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Israeli–Palestinian conflictPart of the Arab–Israeli conflict

Central Israel next to the Palestinian Authority in theWest Bank and the Gaza Strip, 2007

Date Mid­20th century[5] – present

Main phase: 1964–1993

Location State of Israel State of Palestine

Status Israeli–Palestinian peace processlow­level fighting, mainly betweenIsrael and Gaza

Territorialchanges

Establishment and dissolution ofPalestinian administration (1948–1959) in GazaJordanian annexation of the WestBank (1948–1967)Occupation of West Bank and Gazaby Israel in 1967Transition of "A" and "B" areas fromIsraeli Civil Administration to thePalestinian National Authority in1994–95Israeli disengagement from Gaza in2005

Belligerents

Israeli–Palestinian conflictFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict (Arabic: النزاع;al­Niza'a al'Filastini al 'Israili الفلسطيني ­ اإلسرائيليHebrew: הסכסוך הישראלי­פלסטיני Ha'SikhsukhHa'Yisraeli­Falestini) is the ongoing struggle betweenIsraelis and Palestinians that began in the mid­20thcentury.[5] The conflict is wide­ranging, and the termis sometimes also used in reference to the earliersectarian conflict in Mandatory Palestine, between theJewish yishuv and the Arab population under Britishrule. The Israeli–Palestinian conflict has formed thecore part of the wider Arab–Israeli conflict. It hasbeen referred to as the world's "most intractableconflict".[7][8][9]

Despite a long­term peace process and the generalreconciliation of Israel with Egypt and Jordan, Israelisand Palestinians have failed to reach a final peaceagreement. The remaining key issues are: mutualrecognition, borders, security, water rights, control ofJerusalem, Israeli settlements,[10] Palestinian freedomof movement,[11] and resolving Palestinian claims of aright of return for their refugees. The violence of theconflict, in a region rich in sites of historic, culturaland religious interest worldwide, has been the objectof numerous international conferences dealing withhistoric rights, security issues and human rights, andhas been a factor hampering tourism in and generalaccess to areas that are hotly contested.[12]

Many attempts have been made to broker a two­statesolution, involving the creation of an independentPalestinian state alongside the State of Israel (afterIsrael's establishment in 1948). In 2007, the majorityof both Israelis and Palestinians, according to anumber of polls, preferred the two­state solution overany other solution as a means of resolving theconflict.[13] Moreover, a majority of Jews see thePalestinians' demand for an independent state as just,and thinks Israel can agree to the establishment ofsuch a state.[14] The majority of Palestinians andIsraelis in the West Bank and Gaza Strip haveexpressed a preference for a two­state solution.[15][16]Mutual distrust and significant disagreements are deep

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Israel Gaza Strip (2006­present)

All­Palestine (1948–1959)

Palestine LiberationOrganization (1964–93)

Palestinian NationalAuthority (2000–04)

Casualties and losses21,500 casualties (1965–2013)[6]

over basic issues, as is the reciprocal scepticism aboutthe other side's commitment to upholding obligationsin an eventual agreement.[17]

Within Israeli and Palestinian society, the conflictgenerates a wide variety of views and opinions. Thishighlights the deep divisions which exist not onlybetween Israelis and Palestinians, but also within eachsociety. A hallmark of the conflict has been the levelof violence witnessed for virtually its entire duration.Fighting has been conducted by regular armies,paramilitary groups, terror cells, and individuals.Casualties have not been restricted to the military,with a large number of fatalities in civilian populationon both sides. There are prominent international actors involved in the conflict.

The two parties engaged in direct negotiation are the Israeli government, currently led by BenjaminNetanyahu, and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), currently headed by Mahmoud Abbas. Theofficial negotiations are mediated by an international contingent known as the Quartet on the Middle East(the Quartet) represented by a special envoy, that consists of the United States, Russia, the EuropeanUnion, and the United Nations. The Arab League is another important actor, which has proposed analternative peace plan. Egypt, a founding member of the Arab League, has historically been a keyparticipant.

Since 2006, the Palestinian side has been fractured by conflict between the two major factions: Fatah, thetraditionally dominant party, and its later electoral challenger, Hamas. After Hamas's electoral victory in2006, the Quartet (United States, Russia, United Nations, and European Union) conditioned futureforeign assistance to the Palestinian Authority (PA) on the future government's commitment to non­violence, recognition of the State of Israel, and acceptance of previous agreements. Hamas rejected thesedemands,[18] which resulted in the Quartet's suspension of its foreign assistance program, and theimposition of economic sanctions by the Israelis. A year later, following Hamas's seizure of power in theGaza Strip in June 2007, the territory officially recognized as the State of Palestine (former PalestinianNational Authority – the Palestinian interim governing body) was split between Fatah in the West Bank,and Hamas in the Gaza Strip. The division of governance between the parties had effectively resulted inthe collapse of bipartisan governance of the Palestinian National Authority (PA). However, in 2014, aPalestinian Unity Government, composed of both Fatah and Hamas, was formed. The latest round ofpeace negotiations began in July 2013 and was suspended in 2014.

Contents

1 Background2 History3 Peace process

3.1 Oslo Accords (1993)3.2 Camp David Summit (2000)3.3 Developments following Camp David3.4 Taba Summit (2001)3.5 Road Map for Peace3.6 Arab Peace Initiative3.7 Present status

3.7.1 Israel's settlement policy

Supported by: Supported by:

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3.7.2 Israeli Military Police3.7.3 Palestinian incitement3.7.4 UN and the Palestinian state3.7.5 Public support

4 Current issues in dispute4.1 Jerusalem4.2 Holy sites4.3 Palestinian refugees4.4 Israeli security concerns4.5 Palestinian violence outside of Israel4.6 Israeli violence outside of Palestine4.7 Palestinian violence against other Palestinians4.8 International status4.9 Water resources

4.9.1 Future and financing4.10 Israeli military occupation of the West Bank4.11 Israeli settlements in the West Bank4.12 Gaza blockade4.13 Agriculture

4.13.1 The West Bank barrier4.13.2 Boycotts

5 Actions toward stabilizing the conflict5.1 Mutual recognition5.2 Government5.3 Societal attitudes5.4 Palestinian army

6 Fatalities 1948–20116.1 Criticism of casualty statistics6.2 Land mine and explosive remnants of war casualties

7 See also8 Notes9 References10 Further reading11 External links

Background

Main article: Sectarian conflict in Mandatory Palestine

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict has its roots in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with the birth ofmajor nationalist movements among the Jews and among the Arabs, both geared towards attainingsovereignty for their people in the Middle East.[19] The collision between those two forces in southernLevant and the emergence of Palestinian nationalism in the 1920s eventually escalated into the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in 1947, and expanded into the wider Arab­Israeli conflict later on.[20]

With the outcome of the First World War, the relations between Zionism and the Arab nationalmovement seemed to be potentially friendly, and the Faisal–Weizmann Agreement created a frameworkfor both aspirations to coexist on former Ottoman Empire's territories. However, with the defeat anddissolution of the Arab Kingdom of Syria in July 1920 following the Franco­Syrian War, a crisis fellupon the Damascus­based Arab national movement. The return of several hard­line Palestinian Arabnationalists, under the emerging leadership of Haj Amin al­Husseini, from Damascus to MandatoryPalestine marked the beginning of Palestinian Arab nationalist struggle towards establishment of a

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The Arab revolt of 1936–39 inPalestine, motivated by opposition tomass Jewish immigration.

national home for Arabs of Palestine.[21] Amin al­Husseini, the architect of the Palestinian Arab nationalmovement, immediately marked Jewish national movement and Jewish immigration to Palestine as thesole enemy to his cause,[22] initiating large­scale riots against the Jews as early as 1920 in Jerusalem andin 1921 in Jaffa. Among the results of the violence was the establishment of Jewish paramilitary force ofHaganah. In 1929, a series of violent anti­Jewish riots was initiated by the Arab leadership. The riotsresulted in massive Jewish casualties in Hebron and Safed, and the evacuation of Jews from Hebron andGaza.[19]

In the early 1930s, the Arab national struggle in Palestine haddrawn many Arab nationalist militants from across the MiddleEast, most notably Sheikh Izaddin al­Qassam from Syria, whoestablished the Black Hand militant group and had prepared thegrounds for the 1936 Arab revolt. Following, the death of al­Qassam at the hands of the British in late 1935, the tensionserupted in 1936 into the Arab general strike and general boycott.The strike soon deteriorated into violence and the bloody revoltagainst the British and the Jews.[20] In the first wave of organizedviolence, lasting until early 1937, much of the Arab gangs weredefeated by the British and a forced expulsion of much of theArab leadership was performed. The revolt led to theestablishment of the Peel Commission towards partitioning of Palestine, though was subsequentlyrejected by the Palestinian Arabs. The two main Jewish leaders, Chaim Weizmann and David Ben­Gurion, accepted the recommendations but some secondary Jewish leaders did not like it.[23][24][25]

The renewed violence, which had sporadically lasted until the beginning of WWII, ended with around5,000 casualties, mostly from the Arab side. With the eruption of World War II, the situation inMandatory Palestine calmed down. It allowed a shift towards a more moderate stance among PalestinianArabs, under the leadership of the Nashashibi clan and even the establishment of the Jewish–ArabPalestine Regiment under British command, fighting Germans in North Africa. The more radical exiledfaction of al­Husseini however tended to cooperation with Nazi Germany, and participated in theestablishment of pro­Nazi propaganda machine throughout the Arab world. Defeat of Arab nationalists inIraq and subsequent relocation of al­Husseini to Nazi­occupied Europe tied his hands regarding fieldoperations in Palestine, though he regularly demanded the Italians and the Germans to bomb Tel Aviv. Bythe end of World War II, a crisis over the fate of the Holocaust survivors from Europe led to renewedtensions between the Yishuv and the Palestinian Arab leadership. Immigration quotas were established bythe British, while on the other hand illegal immigration and Zionist insurgency against the British wasincreasing.[19]

On 29 November 1947, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted Resolution 181(II)[26]recommending the adoption and implementation of a plan to partition Palestine into an Arab state, aJewish state and the City of Jerusalem.[27] On the next day, Palestine was already swept by violence, withArab and Jewish militias executing attacks. For four months, under continuous Arab provocation andattack, the Yishuv was usually on the defensive while occasionally retaliating.[28] The Arab Leaguesupported the Arab struggle by forming the volunteer based Arab Liberation Army, supporting thePalestinian Arab Army of the Holy War, under the leadership of Abd al­Qadir al­Husayni and HasanSalama. On the Jewish side, the civil war was managed by the major underground militias – the Haganah,Irgun and Lehi, strengthened by numerous Jewish veterans of World War II and foreign volunteers. Byspring 1948, it was already clear that the Arab forces were nearing a total collapse, while Yishuv forces

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Land in the lighter shaderepresents territorywithin the borders ofIsrael at the conclusion ofthe 1948 war. This landis internationallyrecognized as belongingto Israel.

gained more and more territory, creating a large scale refugee problem of Palestinian Arabs.[19] Popularsupport for the Palestinian Arabs throughout the Arab world led to sporadic violence against Jewishcommunities of Middle East and North Africa, creating an opposite refugee wave.

History

Main article: History of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict

Following the Declaration of the Establishment of the State of Israel on 14 May 1948, the Arab Leaguedecided to intervene on behalf of Palestinian Arabs, marching their forces into former British Palestine,beginning the main phase of the 1948 Arab­Israeli War.[27] The overall fighting, leading to around 15,000casualties, resulted in cease fire and armistice agreements of 1949, with Israel holding much of the formerMandate territory, Jordan occupying and later annexing the West Bank andEgypt taking over the Gaza Strip, where the All­Palestine Government wasdeclared by the Arab League on 22 September 1948.[20]

Through the 1950s, Jordan and Egypt supported the Palestinian Fedayeenmilitants' cross­border attacks into Israel, while Israel carried out reprisaloperations in the host countries. The 1956 Suez Crisis resulted in a short­term Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip and exile of the All­PalestineGovernment, which was later restored with Israeli withdrawal. The All­Palestine Government was completely abandoned by Egypt in 1959 and wasofficially merged into the United Arab Republic, to the detriment of thePalestinian national movement. Gaza Strip then was put under the authorityof Egyptian military administrator, making it a de facto military occupation.In 1964, however, a new organization, the Palestine Liberation Organization(PLO), was established by Yasser Arafat.[27] It immediately won the supportof most Arab League governments and was granted a seat in the ArabLeague.

