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Is the Bossi-Fini Law (L.189/2002) in compliance with arts 2 and 26 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights?
Mario Umberto Tramontano
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Acknowledgments
This research paper would not have been possible without the support of many
people, all of whom I cannot possibly thank here. However, I would like to thank a
few of them directly. First, I would like to thank my supervisor Natalia Szablewska for
all the support and encouragement she has shown me throughout during the writing
of my paper. I would also like to thank my sisters Michela and Antonella whose
advices were vital to my research. Finally, none of this would have been possible
without the support of my friends. In particular I want to thank Vico for his patience
and help. And to my parents, whose love and sacrifice have made it possible for me
to study what I have always wanted to.
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Abstract
The Italian government has shifted its approach to immigration by introducing a
revolutionary bill based on zero tolerance against irregular migrants. Among other
things, the Bossi-Fini Law (L.189/2002) established an “aggravating circumstance”
which envisages an increase of punishment for migrants as well as different
provisions that tend to criminalise irregulars. The system of annual quotas serves as
a way of selecting those who are allowed to work, whereas the requirement to have
a job before entering the country de facto fosters illegality. The ultimate aim of the
legislation seems to be the criminalisation of the migrant population so as to allow
detention and/or repatriation. Yet, the differential regime may lack the required valid
justification, reasonableness and objectivity demanded by arts 2 and 26 of the
ICCPR on the principle of equality before the law and non-discrimination.
In order to test whether said legislation violates Italian international obligations, I will
use a legal interpretative method based particularly on guidelines provided by both
the Italian Civil Code and the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. By
analysing the jurisprudence of the Italian Constitutional Court and the Human Rights
Committee I will assess the aforementioned test. The variety of sources used follow
art.38 of the International Court of Justice Statute that codifies the sources of
international law.
I argue that the implementation overtime of L.189/2002 has put Italy in breach of its
international obligations under arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR. Despite recognising
equality before the law and non-discrimination in its Constitution, the inconsistent
and politically influenced process of constitutional review has allowed for some gaps
in the protection of migrants from discrimination as conceived by the Human Rights
Committee in its jurisprudence.
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Table of Cases
Human Rights Committee
Gueye v. France (196/1983)
S.W.M. Broeks v. Netherlands (172/1984)
In Danning v. Netherlands (180/1984)
Vos v. Netherlands (218/1986)
Sprenger v. Netherlands (395/1990)
Oulajin and Kaiss v. Netherlands (426/1990)
A.P.L.-v.d.M. v. Netherlands (478/1991)
Simunek v. Czech Republic (516/1992)
Somers v. Hungary (566/1993)
Nahlik v. Austria (608/1995)
Blazek, et al. V. Czech Republic (857/1999)
Mumtaz v. Austria (965/2000)
ICJ
Barcelona Traction case [(Belgium v Spain) (Second Phase)], ICJ Rep 1970
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Table of abbreviations
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women
CERD Convention against all forms of racial discrimination
CRC Convention on the rights of the child
CTPA Centre for temporary permanence and authentication
ECJ European Court of Justice
ECHR European Charter of Human Rights
ECtHR European Court of Human Rights
EU European Union
HR Human Rights
HRL Human Rights Law
HRS Human Rights Standards
HRW Human Rights Watch
IACHR Inter-American Court of Human Rights
ICCPR International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
ICESCR International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights
ICJ International Court of Justice
PDL Popolo della libertà
UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
TU Testo Unico
VCLTR Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties
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Glossary
de facto by [the] fact
de relato from others
dolus or culpa negligence or fault
erga omnes toward all
ex ante before the event
ex post facto after the event
in re ipsa in itself
jus cogens compelling law
mens rea guilty mind
ne bis in idem not twice for the same
nemo tenetur no man is bound
nullum crimen sine legem no crime, no punishment without a previous penal law
onus probandi burden of proof
per se in itself
prima facie at first face
ratio the rationale
ratio decidendi the rationale for the decision
sine qua non [a condition] without which it could not be
tempus commissi delicti when the crime was committed
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List of contents
Acknowledgements p.2
Abstract p.3
Table of cases p.4
List of abbreviations p.5
Glossary p.6
Introduction p.8-12
Methodology p.13-15
Chapter 1.1 The Bossi-Fini Law p.16-17
1.2 Criminalisation of immigration and expulsions. Part 1 p.18-19
Criminalisation of immigration and expulsions. Part 2 p.19-20
1.3 Principle of equality and non-discrimination in the Italian system p.21-23
1.4 Bossi-Fini application and non-discrimination p.23-24
1.5 Annual quotas and discrimination p.24-26
1.6 The crime of illegal stay and its consequences p.26-27
Conclusion p.27
Chapter 2.1 Arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR and the Committee Jurisprudence p.28-30
2.2 Other grounds for discrimination p.30-32
2.3 Has the Committee established a threshold for discrimination? p.32-33
2.4 Other International treaties p.33-34
Conclusion p.34
3.1 Introduction to the hypothesis testing p.35-36
3.2 Does the Italian immigration bill respect arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR?
Part one p.36-37
Does the Italian immigration bill respect arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR?
Part two p.37-39
3.3 Conclusion p.39-40
Bibliography p.41-55
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Introduction
Italy was a country of migrants1 for almost a century (Levinson 2005, 1). In the last
twenty years there has been an increase in immigration which found Italians
unprepared. According to Caritas (Caritas 2010) the total number of migrants in Italy
is 3.600.000 of which roughly 100.000 are irregular. However, people get a different
picture because of the exaggerated attention media has brought to the phenomenon.
There is a sort of schizophrenia towards this topic which is reflected in the
complexity and inconsistency of immigration bills.
The Italian immigration Bill, as every norm, does not constitute a law in itself, but it
adds something to a pre-existing normative framework (Zincone 2000, 959) which is
also made of international obligations based on non-discrimination. As the Inter-
American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) puts it: “the State may not subordinate or
condition the observance of the principle of equality before the law and non-
discrimination to achieving the goals of its public policies, whatever these may be,
including those of migratory nature. This general principle must be guaranteed
always” (IACHR AO 18, para 172). The Italian Constitutional Court, in fact, often
provides guidelines for interpretation against discriminatory policies by analysing
national, international and constitutional provisions. Some believe it does not
distinguish between citizens and non-citizens, insofar as fundamental rights2 are
concerned (Pace 2010; Corte Constituzionale 2006). For this reason there is an
ongoing debate on whether the criminalisation of immigration is unconstitutional,
since the right to personal freedom is fundamental (Santoro 2004). In the same
fashion, the finest doctrine arose many doubts on the overlapping of administrative
1 I borrow the definition of Migrant from UNESCO: "a migrant is any person who lives temporarily or
permanently in a country where he or she was not born".
