of Pakistan in

1947, and a sovereign state since 1971) and the Muslim presence in modern-

day India signify the long history of Islamization of India from the Frontier

province now Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa in the North to Bengal in the East.

After independence an obvious and major change occurred in the

intelligentsia’s role in shaping the destiny of Muslims in Pakistan and India.

Unlike the developments in British India, the initiative in social, religious and

political reform was expected to come from the political leadership and not

from religious and social reformers. The issues confronting the Muslims in

the two countries were different. In Pakistan, the shape of the social order and

the role of religion in politics were to become concerns of both political

leadership and the intelligentsia. In India, having become a small and

powerless minority the Muslims had to cope with and adjust to the changed

reality of living in a “secular” India.

With partition, many organizations split. The entire Jimat-ul-Ulema-

Islam (JUI) went over to Pakistan while the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-i-Hind,

remained headquartered in India. The Jamaat-i- Islami split and the Indian

branch came under the influence of the Nationalist Deobandis and accepted

and even lauded the secular ideal as a means of preserving minority culture

and focused on education and social uplift of the community. The Pakistani

branch headed by Maududi, on the other hand, became active in what can be

- 103 -

called Islamic politics, beginning in the 1950’s. The ideological polarization

of the community between the Ulama and the modernist which had divided

the community before 1947 continued after 1947 and shaped and nurtured the

ideological cross-currents in Pakistan. Its first manifestation was in the

constitutional debates. In scores of commission and committees, which set up

to review all aspects of Pakistani society, the subject of Islamization was

never raised.

After the dismemberment of Pakistan in 1971 following the creation

of Bangladesh, Pakistanis experienced an identity crisis. In search of a new

source of unity among the four remaining provinces with different languages

and cultural norms, Islam provided a viable ideology to unite them as a

nation. It was Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1971-1977) a moving

force in the dismemberment of Pakistan and the most secular Pakistan’s

head’s of state visible recognition to the Ulama by officially involving them

in the Islamization process (Farooq 1985:151). He also succumbed to the

pressures of the religious groups September 1974 in declaring a movement

known as Ahmadia, Non-Muslim.

Bhutto’s successor, General Zia-ul-Haq fully utilized the process of

Islamization to achieve his political ends and sought legitimacy by

implementing Islam as an ideology of Pakistan:

General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988) made Islamization the social and

political order of the country, the cornerstone of his government (Farooq

1985: 242-249).

General Zia, with the help of state institutions, weakened the secular

and progressive forces and introduced the Hudood, Qisas and Diyat in legal

system of Pakistan and Federal Shariat Court was also established:

The only time that Pakistan experienced an intense process of ‘re –

Islamization’ was during General Zia ul-Haq’s military rule (1977-88),

which the USA supported in the context of its opposition to the Soviet

occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s (Saikal 2003:2).

General Zia received support of the religious scholars to the extent

that a group of them turned against elections and parliamentary democracy

and favored vesting all powers in the individual who seized power.

Islamization in their view was more important then the efficiency of

- 104 -

Government. Then Zia introduced a comprehensive Islamization plan

covering religious institutions, educational system, economy and law

(Farooq 1985:257-59). These measures, in the short term, brought confusion

and chaos, and not brought any contribution to improve law and order. That

was the period when Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Various militant

organizations were formed which was supported by United States, Saudi

Arabia and Pakistan, to counter the Soviet invasion.

Pakistan’s fundamentalism was mobilized and made sectarian by the

government of General Zia. It also became Jihadi and terrorist with a

lot of financial support from the United States and Saudi Arabia. The

Americans were concerned only with winning the war in Afghanistan

and defeating the Soviet Union, but the Saudis had ideological and

sectarian aims (Ahmed 2003: 39).

The US supported jihad against Soviet Union in Afghanistan.

“According to investigative reports for the Washington Post, over the past 20

years the US has spent millions of dollars producing fanatical schoolbooks

which were then distributed in Afghanistan. These books were developed in

the early 1980’s under a US AID grant to the University of Nebraska-Omaha

and its centre in Afghanistan. “The primers, which are filled with talk of

jihad featured drawings of guns, bullets, soldiers and mines. They have

served since then as the Afghan school system’s core curriculum” (Marwat

2005:1). This led to the radicalization of Islam as well as through the

enhanced interest of the Arab world in the region and the activity of

fundamentalist preachers in Pakistan, many receiving funds from Arabian

Peninsula:

The Islamic nature of the Afghan resistance highlighted the close

relationship between religion and politics and encouraged the

establishment of approximately 1,000 Islamic madressas (religious

schools) and Dar-ul-Ulum. This was done with aid from Middle Eastern

countries to provide an ideological base for Afghan jihad. The Frontier Post

(Peshawar) reported on July 17, 1992, that Rs 5.969 million had been

distributed among 42 deeni madressas alone in period 1984-91, from

Provincial Auqaf Fund. Most Arab donors injected sectarian ideologies into

refugees through these religious institutions to gain their own ends…

(Marwat, 2005: 1)

The Arabian Peninsula led to an enhancement of Wahhabi influence

- 105 -

on the sub-continent Muslims. This effort was spearheaded by preachers who

collected fund, from Arabs to run Madrassas (schools) and other

organizations in service of the community. During Afghan jihad, the quietist

movements became militant, spawning off organization like Markaz Dawa-

ul-Irshad (centre of spiritual guidance), and Harkat-ul-Ansar (movement of

helpers), Hizbul Mujahideen come into existence.

Since the major forces fighting in Afghanistan were led by religious

groups, their militant character was transferred to Pakistan; many

Pakistanis who fought in the Afghan war were the students of

Madrases… The Madrases attending youth become the real militant

work force, brainwashed by the word “jihad” without knowing

against what or whom it was…These militant trends, an easy arms

supply, Zia’s controversial Islamic Laws, demands of enforcing the

Sharia by different sects, and establishment of Shariat Courts created

a tense atmosphere Sectarian riots broke out several times (Jalalzai

1988:3).

In 1985, when different groups of Afghan Mujhaideen formed a

united front for coping with the Soviet invasion in their country; they also

arranged military training facilities for these armies. Three months later,

when they could not achieve their political objectives within the frame, the

unity was shattered and every party became a separate mercenary army.