The 1967 Six Day War exerted a significant effect upon Palestiniannationalism, as Israel gained authority of the West Bank from Jordan and theGaza Strip from Egypt. Consequently, the PLO was unable to establish anycontrol on the ground and established its headquarters in Jordan, home tohundreds of thousands of Palestinians, and supported the Jordanian armyduring the War of Attrition, most notably the Battle of Karameh. However,the Palestinian base in Jordan collapsed with the Jordanian­Palestinian civilwar in 1970. The PLO defeat by the Jordanians caused most of thePalestinian militants to relocate to South Lebanon, where they soon took overlarge areas, creating the so­called "Fatahland".

Palestinian insurgency in South Lebanon peaked in the early 1970s, as Lebanon was used as a base tolaunch attacks on northern Israel and airplane hijacking campaigns worldwide, which drew Israeliretaliation. During the Lebanese Civil War, Palestinian militants continued to launch attacks against Israelwhile also battling opponents within Lebanon. In 1978, the Coastal Road massacre led to the Israeli full­scale invasion known as Operation Litani. Israeli forces, however, quickly withdrew from Lebanon, andthe attacks against Israel resumed. In 1982, following an assassination attempt on one of its diplomats byPalestinians, the Israeli government decided to take sides in the Lebanese Civil War and the 1982Lebanon War commenced. The initial results for Israel were successful. Most Palestinian militants weredefeated within several weeks, Beirut was captured, and the PLO headquarters were evacuated to Tunisiain June by Yasser Arafat's decision.[20] However, Israeli intervention in the civil war also led to

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unforeseen results, including small­scale conflict between Israel and Syria. By 1985, Israel withdrew to a10 km occupied strip of South Lebanon, while the low­intensity conflict with Shia militantsescalated.[19]Those Iranian­supported Shia groups gradually consolidated into Hizbullah and Amal,operated against Israel, and allied with the remnants of Palestinian organizations to launch attacks onGalilee through the late 1980s. By the 1990s, Palestinian organizations in Lebanon were largely inactive.

The first Palestinian uprising began in 1987 as a response to escalating attacks and the endlessoccupation. By the early 1990s, international efforts to settle the conflict had begun, in light of thesuccess of the Egyptian­Israeli peace treaty of 1982. Eventually, the Israeli­Palestinian peace process ledto the Oslo Accords of 1993, allowing the PLO to relocate from Tunisia and take ground in the WestBank and Gaza Strip, establishing the Palestinian National Authority. The peace process also hadsignificant opposition among radical Islamic elements of Palestinian society, such as Hamas andPalestinian Islamic Jihad, who immediately initiated a campaign of attacks targeting Israelis. Followinghundreds of casualties and a wave of radical anti­government propaganda, Israeli Prime Minister Rabinwas assassinated by an Israeli fanatic who objected to the policy of the government. This struck a seriousblow to the peace process, from which the newly elected government of Israel in 1996 backed off.[19]

Following several years of unsuccessful negotiations, the conflict re­erupted as the Second Intifada onSeptember 2000.[20] The violence, escalating into an open conflict between the Palestinian Authoritysecurity forces and the IDF, lasted until 2004/2005 and led to approximately 130 fatalities. Israeli PrimeMinister Sharon decided to disengage from Gaza. In 2005, Israel removed every soldier and every Jewishsettler from Gaza. Israel and its Supreme Court formally declared an end to occupation, saying it "had noeffective control over what occurred" in Gaza.[29] In 2006, Hamas took power by winning a plurality of44% in a Palestinian parliamentary election. Israel responded it would begin economic sanctions unlessHamas agreed to accept prior Israeli­Palestinian agreements, forswear violence, and recognize Israel'sright to exist.[30] Hamas responded with rocket attacks[31][32][33] and an incursion onto Israeli territoryusing underground tunnels to kidnap Gilad Shalit. After internal Palestinian political struggle betweenFatah and Hamas erupted into the Battle of Gaza (2007), Hamas took full control of the area.[34] in 2007,Israel imposed a naval blockade on the Gaza Strip, and cooperation with Egypt allowed a groundblockade of the Egyptian border

The tensions between Israel and Hamas, who won increasing financial and political support of Iran,escalated until late 2008, when Israel launched operation Cast Lead (the Gaza War). By February 2009, acease­fire was signed with international mediation between the parties, though small and sporadiceruptions of violence continued.[35]

The question of whether Gaza remains occupied following Israel's withdrawal remains contentious. Israelinsists that its full withdrawal from Gaza means it does not occupy Gaza. The UN has taken no positionover whether Gaza remains occupied. Palestinian leaders insist that the Israeli decision, following attacksfrom Hamas, to impose a weapons blockade of Gaza, Israel's control of Gaza crossing points into Israel,and Israel's control of air above and sea around Gaza constitutes continued Israeli occupation.[29]

In 2011, a Palestinian Authority attempt to gain UN membership as a fully sovereign state failed. InHamas­controlled Gaza, sporadic rocket attacks on Israel and Israeli air raids still take place.[36][37][38][39]In November 2012, the representation of Palestine in UN was upgraded to a non­member observer State,and mission title was changed from "Palestine (represented by PLO)" to State of Palestine.

Peace process

Main article: Israeli–Palestinian peace process

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A peace movement poster: Israeli andPalestinian flags and the words peacein Arabic and Hebrew.

Oslo Accords (1993)

Main article: Oslo Accords

In 1993, Israeli officials led by Yitzhak Rabin and Palestinianleaders from the Palestine Liberation Organization led by YasserArafat strove to find a peaceful solution through what becameknown as the Oslo peace process. A crucial milestone in thisprocess was Arafat's letter of recognition of Israel's right to exist.In 1993, the Oslo Accords were finalized as a framework forfuture Israeli–Palestinian relations. The crux of the Osloagreement was that Israel would gradually cede control of thePalestinian territories over to the Palestinians in exchange forpeace. The Oslo process was delicate and progressed in fits andstarts, the process took a turning point at the assassination ofYitzhak Rabin and finally unraveled when Arafat and Ehud Barak

failed to reach agreement at Camp David in July 2000. Robert Malley, special assistant to US PresidentBill Clinton for Arab–Israeli Affairs, has confirmed that while Barak made no formal written offer toArafat, the US did present concepts for peace which were considered by the Israeli side yet leftunanswered by Arafat "the Palestinians' principal failing is that from the beginning of the Camp Davidsummit onward they were unable either to say yes to the American ideas or to present a cogent andspecific counterproposal of their own".[40] Consequently, there are different accounts of the proposalsconsidered.[41][42][43]

Yitzhak Rabin, Bill Clinton, andYasser Arafat during the OsloAccords on 13 September 1993.

Camp David Summit (2000)

Main article: 2000 Camp David Summit

In July 2000, US President Bill Clinton convened a peace summit between Palestinian President YasserArafat and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. Barak reportedly put forward the following as 'bases fornegotiation', via the U.S. to the Palestinian President; a non militarized Palestinian state split into 3­4parts containing 87­92%[note 1] of the West Bank including only parts of East Jerusalem, and the entireGaza Strip,[44][45] The offer also included that 69 Jewish settlements (which comprise 85% of the WestBank's Jewish settlers) would be ceded to Israel, no right of return to Israel, no sovereignty over theTemple Mount or any core East Jerusalem neighbourhoods, and continued Israel control over the JordanValley.[46][47]

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Arafat rejected this offer.[44][48][49][50][51][52] According to the Palestinian negotiators the offer did notremove many of the elements of the Israeli occupation regarding land, security, settlements, andJerusalem.[53] President Clinton reportedly requested that Arafat make a counter­offer, but he proposednone. Former Israeli Foreign Minister Shlomo Ben Ami who kept a diary of the negotiations said in aninterview in 2001, when asked whether the Palestinians made a counterproposal: "No. And that is theheart of the matter. Never, in the negotiations between us and the Palestinians, was there a Palestiniancounterproposal."[54] In a separate interview in 2006 Ben Ami stated that were he a Palestinian he wouldhave rejected the Camp David offer.[55]

No tenable solution was crafted which would satisfy both Israeli and Palestinian demands, even underintense US pressure. Clinton has long blamed Arafat for the collapse of the summit.[56] In the monthsfollowing the summit, Clinton appointed former US Senator George J. Mitchell to lead a fact­findingcommittee that later published the Mitchell Report aimed at restoring the peace process.

Developments following Camp David

Main article: The Clinton Parameters

Following the failed summit Palestinian and Israeli negotiators continued to meet in small groups throughAugust and September 2000 to try to bridge the gaps between their respective positions. The UnitedStates prepared its own plan to resolve the outstanding issues. Clinton's presentation of the US proposalswas delayed by the advent of the Second Intifada at the end of September.[53]

Clinton's plan, eventually presented on 23 December 2000, proposed the establishment of a sovereignPalestinian state in the Gaza strip and 94–96 percent of the West Bank plus the equivalent of 1–3 percentof the West Bank in land swaps from pre­1967 Israel. On Jerusalem the plan stated that, "the generalprinciple is that Arab areas are Palestinian and that Jewish areas are Israeli." The holy sites were to besplit on the basis that Palestinians would have sovereignty over the Temple Mount/Noble sanctuary,while the Israelis would have sovereignty over the Western Wall. On refugees the plan suggested anumber of proposals including financial compensation, the right of return to the Palestinian state, andIsraeli acknowledgement of suffering caused to the Palestinians in 1948. Security proposals referred to a"non­militarized" Palestinian state, and an international force for border security. Both sides acceptedClinton's plan[53][57][58] and it became the basis for the negotiations at the Taba Peace summit thefollowing January.[53]

Taba Summit (2001)

Main article: Taba Summit

The Israeli negotiation team presented a new map at the Taba Summit in Taba, Egypt in January 2001.The proposition removed the "temporarily Israeli controlled" areas, and the Palestinian side accepted thisas a basis for further negotiation. With Israeli elections looming the talks ended without an agreement butthe two sides issued a joint statement attesting to the progress they had made: "The sides declare that theyhave never been closer to reaching an agreement and it is thus our shared belief that the remaining gapscould be bridged with the resumption of negotiations following the Israeli elections." The followingmonth the Likud party candidate Ariel Sharon defeated Ehud Barak in the Israeli elections and waselected as Israeli prime minister on 7 February 2001. Sharon’s new government chose not to resume thehigh­level talks.[53]

Road Map for Peace

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Main article: Road map for peace

One peace proposal, presented by the Quartet of the European Union, Russia, the United Nations and theUnited States on 17 September 2002, was the Road Map for Peace. This plan did not attempt to resolvedifficult questions such as the fate of Jerusalem or Israeli settlements, but left that to be negotiated in laterphases of the process. The proposal never made it beyond the first phase, which called for a halt to Israelisettlement construction and a halt to Israeli and Palestinian violence, none of which was achieved.

Arab Peace Initiative

Main article: Arab Peace Initiative

The Arab Peace Initiative (Arabic: مبادرة السالم العربية Mubādirat as­Salām al­ʿArabīyyah) was firstproposed by Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia in the Beirut Summit. The peace initiative is aproposed solution to the Arab–Israeli conflict as a whole, and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in particular.

The initiative was initially published on 28 March 2002, at the Beirut Summit, and agreed upon again in2007 in the Riyadh Summit.