2 Arts 1 to 12 of the Constitution.
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and criminal offences concerning the illegal stay of migrants (and the principle ne bis
in idem, not twice for the same). The European Court of Justice (ECJ) solved the
arcane in a recent decision, and ruled that said offence is incompatible with
European Union (EU) law which aims at using detention as a last resort only (C-
61/11 PPU; Catananti 2009). In truth many national Courts and scholars had already
highlighted the inconsistencies of the criminalisation of migrants ex ante with the
principle of equality embedded in the Italian Constitution (art.3 of the Constitution;
Palermo 2010, 6-8). By the same token, it is generally agreed that ordinary judges
may “dis-apply” national laws that go against “fundamental rights”, such as the rights
to equality before the law and non-discrimination (Coppola 2009, 32-34), that protect
citizens and non-citizens alike (Vignudelli 2005, 109). This is certainly due to the
influence international law had on the drafting of the Italian Constitution (Cassese
1975, 461; Vignudelli 2005, 111-113) which is reflected in art.10 (1) that states: “the
legal system of Italy conforms to the generally recognized principles of international
law” and makes international customary law automatically applicable.
Formally, the TU (Testo Unico) on immigration, as amended by the Bossi-Fini law,
recognises migrants‟ fundamental rights at art.2. That notwithstanding, the
Constitutional Court has continued to rule on a case by case basis on the law by
amending important parts of it. Other decisions have also affected regional laws
concerning migrants and the respect of family life (ruling 376/2000), personal
freedom (rulings 222 and 223/2004) and finally the principle of non discrimination
before the law (ruling 432/2005). In the last case a law which excluded foreigners
from social benefits was deemed to be against the principle of equality (art.3 of the
Constitution). In sum, all fundamental rights apply to every migrant legally or illegally
residing on the Italian territory, and the Constitution is protecting individuals from
10
purposively discriminatory laws that maybe passed by the Parliament. Yet,
legislations‟ application may be either directly or indirectly discriminatory. Among
other reasons, various bills dealing with migratory flows have been justified for
fighting human trafficking. Nevertheless, such restrictive measures have merely put
those exploited in the shadow, whilst exploiters often get away with their violations
and migrants risk to pay the highest price, namely repatriation and/or criminalisation
(Geddes 2008, 360; Gramaglia 2008, 2). This is chiefly due to the arbitrary system of
annual quotas for migrant labour set in the immigration bill, which does not reflect the
actual need for foreign labour in the tertiary sector, since Italy suffers a low birth rate3
(McCreight 2006, 123-125; Levinson 2005, 1-4; Levy 2005, 52; Wexler 2007, 389-
391; Geddes 2008, 351; 362).
The constructed need for “securatisation” while “waiting for the Barbarians”
(Maggiano 2009, 10-14) fuels racism justified by economic deprivation and
criminalises migrants (Schuster 2003, 244-246; Totah 2003, 1477-1478, 1481-1482;
Welch, Schuster 2005, 342-343; Hamood 2008, 35). However, this rhetoric is
frequently delegitimized by practical and real issues (Zincone 2006, 366-368;
Geddes 2008, 364). Caritas has proved in various researches that migrants‟
workforce is also benefiting state finances, as workers pay more taxes than they get
back in social services (Caritas 2010; Repubblica 9/6/11). Yet, as Wexler points out,
despite the considerable number of human rights (HR) treaties protecting migrants,
there is a lack of resources for implementation and weak enforcement measures.
This, however, does not make violations less grave, especially in regards to
discrimination (Wexler 2007, 375-376, 359). International treaties protect individuals
against discrimination and promote equality by establishing a burden on signatory
3 See Jovins, G. „Survay Italy”, Financial Times 22 July 2002, at 6 „Italian industry cannot survive
without help of migrant workers‟.
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states, that are obliged to take positive actions in that respect (McColgan 2003;
Fischer-Lescano 2009, 258-262). To date, none of the literature has focused in
particular on the universal right to equality before the law and non-discrimination of
migrants. Instead, much has been written on the externalisation of immigration
policies (Pirjola 2009; McColgan 2003; Wexler 2007). Similarly, there is no
comprehensive study on immigration policies vis à vis arts 2 and 26 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
This study thus focuses on the latter and aims at filling the gap in the literature by
carrying out a crisp research on the compatibility of the Italian international
obligations, concerning in particular the principle of non-discrimination and equality
before the law as conceived by arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR and the application of the
new controversial Immigration Bill. Often do we take for granted that democratic
countries avoid direct and indirect discriminatory laws, however it is also possible
that gaps in human rights law (HRL) and Constitutional rights give rise to de facto
unjustified differential treatments. My argument is that the implementation overtime
of L.189/2002 put Italy in breach of its international obligations, which prohibit
discrimination erga omnes4 under arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR. Despite recognising
equality before the law and non-discrimination in its Constitution, the inconsistent
and politically influenced process of constitutional review has allowed for some gaps
in the protection of migrants from discrimination as conceived by the Human Rights
Committee in its jurisprudence.
The study proceeds as follow: first of all I explain my methodology. In chapter one I
summarise the provisions of the Bossi-Fini Law referring back to the previous
legislation. The first part focuses on the “aggravating circumstance” for migrants,
4 Barcelona Traction case [(Belgium v Spain) (Second Phase)], ICJ Rep 1970, para 33.
12
different forms of detention and punishment for illegal “re-entrance”. This leads us to
the criminalisation of migrants and its problematiques as underlined by the
Constitutional Court. It follows a detailed analysis of the constitutional principle of
non-discrimination and equality before the law through the lenses of the Supreme
Court‟s5 jurisprudence and the Court of Cassation. I then highlight the potentially
discriminating effects of the Bossi-Fini Law and spell out additional norms set within
the immigration bill that cause apprehension insofar as non-discrimination is
concerned. The system of annual quotas for migrants as well as the consequences
of the crime of illegal stay are therefore addressed.
Chapter two turns to arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR. I scrutinize the Human Rights
Committee‟s (the Committee hereafter) jurisprudence and general comments which
shed some light on the interpretation and applicability of non-discrimination and
equality before the law as provided by the Covenant6. I then refer to legitimate
discrimination and positive obligations of the state. In conclusion, I assess whether
the Committee has established a threshold for discrimination and I break down
relevant provisions of international law in light of which ICCPR‟s articles should be
interpreted. The clauses of non-discrimination, included in the Convention against all
forms of racial discrimination (CERD), Convention on the Elimination of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Convention on the right of the Child
(CRC) and the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) are used as a
corollary for interpretation. This leads me to test whether or not the Italian
immigration bill respects arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR (Charter 3). I conclude by
explaining my findings and consequences and thus the answer to the research
question and the results of the hypothesis testing.
5 Supreme Court and Constitutional Court will be used interchangeably thereafter.
6 When I use the Covenant, I refer to the ICCPR.
13
Methodology
Research question: is the Bossi-Fini Law (L.189/2002) in compliance with arts 2 and
26 of the ICCPR?