Salafi Group seceded from Hazb-I-Islami in Kunar. After fall of Najeeb

regime and war between Gulbadeen and Rabbani another group Dawa

Arshad completed its training. Furthermore, these groups attacked each

other’s (Jalalzai 1988:23). Several groups in Pakistan established their private

armies such as (Jalalzai 1988:24):

1. Sepah-e-Sehaba Pakistan 2. Harkat-ul-Ansar

3 Dawat-ul-Arshad 4 Alkhalid Force

5 Lashker Jhangavi 6 Sepah-e-Ali

7 Sepah-e-Muhammad Pakistan 8 Sepah-e-Abbas

9 Almukhatar Force 10 Immamia

Student Org.

11 Salafi Student Union 12 Sunni Tehrik

13 Khaddam-e-Ahmadia Students Union

14 Ahl-i-Hadieth Youth Force 15 Mustafavi Student

Federation

- 106 -

The other militant group, Taliban, have maintained themselves as a

movement under the leadership of Mullah Umar. The Taliban phenomenon

can only be understood with reference to their origins in the Madrassas.

Pakistan’s ruling elite and government policies have remained secular

since independence. The modernist religious thinking failed to dominate the

intellectual landscape. Among the post-independence modernists in Pakistan

the most noteworthy is Dr. Fazlur Rahman (1919-1998), a McGill University

graduate with a solid background in traditional Islam. He made a substantial

contribution to the modernization of Pakistani laws. He drew inspiration from

earlier modernists such as Shibli and Iqbal.

Traditional Islam is a major force in Pakistan. The Deobandis, Ahl-i-

Hadith and the Barelvis each with a large following are rivals and engage in

debates on theological issues. These religious groups have also formed

themselves into political parties. Jamaat-I-Islam’s influence is by far the

most widespread because of its large membership. Only a small number of its

members are Madrassa graduates. The rest represent all strata of society-

educated laypersons, professional and non-professionals, coming from lower

and middle classes. Jamaat’s educated membership has played a prominent

role at both social and political levels through out the history of Pakistan. It

has also gained a foothold in the younger population of colleges and

universities. This younger group is an active participant in politics and

mobilizing masses to take part in protests and demonstrations against the

government. It has remained persistent in its demand for the establishment of

an Islamic State. This reformist group wishes to bring about social change

through peaceful means.

Madrassas, centre of traditional education in Pakistan, which are run

by various Ulama belonging to Deobandis, Barelvis, Ahl-i-Hadith, Shias and

other school of thought, are growing rapidly in number with or without the

government support. In 1957-58 there were only 119 Madrassas in West

Pakistan with 4790 students. However in 1988 the total numbers of

Madrassas in the country were 2891 having 470,409 students (Rahman

2002:313). There breakdown, sect and province-wise was as follows in table

1: (Rahman 2000: 11).

Table 1: Breakdown of Madrassas

Province

Number

of

Students

Deobandi Barelvi Ahl-i-

Hadith Shia

Ot

her

s

Total

of

Provi

- 107 -

nce

Punjab 206,778 590 548 118 21 43 1320

NWFP 88,147 6631 32 5 2 8 678

Sindh 71,639 208 61 6 10 6 291

Balochistan 40,390 278 34 3 1 31 347

Azad

Kashmir 43,447 51 20 2 - 3 76

Islamabad 7,858 51 20 - 2 3 76

Northern

Areas 12,150 60 2 27 11 3 103

Total of

Sects 470,409 1869 717 1616 47 97 2891

In 1995, the number increased to 3906, which is still increasing. The

Madrassahs teach Arabic as main subject but use Urdu as medium of

instruction in Punjab, urban Sindh, some parts of Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa,

Balochistan and Azad Kashmir, however regional language are also used for

instructions.

Some Madrassahs are affiliated to central organization, which

prescribe a uniform curriculum and system of examinations for all. The major

organizations are as follows (Rahman 2000: 11):

1. Wafaq-al-Madaris al-Arabiyyah. This was created by the

Deobandis in 1959 with its central office in Multan.

2. Wafaq al-Madaris al-Arabiyyah. This was created by Barelvis

in 1959 with its central office in Dera Ghazi Khan. The

Barelvis address themselves to the peasants and ordinary

people and do not mind the excessive adoration of the saints,

which is part of folk Islam in Pakistan.

3. Wafaq ul-Madaris ul-Salfiya. This was created by Ahl-i-

Hadith in Faisalabad in 1955. They are highly fundamentalist

rejecting the cult of saints and rituals. They are also called

Wahhabis in common parlance in Pakistan.

4. Wafaq ul-Madaris ul-Shia. This was created by majority Shia

sect, the believer in twelve imams (Ithna Asharis) in Pakistan

in 1959. the head office in Lahore (Fieldwork).

- 108 -

5. Raba ul-Madaris. This was setup by the Jamat-i-Islami. They

teach modern subjects and often enable the students to take the

ordinary state examinations along with religious ones.

All Madrassahs are not affiliated to the central organization. The

detailed figure given in 1979 report as see in table 2 (Rahman 2000: 11) and

fresh report in table 3: (Rahman 2000: 17).

Table 2

Province Barelvis Deobandis Ahl-I-

Hadith

Shi

a

Un-

known

Total of

Province

Punjab 148 96 65 10 677 996

Sindh 40 67 1 3 269 338

NWFP 16 69 3 - 130 218

Balochistan 14 20 - - 135 169

Total 218 252 69 13 1211 1763

Source Government Report on Madrassahs 1979 Annexure-14

Table 3

Province Deoba

ndi

Barel

vi

Ahl-i-

Hadit

h

Shia Oth

ers

Total of

Provinc

es

(1988)*

Total of

Province

s

(2000)**

Punjab 590 548 118 21 43 1320 3100

NWFP 631 32 5 2 8 678 1200

Sindh 208 61 6 10 6 291

900

(+300 in

FATA)

Balochistan 278 34 3 1 31 347 700

Azad

Kashmir 51 20 2 - 3 76

Not

given

Islamabad 51 20 - 2 3 76 100

Northern

Areas 60 2 27 11 3 103 150

- 109 -

Girls’

Madrassahs

Not

given

Not

given

Not

given

Not

given

Not

give

n

Not

given 448

Total of

Sects 1869 717 161 47 97 2891

6898 (102

not

accounted

for)

Source: *Report Madrassas 1988. **The State of Pakistan’s Children 2000 (Islamabad: SPARC, 2001): 53.