Unlike the Road Map for Peace, it spelled out "final­solution" borders based explicitly on the UN bordersestablished before the 1967 Six­Day War. It offered full normalization of relations with Israel, inexchange for the withdrawal of its forces from all the occupied territories, including the Golan Heights, torecognize "an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital" in the West Bank and GazaStrip, as well as a "just solution" for the Palestinian refugees.[59]

A number of Israeli officials have responded to the initiative with both support and criticism. The Israeligovernment has expressed reservations on 'red line,' issues such as the Palestinian refugee problem,homeland security concerns, and the nature of Jerusalem.[60] However, the Arab League continues to raiseit as a possible solution, and meetings between the Arab League and Israel have been held.[61]

Present status

The peace process has been predicated on a "two­state solution" thus far, but questions have been raisedtowards both sides' resolve to end the dispute.[62] An article by S. Daniel Abraham, an Americanentrepreneur and founder of the Center for Middle East Peace in Washington, US, published on thewebsite of the Atlantic magazine in March 2013, cited the following statistics: "Right now, the totalnumber of Jews and Arabs living ... in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza is just under 12 million people. Atthe moment, a shade under 50 percent of the population is Jewish."[63]

Israel's settlement policy

Israel has had its settlement growth and policies in the Palestinian territories harshly criticized by theEuropean Union citing it as increasingly undermining the viability of the two­state solution and runningin contrary to the Israeli­stated commitment to resume negotiations.[64][65] In December 2011, all theregional groupings on the UN Security Council named continued settlement construction and settlerviolence as disruptive to the resumption of talks, a call viewed by Russia as a "historic step".[66][67][68] InApril 2012, international outrage followed Israeli steps to further entrench the Jewish settlements in theWest Bank, including East Jerusalem, which included the publishing of tenders for further settler homesand the plan to legalize settler outposts. Britain said that the move was a breach of Israeli commitmentsunder the road map to freeze all settlement expansion in the land captured since 1967. The British ForeignMinister stated that the "Systematic, illegal Israeli settlement activity poses the most significant and live

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Israeli settlers in Hebron, West Bank

Chemical burns on a 15­year­old Palestinian childfollowing Israeli bombingsin the village of Khoza'a,Gaza

threat to the viability of the two state solution".[69] In May 2012the 27 foreign ministers of the European Union issued a statementwhich condemned continued Israeli settler violence andincitement.[70] In a similar move, the Quartet "expressed itsconcern over ongoing settler violence and incitement in the WestBank," calling on Israel "to take effective measures, includingbringing the perpetrators of such acts to justice."[71] ThePalestinian Ma'an News agency reported the PA Cabinet'sstatement on the issue stated that the West, including EastJerusalem, were seeing "an escalation in incitement and settlerviolence against our people with a clear protection from the occupation military. The last of which wasthe thousands of settler march in East Jerusalem which included slogans inciting to kill, hate and supportsviolence".[72]

Israeli Military Police

In a report published in February 2014 covering incidents over the threeyear period of 2011­2013, Amnesty International asserted that Israeliforces employed reckless violence in the West Bank, and in someinstances appeared to engage in wilful killings which would betantamount to war crimes. Besides the numerous fatalities, Amnesty saidat least 261 Palestinians, including 67 children, had been gravely injuredby Israeli use of live ammunition. In this same period, 45 Palestinians,including 6 children had been killed. Amnesty's review of 25 civiliansdeaths concluded that in no case was there evidence of the Palestiniansposing an imminent threat. At the same time, over 8,000 Palestinianssuffered serious injuries from other means, including rubber­coated metalbullets. Only one IDF soldier was convicted, killing a Palestinianattempting to enter Israel illegally. The soldier was demoted and given a 1year sentence with a five month suspension. The IDF answered thecharges stating that its army held itself "to the highest of professionalstandards," adding that when there was suspicion of wrongdoing, itinvestigated and took action "where appropriate".[73][74]

Palestinian incitement

Following the Oslo Accords, which was to set up regulative bodies to rein in frictions, Palestinianincitement against Israel, Jews, and Zionism continued, parallel with Israel's pursuance of settlement inthe Palestinian territories,[75] though under Abu Mazen it has reportedly dwindled significantly.[76]

Charges of incitement have been reciprocal,[77][78] both sides interpreting media statements in thePalestinian and Israeli press as constituting incitement.[76] In Israeli usage, the term also covers failures tomention Israel's culture and history in Palestinian textbooks.[79] In 2011, Israeli PM Benyamin Netanyahustated that the incitement promulgated by the Palestinian Authority was destroying Israel’s confidence,and he condemned what he regarded as the glorification of the murderers of the Fogel family in Itamar onPA television. The perpetrator of the murders had been described as a "hero" and a "legend" by membersof his family, during a weekly program.[80][81] This occurred shortly after the official PalestinianAuthority Mufti in Jerusalem publicly read out an Islamic hadith that says killing Jews will speed up theredemption,[82] which was criticised by the UK's Minister for the Middle East and North Africa aspotentially stirring up "hatred and prejudice".[81][83]

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A fatally wounded Israelischool boy, 2011

Following the Itamar massacre and a bombing in Jerusalem, 27 USsenators sent a letter requesting the US Secretary of State to identify theadministration's steps to end Palestinian incitement to violence againstJews and Israel that was occurring within the "Palestinian media, mosquesand schools, and even by individuals or institutions affiliated with thePalestinian Authority."[84] Media watchdog, Palestinian Media Watch(PMW), reported in June 2012 that the Palestinian media continuallydemonizes Israel and Jews and derogates Jewish history. They stated thatthe Palestinian children are being taught hatred and violence against Jewsand Israelis and that only 7 percent of Palestinian teenagers accept Israel'sright to exist. They stated that a political peace structure is contingentupon a proceeding educational peace process, which is lacking.[85]Children in a Gaza kindergarten were dressed up in uniforms of the armedwing of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad organisation. They received a toyrifles and chanted anti­Israeli slogans. A teacher stated that this was so thechildren will "grow up to love the resistance and serve the cause ofPalestine and Holy Jihad, as well as to make them leaders and fighters todefend the holy soil of Palestine."[86] The head of the National Security Studies Center, Dan Shiftan, saidthat this showed a "deep message of the total rejection of Israel, legitimization of terror, and deep­seatedvictimization."[87]

The United Nations body UNESCO stopped funding a children's magazine sponsored by the PalestinianAuthority that commended Hitler's killing of Jews. It deplored this publication as contrary to its principlesof building tolerance and respect for human rights and human dignity.[88][89]

UN and the Palestinian state

The PLO's campaign for full member status for the state of Palestine at the UN and have recognition onthe 1967 borders received widespread support[90][91] though it was criticised by some countries forpurportedly avoiding bilateral negotiation.[92][93] Netanyahu expressed criticism of the Palestinians as hefelt that they were allegedly trying to bypass direct talks,[94] whereas Abbas argued that the continuedconstruction of Israeli­Jewish settlements was "undermining the realistic potential" for the two­statesolution.[95] Although denied full member status by the UN Security Council, in late 2012 the UNGeneral Assembly overwhelmingly approved the de facto recognition of sovereign Palestine by grantingnon­member state status.[96]

Public support

Polling data has produced mixed results regarding the level of support among Palestinians for the two­state solution. A poll was carried out in 2011 by the Hebrew University; it indicated that support for atwo­state solution was growing among both Israelis and Palestinians. The poll found that 58% of Israelisand 50% of Palestinians supported a two­state solution based on the Clinton Parameters, compared with47% of Israelis and 39% of Palestinians in 2003, the first year the poll was carried out. The poll alsofound that an increasing percentage of both populations supported an end to violence—63% ofPalestinians and 70% of Israelis expressing their support for an end to violence, an increase of 2% forIsraelis and 5% for Palestinians from the previous year.[97]

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A poll commissioned by The Israel Project conducted in July 2011 by Greenberg Quinlan RosnerResearch and fielded by the Palestinian Center for Public Opinion in the West Bank and Gaza indicated arange of opinions on the peace process that varied according to the wording of the questions.[98] Whenasked if they "accept a two­state solution" 44% of respondents said yes and 52% said no. When asked ifthey accepted the following concept: "President Obama said there should be two states: Palestine as thehomeland for the Palestinian people and Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people" 34% accepted and61% rejected. However, when asked if they favoured or opposed a two­state solution in which "the borderbetween Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps of land totake account of realities on the ground so both sides can achieve a secure and just peace", 57% said yesand only 40% said no. When half the respondents were given a choice between two sentences (a. Israelhas a permanent right to exist as a homeland for the Jewish people; b. Over time Palestinians must workto get back all the land for a Palestinian state) 84% chose b. and 8% selected a. The other half were askedto choose between a. I can accept permanently a two­state solution with one a homeland for thePalestinian people living side­by­side with Israel, a homeland for the Jewish people, or b. The real goalshould to start with a two state solution but then move to it all being one Palestinian state. 30% of thoseasked selected the first option while 66% chose the second. When asked to choose between a. The bestgoal is for a two­state solution that keeps two states living side by side, and b. The real goal should be tostart with two states but then move to it all being one Palestinian state, 25% chose a. whilst 52% opted forb.

According to the same poll, 65% of respondents preferred talks and 20% preferred violence. More than70% of those polled said they believed a hadith, or saying, ascribed to Mohammed that is included as aclause of the Hamas Charter and states, “The Day of Judgment will not come about until Muslims fightthe Jews". The poll further reported that "72% of Palestinians endorsed the denial of Jewish history inJerusalem, 62% supported kidnapping IDF soldiers and holding them hostage and 53% were in favor orteaching songs about hating Jews in Palestinian schools." At the same time, only 29% supported thekilling of a settler family in Itamar and 22% supported rocket attacks on Israeli cities and civilians. 64%support seeking UN recognition of a Palestinian state outside of the framework of negotiations with Israeland 85% believe that a settlement freeze should be a pre­requisite for continuing negotiations. 81%rejected the suggestion that Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu was serious about wanting peace and a two­state solution whilst only 12% accepted the notion. The methodology and neutrality of this poll has beencalled into question by Paul Pillar, writing in the National Interest.[99]

Current issues in dispute

The following outlined positions are the official positions of the two parties; however, it is important tonote that neither side holds a single position. Both the Israeli and the Palestinian sides include bothmoderate and extremist bodies as well as dovish and hawkish bodies.