My main hypothesis is: the implementation overtime (from 2002 till present) of
L.189/2002 has put Italy in breach of its international obligations in regard to ICCPR
arts 2 and 26.
My methodology functions as follow: firstly, I use guidelines on interpretation in the
pre-laws of the Italian Civil Code (art.12 cc)7 so as to assess the immigration bill and
I take into account the process of constitutional review which affected said law and
the relevant jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court. Secondly, in order to spell out
arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR, I resort to the Vienna Convention on the law of treaties
(VCLT), which clarifies that treaties should be interpreted “in good faith in
accordance with the ordinary meaning” of the terms and by contextualising it in
respect of its aim and purpose. Additionally, any recurring practice (customs) or rules
of international law (but also preparatory works – see VCLT art.32) are vital tools
(VCLT art.31) for interpretation. In that respect the International Court of Justice
(ICJ) adds that “international instruments must be interpreted [...] within the overall
framework of the [international] judicial system in force at the time of interpretation”
(ICJ Rep 1971). I therefore look at the relevant international law within both Charter
and Treaty based mechanisms (The ICCPR Art.2, 26, ICERSC Art.3, CERD Art.1-7-
8, CRC Art.1(2) and ECHR Art.14) and consequentially to the monitoring procedures
set therein. For instance, I analyse the country report of the Committee and its
7 This article repeats the same concept expressed by art.32 of the VCLT.
14
recommendations. I additionally read ICCPR arts 2 and 26 through the lens of the
Committee‟s jurisprudence, that also follows art.31-32 VCLT insofar as interpretation
is concerned. I look at all cases dealing with discrimination and equality before the
law through the search engine of the Human Rights Commission website.
I finally take into account advisory opinions, general comments and
recommendations referred to Italy, reports and concluding observations of
Rapporteurs‟ missions which touch upon the issue under study. In sum, legal
interpretation confers meaning to laws and treaty articles in the context of a specific
dispute like the one highlighted by my research question.
However, there may be some potential downsides to said approach. Whether or not
a legal norm is respected depends on different aspects “on the ground” and it is not
solely a matter of legal interpretation. To test whether the Bossi-Fini Law respects
the principle of equality and non-discrimination, I could have used quantitative
collection of data to measure statistically how many breaches of arts 2 and 26 of the
ICCPR said legislation caused. Interviews or focus groups would have allowed me to
capture some sociological aspects which my research lacks. However, none of these
methods would have been adequate to answer my research question and test my
hypothesis using the same instruments as a Court8. In other words, as one of the
aims of this research is to show that Italian violations can allow migrants to get
remedies via a legal individual complain9, this is the best method to do so. The
research question is of fundamental importance as the clause of non-discrimination
is a condition sine qua non in international law while Italy represents a peculiar case
8 Noteworthy, when assessing the ordinary meaning of a term the Court can use a multidisciplinary
approach by taking into account philosophical as well as sociological (like social observation of
community life) and political factors.
9 no case has been brought to the Committee so far against Italy.
15
due to its legal system. In fact, despite protecting individuals against discrimination in
the Constitution (which is safeguarded by the Constitutional Court), ordinary laws, if
not referred to the Supreme Court by national Courts, may still result in violations of
HR. In case the hypothesis is refuted, the findings will still be politically relevant in
supporting a strict approach to immigration and they will make such approach also
legally compatible with international law.
Finally, in order to limit inherent biases and allow the research to be as objective as
possible, I use a variety of sources which in part follow art.38 of the ICJ statute on
the sources of international law. Therefore, Treaties and Conventions, customs,
general principles of law (i.e. non-discrimination) and jurisprudence of international
Courts as well as scholarly articles. As far the time frame is concerned, I consider
how the policy evolves from when it came into force till today.
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1.1 The Bossi-Fini Law
The Parliament, through the legislative power, promulgates laws which add
something to a pre-existing normative framework. The current Italian immigration
law10 substitutes a previous text, the so called Turco-Napolitano law (L.40/1998), and
establishes that migrants can be expelled by the Minister of Interior for security
issues or public order, and by the head of the police if they entered the territory
illegally and overstayed without applying for a visa (while lacking a valid justification)
as well as when they committed a crime or contracted a false marriage. Unlike the
Turco-Napolitano Law, they can still appeal the decree of expulsion within 30 days
through an Italian embassy in their country. However, they need to be represented
by an Italian lawyer and the order to leave the country remains valid (art.13
L.189/2002). Yet, the lack of legal aid and the absence from the territory make
appeals difficult as embassies abroad generally receive the expulsion notification
after the deadline of 30days and in this way the migrants right of defence is
jeopardised (though the Constitutional Court rulings 198/2000 - 10/1993 called for
the right of defence of irregular migrants to be respected by referring to art.14 of the
ICCPR). Furthermore, migrants can also be expelled by a judge after they have been
sentenced for crimes provided by arts 380 and 38111 of the Code of Criminal
Procedure (art.15 L.189/2002) whenever they represent a threat to the society. The
expulsion order is executed either through a simple notice or by escorting them near
the border. In the former case migrants have 5 days12 to leave the country. Those
10
Italy is a parliamentary democracy based on the division of powers. The governments executes
laws voted by the parliament which is divided into two chambers (Deputy and Senate) while the
judiciary power represented by Courts assesses when laws apply to reality.
11 Particularly grave crimes for which migrants are arrested in flagrant delict.
12 A new Law (L.129/2011) extended this period to 7 days (Repubblica 2/08/11).
17
who stay illegally can be incarcerated from 6 to 18 months13 in temporary detention
centres called CTPAs (art.14.5-bis L.189/2002). In 2004 Mèdecins Sans Frontières
exposed the inadequacy of most of these centres (MSF 2004, 190; HRC UPR 2010,
6; Special Rapporteur Racism 2007, 18-20; CERD General Recommendation XXX,
para 19; Special Rapporteur Migrants 2005, para 87) and demanded them to be
closed.
The mere attempt to re-enter the country illegally is a crime in itself punished with a
sentence from 1 to 4 years (art.14 dl 271/2004). This circumstance has undergone
some changes due to the Constitutional Court ruling 226/2004 which regarded it to
be irrational as sometimes the first order to leave the country is not enforced and
therefore the crime of re-entering illegally is not committed (ruling 271/2004). Though
the Supreme Court in a predated judgement underlined that no criminal norm
“should be automatically linked to a subjective condition or status [which] [...] in itself
is not socially dangerous” (ruling 78/2007; Catanati 2010, 19), to be an illegal
migrant constitutes an “aggravating circumstance” which leads to a fast-track
process (L.125/2008) (Catanati 2010, 16-17; Palermo 2010, 2; 6). In other words, the
mere status of an individual becomes a reason for increasing the punishment and he
is deemed to be in re ipsa a dangerous person (Catanati 2010, 4). Paradoxically,
such increase of punishment can apply even to minors who have entered the
territory illegally but have not yet received their temporary visa provided by law to
protect them. Finally, it is also a crime the mere failure to show an ID (art.6(3) TU)
without a valid justification. Part of the doctrine sees this requirement as subject to
interpretation. Consequentially, the judge may interpret the order to show a valid ID
as illegitimate and therefore acquit the defendant (Catanati 2010, 6).