According to a report by Islamabad’s Institute of Policy Studies,

Pakistan has 6761 religious seminaries where over a million young

men are taking religious training. The Ministry of Religious Affairs

has given out similar numbers in its report. But Herald (November

2001) says: ‘According to the Interior Ministry, there are some 20,000

Madrassahs in the country with nearly 3 million students’. In 1947,

West Pakistan had only 245 seminaries. 1988, they increased to 2861

between 1988 and 2000, this increase comes out to be 136 percent the

largest number of seminaries are Deobandi, at 64 percent, followed

by Barelvi, at 25 percent. Only 6 percent are Ahl-i-Hadith. But the

increase in the number of Ahl-i-Hadith seminaries or Madrassahs has

been phenomenal, at 131 percent, going up from 134 in 1988 to 310

in 2000’ (Ahmed 2003: 40).

According to Kaled Ahmed in his Book Review in Daily Times dated

June 21, 2009, he says: “According to an estimate in Jang (January 6, 2006),

there were 11,221 religious seminaries (madrassas) in Pakistan in the year

2005. This number had grown from 6,761 in 2000. This meant that in the five

years that also saw the terrorist attack of 9/11, the apostatising seminaries had

almost doubled in Pakistan. There were 448 madrassas for women too.” He

further adds that, “The largest number of madrassas, 8,191, belonged to

Wifaqul Madaris Arabiya, 1,952 to Tanzimul Madaris and 381 to Wifaqul

Madaris Shia. The majority seminaries are Deobandi. For instance, in Punjab

444,156 pupils are Deobandi as opposed to 199,733 Barelvi, 34,253 Ahle

Hadith and 7,333 Shia. The largest number of madrassas is not in Lahore but

Bahawalpur, then in Lahore, in Bahawalnagar and Faisalabad.” According to

Maryam Hussain in daily Times Islamabad dated March 22, 2011:

“Top bosses of the Religious Affairs Ministry confessed before a

National Assembly standing committee here on Tuesday that Pakistan

- 110 -

was the only Muslim country where “no reliable data about exact

numbers of deeni madaris (religious seminaries) is

available”. Ministry officials, summoned by the NA body on religious

affairs for a briefing on proposed amendments to the law to regulate

the working of madrassas, said that 10,482 seminaries have so far

been registered throughout Pakistan. According to copy of the

briefing given to the NA body, the ministry officials said that claims

by any agency in Pakistan as to the exact numbers of religious schools

were mere ‘guesses’ and no reliable data was available.

After the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan more than five million

Afghan refugees that fled to Pakistan and settled in camps in Balochistan and

the Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa (formerly NWFP). Millions of refugees fleeing

the violence in Afghanistan flooded across the border in the 1980s and a

number of Madrassahs were set up to educate them and their number was

increased massively in Balochistan and Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa.

Thousands of madrassas were setup to house and educate the refugees

and the rural poor for the two provinces. Funding for these madrassas

came from the central government and from a steady wave of funding

from Saudi Arabia… The JUI, which, prior to 1970, had been an

apolitical religious and educational movement, setup many of these

schools in Balochistan and the NWFP. (Rashid, Taliban, 89)

These Madrassahs are playing a major role in increasing literary in

rural areas, in developing of Muslim consciousness, and providing education

to the masses through teaching and through their interpretation of Islamic law

by writing Fatwas (authentic opinion on point of law). Through their

newsletters, and magazines, they also disseminate their views on religious,

social and political matters. Majority of the students in Madrassahs are small

children, memorizing the Holy Qur’an. In 8th

class the Dars-i-Nizami is

taught. Between 1982 and 1987 whereas 371, 905 students had read the

Qur’an without understanding it (Nazerah), only 45,691 had got Shahadat-I-

Almiyah award. The University Grants Commission/ Higher Education

Commission in Pakistan have recognized Shahadat-I-Almiyah as equal to

M.A. Islamic Studies/Arabic. The final degree, which is equal to M.A. Arabic

or Islamic Studies, is used only for teaching purpose. The levels of

Madrassahs education correspond to the level of mainstream state education

as given in table 3: (Rahman 2000:11).

- 111 -

Table 3:

Level Stage Class Duration Award Equivalent

Ibtedaayih

Nazra/Hifz

Tajweed-o-

Qirat

1 – 5 4 – 5 years

Shahdat-ul-

Tahfeez-ul-

Quran-al-

Kareem

Primary

(5th

Class)

Mutawass

ata

Hifz/Tajweed

etc. 6 – 8 3 years

Shahadatul

Mutawasita

Middle

(6748th

Classes)

Sania

Amma Tehtani

Oola &

Sanvia 2 years

Shahadat-ul-

Sanviat-ul-

Amma

Matriculati

n (10th

Calss)

Sania

Khassa Tehtani

Salasa &

Rabiah 2 years

Shadat-ul-

Saniat-ul-

Khassa

F.A. (12th

Class)

Aliya

Mauquf Alay:

Khamisa &

Sadisa

Khamisa &

Sadisa 2 years

Shadat-ul-

Aliya

B.A. (14th

Class)

Almiya Daura-I-Hadit

Sabia & Samina

Sabia &

Samina 2 years

Shadat-ul-

Almyia Fil

Uloom-e-

Arabia Wal

Islamia

M.A.

Arabic and

Islamic

Studies

Source: Field research as different names are used for the same level in different writings

on the madrassahs, an attempt has been made to introduce them above.

Although, Madrassahs have been a source of learning, creating

scholars, several people and spread Islam, these examples indicate what they

now often teach: divisiveness and dependence on handouts. Unfortunately,

the proliferation of Madrassahs in Pakistan since 1977 has contributed to the

sectarian divide. Since religious groups led the major forces fighting in

Afghanistan, their militant character was transferred to Pakistan; many

Pakistani who fought in the Afghan war were the product of Madrassahs. As

the character of these institutions changed from religious to political, their

aim increasingly became political power. They are flexing their muscles, as

they have tasted victory in Afghanistan. The way to deal them is not to crush

them by force but to educate children and find them jobs as:

Indeed, in the most populous province of Punjab as well as the

NWFP, a large number of young militant Madrassah students are

people who are taking to the politics of the militant religious rights

because they have been cheated of their rights. The upper echelons on

- 112 -

liberals and the leftists, who should have favoured Urdu and

indigenous languages of the people, have generally favoured English.