One of the primary obstacles to resolving the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is a deepset and growing distrustbetween its participants. Unilateral strategies and the rhetoric of hard­line political factions, coupled withviolence and incitements by civilians against one another, have fostered mutual embitterment andhostility and a loss of faith in the peace process. Support among Palestinians for Hamas is considerable,and as its members consistently call for the destruction of Israel and violence remains a threat, securitybecomes a prime concern for many Israelis. The expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank has ledthe majority of Palestinians to believe that Israel is not committed to reaching an agreement, but rather toa pursuit of establishing permanent control over this territory in order to provide that security.[100]

Jerusalem

Main article: Positions on Jerusalem

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Greater Jerusalem, May 2006. CIAremote sensing map showing whatCIA regards as settlements, plusrefugee camps, fences, and walls

See also: Western Wall, Temple Mount and Al­Aqsa Mosque

The control of Jerusalem is a particularly delicate issue, with eachside asserting claims over this city. The three largest Abrahamicreligions—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—hold Jerusalem as animportant setting for their religious and historical narratives.Jerusalem is the holiest city in the world for Judaism, being theformer location of the Jewish temples on the Temple Mount andthe capital of the ancient Israelite kingdom. For Muslims,Jerusalem is the site of Mohammad's Night Journey to heaven,and the al­Aqsa mosque. For Christians, Jerusalem is the site ofJesus' crucifixion and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

The Israeli government, including the Knesset and SupremeCourt, is centered in the "new city" of West Jerusalem and hasbeen since Israel's founding in 1948. After Israel captured theJordanian­controlled East Jerusalem in the Six­Day War, itassumed complete administrative control of East Jerusalem. In1980, Israel issued a new law stating, "Jerusalem, complete andunited, is the capital of Israel.".[101]

No country in the world except for Israel has recognizedJerusalem as Israel's capital. The majority of UN member statesand most international organisations do not recognise Israel's ownership of East Jerusalem whichoccurred after the 1967 Six­Day War, nor its 1980 Jerusalem Law proclamation.[102] The InternationalCourt of Justice in its 2004 Advisory opinion on the "Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wallin the Occupied Palestinian Territory" described East Jerusalem as "occupied Palestinian territory."[103]

As of 2005, there were more than 719,000 people living in Jerusalem; 465,000 were Jews (mostly livingin West Jerusalem) and 232,000 were Muslims (mostly living in East Jerusalem).[104]

At the Camp David and Taba Summits in 2000–01, the United States proposed a plan in which the Arabparts of Jerusalem would be given to the proposed Palestinian state while the Jewish parts of Jerusalemwere given to Israel. All archaeological work under the Temple Mount would be jointly controlled by theIsraeli and Palestinian governments. Both sides accepted the proposal in principle, but the summitsultimately failed.[105]

Israel expresses concern over the security of its residents if neighborhoods of Jerusalem are placed underPalestinian control. Jerusalem has been a prime target for attacks by militant groups against civiliantargets since 1967. Many Jewish neighborhoods have been fired upon from Arab areas. The proximity ofthe Arab areas, if these regions were to fall in the boundaries of a Palestinian state, would be so close asto threaten the safety of Jewish residents.[106]

Holy sites

Israel has concerns regarding the welfare of Jewish holy places under possible Palestinian control. WhenJerusalem was under Jordanian control, no Jews were allowed to visit the Western Wall or other Jewishholy places, and the Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives was desecrated.[105] Since 1975, Israel hasbanned Muslims from worshiping at Joseph's Tomb, a shrine considered sacred by both Jews andMuslims. Settlers established a yeshiva, installed a Torah scroll and covered the mihrab. During the

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Palestinian refugees, 1948

Second Intifada the site was looted and burned.[107][108] Israeli security agencies routinely monitor andarrest Jewish extremists that plan attacks, though many serious incidents have still occurred.[109] Israelhas allowed almost complete autonomy to the Muslim trust (Waqf) over the Temple Mount.[105]

Palestinians have voiced concerns regarding the welfare of Christian and Muslim holy places underIsraeli control.[110] Additionally, some Palestinian advocates have made statements alleging that theWestern Wall Tunnel was re­opened with the intent of causing the mosque's collapse.[111] The IsraelMinistry of Foreign Affairs denied this claim in a 1996 speech to the United Nations[112] andcharacterized the statement as "escalation of rhetoric."[113]

Palestinian refugees

See also: Palestinian right of return, Palestinian refugee and 1948 Palestinian exodus

Palestinian refugees are people who lost both their homes and means oflivelihood as a result of the 1948 Arab­Israeli conflict[114] and the 1967Six­Day War.[115] The number of Palestinians who fled or were expelledfrom Israel following its creation was estimated at 711,000 in 1949.[116]Descendants of these original Palestinian Refugees are also eligible forregistration and services provided by the United Nations Relief andWorks Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), and asof 2010 number 4.7 million people.[117] Between 350,000 and 400,000Palestinians were displaced during the 1967 Arab­Israeli war.[115] A thirdof the refugees live in recognized refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon,Syria, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The remainder live in andaround the cities and towns of these host countries.[114]

Most of these people were born outside of Israel, but are descendants oforiginal Palestinian refugees.[114] Palestinian negotiators, most notably Yasser Arafat,[118] have so farpublicly insisted that refugees have a right to return to the places where they lived before 1948 and 1967,including those within the 1949 Armistice lines, citing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights andUN General Assembly Resolution 194 as evidence. However, according to reports of private peacenegotiations with Israel they have countenanced the return of only 10,000 refugees and their families toIsrael as part of a peace settlement. Mahmoud Abbas, the current Chairman of the Palestine LiberationOrganization was reported to have said in private discussion that it is "illogical to ask Israel to take 5million, or indeed 1 million. That would mean the end of Israel." [119] In a further interview Abbas statedthat he no longer had an automatic right to return to Safed in the northern Galilee where he was born in1935. He later clarified that the remark was his personal opinion and not official policy.[120]

The Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 declared that it proposed the compromise of a "just resolution" of therefugee problem.[121]

Palestinian and international authors have justified the right of return of the Palestinian refugees onseveral grounds:[122][123][124]

Several scholars included in the broader New Historians argue that the Palestinian refugees werechased out or expelled by the actions of the Haganah, Lehi and Irgun, Zionist paramilitarygroups.[125][126] A number have also characterized this as an ethnic cleansing.[127][128][129][130] TheNew Historians cite indications of Arab leaders' desire for the Palestinian Arab population to stay

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Home in Balata refugeecamp demolished during thesecond Intifada, 2002

put.[131]

Shlaim (2000) states that from April 1948 the military forces of what was to become Israel had embarkedon a new offensive strategy which involved destroying Arab villages and the forced removal of civilians.

The Israeli Law of Return that grants citizenship to any Jew from anywhere in the world is viewedby some as discrimination against non­Jews, especially Palestinians that cannot apply for suchcitizenship or return to the territory which they were expelled from or fled during the course of the1948 war.[132][133][134]

According to the UN Resolution 194, adopted in 1948, "therefugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace withtheir neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliestpracticable date, and that compensation should be paid for theproperty of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damageto property which, under principles of international law or in equity,should be made good by the Governments or authoritiesresponsible."[135] UN Resolution 3236 "reaffirms also theinalienable right of the Palestinians to return to their homes andproperty from which they have been displaced and uprooted, andcalls for their return".[136] Resolution 242 from the UN affirms thenecessity for "achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem";however, Resolution 242 does not specify that the "just settlement"must or should be in the form of a literal Palestinian right ofreturn.[137]

The most common arguments for opposition are:

The Israeli government asserts that the Arab refugee problem islargely caused by the refusal of all Arab governments except Jordan to grant citizenship toPalestinian Arabs who reside within those countries' borders. This has produced much of thepoverty and economic problems of the refugees, according to MFA documents.[138]

The Palestinian refugee issue is handled by a separate authority from that handling other refugees,that is, by UNRWA and not the UNHCR. Most of the people recognizing themselves as Palestinianrefugees would have otherwise been assimilated into their country of current residency, and wouldnot maintain their refugee state if not for the separate entities.

Concerning the origin of the Palestinian refugees, the official version of the Israeli government isthat during the 1948 War the Arab Higher Committee and the Arab states encouraged Palestiniansto flee in order to make it easier to rout the Jewish state or that they did so to escape the fights byfear.[138] The Palestinian narrative is that refugees were expelled and dispossessed by Jewishmilitias and by the Israeli army, following a plan established even before the war. Historians stilldebate the causes of the 1948 Palestinian exodus.

Since none of the 900,000 Jewish refugees who fled anti­Semitic violence in the Arab world wasever compensated or repatriated by their former countries of residence—to no objection on the partof Arab leaders—a precedent has been set whereby it is the responsibility of the nation whichaccepts the refugees to assimilate them.[139][140][141]

Although Israel accepts the right of the Palestinian Diaspora to return into a new Palestinian state,Israel insists that their return into the current state of Israel would be a great danger for the stabilityof the Jewish state; an influx of Palestinian refugees would lead to the destruction of the state ofIsrael.[142][143]

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Sbarro pizza restaurant bombing inJerusalem, in which 15 Israelicivilians were killed and 130wounded.

Historian Benny Morris states that most of Palestine's 700,000 refugees fled because of the "flail ofwar" and expected to return home shortly after a successful Arab invasion. He documents instancesin which Arab leaders advised the evacuation of entire communities as happened in Haifa. In hisscholarly work, however, he does conclude that there were expulsions which were carriedout.[144][145] Morris considers the displacement the result of a national conflict initiated by theArabs themselves.[145] In a 2004 interview with Haaretz, he described the exodus as largelyresulting from an atmosphere of transfer that was promoted by Ben­Gurion and understood by themilitary leadership. He also claimed that there "are circumstances in history that justify ethniccleansing".[146] He has been criticized by political scientist Norman Finkelstein for havingseemingly changed his views for political, rather than historical, reasons.[147]

According to Karsh the Palestinians were themselves the aggressors in the 1948­49 war whoattempted to "cleanse" a neighboring ethnic community. Had the United Nations resolution of 29November 1947 recommending partition in Palestine not been subverted by force by the Arabworld, there would have been no refugee problem in the first place. He reports of large numbers ofPalestinian refugees leaving even before the outbreak of the 1948 war because of disillusionmentand economic privation. The British High Commissioner for Palestine spoke of the "collapsingArab morale in Palestine" that he partially attributed to the "increasing tendency of those whoshould be leading them to leave the country" and the considerable evacuations of the Arab effendiclass. Huge numbers of Palestinians were also expelled by their leadership to prevent them frombecoming Israeli citizens and in Haifa and Tiberias, tens of thousands of Arabs were forciblyevacuated on the instructions of the Arab Higher Committee.[148]

Israeli security concerns

See also: United States security assistance to the Palestinian Authority, Palestinian political violenceand 2010 Palestinian militancy campaign

Throughout the conflict, Palestinian violence has been a concernfor Israelis. Israel,[149] along with the United States[150] and theEuropean Union, refer to the violence against Israeli civilians andmilitary forces by Palestinian militants as terrorism. Themotivations behind Palestinian violence against Israeli civiliansare multiplex, and not all violent Palestinian groups agree witheach other on specifics. Nonetheless, a common motive is thedesire to destroy Israel and replace it with a Palestinian Arabstate.[151] The most prominent Islamist groups, such as Hamas,view the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as a religious jihad.[152]

Suicide bombing is used as a tactic among Palestinianorganizations like Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the Al­Aqsa Martyrs

Brigade and certain suicide attacks have received support among Palestinians as high as 84%.[153][154] InIsrael, Palestinian suicide bombers have targeted civilian buses, restaurants, shopping malls, hotels andmarketplaces.[155] From 1993–2003, 303 Palestinian suicide bombers attacked Israel.

The Israeli government initiated the construction of a security barrier following scores of suicidebombings and terrorist attacks in July 2003. Israel's coalition government approved the security barrier inthe northern part of the green­line between Israel and the West Bank. According to the IDF, since theerection of the fence, terrorist acts have declined by approximately 90%.[156]

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Remains of an Egged bus hit bysuicide bomber in the aftermath ofthe 2011 southern Israel cross­borderattacks. Eight people were killed,about 40 were injured.

An Israeli child wounded by a HamasGrad rocket fired on the city of BeerSheva is taken to a hospital

Since 2001, the threat of Qassam rockets fired from thePalestinian Territories into Israel is also of great concern forIsraeli defense officials.[157] In 2006—the year following Israel'sdisengagement from the Gaza Strip—the Israeli governmentrecorded 1,726 such launches, more than four times the totalrockets fired in 2005.[149] As of January 2009, over 8,600 rocketshad been launched,[158][159] causing widespread psychologicaltrauma and disruption of daily life.[160] Over 500 rockets andmortars hit Israel in January–September 2010 and over 1,947rockets hit Israel in January–November 2012.