13
There has recently been an extension from 12 to 18 month (L.129/2011; Repubblica 2/08/11).
18
1.2 Criminalisation of immigration and expulsions. Part 1
These legislative measures have proved a willingness to criminalise immigration
(Special Rapporteur Racism 2007, 25). The Constitutional Court, in fact, (ruling
249/2010) dwelled on the risk of punishing migrants twice for the same crime (for
residing illegally in the country and by making such status and “aggravating
circumstance”) which is not allowed according to the principle ne bis in idem and
concluded that the increase of punishment cannot apply to these crimes provided by
the immigration bill (Catanati 2010, 2;18). What is more, this norm arises many
doubts insofar as the principle of equality and non-discrimination is concerned since
the increase of punishment applies to irregular migrants only (Palermo 2010, 6).
Moreover, L.94/2009 introduced the crime of illegal stay that was harshly criticized
by Human Rights Watch and PICUM (HRW 2009, PICUM 2010, 8), since the illegal
entry used to be a mere administrative offence before and the same norm does not
apply to other foreigners from the European Community. As a consequence, if a
migrant enters Italy without a valid visa, he/she is committing a crime and his status
becomes in itself a criminal offence, even though there is a clear lack of mens rea –
guilty mind (Catanati 2010, 7). The government even tried unsuccessfully to
constrain doctors to report illegal migrants to the police (Corriere 2009). According to
the principle nullum crimen sine lege, criminal conducts which are not an offence at
the time they were committed cannot be prosecuted afterwards. However, L.94/2009
establishes a permanent crime which does not ascertain the tempus comissi delicti.
It would thus follow that even regular migrants who lose their job and the possibility
of renewing their visa become automatically criminals. On top of that, it generally
takes more than 6 months to renew Visas (permesso di soggiorno) and therefore
many legal migrants find their rights restricted as they cannot access social services
19
as a consequence (Special Rapporteur Migrants 2005, 11.38). All the more in a
situation where an appeal to the aforementioned decision would not stop the
expulsion order. It is difficult to identify the dolus or culpa. In this sinister scenario
costs-benefits constrains, which are among the government‟s justification for a tough
approach to immigration, are not considered as of yet. Thousands of trials are
formally starting just for speeding up the process of repatriation and results are
devastating for the already slow Italian judicial system.
Part 2
The criminal offence is triggered when an administrative “decree of expulsion” is not
respected (and after July 2009 when entering the country illegally). In short, the head
of the police issues the expulsion order for the “clandestine” and the Questore - the
head of the police administrative services - executes it. However, when the former is
flawed the latter automatically becomes non-executable as charges would be
dismissed. The Court of Varese on the 10th of September 2005 (ruling 105) further
explained that a mere decree of expulsion which does not distinguish on a case by
case basis would entail an excess of administrative power as the foreigner would
have to expel himself. According to the principle of definiteness the law has to be
both precise and univocal so that facts can be verified by the judge. Any criminal
norm in order to be interpreted and applied needs to be “a law in force at the time the
offence was committed” as established by art.25 of the Italian Constitution. The
Constitutional Court has made clear – when dwelling on L.271/2004 - (ruling 5/2004)
that the formula [the migrant who has not left the country] “without a valid
justification” present in the legislation is going to be assessed by the judge with his
20
interpretation of the law. Magistrates have to consider that public order and security
cannot override fundamental (and constitutional) principles such as the right to life,
the right to health, the right to work, to family life and the clause of non-
discrimination. Moreover, the migrant‟s right of defence would be undermined by the
fact that he has to justify his permanence on the territory even when he has to
defend himself (art.17 TU). Nevertheless, the Supreme Court deems this clause to
be in compliance with the Constitution as it is commonly used for special legislations
and it tends to preserve the migrant‟s fundamental rights by allowing that had he “a
valid justification” not to leave the country, no crime would have been committed if he
overstayed. For this reason it is called “elastic clause”, because it adapts to reality.
By reviewing the jurisprudence of national Courts it becomes clear that certain
objective and subjective prohibitive conditions can be interpreted by the judge as a
“valid justifications” not to leave the country. For instance, those who come from
Sub-Saharan countries in many instances cannot afford the flight ticket as they live
in poverty (nemo tenetur). Generally the period to obtain documents from their
embassies is much longer than the 5 days allowed by law. Moreover, parents‟ moral
and material obligation towards children as provided in arts 30 and 31 of the Italian
Constitution, art.570 of the Penal Code and in detail in the CRC, may also be a valid
justification not to fulfil the order to leave the country (TU art.19.2(a) prohibits
expulsions of under 18 individuals unless they are a threat to the society). Insofar as
the burden of the proof is concerned, the Constitutional Court specified that the
attorney is to prove the absence of a “valid justification” (ruling 5/2004). Since these
norms were introduced, there has been a preoccupying over-representation of
immigrants in the prison population (Working group on arbitrary detention 2009, 24-
25).
21
1.3 Principle of equality and non-discrimination in the Italian system
In short, the Bossi-Fini aims at limiting illegal immigration by controlling borders,
imprisoning or expelling illegal migrants which are almost 500.000 at present
(Ministry of Interior 2011). However, such legislative framework arises many doubts
on the full respect of the non-discrimination clause and equality before the law for
migrants. In 1993 the Mancino Law (modified by L.85/2006) incorporated CERD into
the Italian system and in so doing it prohibited many grounds for discrimination. Art.3
of the Italian Constitution reads: “all citizens have equal social dignity and are equal
before the law, without distinction of sex, race, language, religion, political opinion,
personal and social conditions. It is the duty of the Republic to remove those
obstacles of an economic or social nature which constrain the freedom and equality
of citizens, thereby impeding the full development of the human person and the
effective participation of all workers in the political, economic and social organisation
of the country.” Ever since 1966 (ruling 25/1966) the Constitutional Court in one of its
first interpretative rulings deemed the principle of equality to be “an ever present
factor” which influences every aspect of the Italian legal system14. One test the Court
has consistently applied is the “reasonableness test”, which permits a differential
treatment when the different nature of the circumstance justifies it. Therefore,
privileging a group over another is also discriminatory and in breach of said principle
(ruling 96/1980). All things being equal, any “unjustified and arbitrary discrimination”
(ruling 111/1981) is unconstitutional (ruling 340/2004). That said, the Court has also
14
The same did the IACHR which stated “there is an inseparable connection between the obligation
to respect and guarantee human rights and the principle of equality and non-discrimination...non
compliance gives rise to international responsibility...The fact that [they] are regulated in so many
international instruments is evidence that there is a universal obligation to respect [said rights]. This
principle may be considered peremptory under general international law, inasmuch as it applies to all
States. Accordingly [said principle] belongs to jus cogens” [AO 18 para 85-86;100-101].