While this keeps religious lobby at bay for the present, it creates

ground for a future struggle for power. The masses, deprived of elitist

jobs for which English is required, deprived of respect which comes

from being educated, deprived of their rights, deprived of power may

rise to revolt to wrest power out of the hands the English-using elite

(Rahman 2002: 163)

In the last few years, it seems that the image of Islam in the world has

taken a beating. There is a growing impression in the West and perhaps

elsewhere that Islam stands for militancy, extremism and rigidity. Ever since

the fall of Soviet-led communist block, terrorism has emerged as the number

one enemy for many countries. Unfortunately, in their perception much of

terrorist is associated with Muslim groups. In particular, the terrorist attacks

in New York and Washington on September 11, 2001 handled the American

attitude like no other recent event.

Relations between the ‘West’ and ‘the domain of Islam’ are now

tense, to say the least. The September 11, 2001 events not only shockwaves

through the Muslim world, sharply escalating differences that were already

there. The relations are both complex and multidimensional, containing

elements of conflict and cooperation, perception and misconception, and

cultural and social differences (Saikal 2003:01).

Since than, the US-led war against terrorism has already targeted two

Muslim countries-Afghanistan and Iraq-and this in turn has fuelled

unprecedented anti Americanism in the Islamic world. There has been talk of

a Clash of Civilizations and Religions, even a new crusade giving rise to the

perception amongst some Muslim that the Islamic world is under siege. It is

evident that the West and other countries are concerned about the growth of

terrorism in some Muslim circles (although terrorism is not confined to

Muslim alone). Everyone agrees that terrorism is bad and must be

condemned. There is need to adopt a global strategy for combating terrorists.

The basic causes of terrorism on sectarian violence in Pakistan are (Jalalzai

1988: 373):

1. The Afghan war and training facilities.

2. Religious institutions and their syllabus

3. Iranian revolution and their policies.

- 113 -

4. Foreign Aid (Saudi, Iran and

Gulf States). 5. Transportation of arms.

6. Religious Intolerance. 7. The role of foreign

agencies.

8. The role of NGOs. 9. Sectarian literature.

10. Government role. 11. Narco trade.

12. Unemployment. 13. Privatization of Tourism

14. The Taliban movement. 15. War in Kashmir.

16. Politicians role. 17. Sajada Nashin’s role.

18. Campus politics.

After the revolution in Afghanistan the US and Arab world provided

enormous funds to the Afghan Jihadi groups. They caught roots in Pakistan,

glowed the fire of militancy, sectarianism, fundamentalism, lawlessness and

terrorism. The gruesome killings and other organized crime, all committed in

the name of Islam, by sophisticated and highly trained militia. Consequently

a new kind o religious terrorism was introduced in the country.

In traditional usage ‘Madrasa’ meant a centre of higher education of

scholarship, teaching and research. The Madrassahs have been a source of

learning, producing scholars who served people and spread Islam. In modern

usage ‘madrasa’ has acquired negative meaning, it has come to denote a

centre of indoctrination in bigotry and violence and divisiveness.

Unfortunately, the proliferation of Madrassahs in Pakistan since 1977 has

contributed to sectarian divide and militancy.

The themes of Jihad and Shahdat clearly distinguish the pre-

Islamization period curricula and text-books, and the post-1979

curricula and text-books openly eulogies Jihad and Shahadat and urge

students to become Mujahids and martyrs (Nayyer 2003: 82).

The Madaris sponsored by the Arab world usually import religious as

well as temporal education to the Muslim youths. Through educational

institutions they carried their message all over the country. The moral and

financial support from the Arab world encouraged to propagate their ideas to

the remotest areas of our country and also in the other parts of the Muslim

world.

Other educational networks exist in a clearly neofundmentalist-

context. They are financed directly or indirectly by the petro-dollars, often

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within the framework of world Muslim League. These institutes have the

benefit of up-to-date technology (e.g. Computer science) but the content of

teaching is based entirely on the reformist fundamentalism. Most of the

students, new intellectuals, are thus transformed into preachers and Mullahs.

Their approach to modern world is akin to that of the old-time Christian

Missionaries “learn the other culture the better to fight against it”. Language

and science are taught in regretfully acknowledging way. These institutes and

research centers have become bustling sites of intense activity with

publications, conferences, colloquia and seminars. They deal the whole

society and the message is thus typically neo-fundamentalist. The course

studied during Afghan war was only of jihad as:

The books included much unnecessary material and were not written

with the purpose of education in mind. They were rather designed for

ideological propaganda. At the primary level the material in the

mathematics books featured problems such as:

If out of 10 atheist, were killed by 1 Muslim, 5 would be left.

5 guns+5 guns= 10 guns

15 bullets – 10 bullets = 5bullets, etc.(Marwat 2005: 01)

The society of Pakistan has now mostly divided on sectarian basis. It

seems that the Islamic qualities of compassion and tolerance have been

forgotten, and even negated, by some of those who have lately assumed the

mantle of champions of Islam. They portray a vengeful Islam. There

language is invariably harsh and threatening. It is no surprise that

sectarianism have so greatly smashed the image of Islam in the world.

Militancy has emerged as a result of such religious preaching.

Fundamentalism became most of the abused of words. It is equated

with extremism. If the teaching of Islam is studied we would know that the

best Muslims are the fundamentalists. The fundamentals of Islam are based

on peace; indeed the major point of Islam preaches peace. The peoples who

are usually described fundamentalist are far from the following the

fundamentals of Islamic teachings. On the contrary they totally reject the

teachings of Islam or partially deviate from them. Most of them have

seemingly reverted to Pre-Islamic Jahilliya way of extreme loyalty to their

groups, clans, or tribes to fanatism.

Pakistan was Islamised gradually but when it reached a peak in this

process in 1980s, the country became vaguely aware of an extremism

- 115 -

that the west called fundamentalism. When the international media

began using the word there was an immediate reaction against it. The

cleric and the intellectual both thought it an attack on Islam and began

defending Islam instead of worrying about the growing extremism at

home (Ahmed 2003:33).