According to a studyconducted by University ofHaifa, one in five Israelis

have lost a relative or friend in a Palestinian terrorist attack.[161]

There is significant debate within Israel about how to deal withthe country's security concerns. Options have included militaryaction (including targeted killings and house demolitions ofterrorist operatives), diplomacy, unilateral gestures toward peace,and increased security measures such as checkpoints, roadblocksand security barriers. The legality and the wisdom of all of theabove tactics have been called into question by variouscommentators.[16]

Since mid­June 2007, Israel's primary means of dealing with security concerns in the West Bank has beento cooperate with and permit United States­sponsored training, equipping, and funding of the PalestinianAuthority's security forces, which with Israeli help have largely succeeded in quelling West Banksupporters of Hamas.[162]

Palestinian violence outside of Israel

Some Palestinians have committed violent acts over the globe on the pretext of a struggle against Israel.Many foreigners, including Americans[163] and Europeans,[164] have been killed and injured byPalestinian militants. At least 53 Americans have been killed and 83 injured by Palestinian violence sincethe signing of the Oslo Accords.[165]

During the late 1960s, the PLO became increasingly infamous for its use of international terror. In 1969alone, the PLO was responsible for hijacking 82 planes. El Al Airlines became a regular hijackingtarget.[166][167] The hijacking of Air France Flight 139 by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestineculminated during a hostage­rescue mission, where Israeli special forces successfully rescued themajority of the hostages.

However, one of the most well­known and notorious terrorist acts was the capture and eventual murder of11 Israeli athletes during the 1972 Olympic Games.[168]

Israeli violence outside of Palestine

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Suspected Palestiniancollaborator killed byPalestinians during the FirstIntifada

Israeli forces have launched attacks against Palestinians around the globe as part of the conflict. Israel hasassassinated dozens of Palestinians and their supporters outside of Palestine, mainly in Europe and theMiddle East. Israel has also bombed Palestinian targets in many nations such as Syria and Lebanon,including the bombing of the PLO Headquarters in Tunisia, killing several hundred.

Palestinian violence against other Palestinians

Fighting among rival Palestinian and Arab movements has played acrucial role in shaping Israel's security policy towards Palestinianmilitants, as well as in the Palestinian leadership's own policies. As earlyas the 1930s revolts in Palestine, Arab forces fought each other while alsoskirmishing with Zionist and British forces, and internal conflicts continueto the present day. During the Lebanese Civil War, Palestinian baathistsbroke from the Palestine Liberation Organization and allied with the ShiaAmal Movement, fighting a bloody civil war that killed thousands ofPalestinians.[169][170]

In the First Intifada, more than a thousand Palestinians were killed in acampaign initiated by the Palestine Liberation Organization to crack downon suspected Israeli security service informers and collaborators. ThePalestinian Authority was strongly criticized for its treatment of allegedcollaborators, rights groups complaining that those labeled collaboratorswere denied fair trials. According to a report released by the PalestinianHuman Rights Monitoring Group, less than 45 percent of those killedwere actually guilty of informing for Israel.[171]

The policies towards suspected collaborators contravene agreements signed by the Palestinian leadership.Article XVI(2) of the Oslo II Agreement states:[172]

"Palestinians who have maintained contact with the Israeli authorities will not be subjected toacts of harassment, violence, retribution, or prosecution."

The provision was designed to prevent Palestinian leaders from imposing retribution on fellowPalestinians who had worked on behalf of Israel during the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

In the Gaza Strip, Hamas officials have killed and tortured thousands of Fatah members and otherPalestinians who oppose their rule. During the Battle of Gaza, more than 150 Palestinians died over afour­day period.[173] The violence among Palestinians was described as a civil war by somecommentators. By 2007, more than 600 Palestinian people had died during the struggle between Hamasand Fatah.[174]

International status

In the past, Israel has demanded control over border crossings between the Palestinian territories andJordan and Egypt, and the right to set the import and export controls, asserting that Israel and thePalestinian territories are a single economic space.

In the interim agreements reached as part of the Oslo Accords, the Palestinian Authority has receivedcontrol over cities (Area A) while the surrounding countryside has been placed under Israeli security andPalestinian civil administration (Area B) or complete Israeli control (Area C). Israel has built additional

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highways to allow Israelis to traverse the area without entering Palestinian cities. The initial areas underPalestinian Authority control are diverse and non­contiguous. The areas have changed over time becauseof subsequent negotiations, including Oslo II, Wye River and Sharm el­Sheik. According to Palestinians,the separated areas make it impossible to create a viable nation and fails to address Palestinian securityneeds; Israel has expressed no agreement to withdrawal from some Areas B, resulting in no reduction inthe division of the Palestinian areas, and the institution of a safe pass system, without Israeli checkpoints,between these parts. Because of increased Palestinian violence to occupation this plan is in abeyance.

Water resources

Further information: Water supply and sanitation in the Palestinian territories and Water politics inthe Jordan River basin

In the Middle East, water resources are of great political concern. Since Israel receives much of its waterfrom two large underground aquifers which continue under the Green Line, the use of this water has beencontentious in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Israel withdraws most water from these areas, but it alsosupplies the West Bank with approximately 40 million cubic metres annually, contributing to 77% ofPalestinians' water supply in the West Bank, which is to be shared for a population of about 2.6million.[175]

While Israel's consumption of this water has decreased since it began its occupation of the West Bank, itstill consumes the majority of it: in the 1950s, Israel consumed 95% of the water output of the WesternAquifer, and 82% of that produced by the Northeastern Aquifer. Although this water was drawn entirelyon Israel's own side of the pre­1967 border, the sources of the water are nevertheless from the sharedgroundwater basins located under both West Bank and Israel.[176]

In the Oslo II Accord, both sides agreed to maintain "existing quantities of utilization from the resources."In so doing, the Palestinian Authority established the legality of Israeli water production in the WestBank, subject to a Joint Water Committee (JWC). Moreover, Israel obligated itself in this agreement toprovide water to supplement Palestinian production, and further agreed to allow additional Palestiniandrilling in the Eastern Aquifer, also subject to the Joint Water Committee.[177] Many Palestinians counterthat the Oslo II agreement was intended to be a temporary resolution and that it was not intended toremain in effect more than a decade later.

In 1999, Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it continued to honor its obligations under the InterimAgreement.[178] The water that Israel receives comes mainly from the Jordan River system, the Sea ofGalilee and two underground sources. According to a 2003 BBC article the Palestinians lack access to theJordan River system.[179]

According to a report of 2008 by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, waterresources were confiscated for the benefit of the Israeli settlements in the Ghor. Palestinian irrigationpumps on the Jordan River were destroyed or confiscated after the 1967 war and Palestinians were notallowed to use water from the Jordan River system. Furthermore, the authorities did not allow any newirrigation wells to be drilled by Palestinian farmers, while it provided fresh water and allowed drillingwells for irrigation purposes at the Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.[180]

A report was released by the UN in August 2012 and Maxwell Gaylard, the UN Resident andHumanitarian Coordinator in the occupied Palestinian territory, explained at the launch of the publication:“Gaza will have half a million more people by 2020 while its economy will grow only slowly. Inconsequence, the people of Gaza will have an even harder time getting enough drinking water andelectricity, or sending their children to school”. Gaylard present alongside Jean Gough, of the UN

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Demonstration against land confiscationheld at Bil'in, 2011

Children’s Fund (UNICEF), and Robert Turner, of the UN Relief and Works Agency for PalestinianRefugees in the Near East (UNRWA). The report projects that Gaza’s population will increase from 1.6million people to 2.1 million people in 2020, leading to a density of more than 5,800 people per squarekilometre.[181]

Future and financing

Numerous foreign nations and international organizations have established bilateral agreements with thePalestinian and Israeli water authorities. It is estimated that a future investment of about US$1.1bn for theWest Bank and $0.8bn is needed for the planning period from 2003 to 2015.[182]

In order to support and improve the water sector in the Palestinian territories, a number of bilateral andmultilateral agencies have been supporting many different water and sanitation programs.

There are three large seawater desalination plants in Israel and two more scheduled to open before 2014.When the fourth plant becomes operational, 65% of Israel's water will come from desalination plants,according to Minister of Finance Dr. Yuval Steinitz.[183]

In late 2012, a donation of $21.6 million was announced by the Government of the Netherlands—theDutch government stated that the funds would be provided to the UN Relief and Works Agency forPalestinian Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), for the specific benefit of Palestinian children. Anarticle, published by the UN News website, stated that: "Of the $21.6 million, $5.7 will be allocated toUNRWA’s 2012 Emergency Appeal for the occupied Palestinian territory, which will supportprogrammes in the West Bank and Gaza aiming to mitigate the effects on refugees of the deterioratingsituation they face."[181]

Israeli military occupation of the West Bank

See also: Israeli­occupied territories, West Bank § Status, Positions on Jerusalem and Status ofterritories captured by Israel

Occupied Palestinian Territory is the term used by the UnitedNations to refer to the West Bank, including East Jerusalem,[184]and the Gaza Strip—territories which were captured by Israelduring the 1967 Six­Day War, having formerly been controlledby Egypt and Jordan.[185] The Israeli government uses the termDisputed Territories, to argue that some territories cannot becalled occupied as no nation had clear rights to them and therewas no operative diplomatic arrangement when Israel acquiredthem in June 1967.[186][187] The area is still referred to as Judeaand Samaria by some Israeli groups, based on the historicalregional names from ancient times. This is also the name usedon the 1947 UN Partition Plan.[188]

In 1980, Israel annexed East Jerusalem.[189] Israel has never annexed the West Bank, apart from EastJerusalem, or Gaza Strip, and the United Nations has demanded the "[t]ermination of all claims or statesof belligerency and respect for and acknowledgment of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and politicalindependence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognizedboundaries free from threats or acts of force" and that Israeli forces withdraw "from territories occupiedin the recent conflict" – the meaning and intent of the latter phrase is disputed. See Interpretations.

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A neighbourhood in Ariel, home to the ArielUniversity Center of Samaria, the largestIsraeli public college

It has been the position of Israel that the most Arab­populated parts of West Bank (without major Jewishsettlements), as well as the entire Gaza Strip, must eventually be part of an independent Palestinian State;however, the precise borders of this state are in question. At Camp David, for example, then­Israeli PrimeMinister Ehud Barak offered Arafat an opportunity to establish a non­militarized Palestinian State. Theproposed state would consist of 77% of the West Bank split into two or three areas, followed by: an ofincrease of 86­91% of the West Bank after six to twenty­one years; autonomy, but not sovereignty forsome of the Arab neighborhoods of East Jerusalem surrounded by Israeli territory; the entire Gaza Strip;and the dismantling of most settlements.[47] Arafat rejected the proposal without providing a counter­offer.

A subsequent settlement proposed by President Clinton offered Palestinian sovereignty over 94 to 96percent of the West Bank but was similarly rejected with 52 objections.[46][190][191][192][193] The ArabLeague has agreed to the principle of minor and mutually agreed land­swaps as part of a negotiated twostate settlement based on June 1967 borders.[194] Official U.S. policy also reflects the ideal of using the1967 borders as a basis for an eventual peace agreement.[195][196]

Some Palestinians claim they are entitled to all of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. Israelsays it is justified in not ceding all this land, because of security concerns, and also because the lack ofany valid diplomatic agreement at the time means that ownership and boundaries of this land is open fordiscussion.[118] Palestinians claim any reduction of this claim is a severe deprivation of their rights. Innegotiations, they claim that any moves to reduce the boundaries of this land is a hostile move againsttheir key interests. Israel considers this land to be in dispute, and feels the purpose of negotiations is todefine what the final borders will be. Other Palestinian groups, such as Hamas, have in the past insistedthat Palestinians must control not only the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, but also all ofIsrael proper. For this reason, Hamas has viewed the peace process "as religiously forbidden andpolitically inconceivable".[152]

Israeli settlements in the West Bank

Main article: Israeli settlement

According to DEMA, "In the years following the Six­DayWar, and especially in the 1990s during the peace process,Israel re­established communities destroyed in 1929 and1948 as well as established numerous new settlements in theWest Bank."[197] These settlements are, as of 2009, home toabout 301,000 people.[198] DEMA added, "Most of thesettlements are in the western parts of the West Bank, whileothers are deep into Palestinian territory, overlookingPalestinian cities. These settlements have been the site ofmuch inter­communal conflict."[197] The issue of Israelisettlements in the West Bank and, until 2005, the GazaStrip, have been described by the UK[199] and the WEU[200]

as an obstacle to the peace process. The United Nations andthe European Union have also called the settlements "illegalunder international law."[201][202]

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Israel's attack on Gaza in 2009

However, Israel disputes this;[203] several scholars and commentators disagree with the assessment thatsettlements are illegal, citing in 2005 recent historical trends to back up their argument.[204][205] Thosewho justify the legality of the settlements use arguments based upon Articles 2 and 49 of the FourthGeneva Convention, as well as UN Security Council Resolution 242.[206] On a practical level, someobjections voiced by Palestinians are that settlements divert resources needed by Palestinian towns, suchas arable land, water, and other resources; and, that settlements reduce Palestinians' ability to travel freelyvia local roads, owing to security considerations.