22
specified that there may be justifiable differential treatments (ruling 276/2005).
Insofar as migrants are concerned, it has constantly seen art.3 as a universal one
which applies to citizens and non-citizens alike “in compliance with international law”
(rulings 104 and 120/1967). Even recently, the Supreme Court maintained that the
right to health is universally guarantee for everyone without discrimination (ruling
252/2001 and 32/2009) together with participation in the political life (ruling
269/2010) and the right to contract marriage (ruling 245/2011). In regard to “the right
of defence” provided by art.13 of the Constitution, the Court has ruled that security
and ordre public issues cannot overrule fundamental principles attached to human
dignity (rulings 198/2000 and 105/2001). It went even further by asserting that
migrants are entitled to enjoy all fundamental rights provided in the first part of the
Constitution (art.1 to 12), recalling universal HR as conceived by the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the ICCPR (ruling 10/1993; Sileoni 2010,
159-160). Accordingly, art.10 of the Constitution recognises that national laws must
be in compliance with international customary law and signed treaties.
The fact that the Italian judicial system is not biased towards migrants was further
highlighted by recent interpretations of the Supreme Court that deemed two
applications of unconstitutionality of the government against regional bills to be
inadmissible. Tuscany and Emilia Romagna passed laws aimed at an improving
political participation15 of foreigners by granting them the right to vote locally (rulings
372 and 379/2004). Although the right to vote is restricted to citizens (art.48 of the
Constitution), the Court said that the aforementioned laws were “in harmony with the
Constitution”. There is therefore a tendency to extend some constitutional rights and
duties in light of the recent developments in HRL. By the same token, the Court
15
The Court took the right approach insofar as Italy signed the Convention on the Participation of
Foreigners in Public Life at Local Level (1992).
23
considered a part of the financial bill of 2001 to be “illegitimate” (ruling 187/2010),
due to the exclusion of disabled people without a permit of residence from social
benefits. The ratio decidendi was rather peculiar, as judges referred to art.14 of the
ECHR16 and additional protocol 12 as well as to the “necessity of avoiding
unreasonable laws which go against [Italian] international obligations”. Thus, this
approach seems to second the rule that “primary needs” cannot be subject to
differential treatment even when citizens have to sustain heavy costs.
1.4 Bossi-Fini application and non-discrimination
Though in theory the Italian system guarantees full protection against differential
treatment for migrants, practice often differs. For instance, in Italy those sentenced to
a maximum of 3 years can be considered for alternative punishments. However, the
Criminal Court of Cassation established that “illegal migrants” cannot have access to
such measures as they are living in “illegality” and therefore they are not identifiable
and difficult to locate (Court of Cassation ruling n.30130). The ratio of the Court
seems to imply that illegal migrants are dangerous for the society in re ipsa. This is
not only unjustified but also incorrect as the adjective “illegal” presupposes that the
migrant is committing a crime and therefore he is socially dangerous. In truth, they
are merely “irregular” in the sense that they lack a regular visa. Still, once in Court
they are identified and there is no reason whatsoever to apply a differential treatment
as their objective status is no different from that of any other individuals.
Nevertheless, the Court could have simply meant that as an illegal migrant should be
escorted to the border once he enters the territory, that would preclude the possibility
16
In rulings 348 and 349/2007 the Constitutional Court deemed the ECHR to be a quasi-constitutional
instrument.
24
of serving the punishment in alternative ways. Yet, no justification is provided as to
the reasonableness of such differential treatment. By following the same reasoning
line, illegal immigrants should not be incarcerated (and note that alternative
punishments are “punishments” nonetheless), but rather immediately expelled. On
the contrary, the Court does not rule out detention and says that expulsion is the only
alternative to it without explaining such statement. However, the true paradox lies in
the fact that for certain crimes migrants cannot be expelled, but incarceration is
mandatory (TU art.407.2). Furthermore, it is not clear why an administrative wrong,
the illegal entry, is affecting a criminal decision. Those who breach the law are
supposed to be recovered and punishments are meant to rehabilitate as provided by
art.27 of the Constitution. The only viable explanation for a differential treatment
stems from the fact that irregular migrants cannot have a fixed legal residence and
therefore their position is “different” from that of other groups. However, this
differentiation would still seem to be unreasonable given the limitation of freedom
involved.
1.5 Annual quotas and discrimination
We will now shift our attention to entries that are regulated through annual quotas
quantified by the government. As Caritas demonstrated in a recent study, the quota
is unrealistically low whereas the demand for foreign labour is much higher,
especially for the tertiary sector17 (Levinson 2005, 1; Monzini 2007, 165; Caritas
2010). That said, there seem to be a preferential treatment for those migrants who
come from countries which have signed agreements on immigration with Italy
17
the Association of Industrialists has constantly pushed for “integrative” programs due to its concern
for labour shortages especially in the north (Notizie Ansa 2002).
25
(Gramaglia 2008, 2; Wayne 2004, 382). It is common for foreign workers to see their
application for a temporary visa or international protection rejected, based solely on
their nationality (Special Rappourteur Racism 2007, 19). This amounts to a
substantial differential treatment which is solely justified by political interests but
remains unreasonable as its aim is purely discriminatory. In contrast with the
previous legislation, at present Italian embassies when denying visas do not have to
motivate their decision. The paradoxical requirement to have a job before entering
the country is proving to be flawed as in practice workers are employed illegally and
afterwards, at the right time, regularised (Special Rapporteur Racism 2007, 18).
Such procedure enhanced exploitation, insecurity for migrants workers, illegality and
discrimination (Special Rapporteur Racism 2006, 20; 25; CERD 2008, 4 para 17-18).
A huge informal economy allows those who enter the country illegally to work and
get low-paid jobs (Ruhs, Anderson 2010, 2; Miggiano 2008, 17-18; Gatti 2007, 426;
Wexler 2007, 389; MSF 2007). Paradoxically even migrants who work legally risk to
be blackmailed by their employers as joblessness would result in illegality and
repatriation. “The securitisation of illegal migrants ,[in fact], creates spaces for their
exploitation inside the border” by making them “invisible” (Miggiano 2008, 2;8). The
Special Rapporteur on the HR of Migrants highlighted that in southern Italy even
Refugees18 are exploited and underpaid by farmers who allow them to work in
unhygienic conditions (Special Rapporteur Migrants 2005, 18). In Rosarno after a
18
Art.1 Refugee Convention defines a Refugee as: “a person who owing to a well-founded fear of
being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or
political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is
unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being
outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to
such fear, is unwilling to return to it”.
26
demonstration by migrants the local mafia organised reprisals on them by firing live
ammunition (Special Rapporteurs Bustamante 2010, para 88). In conclusion, the
new law also abolished sponsorships, which permitted extra-communitarians to get a
temporary visa while looking for a job in the country. The sponsor had to be an
Italian citizen who generally acted as a guarantor (former art.23 TU) and not
necessarily the employer.