CONCLUSION

In Pakistan, the successive military regimes, which interrupted the

democratic process, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, and

subsequent influx of refugees has greatly affected Pakistan and have

contributed to social and political unrest in the country. It has also produced a

number of religious organizations and some of them have also militant

groups which have great impact on country’s social and political aspect. The

socio-political decline, sectarian violence, and regional conflicts have added

to the confusion and made the country difficult to govern. It is only in the

reign of such Military Dictators like the late General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988)

that the religious organization was exploited. During this period Zia-ul-Haq

exploited various sectors of Islam and made them fight against each other. On

the other hand, these organizations were supported by Saudi government and

America got strengthened and strengthened economically and consequently

politically also. Zia gave full support to these organisations and thus with the

government patronage it emerged as one of the most powerful movement in

Pakistan. Consequently, it launched many of its objects and aims in the shape

of small organizations. Furthermore, in some of the Madrassas, the students

became military soldiers. These people emerged as Taliban and its

exploitation continued in that shape particularly in Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa

and Balochistan.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Before things get worse there is need of sober rethinking and

reconsideration of attitude. The first-ever declaration by Prophet Mohammad

(SAW) in most piercing words, equating the sanctity of human life, honour

and property with that of holiest of the holy in Islam, laid down in the history

of mankind, the foundation stone of a just, humane, judicious and virtuous

society, an Islamic society. The Prophet of Islam had in unequivocal words

enunciated that the killer of an innocent soul was throwing himself out of the

fold of Islam by committing an act of infidelity. A society could claim to be

Islamic only when it preserves the sanctity of human life, honour and

property, otherwise not.

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Any venture which may expose the life, honour and property of the

members of society to the ravages of armed conflict and thereby disturb its

internal peace and security or let the difference of opinion or conflict of

interest develop into blood feuds whether among individuals, groups or

sections was strongly condemned by the Holy Prophet (SAW). He declared:

“whosoever commits armed aggression against us does not belong to us”.

The words are unambiguous. The founder of Islam refuses to accept the claim

of an aggressor standing in arms against Muslim society to be a member of

Muslim community.

The prerequisite for an objective analysis of sectarianism,

fundamentalism and terrorism is to abandon the prevailing culture of victim-

hood. Gunning down fellow human being in the name of Islamic preaching is

a great sin. The Prophet Muhammad had pardoned his enemies on the eve of

victory in Makkah. He did not take revenge and would rather deter

aggression. The image and message of Islam in the early days of the

Caliphate facilitated widespread of Islam because the Non Muslims were

impressed by the humane characteristics of Islam, which were based on

socio-economic egalitarianism, tolerance towards the minorities and

universal brotherhood. It is imperative that Muslims must present the real and

true image of Islam by discouraging militancy and violence.

- 117 -

REFRENCES

Ahmed, Khaled, (Oct.-Dec., 2003), Islamic Extreminism in Pakistan, Journal

of South Asian, Quarterly, Lahore.

Ahmed, Khaled, (Sunday, June 21, 2009) Book Review in Daily Times: “The

madrassa puzzle in Pakistan, The Madrassah Challenge: Militancy and

Religious Education in Pakistan; By C Christine Fair; Vanguard Books

Lahore 2009, Daily Times.

Farooq, M. Mujahid, (1985) Hukoomat aur Siyasat, Lahore.

Gibb, H.A.R and Kramers, J.H.,(1961) Shorter Encyclopaedia of

Islam, London.

Jalazai, Musa Khan, (1998) The Sunni-Shia Conflict in Pakistan, Lahore.

Marwat, Dr Fazal-ur-Rahim, (October 30, 2005) Innocent Lost books &

authors, Daily Dawn, Karachi.

Nayyer, A.H., (Oct.- Dec., 2003) Islamization of Curricula, Journal South

Asian, Quarterly, Lahore.

Rahman, Tariq,(2002) Language, Ideology and Power, Karachi.

Rahman, Dr. Tariq, (April 10, 2000) Madrassahs in Pakistan a Phenomenal

Growth, Daily Dawn, Karachi

Rashid, Ahmed, (2002). Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in

Central Asia. New ed. London: Tauris.

Sabani, John, (1981) Armies in the Sand, London.

Saikal, Amin, (2003) Islam and West, Conflict or Cooperation? , Palgrave

Macmillan, Great Britain.

- 118 -

Tariq, Malik M., (2004) Wahhabi Movement and Its Impact on the

Subcontinent in Twentieth Century, M. Phil. Thesis (unpub.), Area Study

Centre for Middle East & Arab World, University of Balochistan, Quetta

Tariq, Malik M., (June 2004) “The Wahhabi Movement in Historical and

Social Perspective”, Research Journal, University of Balochistan, Vol. 2.

No.1. Quetta .

Wahhab, Muhammad bin Abd (n.d) Al, Kitab al-Tauhid, Lahore.

- 119 -

BI-ANNUAL RESEARCH JOURNAL “BALOCHISTAN REVIEW” ISSN 1810-2174”, BALOCHISTAN STUDY CENTRE, UOB, QUETTA (PAK) Vol. XXIV No.1, 2011

BULLYING AMONG PRISON INMATES IN PAKISTAN: AN

EXPLORATION OF THE PROBLEM

Psychology

Dr. Muhammad Azam Tahir*

Bairakataris Konstantinos†

ABSTRACT

The study attempted at redefining bullying, its nature, scope,

and dimensions in cultural perspective of Pakistan. Direct and

Indirect Prisoners Checklist (DIPC modified) © Ireland 1999 and

Rehabilitation in Correctional Settings Attitude Scale (RICS) ©

Rice, 1970 were used in the study. Randomly selected (400) male

and female prison inmates from all four Provinces’ major prisons

of Pakistan participated in the study. Study was conducted in the

cultural context of a collectivist society, like Pakistan (developing

country), while the previous studies were carried out in

individualistic societies, i.e., in the UK, USA, or Canada

(developed countries). Reliability values for the DIPC and RICS

subscales were calculated and found to be in acceptable range,

except for the Proactive /Positive Behaviors. Thus, all sub scales

except for "Proactive/Positive Behaviors towards Other” were

included in the main analyses. The results suggested that victims

experienced physical, psychological, theft-related, and indirect

bullying to similar degrees. However, psychological bullying was

the most prevalent, while physical bullying the least. Both male

and female prisoners reported that they were victimized by

bullying more than they perpetrated bullying, with gender having

no difference. Demographic variables and prisoner's self-reported

* Chairperson Department of Psychology University of Balochistan, Quetta Pakistan.

drazamtahir@hotmail.com † School of Psychology Department of Social and Clinical Psychology, Aristotle

University, Thessaloniki, Greece. trella@auth.gr

- 120 -

engagement in bullying behavior did not show any significance.

Keywords: Bully, Victim, Perpetrator, Prisoner, Physical &

Psychological Bullying.

Bullying among Prison inmates in Pakistan: An Exploration of the

Problem

Bullying is a pervasive problem, with incidence rates ranging from 3% to

20% in the developed world (Whitney & Smith, 1993), while its rate in

developing countries or underdeveloped countries is yet unexplored.