In 2005, Israel's unilateral disengagement plan, a proposal put forward by Israeli Prime Minister ArielSharon, was enacted. All residents of Jewish settlements in the Gaza strip were evacuated, and allresidential buildings were demolished.[207]

Various mediators and various proposed agreements have shown some degree of openness to Israelretaining some fraction of the settlements which currently exist in the West Bank; this openness is basedon a variety of considerations, such as, the desire to find real compromise between Israeli and Palestinianterritorial claims.[208][209]

Israel's position that it needs to retain some West Bank land and settlements as a buffer in case of futureaggression,[210] and Israel's position that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when therewas no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement.[186][187]

Former US President George W. Bush has stated that he does not expect Israel to return entirely to the1949 armistice lines because of "new realities on the ground."[211] One of the main compromise plans putforth by the Clinton Administration would have allowed Israel to keep some settlements in the WestBank, especially those which were in large blocs near the pre­1967 borders of Israel. In return,Palestinians would have received some concessions of land in other parts of the country.[208] The currentUS administration views a complete freeze of construction in settlements on the West Bank as a criticalstep toward peace. In May and June 2009, President Barack Obama said, "The United States does notaccept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements,"[212] and the Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton,stated that the President "wants to see a stop to settlements — not some settlements, not outposts, not‘natural growth’ exceptions.”[213] However, Obama has since declared that the United States will nolonger press Israel to stop West Bank settlement construction as a precondition for continued peace­process negotiations with the Palestinian Authority.[214]

Gaza blockade

Main article: Blockade of the Gaza Strip

The Israeli government states it is justified under international lawto impose a blockade on an enemy for security reasons. The powerto impose a naval blockade is established under customaryinternational law and Laws of armed conflict, and a UnitedNations commission has ruled that Israel's blockade is "both legaland appropriate."[215][216] The Israeli Government's continuedland, sea and air blockage is tantamount to collective punishmentof the population, according to the United Nations Office for theCoordination of Humanitarian Affairs.[217] The Military AdvocateGeneral of Israel has provided numerous reasonings for thepolicy:

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A Palestinian young man, who waswounded in an Israeli air strike, 8July 2014

"The State of Israel has been engaged in an ongoing armed conflict with terroristorganizations operating in the Gaza strip. This armed conflict has intensified after Hamasviolently took over Gaza, in June 2007, and turned the territory under its de­facto control intoa launching pad of mortar and rocket attacks against Israeli towns and villages in southernIsrael."[218]

According to Oxfam, because of an import­export ban imposed on Gaza in 2007, 95% of Gaza’sindustrial operations were suspended. Out of 35,000 people employed by 3,900 factories in June 2005,only 1,750 people remained employed by 195 factories in June 2007.[219] By 2010, Gaza's unemploymentrate had risen to 40% with 80% of the population living on less than 2 dollars a day.[220]

In January 2008, the Israeli government calculated how many calories per person were needed to preventa humanitarian crisis in the Gaza strip, and then subtracted eight percent to adjust for the "culture andexperience" of the Gazans. Details of the calculations were released following Israeli human rightsorganization Gisha's application to the high court. Israel's Coordinator of Government Activities in theTerritories, who drafted the plan, stated that the scheme was never formally adopted, this was notaccepted by Gisha.[221][222][223]

Starting 7 February 2008, the Israeli Government reduced the electricity it sells directly to Gaza. Thisfollows the ruling of Israel’s High Court of Justice’s decision, which held, with respect to the amount ofindustrial fuel supplied to Gaza, that, “The clarification that we made indicates that the supply ofindustrial diesel fuel to the Gaza Strip in the winter months of last year was comparable to the amountthat the Respondents now undertake to allow into the Gaza Strip. This fact also indicates that the amountis reasonable and sufficient to meet the vital humanitarian needs in the Gaza Strip.” Palestinian militantskilled two Israelis in the process of delivering fuel to the Nahal Oz fuel depot.[224]

With regard to Israel’s plan, the Court stated that, “calls for a reduction of five percent of the powersupply in three of the ten power lines that supply electricity from Israel to the Gaza Strip, to a level of13.5 megawatts in two of the lines and 12.5 megawatts in the third line, we [the Court] were convincedthat this reduction does not breach the humanitarian obligations imposed on the State of Israel in theframework of the armed conflict being waged between it and the Hamas organization that controls theGaza Strip. Our conclusion is based, in part, on the affidavit of the Respondents indicating that therelevant Palestinian officials stated that they can reduce the load in the event limitations are placed on thepower lines, and that they had used this capability in the past."

On 20 June 2010, Israel's Security Cabinet approved a new systemgoverning the blockade that would allow practically all non­military or dual­use items to enter the Gaza strip. According to acabinet statement, Israel would "expand the transfer ofconstruction materials designated for projects that have beenapproved by the Palestinian Authority, including schools, healthinstitutions, water, sanitation and more – as well as (projects) thatare under international supervision."[225] Despite the easing of theland blockade, Israel will continue to inspect all goods bound forGaza by sea at the port of Ashdod.[226]

Prior to a Gaza visit, scheduled for April 2013, Turkey's PrimeMinister Recep Tayyip Erdogan explained to Turkish newspaperHürriyet that the fulfilment of three conditions by Israel was necessary for friendly relations to resumebetween Turkey and Israel: an apology for the May 2010 Gaza flotilla raid (Prime Minister Netanyahu

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The barrier between Israel andPalestine and an example of one ofthe Israeli­controlled checkpoints.

had delivered an apology to Erdogan by telephone on 22 March 2013), the awarding of compensation tothe families affected by the raid, and the lifting of the Gaza blockade by Israel. The Turkish primeminister also explained in the Hürriyet interview, in relation to the April 2013 Gaza visit, "We willmonitor the situation to see if the promises are kept or not."[227] At the same time, Netanyahu affirmedthat Israel would only consider exploring the removal of the Gaza blockade if peace ("quiet") is achievedin the area.[228]

Agriculture

See also: Economy of the Palestinian territories § Israeli­Palestinian relations

Since the beginning of the Israeli­Palestinian Conflict, the conflict has been about land.[229] When Israelbecame a state after the war in 1948, 77% of Palestine's land was used for the creation on the state. Themajority of those living in Palestine at the time became refugees in other countries and this first landcrisis became the root of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.[230] Because the root of the conflict is with land,the disputes between Israel and Palestine are well­manifested in the agriculture of Palestine.

In Palestine, agriculture is a mainstay in the economy. The production of agricultural goods supports thepopulation's sustenance needs and fuels Palestine's export economy.[231] According to the Council forEuropean Palestinian Relations, the agricultural sector formally employs 13.4% of the population andinformally employs 90% of the population.[231] Over the past 10 years, unemployment rates in Palestinehave increased and the agricultural sector became the most impoverished sector in Palestine.Unemployment rates peaked in 2008 when they reached 41% in Gaza.[232]

Palestinian agriculture suffers from numerous problems including Israeli military and civilian attacks onfarms and farmers, blockades to exportation of produce and importation of necessary inputs, widespreadconfiscation of land for nature reserves as well as military and settler use, confiscation and destruction ofwells, and physical barriers within the West Bank.[233]

The West Bank barrier

With the construction of the separation barrier, the Israeli statepromised free movement across regions. However, borderclosures, curfews, and checkpoints has significantly restrictedPalestinian movement.[234] The number of checkpoints fixedcheck points reached 99 by 2012 and 310 flying checkpoints.[235]The border restrictions impacted the imports and exports inPalestine and weakened the industrial and agricultural sectorsbecause of the constant Israeli control in the West Bank andGaza.[236] In order for the Palestinian economy to be prosperous,the restrictions on Palestinian land must be removed.[233]According to The Guardian and a report for World Bank, thePalestinian economy lost $3.4bn (%35 of the annual GDP) toIsraeli restrictions in the West Bank alone.[237]

Boycotts

see also: economy of the Palestinian territories, Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions

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Bank of Palestine

In Gaza, the agricultural market suffers from economic boycotts and border closures and restrictionsplaced by Israel. The PA's Minister of Agriculture estimates that around US $1.2 billion were lost inSeptember 2006 because of these security measures. There has also been an economic embargo initiatedby the west on Hamas­led Palestine, which has decreased the amount of imports and exports fromPalestine. This embargo was brought on by Hamas' refusal to recognize Israel's right to statehood. As aresult, the PA's 160,000 employees have not received their salaries in over one year.[238]

Actions toward stabilizing the conflict

In response to a weakening trend in Palestinian violence and growing economic and security cooperationbetween Israel and the Palestinian Authority, the Israeli military has removed over 120 check points in2010 and plans on disengaging from major Palestinian population areas. According to the IDF, terroristactivity in the West Bank decreased by 97% compared to violence in 2002.[239]

PA­Israel efforts in the West Bank have "significantly increased investor confidence", and the Palestinianeconomy grew 6.8% in 2009.[240][241][242][243][244]

Since the Second Intifada, Jewish Israelis have been banned fromentering Palestinian cities. However, Israeli Arabs are allowed toenter West Bank cities on weekends.

The Palestinian Authority has petitioned the Israeli military to allowJewish tourists to visit West Bank cities as "part of an effort" toimprove the Palestinian economy. Israeli general Avi Mizrahi spokewith Palestinian security officers while touring malls and soccerfields in the West Bank. Mizrahi gave permission to allow Israeli tourguides into Bethlehem, a move intended to "contribute to thePalestinian and Israeli economies."[245]

Mutual recognition

Beginning in 1993 with the Oslo peace process, Israel recognizes "the PLO as the representative of thePalestinian people."[246] In return, it was agreed that Palestinians would promote peaceful co­existence,renounce violence and promote recognition of Israel among their own people. Despite Yasser Arafat'sofficial renunciation of terrorism and recognition of Israel, some Palestinian groups continue to practiceand advocate violence against civilians and do not recognize Israel as a legitimate political entity.[19][247]Palestinians state that their ability to spread acceptance of Israel was greatly hampered by Israelirestrictions on Palestinian political freedoms, economic freedoms, civil liberties, and quality of life.

It is widely felt among Israelis that Palestinians did not in fact promote acceptance of Israel's right toexist.[248][249] One of Israel's major reservations in regards to granting Palestinian sovereignty is itsconcern that there is not genuine public support by Palestinians for co­existence and elimination ofterrorism and incitement.[248][249][250] Some Palestinian groups, notably Fatah, the political party foundedby PLO leaders, initially claimed they were willing to foster co­existence depending on the Palestiniansbeing steadily given more political rights and autonomy. However, in 2010, even Fatah leaders such asMahmoud Abbas refused to recognize Israel as a Jewish state,[251] while the leader of al­Aqsa Martyrs'Brigades, which is the official Fatah's military wing, publicly disclosed Fatah's "ultimate goal" to be thedestruction of the Jewish state, and that Abbas would lie about recognition of Israel following "Zionistand American pressure" for "political calculations" as one of the means to achieve the aforementioned

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goal.[252] In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, where it remains themajority party. Hamas has openly stated in the past that it completely opposed Israel's right to exist, andits charter states this.[247][253] Following the release of Gilad Shalit in 2011, Abbas praised his capturingby Hamas and reassured the Arab public he would "never recognize a Jewish state".[254][255][256]

Israel cites past concessions—such as Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip in August 2005, whichdid not lead to a reduction of attacks and rocket fire against Israel—as an example of the Palestinianpeople not accepting Israel as a state. Palestinian groups and Israeli Human Rights organizations (namelyB'Tselem) have pointed out that while the military occupation in Gaza was ended, the Israeli governmentstill retained control of Gaza's airspace, territorial water, and borders, legally making it still under Israelicontrol. They also say that mainly thanks to these restrictions, the Palestinian quality of life in the GazaStrip has not improved since the Israeli withdrawal.