1.6 The crime of illegal stay and its consequences
Despite the many doubts arisen by the Bossi-Fini system of annual quotas and its
likely discriminatory effects (Special Rapporteur Racism 2007, 25), the Berlusconi
government continued to modify the bill continuously by introducing new provisions.
Roberto Maroni, the interior minister, declared in an interview that the criminal
offence of illegal stay was introduced as an instrument for fostering expulsions
(Repubblica 28/4/11). In so doing, he admitted that the current legislation
jeopardises the fundamental right of defence each individual should be entitled to.
When favouring expulsion in any case, the law de facto trumps said right.
Regrettably the Constitutional Court (ruling 250/2010) interpreted the criminal norm
as not attached to the status of the individual but rather to his conduct (namely, of
entering the country without valid documents) and therefore it seconded the equation
“illegal migrant equals threat to the society”. In sum, the Court justifies the differential
treatment since the control of migratory flows represents a particular circumstance
which [reasonably] allows the legislator to deal with it in a special way. Having said
that, the supreme judges avoided to explain what makes a migrant socially
dangerous ex ante. In truth, the revolutionary character of the Bossi-Fini law stems
27
from the emphasis put on expulsion and the transformation of temporary centres for
identification into detention centres (Special Rapporteur Migrants 2005, para 86).
However, the ECJ ruled (C-61/11 PPU) that detention must be used as last resort
and for a period of time as short as possible. Further, any step towards repatriation
has to take into account human rights. In that regard the Court also refers to the
ECtHR‟s jurisprudence and concludes that Italian immigration law does not respect
said directive (directive 2008/115/EC). Despite acknowledging that member states
are solely responsible for their criminal law, said law needs to be in harmony with EU
directives.
Conclusion
So far we have illustrated the provisions of L.189/2002 by focusing on potentially
discriminatory aspects, some of which the Constitutional Court has already dealt
with. Yet, the gap left could give rise to de facto discriminatory effect.
Additionally, the chapter has dealt with the discrimination caused by the politically
influenced system of annual quotas for migrant workers and the crime of illegal stay.
28
2.1 Arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR and the Committee Jurisprudence
The rights present in the Covenant must apply to all individuals “subject to the state
jurisdiction” (art.2.1), apart from these rights which apply to citizens only (art.25). “In
certain circumstances an alien may enjoy the protection of the Covenant even in
relation to entry or residence, for example, when considerations of non-
discrimination [...] arise” (General Comment 15, para 5). The Human Rights Drafting
Committee discussed the principle of equality before the law and non-discrimination
in different sessions. Unlike other human rights instruments, the ICCPR gives
particular attention to equality and non-discrimination, so much so that the
discussion during the preparatory works led to a series of draft articles which
eventually became arts 2 and 26. While a counterpart of art.2 is present in almost
every HR treaty, the same is not true of art.26. Ever since the travaux preparatoires
some maintained that art.26 had to be limited to the rights within the Covenant,
others thought said limitation did not apply and therefore the sentence: “[...] without
discrimination [and] equal protection of the law” practically referred to any law,
national as well as international. The latter position was reinforced by the Committee
in General Comment 18 which at paragraph 12 underlines that art.26 guarantees
equality before the law and non-discrimination on any grounds, in law as well as in
all activities regulated by the state authority. Thus, unlike art.2, art.26 is not limited to
the rights present in the Covenant (General Comment 18, 12), but rather it goes so
far as to impose that no arbitrary decision should be taken by public authorities. In
S.W.M. Broeks v. Netherlands (172/1984), in fact, Committee members maintained
that any piece of legislation “should prohibit discrimination” (at para 12.4). Apart from
these grounds explicitly prohibited in the art.26 (race, sex, colour etc.), individual
29
complaints have extended the basis for denouncing a discriminatory act19. In short
these “other status” cited in the article have been gradually assessed by the
Committee. However, migrants as a social category have so far not submitted any
individual complaint (as allowed by Optional Protocol II) concerning art.26 (one
exception is Oulajin and Kaiss v. Netherlands 406, 426/1990 which affected the
applicant de ralato as the application had to do with child benefits and not with his
status). Yet, the Committee in Broeks v. Netherlands maintained that policies,
including those regulating immigration, should not be discriminatory by all means. It
follows that any difference in dealing with a particular category is potentially in
breach of art.26. That said, they have not clarified through which criteria it is decided
whether a ground for discrimination is covered by the Covenant (Bayefsky 1990, 6-
7). Discrimination was defined in General Comment 18 as : “any distinction,
exclusion, restriction or preference which is based on any ground such as race,
colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin,
property, birth or other status, and which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or
impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by all persons, on an equal footing,
of all rights and freedoms” (para 7). It is nonetheless clear that the onus probandi
lies on the applicant who has to prove the substantial differential treatment as well as
19
The right of conscientious objection, Brinkhof v. Netherlands (402/1990); children‟s benefits, Oulajin
& Kaiss v. Netherlands (406, 426/1990);Unemployment benefits, Broeks v. Netherlands (172/1984),
A.P.L.-v.d.M. v. Netherlands (478/1991), Zwaan-de Vreis v. Netherlands (182/1984), Araujo-Jongen
v. Netherlands (418/1990), Pons v. Spain (454/1991); disability pensions, Danning v. Netherlands
(180/1984), Hendrika Vos v. Netherlands (218/1986); educational subsidies, Blom v. Sweden
(191/1985), Lindgren et al. v. Sweden (198-199/1988), Waldman v. Canada (694/1996); veterans‟
pensions, Gueye et al. v. France (196/1985); severance pay, Valenzuela v. Peru (309/1988);
employment, Sprenger v. Netherlands (395/1990); property rights, Adam v. Czech Republic
(586/1994); retirement pensions, Johannes Vos v. Netherlands (786/1997); survivors‟ pensions,
Pauger v. Austria (415/1990), Pepels v. Netherlands (484/1991), Hoofdman v. Netherlands
(602/1994).
30
the disadvantage such treatment resulted in. There are, in fact, a series of
justification for differential treatment (for instance between disabled person and non-
disabled person), yet such exceptions do not generate a direct detriment as they are
allowed for a different category/ies. Thus, all things being equal, unless pursuing a
legitimate aim, no subjective and unreasonable distinction ought to be made. For
legitimate aim the Committee refers to aims in compliance with the Covenant and
international law (General Comment 18, para 13). It goes without saying that the
opposite is true, i.e. that a group of people who are in a different position may claim
that they should be treated differently. In their individual opinion for the case Vos v.
Netherlands (218/1986) B. Wennergren and F.A. Urbina stated that in case
discrimination affects “individuals, a provision cannot be deemed discriminatory as
such” (para 1) and that “differences in result of the uniform application of laws do not
per se constitute prohibited discrimination” (Vos v. Netherlands, para 11.3). Yet
again the Committee fails to explain the criteria used to determine whether the
individual is part of a group which is suffering or may suffer discrimination.