Presently, it is occurring with greater lethality than from the past

(Espelage et al., 1999). It is a problem that has existed for a long time,

although it was an ignored area of research. It started to be empirically

studied in 1970s, initially focusing on schools, workplaces, para-military

organizations, and prisons.

Bullying is also defined as “… the intentional intimidation or denigration

of an individual through the misuse of power or position in the

workplace” (Morris 1993). Seward (1994) is of the point of view that a

person is bullied when he or she is exposed regularly to the negative

actions on the part of one or more persons. According to O’Donnell &

Edgar (1999), “Bullying is a conduct motivated by a desire to hurt,

threaten, or frighten someone.”

Prisons are potent sites for the occurrence of adult bullying (Beck, 1992).

The structure and organization of the prison system itself may promote

bullying: for example, the maintenance of discipline and authority has

been linked to bullying (Askew, 1989).

Bullying in prison has recently been the subject of regular academic

research. It has been studied but on a lower scale with a very limited

sample. In UK, the first study on prison bullying was carried out in 1986

by McGurk and McDougall. This was the first in the field of prison

bullying research that remained unpublished even until as late as 1991.

No further study was conducted until 1992 (Beck, 1992). Since then there

have been 36 studies that addressed bullying among prisoners (e.g. Power

et al., 1997) and 13 discussions of studies, reviews of research field or

depiction of anti-bullying strategies (Ireland, 2002). Only 16 have been

published in academic peer-reviewed journals, the first appearing in 1996

(Connell & Farrington, 1996; Ireland & Archer, 1996). In the light of

above mentioned research, it is concluded that bullying in prisons had

long been recognized as a serious problem though there is a little

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empirical work in the area. In fact, it is encouraging that the concern to

investigate into the nature and extent and associative aspects of bullying

has grown today.

Bullying itself is subject to a number of definitions containing about five

key elements (Farrington, 1994): 1. It must contain physical, verbal, or

psychological attack, 2. Involves an imbalance of power, 3. be

unprovoked, 4. be repeated, and 5. Intended to cause fear or harm to the

victim. However, Beck & Ireland (1995) suggests that in the background

of a prison it does not necessarily need the action to be repeated to be

described as bullying. This endorses the view of Randall (1997) who

argues that it is the fear of repeated aggression that it is important, not the

actual incidence.

some researchers contributed to the field (e.g. Ireland, 1997, 1998a,

1998b, 1999a, 1999b, 1999c, 1999d, 1999e, 2002; Curylo, 2000; Harer &

Langman, 2001; Tahir et al., 2001; O’Donnell & Edgar, 1999; Ireland et

al., 1999; Ahmed & Salleh, 1997; Ireland & Banister, 1997; Smith, et al.,

1999; Grant, 1999; Ireland, Beck & Smith, 1998; Beck, 1992; Brooks,

1993; Connell & Farrington, 1996; Power et al., 1997; Ireland & Archer,

1996; Brooks & Pratt, 1997; Beck & Ireland, 1997; Willmont, 1997;

Livingstone & Chapman, 1997; Maruyama, 1978, etc…).

The result of being caught bullying others can also result in severity. The

official can withdraw privileges from the bully, segregate from his/her

peer, and if the bullying is severe in nature, there stands chances that

bully might get transferred to some other institution or get extension to

his/her duration of sentence. Still, if a bully remains unchallenged

regarding his/her behavior, it cannot be expected that he/she will learn to

live law-abiding lives or release (Livingstone, 2000).

Bullying has also an impact on the prison as a whole. If it is allowed to

flourish, it can cause disruption, create no-go areas in the prison and

allow criminal subculture to gain power and subvert prison rules (Home

Office Prison Service, 1993). It can undermine the safety of the prison

and the authority of the staff, raising the question of who is in control of

prison-bullies or prison officers. It can also increase tension between

staff, add to workloads, become a drain on resources (Home Office Prison

Service, 1993), and reduce the likelihood that prison staff will be able to

work with prisoners to address their offending behavior and prepare them

for release (Livingstone, 2000). Therefore, bullying can be serious for

those involved in the prison system as a whole (Ireland, 2002).

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Goals of Research

In general, as a new field of investigation bullying research appears

incomplete in its various dimensions. Research which addressed

bullying with inmates has been confined to the United Kingdoms and

Ireland, with exception of Connell & Farrington (1996), who addressed

bullying among young offenders at an open custody facility in Canada

(Ireland, 1999).

Far more important is that bullying seems to evolve as a matter of

concern only in “developed societies” countries like United Kingdom,

USA, Canada, etc. Which are characterized as “individualistic

societies”; minding ones own business, believing in themselves for

success or failure, and trying to survive on their own (Hui, 1988). While

on the other hand, there is scarcity of research among “underdeveloped

societies” countries like Pakistan, which are commonly labeled as

“collectivistic societies”. The results of cross-cultural study conducted

by Hofstede (1980) reveal that, the United States, Australia, and Great

Britain were found to be the most individualistic countries; while on the

contrary, Venezuela, Columbia, and Pakistan stood the most

collectivist.

Hui (1988) found those collectivists were found to hold relatively

favorable attitudes towards sharing other’s burden and troubles.

Minding for the group and valuing interdependence of the individuals

of the group. It is assumed that “collectivist societies” possess in

general different norms and style of life. It is concluded that, in the final

run, it may define process of bullying and with a different perspective

of cultures like Pakistan.

All the investigations have been conducted in the cultural context of

“developed” (e.g. UK, Canada, etc.) countries with a paucity of interest

in “developing” (e.g. Pakistan, etc.) societies. Experiences of

collectivist-oriented societies (commonly labeled as “developing”

countries like Pakistan) have not been addressed at all. Hence the

definition, prevalence, types, effects, coping methods of bullying may

vary cross-culturally. It is a gross error; therefore, to generalize to

collectivist societies from experiences of individualistic oriented ones.

In the light of the above review of research and discussion about the

problem, there is a need to explore bullying once more but in Pakistani

prisons.

- 123 -

This research attempts to examine further the problem of bullying

among Pakistani male and female adult prison inmates in a rather wider

context raising the following questions like:

1. How prevalent are bullying perpetration and bullying victimization in

Pakistani prisons?

2. What type of bullying and victimization prevails in Pakistani

Prisons?