Government

The Palestinian Authority is considered corrupt by a wide variety of sources, including somePalestinians.[257][258][259] Some Israelis argue that it provides tacit support for militants via its relationshipwith Hamas and other Islamic militant movements, and that therefore it is unsuitable for governing anyputative Palestinian state or (especially according to the right wing of Israeli politics), even negotiatingabout the character of such a state.[118] Because of that, a number of organizations, including thepreviously ruling Likud party, declared they would not accept a Palestinian state based on the current PA.

Societal attitudes

Societal attitudes in both Israel and Palestine are a source of concern to those promoting disputeresolution.

According to a May 2011 poll carried out by the Palestinian Center For Public Opinion that askedPalestinians from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank including East Jerusalem, "which of the followingmeans is the best to end the occupation and lead to the establishing of an independent Palestinian state",5.0% supported "military operations", 25.0% supported non­violent popular resistance, 32.1% favorednegotiations until an agreement could be reached, 23.1% preferred holding an international conferencethat would impose a solution on all parties, 12.4% supported seeking a solution through the UnitedNations, and 2.4% otherwise. Approximately three quarters of Palestinians surveyed believed that amilitary escalation in the Gaza Strip would be in Israel’s interest and 18.9% said it would be in Hamas’sinterest. Regarding the resumption of launching Al­Qassam missiles from Gaza into Israel, 42.5% said"strongly oppose", 27.1% "somewhat oppose", 16.0% "somewhat support", 13.8% "strongly support",and 0.2% expressed no opinion.[260]

The Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs has expressed concerns that Hamas promote incitement against andoverall non­acceptance of Israel, including promotion of violence against Israel.[248][249]

Palestinian army

The Israeli Cabinet issued a statement expressing that it does not wish the Palestinians to build up anarmy capable of offensive operations, considering that the only party against which such an army couldbe turned in the near future is Israel itself. However, Israel has already allowed for the creation of aPalestinian police that can conduct police operations and also carry out limited­scale warfare. Palestinianshave argued that the Israel Defense Forces, a large and modern armed force, poses a direct and pressing

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Bar Chart distinguished betweenIsraeli and Palestinian deaths fromSept 2000 to July 2014

threat to the sovereignty of any future Palestinian state, making a defensive force for a Palestinian state amatter of necessity. To this, Israelis claim that signing a treaty while building an army is a show of badintentions.

Since 2006, the United States has been training, equipping, and funding the Palestinian Authority'ssecurity forces, which have been cooperating with Israel at unprecedented levels in the West Bank toquell supporters of Hamas, the main Palestinian Islamist group that opposes direct negotiations withIsrael.[162] The United States government has spent over 500 million building and training the PalestinianNational Security Forces and Presidential Guard.[162] The IDF maintains the US­trained forces will soonbe capable of "overrunning small IDF outposts and isolated Israeli communities" in the event of aconflict.[261]

Fatalities 1948–2011

See also: Israeli casualties of war and Palestinian casualties of war

A variety of studies provide differing casualty data for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. According to the Stockholm InternationalPeace Research Institute, 13,000 Israelis and Palestinians werekilled in conflict with each other between 1948 and 1997.[262]

Other estimations give 14,500 killed between 1948–2009.[262][263]Palestinian fatalities during the 1982 Lebanon War were 2,000PLO combatants killed in armed conflict with Israel.[264]

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Civilian casualty figures for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict from B'tselem andIsrael Ministry of Foreign Affairs between 1987 and 2010[265][266]

(numbers in parentheses represent casualties under age 18)

YearDeaths

Palestinians Israelis2011 118 (13) 11 (5)2010 81 (9) 8 (0)2009 1034 (314) 9 (1)2008 887 (128) 35 (4)2007 385 (52) 13 (0)2006 665 (140) 23 (1)2005 190 (49) 51 (6)2004 832 (181) 108 (8)2003 588 (119) 185 (21)2002 1032 (160) 419 (47)2001 469 (80) 192 (36)2000 282 (86) 41 (0)1999 9 (0) 4 (0)1998 28 (3) 12 (0)1997 21 (5) 29 (3)1996 74 (11) 75 (8)1995 45 (5) 46 (0)1994 152 (24) 74 (2)1993 180 (41) 61 (0)1992 138 (23) 34 (1)1991 104 (27) 19 (0)1990 145 (25) 22 (0)1989 305 (83) 31 (1)1988 310 (50) 12 (3)1987 22 (5) 0 (0)Total 7978 (1620) 1503 (142)

Note: Figures includes 1,593 Palestinian fatalities attributed to intra­Palestinian violence. Figures do notinclude the 600 Palestinians killed by other Palestinians in the Gaza Strip since 2006.[174]

Demographic percentages for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict according to Office for theCoordination of Humanitarian Affairs from September 2000 until the end of July 2007.[267]

Belligerent Combatant Civilian Male Female Children ChildrenMale

ChildrenFemale

Palestinian 41% 59% 94% 6% 20% 87% 13%

Israeli 31% 69% 69% 31% 12% Notavailable

Notavailable

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Partial casualty figures for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict from the OCHAoPt(http://www.ochaopt.org/)[268]

(numbers in parentheses represent casualties under age 18)

YearDeaths Injuries

Palestinians Israelis Palestinians Israelis

2008–26.12.08[269] 464 (87) 31 (4)

2007 396 (43) 13 (0) 1843 (265) 322 (3)2006 678 (127) 25 (2) 3194 (470) 377 (7)2005 216 (52) 48 (6) 1260 (129) 484 (4)Total 1754 (309) 117 (12) 6297 (864) 1183 (14)

All numbers refer to casualties of direct conflict between Israelis and Palestinians including in IDFmilitary operations, artillery shelling, search and arrest campaigns, Barrier demonstrations, targetedkillings, settler violence etc. The figures do not include events indirectly related to the conflict such ascasualties from unexploded ordnance, etc., or events when the circumstances remain unclear or are indispute. The figures include all reported casualties of all ages and both genders.[268]

Figures include both Israeli civilians and security forces casualties in West Bank, Gaza and Israel.

Criticism of casualty statistics

As reported by the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, since 29 September 2000 a total of 7,454Palestinian and Israeli individuals were killed due to the conflict. According to the report, 1,317 of the6,371 Palestinians were minors, and at least 2,996 did not participate in fighting at time of death.Palestinians killed 1,083 Israelis, including 741 civilians. 124 of those killed were minors.[270]

The Israeli based International Policy Institute for Counter­Terrorism criticized the methodology ofPalestinian­based rights groups, including B'tselem, and questioned their accuracy in classifyingcivilian/combatant ratios.[271][272][273]

In a study published by Scholars for Peace in the Middle East, Elihu D. Richter and Dr. Yael Steinexamined B'tselem methods in calculating casualties during Operation Cast Lead. They argue thatB'tselem's report contains "errors of omission, commission and classification bias which result inoverestimates of the ratio of non­combatants to combatants."[274] Stein and Richter claim the highmale/female ratios among Palestinians, including those in their mid­to­late teens, "suggests that the IDFclassifications are combatant and non­combatant status are probably far more accurate than those ofB’Tselem."[274]

In a study on behalf of the International Policy Institute for Counter­Terrorism, Don Radlauer suggestedthat "almost all Palestinians killed in this conflict have been male – and absent any other reasonableexplanation for such a non­random pattern of fatalities – this suggests that large numbers of Palestinianmen and teenaged boys made a choice to confront Israeli forces, even after many of their compatriots hadbeen killed in such confrontations."[275]

Land mine and explosive remnants of war casualties

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A comprehensive collection mechanism to gather land mine and explosive remnants of war (ERW)casualty data does not exist for the Palestinian territories.[276] In 2009, the United Nations Mine ActionCentre reported that more than 2,500 mine and explosive remnants of war casualties occurred between1967 and 1998, at least 794 casualties (127 killed, 654 injured and 13 unknown) occurred between 1999to 2008 and that 12 people have been killed and 27 injured since the Gaza War.[276] The UN Mine ActionCentre identified the main risks as coming from "ERW left behind by Israeli aerial and artillery weaponsystems, or from militant caches targeted by the Israeli forces."[276] There are at least 15 confirmedminefields in the West Bank on the border with Jordan. The Palestinian National Security Forces do nothave maps or records of the minefields.[276]

See also

Diplomacy and treaties

List of Middle East peace proposalsInternational law and the Arab­IsraeliconflictList of modern conflicts in the MiddleEast

Elements of the conflict

Children in the Israeli–Palestinian conflictFatah–Hamas conflict2014 Israel­Gaza conflict

Ideology and ideas

ZionismPan­ArabismProposals for a Palestinian stateRacism in the Palestinian territories

Peace organizations in the region

OneVoice Movement (non­partisan)Peace Now (left wing)Seeds of Peace (centre)Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions

Documentaries

At the Green LineDeath in GazaThe Gatekeepers (film)Occupation 101Promises (film)Relentless: The Struggle for Peace in the MiddleEastThe Land of the Settlers...more films

Notes1. Three factors made Israel’s territorial offer less forthcoming than it initially appeared. First, the 91 percent land

offer was based on the Israeli definition of the West Bank, but this differs by approximately 5 percentagepoints from the Palestinian definition. Palestinians use a total area of 5,854 square kilometers. Israel, however,omits the area known as No Man’s Land (50 sq. km near Latrun), post­1967 East Jerusalem (71 sq. km), andthe territorial waters of the Dead Sea (195 sq. km), which reduces the total to 5,538 sq. km. Thus, an Israelioffer of 91 percent (of 5,538 sq. km) of the West Bank translates into only 86 percent from the Palestinianperspective.Jeremy Pressman, International Security, vol 28, no. 2, Fall 2003, "Visions in Collision: What Happened atCamp David and Taba?" (http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/files/pressman.pdf). On [1](http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/322/visions_in_collision.html). See pp. 16–17

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239. "2009 W.Bank terror activity down by 97% compared to 2002." (http://www.jpost.com/Headlines/Article.aspx?id=190588) Jerusalem Post. 10 July 2010.

240. "PA security forces seize 17 bombs, transfer them to IDF." (http://www.jpost.com/Headlines/Article.aspx?

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240. "PA security forces seize 17 bombs, transfer them to IDF." (http://www.jpost.com/Headlines/Article.aspx?id=172860) Jerusalem Post. 4 November 2010.

241. Lazaroff. "Route 443 opens to Palestinians." (http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Article.aspx?ID=176692) JerusalemPost. 28 May 2010.

242. "UN: Israel has dismantled 20 percent of West Bank checkpoint."(http://www.jpost.com/Headlines/Article.aspx?id=178633) Jerusalem Post. 16 June 2010.

243. Katz, Yaakov. "Israel sets up trial program to expedite PA export process."(http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Article.aspx?id=170599) Jerusalem Post. 10 March 2010.

244. "World Bank report: PA economy needs more private investment."(http://www.jpost.com/Business/BusinessNews/Article.aspx?ID=172975) Jerusalem Post. 13 April 2010.

245. Katz. "IDF mulls entry to West Bank cities by Jewish Israelis." (http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Article.aspx?id=181364) Jerusalem Post. 14 July 2010.