2.2 Other grounds for discrimination
However it is clear that isolated cases cannot automatically be seen as
discriminatory, unless there is a more general trend rather than a “one off”. Further,
mere policy outcomes are not tantamount to discrimination. In Danning v.
Netherlands (180/1984, para 13-14) the Committee undertakes a “reasonableness
and objectivity test” which takes into account whether or not the applicant can
choose to be a member of a group rather than another. In the former case a
31
distinction would be “reasonable”. In addition the reasonableness of a particular law
can be assessed by analyzing the purpose of said law and if it is based on objective
grounds (Simunek v. Czech Republic 516/1992). This is linked to the legitimate aim
of a legislation (Dissenting opinion Nahlik v. Austria 608/1995). For instance, a law
that distinguishes between black and white in fulfilling the right to education would
breach art.26 (despite the fact that said article is enshrined in the ICESR) since the
distinction would clearly be arbitrary. On the contrary when protecting the interest of
others, a difference in treatment may be justified (Somers v. Hungary 566/1993;
Mumtaz v. Austria 965/2000 para 8.4; General Comment 18 para 13). The
Committee also found that an international treaty like that of the EU cannot be a
justification for differential treatment (Mumtaz v. Austria 965/2000). Finally, the mere
administrative organisation of a state cannot be posed as a reasonable justification
for discrimination (Gueye v. France 196/1983). In other words, if there are
“differences resulting from the equal application of a rule” (A.P.L.-v.d.M. v.
Netherlands 478/1991 para 6.4) such outcome would not be discriminatory per se.
As we already discussed, states are obliged to take positive actions against
discrimination and that can also happen through the implementation of policy which
favours disadvantaged groups (so called relative equality) (General Comment 18,
para 10). Such positive actions may also affect private activities, especially in regard
to employment rules.
According to General Comment 18 (para 7) indirect discrimination may also breach
art.26, where there is no intent but discriminatory effects. However, the Committee
has not discussed many of such cases yet. It is nonetheless clear that policies have
to be “reasonable and directed towards objective purpose that are compatible” with
HR (Simunek, et al. V. Czech Republic 516/1992, para 11.7). In fact, there may be
32
reasonableness and objectivity prima facie but the intent to discriminate makes a law
unreasonable (Diergaardt et al. v. Namibia 760/1997, para 10.10).
2.3 Has the Committee established a threshold for discrimination?
To go back to reasonableness and objectivity, it is hard to find a clear formula in the
reasoning of the Committee as cases are not judged through a clear cut test, also
given the difficulty in interpreting such concepts. There is no agreement on what
should be the basis for comparison20. In short, ought two individuals be in the exact
same situation or is it enough if they are substantially in similar circumstances? The
Committee does not provide an answer to this question and its approach seems to
be inconsistent. However, there are some interesting conclusion that can be found in
case law. In Blazek, et al. V. Czech Republic (857/1999), for instance, a distinction
based on citizenship was deemed to be unreasonable and therefore discriminatory.
The test tends to verify direct discrimination. Though there is a margin of
appreciation in regard to the prevailing cultural view of the society, the Committee
has in Broeks v. Netherlands (172/1984) highlighted that the majority view (based on
a prejudice) may also lead to unreasonable discrimination (para 8.2). In short, a
society which is against illegal immigration cannot justify a discriminatory law
towards immigrants. When there is a logic link between the aim of the legislation and
the difference in treatment, it would seem correct to conclude that criterion are
objective and reasonable as they logically follow from one another. By the same
20
Treatment of those undertaking national service is not comparable to the treatment of ordinary
civilians. In H.A.E.d.J v. Netherlands. In van Oord v. Netherlands a claim for discrimination on the
basis of nationality was dismissed as the appropriate comparator was the treatment of former Dutch
citizens living in the US and not those living in other states.
33
token, reasonable and objective criteria may become unreasonable if the aim of a
piece of legislation is to allow a differential treatment based i.e. on sex (Diergaardt et
al. V. Namibia 760/1997, para 10.10).
Conclusively, in his individual opinion in Sprenger v. Netherlands (395/1990) Ando,
N‟diaye and Herndl maintained that “depending on the nature of the right to which
the principle of non-discrimination is applied” art.26 may allow for a more or less
strict application of the aforementioned three-partite test (objectivity, reasonableness
and legitimate aim). Discrimination based on sex and race permits a very restricted
margin of appreciation and in fact such grounds are “prioritized”. Insofar as migrants
are concerned, these are often grounds for discrimination.
2.4 Other International treaties
Apart from the ICCPR arts 2 and 26, also ICESCR at art.3 requires that “the States
Parties to the present Covenant undertake to ensure the equal right of men and
women to the enjoyment of all economic, social and cultural rights set forth in the
present Covenant.” However, CERD and CEDAW include the largest number of
quality provisions. While art.1 of CERD and CEDAW defines racial discrimination
and discrimination against women respectively, art.5 of CERD specifically prohibits
race and all other forms of discrimination by imposing on states the burden, namely
a positive obligation. Likewise CEDAW imposes prohibition of discrimination against
women (arts 7 and 8) and obliges the states to adopt policies in that direction. Art.1.2
of CRC prohibits discrimination against children “on the basis of the status, activities,
expressed opinions, or beliefs of the child‟s parents, legal guardians, or family
members”. As far as the ECHR is concerned, art.14 can be applied only if “the facts
34
at issue fall within the ambit of one or more [provisions of the Convention] (see
Abdulaziz v UK). Peculiarly, this was reaffirmed by the Committee in Mumtaz v.
Austria (965/2000, para 7.4) so as to highlight differences between the freestanding
anti-discrimination provision of ICCPR and art.14 of ECHR. However, the application
of art.14 by the Court has been inconsistent as in the Belgian Linguistic Case Judges
referred to “aims and effects” of the policy by implying that also indirect
discrimination might breach art.14. Thus, a policy with no legitimate aim would be
unjustifiable.
Despite the many reservations suffered by widely ratified treaties like CEDAW, some
may argue that the clause of non-discrimination would apply nonetheless. The
Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, in fact, stated (General
Recommendation XIV) that “non-discrimination, together with equality before the law
and equal protection of the law without any discrimination, constitutes a basic
principle” of international law.
Conclusion
Chapter three has been dedicated to International Human Rights Law. In particular I
analysed the Committee jurisprudence, general recommendation and general
comments by taking into account various grounds for discrimination and the
inconsistent threshold Committee members seem to attach when assessing
violations of arts 2 and 26. In conclusion, I took into account other international
provisions which also provide protection against discrimination.
35
3.1 Introduction to the hypothesis test
In order to assess whether the Italian bill breaches the requirements of arts 2 and 26
as conceived by the Committee, I need to assess whether the Bossi-Fini Law
guarantees equal protection of the law, right to equality before the law and
prohibition of discrimination. Thus, in turn I will assess whether the immigration law
prohibits discrimination and if it applies equally to all migrants.