3. Do age, rate of religious practice, perception of fairness, total length

of stay, socio-economic status, previous stay, duration of current sentence,

educational level, length of current stay, seriousness of offense relate to

bullying victimization behavior?

Research Methodology

A combination of standardized instruments was used in this study. The

research instruments used for data collection in this study were the

rating typed questionnaires described as under:

1. Direct and Indirect Prisoners Behavior Checklist (DIPC©) Modified:

Part I & II. DIPC© also contained fifteen (15) background search

questions.

2. Rehabilitation in Correctional Settings Scale (RICS)

Reliability of DIPC

Kuder-Richardson 20 for dichotomous scores was calculated for the DIPC

subscales in order to assess their internal consistencies. The internal

consistency reliabilities of the DIPC subscales were all in the acceptable

range, except for the Proactive/ Positive Behaviors towards Other subscale,

and ranged from .76 to .95, with a median value of .87. Thus, all scales except

for the Proactive/ Positive Behaviors towards Others subscale were included

in the main analyses.

Reliability of RICS

In order to assess the internal consistency reliability of the RICS subscales

Cronbach alpha scores were calculated. The reliability values for the RICS

were respectable, ranging from .67 to .87, with a median value of .73.

Therefore, all of the RICS scales were included in the main analyses.

Date Collection

For DIPC and RICS scales data collection was made from 400 prison

inmates, randomly selected representative sample of 5% of the total target

population of 10500, satisfying the following criteria representing male

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and female prisoners from all the provincial capitals’ central and district

jails living in ‘C’ class (i.e. dormitories/cells).

Table: Demographic Characteristics of the Prisoner Sample

Demographic Variable N M SD

Age 400 33.5 6.0

Gender 400 1.5 0.5

Educational Level 400 2.6 1.0

Marital Status 400 1.6 0.7

Socio-Economic Status 397 2.7 0.5

Previous Stay 33 3.3 2.6

Total Length of Current Stay 399 3.7 1.0

Total Length Stay 399 4.0 2.4

Current Duration of Sentence 350 19.3 6.7

Seriousness of Offense 400 2.2 0.9

Perception of Court Decision 400 2.5 0.7

Rate of Religious Practices 400 1.6 0.6

Results

Research Question 1 (RQ-1) was concerned with the prevalence of bullying

perpetration and bullying victimization in Pakistani prisons. Descriptive data

were calculated for the DIPC subscales in order to determine the type and

prevalence of bullying and victimization in the sample (see Table 1).

Table 1: Direct and Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist Descriptive Data

DIPC Subscales N M SD

Subscale

Items

M/Subscale

Items

Victim

Physical Bullying 400 1.13 1.37 4 0.28

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Psych/Verbal Bullying 400 2.53 3.15 9 0.28

Theft Related 400 1.48 2.01 5 0.30

Indirect Bullying 400 1.85 2.54 7 0.26

Perpetrator

Physical Bullying 400 0.22 0.85 4 0.05

Psych/Verbal Bullying 400 1.69 2.14 11 0.15

Theft-Related Bullying 400 0.29 0.94 5 0.06

Indirect Bullying 400 0.81 1.88 9 0.09

Other Behaviors

Negative Behaviors Toward

Staff/Prison Rules 400 0.66 0.87 2 0.33

Involvement of Prison Staff

Towards Bullying Behavior 400 1.14 1.45 4 0.28

The results suggested that victims experienced physical, psychological, theft,

and indirect bullying to similar degrees. However, psychological bullying

was the most prevalent and physical bullying the least prevalent type of

bullying behavior in which perpetrators reported they engaged. Overall, on

all of the types of bullying behaviors prisoners reported that they were

victimized by bullying more than they perpetrated bullying. In addition, the

Negative Behaviors Toward Staff/Prison Rules scale had the highest

prevalence and perpetration of physical bullying had the lowest prevalence

relative to all of the DIPC subscales.

Second question was concerned with determining the effect of bullying-

victimization experience on self-attitude. This was determined by examining

the relationship of the DIPC subscales with the RICS subscales. Pearson

product moment correlations were calculated for the various subscales (see

Table 2).

Table 2: Pearson’s Product Moment Correlations between the Direct and

Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist and the Rehabilitation in Correctional

Settings Attitude Scale subscales RICS Subscales

DIPC Subscales and Overall Scales IMSC IN TIN SOC LSFA LAW

Victim Physical Bullying 0.04 0.02 0.04 0.02 0.02 0.03

Victim Psy./Verbal Bullying -0.02 0.01 -0.01 -0.03 -0.04 0.00

Victim Theft Related -0.01 0.04 0.01 -0.01 -0.02 0.00

Victim Indirect Bullying -0.02 0.02 -0.01 -0.03 -0.05 0.00

Perp. Physical Bullying 0.03 0.00 0.03 0.03 0.02 0.00

Perp. Psych/Verbal Bullying 0.03 -0.01 0.00 -0.01 0.02 -0.01

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Perp. Theft-Related Bullying 0.00 -0.02 0.00 -0.01 0.01 -0.02

Perp. Indirect Bullying 0.01 -0.05 0.02 -0.02 0.01 -0.06

Negative Behaviors Toward

Staff/Prison Rules -0.03 0.06 0.00 -0.02 -0.05 0.02

Involvement of Prison Staff Towards

Bullying Behavior -0.05 0.00 -0.02 -0.05 -0.07 -0.03

Victim Overall Bullying -0.01 0.02 0.01 -0.02 -0.03 0.00

Perpetrator Overall Bullying 0.02 -0.02 0.01 -0.01 0.02 -0.03

Note. (IMSC = Attitudes toward Image of Self-Competence scale, IN = Attitude Toward

Inmates scale, TIN = Attitude Toward Treatment of Inmates scale, SOC = Attitude Toward

Society scale, LSFA = Attitude Toward the Legal System and Figures of Authority scale,

LAW = Attitude Towards the Law scale)

The results did not yield any statistically significant correlations between the

DIPC and RICS subscales. These results suggested that bullying-

victimization experience was not related to self-attitude.

Results of One-Way ANOVA (analysis of variance for RICS) between-

subject factors shown in Tables -2 (1 to 6), indicated that on all the six-sub

scales (IMSC = Attitudes Toward Image of Self-Competence scale, IN =

Attitude Toward Inmates scale, TIN = Attitude Toward Treatment of Inmates

scale, SOC = Attitude Toward Society scale, LSFA = Attitude Toward the

Legal System and Figures of Authority scale, LAW = Attitude Towards the

Law scale) subjects’ involvement towards the bullying behavior remained

constant.