246. Facts About Israel. Jerusalem: Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2010. p. 52.247. Dershowitz. The Case for Israel. p. 3.248. "Hamas’ Mickey Mouse teaches children to hate and kill."

(http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/About+the+Ministry/Behind+the+Headlines/Hamas+Mickey+Mouse+teaches+children+to+hate+and+kill+10­May­2007.htm) Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 10 May 2007. 12 February2007

249. "Palestinian Incitement of Suicide Bombings."(http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFAArchive/2000_2009/2001/5/Palestinian%20Incitement%20of%20Suicide%20Bombings) Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 18 May 2001.

250. Livni, Tzipi. "Address by FM Livni to the Paris Donors Conference."(http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Government/Speeches%20by%20Israeli%20leaders/2007/Address%20by%20FM%20Livni%20to%20the%20Paris%20Donors%20Conference%2017­Dec­2007.htm) Israel Ministry of ForeignAffairs. 17 December 2007. Scroll down to paragraph beginning, "This is neither...."

251. Associated, The (11 May 1949). "Report: Abbas reiterates refusal to recognize Israel as 'Jewish state' "(http://www.haaretz.com/news/report­abbas­reiterates­refusal­to­recognize­israel­as­jewish­state­1.234351).Haaretz.com. Retrieved 2 January 2012.

252. Klein, Aaron (4 October 2006). "Fatah member: Abbas recognition of Israel political"(http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L­3311034,00.html). YNet. Retrieved 24 September 2011.

253. "Hamas's charter uncompromisingly seeks Israel's destruction." "Palestinian Rivals: Fatah & Hamas."(http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/5016012.stm) BBC News. 17 June 2007.

254. Siemaszko, Corky. "Palestinian prez caught saying he will never recognize a ‘Jewish State’ of Israel."(http://articles.nydailynews.com/2011­11­01/news/30347951_1_jewish­state­hamas­palestinian­leader)NYDailyNews.com. 1 November 2011. 2 June 2012.

255. "Abbas says he’ll never recognize a Jewish state." (http://www.jta.org/news/article/2011/11/01/3090060/abbas­says­he­will­never­recognize­a­jewish­state) JTA. 1 November 2011. 2 June 2012.

256. "PA Chairman Mahmoud Abbas: I Will Never Recognize a Jewish State; The Capturing of Israeli SoldierGilad Shalit Was a Good Thing" (http://www.thememriblog.org/blog_personal/en/41096.htm). Memri. 31October 2011. Retrieved 31 October 2011.

257. Sela 2002, pp. 673–679, "Palestinian Authority"258. Bard. Will Israel Survive? New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.259. Massad, Joseph. "The (Anti­) Palestinian Authority." (http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2006/799/op11.htm) Al

Ahram Weekly. 15–21 June 2006. 8 May 2008.260. "Poll No. 176" (http://www.pcpo.ps/polls/poll176.htm). Palestinian Center For Public Opinion. 14 May 2011.

Retrieved 7 July 2011.261. Glick, Caroline B. "Column One: Israel’s American­made foes."

(http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Columnists/Article.aspx?id=183817) Jerusalem Post. 8 June 2010.262. Twentieth Century Atlas – Death Tolls." (http://users.erols.com/mwhite28/warstat4.htm) RCN D.C. Metro.

December 2005.263. "All wars in the 20th century." (http://www.war­memorial.net/wars_all.asp) The Polynational War Memorial.264. White, Matthew. "WebCite query result." (http://www.webcitation.org/5gbBg9Jlu) WebCite. 2005.265. Data tabulated from "B'Tselem – Statistics – Fatalities in the first Intifada."

(http://www.btselem.org/English/Statistics/First_Intifada_Tables.asp) B'Tselem.266. "Fatal Terrorist Attacks in Israel Since the DOP (Sept 1993)." (http://www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Terrorism­

+Obstacle+to+Peace/Palestinian+terror+before+2000/Fatal+Terrorist+Attacks+in+Israel+Since+the+DOP+­S.htm) Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 24 September 2000.

267. "Israeli­Palestinian Fatalities Since 2000 – Key Trends." (http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/CAS_Aug07.pdf)United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. August 2007. PDF.

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Further reading

Further information: Bibliography of the Arab–Israeli conflict

External links

United Nations

Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs – occupied Palestinian territory(http://www.ochaopt.org/)United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East(http://www.unrwa.org/)

Academic, news, and similar sites (excluding Israeli or Palestinian sources)

U.S. Attempts at Peace between Israel and Palestine(http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/handle/10822/552681) from the Dean Peter KroghForeign Affairs Digital Archives(http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/handle/10822/552494/browse?type=title)Gaza\Sderot : Life in spite of everything (http://gaza­sderot.arte.tv/) – a webdocumentary producedby arte.tv, in which daily video­chronicles (2 min. each) show the life of 5 people (men, women,children) in Gaza and Sderot, on both sides of the border.Global Politician – Middle­East Section (http://www.globalpolitician.com/subarticle.asp?SID=1&cid=2)Middle East Policy Council (http://www.mepc.org/main/main.asp)The Washington Institute for Near East Policy (http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/)Aix Group – Joint Palestinian­Israeli­international economic working group(http://www.aixgroup.org/).Crash Course World History 223: Conflict in Israel and Palestine

United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. August 2007. PDF.268. "The Humanitarian Monitor." (http://www.ochaopt.org/documents/Humanitarian_Monitor_Dec_07.pdf) United

Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. December 2007. PDF. Tables on pages 5 and 7,all numbers refer to casualties of the direct conflict as defined therein (page 23).

269. Data tabulated from "B'Tselem – Statistics – Fatalities."(http://www.btselem.org/English/Statistics/Casualties.asp) B'Tselem. Note that the data may change due toongoing research, which produces new information about the events.

270. "B'Tselem: Since 2000, 7,454 Israelis, Palestinians killed." (http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Article.aspx?id=189392) Jerusalem Post. 27 September 2010.

271. Mor, Avi, et al. "Casualties in Operation Cast Lead: A closer look."(http://www.ict.org.il/Portals/0/Articles/ICT_Cast_Lead_Casualties­A_Closer_Look.pdf) InterdisciplinaryCenter Herzliya. 2009. PDF.

272. "Targeted Killings: Evaluating the Effectiveness of a Counterterrorism Poicy"(https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/US­Israel/Nixon/TargetedKillings.pdf) (PDF). January 2005.Retrieved 9 August 2010.

273. "B'Tselem: 773 of Palestinians killed in Cast Lead were civilians."(http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L­3774217,00.html) Ynetnews. 9 September 2009.

274. Richter, Elihu D. and Yael Stein. [http://spme.net/cgi­bin/articles.cgi?ID=5980 "Comments on B'Tselem'sCivilian Casualty Estimates in Operation Cast Lead." Scholars for Peace in the Middle East. 13 September2009.

275. Radlauer, Don. “An Engineered Tragedy: Statistical Analysis of Casualties in the Palestinian­Israeli Conflict,September 2000­June 2002.” (http://www.ict.org.il/Articles/tabid/66/Articlsid/443/Default.aspx) InternationalPolicy Institute for Counter­Terrorism. 29 November 2002. Retrieved 8 March 2013.

276. "Country Overviews – Occupied Palestinian Territory" (http://www.mineaction.org/country.asp?c=138). UnitedNations Mine Action Service. 2009. Retrieved 2 February 2010.

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(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1wo2TLlMhiw&index=3&list=TLUcBVuDplYUY) ­Renown author and YouTube educator John Green gives a brief history lesson (13 minutes) on theconflict.The Israeli­Palestinian Conflict (http://www.historyguy.com/israeli­palestinian_conflict.html)—Anoverview of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians from 1948 through the present day.From the History Guy Website.The Media Line (http://www.themedialine.org/) – A non­profit news agency which providescredible, unbiased content, background and context from across the Middle East.

Inter Press Service – Israel­Palestine: Holy Land, Unholy War(http://www.ipsnews.net/new_focus/israel_palestina/index.asp) Independent coverage of theMiddle East conflicts

Conflict resolution groups

OneVoice Movement – One Million Voices to End the Conflict (http://www.onemillionvoices.org/)Seeking Common Ground (http://www.s­c­g.org/)

Human rights groups

Human Rights Watch: Israel/Palestine (http://hrw.org/doc?t=mideast&c=isrlpa)B'Tselem – The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories(http://www.btselem.org/)Al­Haq: Palestinian Human Rights Group (http://www.alhaq.org/): West Bank affiliate of theInternational Commission of JuristsPalestinian Centre for Human Rights PCHR (http://www.pchrgaza.org/): Gaza affiliate of theInternational Commission of JuristsGush­Shalom (http://gush­shalom.org/): Gush­Shalom Israeli Peace Movement

Jewish and Israeli academic, news, and similar sites

Resources >Modern Period>20th Cent.>History of Israel>State of Israel(http://www.dinur.org/resources/resourceCategoryDisplay.aspx?categoryid=780&rsid=478) TheJewish History Resource Center, Project of the Dinur Center for Research in Jewish History, TheHebrew University of Jerusalem

MidEastWeb.orgA Timeline of Israeli­Palestinian history and the conflict(http://www.mideastweb.org/timeline.htm)A history of Israel, Palestine and the Arab­Israeli Conflict(http://www.mideastweb.org/briefhistory.htm)

Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (http://www.jcpa.org/)Jewish Virtual Library

Palestinian Maps Omitting Israel(https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/History/palmatoc1.html) and Maps of"Palestine" as a means to instill fundamentally negative messages regarding the Israeli­Palestinian conflict (http://www.intelligence.org.il/eng/sib/maps11_03/maps.htm)Myths and facts online: a guide to the Arab­Israeli Conflict(https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/myths/mftoc.html)

Honest Reporting (http://www.honestreporting.com/) monitoring mideast mediaTrue Peace (http://www.truepeace.org/index.asp) – Chabad­Lubavitch siteWhat the Fight in Israel Is All About (http://www.simpletoremember.com/articles/a/what­the­fight­in­israel­is­all­about/) – The Media Line

Jewish and Israeli "peace movement" news and advocacy sites

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The Origin of the Palestine – Israel Conflict (http://www.cactus48.com/truth.html), Published byJews for Justice in the Middle East

Other sites:

Arabs and Israelis held hostage by a common enemy(http://www.diabolicdigest.net/Middle%20East/Salom4a.htm) Salom Now! And METalks are twoexperimental initiatives which sought to rewrite the script of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.However, such popular, grassroots action is held hostage by some common enemies: despair,hatred, antipathy and distrust. (Jan 2007)Exchange of friendly fire (http://www.diabolicdigest.net/Guest%20pens/Anat.htm) Anat el­Hashahar, an Israeli and founder of METalks, debates the Arab­Israeli conflict – from Oslo toLebanon – with Khaled Diab, an Egyptian journalist and writer.Website with information (articles, reports, maps, books, links, etc.) on the Israeli­Palestinianconflict (http://www.israel­palaestina.de/)Map of Palestinian Refugee Camps 1993 (UNRWA/C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin)(http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/middle_east_and_asia/p_refugee_camps.jpg)Map of Israel 2008 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin)(http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/cia08/israel_sm_2008.gif)Map of Israeli Settlements in the West Bank Dec. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin)(http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/middle_east_and_asia/isettlementswb93.jpg)Map of Israeli Settlements in the Gaza Strip Dec. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin)(http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/middle_east_and_asia/gazastrip.jpg)Map of Jerusalem Mar. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin)(http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/world_cities/jerusalem_93.jpg)Map of Jericho and Vicinity Jan. 1994 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin)(http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/middle_east_and_asia/jericho.gif)Pew Global Research – worldwide public opinion (http://pewglobal.org/reports/pdf/256topline.pdf)Policy publications on the Israeli­Palestinian conflict at the Berman Jewish Policy Archive(http://www.bjpa.org/Publications/results.cfm?TopicID=153)

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