Next question addressed the relationship between victimization by bullying

and prisoner demographic variables. In order to address this question a

composite variable, DIPC Victim Overall Bullying, was computed based on

all of the DIPC items that reflect bullying victimization. In order to determine

if there was an association between victimization and the demographic

variables, a correlation matrix was calculated (see Table 3). For the bivariate

correlations Pearson’s Product Moment correlation coefficients were

calculated when both variables had ratio or interval scales. Alternatively,

Spearman’s Rho was calculated when at least one variable of each pair had a

rank/order scale of measurement.

Table 3: Pearson’s Product Moment and Spearman’s Rho Correlations

between the Direct and Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist (DIPC)

Victim Overall Scale and Prisoner Demographic Variables

Demographic Variable DIPC Victim Overall Bullying

Age 0.04

Gender 0.09

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Educational Level 0.03

Marital Status 0.07

Socio-Economic Status -0.04

Previous Stay -0.04

Duration of Current Stay -0.06

Total Length of Stay -0.05

Duration of Current Sentence -0.11*

Seriousness of Offense 0.09

Perception of Court Decision 0.02

Rate of Religious Practices -0.09

* p < .05

The only demographic variable that was related to victimization was duration

of current sentence. Specifically, there was an inverse relationship between

the length of a prison sentence and the degree to which prisoners got

victimized by bullying.

Final part addressed the relationship between perpetrator bullying behavior

and prisoner demographic variables. In order to address this question a

composite variable, DIPC Perpetrator Overall Bullying, was computed based

on all of the DIPC items that reflect perpetration of bullying. In order to

determine if there was an association between perpetration and the

demographic variables, a correlation matrix was calculated (see Table 4).

Similar to the analytic strategy for the purpose, either Pearson’s Product

Moment or Spearman’s Rho correlation coefficients were calculated.

Table 4: Pearson’s Product Moment and Spearman’s Rho Correlations

between the Direct and Indirect Prisoner Behavior Checklist (DIPC)

Perpetrator Overall Scale and Prisoner Demographic Variables

Demographic Variable DIPC Perpetrator Overall Bullying

Age 0.04

Gender -0.01

Educational Level 0.03

Marital Status -0.02

Socio-Economic Status 0.05

Previous Stay 0.06

Duration of Current Stay 0.08

Total Length of Stay 0.05

Duration of Current Sentence 0.08

Seriousness of Offense -0.06

Perception of Court Decision -0.05

Rate of Religious Practices -0.06

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The results did not yield any statistically significant findings suggesting that

there was no relationship between the demographic variables and prisoner’s

self-reported engagement in bullying behavior.

DIPC and RICS did not show yield any statistical significant for inter-co-

relation on their sub scale. They resulted into separate measures. Sub Scale

of DIPC normally measures the self-reported bullying/victimization

behaviour. While the sub-scales of RICS as an instrument measure the

various dimensions of the prison inmate’s attitudes towards their

rehabilitation.

The Rehabilitation in Correctional Settings Attitude Scale was used to assess

the effect of bullying-victimization experience on self-attitude. The results

suggested that there was no relationship between prisoners’ bullying-

victimization experience and attitudes toward self.

These results are quite amazing as they did not explore any resultant attitude.

It, in fact, contradict to the previous research like Home Office Prison

Service UK (1993), McCorkle (1992) and Ireland (1999) reported that the

victims exhibit their attitude towards self in different ways, either

behaviourally or emotionally, or both. Marshal (1993) and Livingstone &

Chapman (1997) viewed that victims may opt for suicide and self-injury

respectively. Beck & Smith (1995) and Ireland (1997) reported behavioural

escape.

However, the only demographic variable that was associated with

victimization arose the duration of current sentence. Specifically, there was

an inverse relationship between the length of a prison sentence and the degree

to which prisoners got victimized by bullying.

The overall results of bullying among prison inmates in Pakistan should in

general be view that the phenomenon of bullying is quite prevalent

irrespective of gender.

CONCLUSION

After a careful analysis of the results of present research, in general, we may

make the following thesis in relation to the prison inmates towards

phenomena of bullying, prisoner’s attitudes towards prison guards and vice

versa, attitudes towards miscellaneous laws and the prison institutions in

general.

Generally, it has been observed that like the entire world, irrespective of

“Collectivism/ Individualism” or “Developing/ Developed” societies, the

phenomenon of bullying is quite prevalent as a day to day practice in

consolidation and acquirement of power and status in the prisons of Pakistan.

It has been pragmatic that bullies are given higher status in prisons.

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It has also come up that there exists no significant difference with regard to

bullying practices and gender. Bullying is equally been practiced by both

men and women with the same magnitude, type and style. In addition, the

general demographic characteristics (social and situational factors) did not

influence the bulling phenomena among prison inmates in Pakistan.

However, the only variable which showed even inverse relationship was

duration of current stay in the prisons.

Both the bully/victim groups reported the prevalence of indirect bullying

(psychological violence) in contradiction to the direct bullying (physical

violence). Results have quite been identical regarding self reported bullying

behaviour among gender.

It was hypothesis that due to difference of norms, customs, traditions,

practices, etc., among developed and developing societies, phenomena of

bullying may also be defined and viewed in a different perspective, which did

not approve. Thus it led to the conclusion towards the universality of the

phenomena and the cross relationship regarding the nature of prisons as

organization, their operation and objectives entirely.

However in particular, it is a point to argue that we lay emphasize on

violence, inhuman conditions, lack of inmates personal rights, are the major

characteristics of Pakistani prisons.

Prospects

Being a unique and pioneer, the present research has put scientific and

systematic effort to explore the phenomena of bullying among prison inmates

in the social set up of country like Pakistan. This practice of new research

should be continued in future.

It is suggested that further research should peep into the activities, limits, and

attitudes of the prison of authorities to broaden the spectrum of the bullying

phenomena. Further research should also concentrate on variety of age

groups like young inmates, as well.

It contributes towards the scientific approach on bullying among prison

inmates. It further might also bestow to the improvement of prison

conditions, system of their governance, revision of Pakistan Prison Rules,

minimization of involvement of bureaucracy, rise to equal rights, coherence

and co-ordination among prison and judiciary, awareness to the prisoners

regarding their rights and obligations, etc. in relation to the inmates.

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