As we have already extensively discussed, the Italian Constitution at art.3
guarantees that all people are equal before the law without any distinction. The
Constitutional Court has interpreted this article so as to apply it to citizens and non-
citizens alike (ruling 104/120 1967; CERD General Recommendation XXX, para 7). It
follows that any ordinary law has to be in compliance with the Constitution, or else
the Court can review and amend it. This was the case for part of the immigration bill
which was meant to increase the punishment for illegal migrants (L.125/2008) but
the Court deemed it to be “unreasonable” (ruling 249/2010) and manifestly
discriminatory. Therefore, there is a formal protection towards purposively
discriminatory legislation. The previous immigration law amended by the Bossi-Fini
(TU 1998) at art.1 recognised constitutional fundamental rights (art.1 to 12 of the
Italian Constitution) for migrants without distinction. It would seem that other
Constitutional rights are reasonably not applicable to irregular migrants as that would
be too much of a burden for those who pay taxes. Yet, unless a municipal Court
requires the Supreme Court to intervene, such protection can be jeopardised. In
other words, the fact that there is equality before the law does not necessarily imply
that there is protection from discrimination of the law (in its application). In particular,
before the Constitutional Review is completed the law still applies. For this reason
36
the provision of the ICCPR which function universally are vital in prohibiting
differential treatments towards migrants.
3.2 Does the Italian immigration bill respect arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR? Part
one
The Bossi-Fini law has been justified with the necessity of living in a secure society
as migrants foster insecurity and with economic constrains, since the current
financial situation does not allow states to welcome foreigners.
Among grounds for discrimination listed in art.26, “other status” must involve a
“personal characteristic” of the individual who suffers discrimination. This was the
case for the increase of punishment exclusively envisaged by L. 125/2008 for illegal
migrants who were deemed to be socially dangerous ex ante. That specific
characteristic made the law not objective, because a group was unfavourably
targeted, unreasonable since there was no justification for the differential treatment
and thus aimed at discrimination (dissenting opinion Nahlik v. Austria 608/1995). The
basis for comparison here are other individuals who also committed a crime. The
Court of Latina, in fact, when referring the case for the unconstitutionality of said
norm to the Supreme Court, specifically highlighted that it was against art.10 of the
Constitution which protects international customary law and provisions of the ICCPR
such as arts 2 and 26 (Palermo 2010, 17). The same goes for the crime of illegal
stay (L.94/2009). However in this case the comparators are other foreigners with a
valid VISA. According to the Committee, aliens should not be subject to retrospective
penal legislation (General Comment 15 para 7; General Comment 30, 18), however,
as I explained earlier, said crime (L.94/2009) does not ascertain the tempus comissi
37
delicti and therefore there is a risk of punishing migrants for crimes they committed
before the law existed. This would be not only discriminatory but against a well
established principle of criminal law which does not permit ex post facto legislations.
What is more, there should be the possibility of appealing the decision before a
Court (art.13 ICCPR) but, as we discussed earlier, the Bossi-Fini‟s expulsion order
remains valid and de facto jeopardises chances of appealing. What makes said
crime unreasonable is the lack of mens rea and the limitation of freedom envisaged
by criminal law. Understandably, the decision of the ECJ constrains Italy to adapt the
aforementioned crimes so that detention for migrants is used as last resort and for a
period of time as short as possible. In addition, judges should always interpret the
immigration law by taking into account the principle of non discrimination as dictated
by art.26 (General Comment 15 para 9; General Comment 30 para 25). In fact, for
what concerns the crime triggered by the failure to show an ID for foreigners in Italy,
judges have already applied much discretion in interpreting the norm. A valid
justification would make such requirement unreasonable, all the more since
foreigners from EU countries are not subject to the same regime. In Danning v.
Netherlands (180/1984) the Committee clarified that when an individual is not
constrained to be part of a specific group, then the distinction would be reasonable.
However, this is not the case for illegal migrants.
Part two
A point of concern is also represented by the inconsistencies in tackling illegal
immigration as orders of expulsion are not homogenously issued and executed due
to the fact that some judges do not apply this part of the immigration law and
38
interpret the law heterogeneously (Lessi 2011). Though mere policies outcomes are
not discriminatory per se (Danning v Netherlands, para 13-14), when it comes to
detention measures, some deem them to be against fundamental rights, viz.
tantamount to an unjustified limitation of freedom. As a matter of fact, the
Constitutional Court intervened in some cases and redesigned discriminatory
provisions set in the immigration bill and yet some of its decisions, for instance
concerning the aggravating circumstances and the crime of illegal stay for migrants,
have suffered the pressure of the political climate. Not surprisingly, in fact, the
peculiar ratio decidendi in both cases contradicted previous calls for a criminal law
compatible with fundamental rights and short of discriminatory effects. Likewise, the
Criminal Court of Cassation on the absence of alternative measures to detention for
illegal migrants (for punishments up to 3 years) seemed to beat around the bush. In
truth, the justification based on the lack of a legal fixed residence might have been
reasonable, if the same was true for citizens. However, homeless people of Italian
nationality can benefit of alternative measures to detention and therefore grounds for
said differential treatment are not objective either (Simunek v Chez Republic
516/1992).
In conclusion, the system of annual quotas criticized by NGOs and academics may
also be a factor of preoccupation insofar as discrimination is concerned. Despite
maintaining that quotas are allocated following objective criteria, the government fails
to specify what are these guidelines for granting temporary visas. Gramaglia and
Wayne cast some doubts on the decision making and the assignment of said work
permits and argue that nationals of Libya, Tunisia and Marocco, which have signed
agreements on immigration with Italy, are de facto favoured (Gramaglia 2008, 2;
Wayne 2004, 382; CERD General Recommendation XXX, para 25). Being as it may,
39
it would be an arbitrary distinction among foreigners based on mere political
interests. Needless to say that such preferential treatment is unreasonable and non-
objective and it would show the clear intent to discriminate. Additionally, international
agreements are no excuse for discrimination (Mumtaz v Austria 965/2000). A
justification which would seem reasonable, such as protecting the security of citizens
(Somers v Hungary 566/1993), becomes merely discriminatory if migrants are
considered a threat to security of the society pre-emptively. Though it is generally
accepted that a distinction between citizens and non-citizens, which does not affect
fundamental rights, is reasonable, the Committee in some cases has used a case by
case approach and deemed it to be discriminatory (Blazek et al v Chez Republic
857/1999) as the aim maybe legitimate but unreasonable or the other way round
(Diergaardt et al. v. Namibia 760/1997, para 10.10). In conclusion, during the
election campaign the centre-right parties PDL (Popolo della Libertà) and Lega Nord
have used the fight on immigration as a way of attracting consensus. The current
government, in fact, also justifies tough laws against irregular immigration as a
response to “a majority view”. Yet, in Broeks v Netherlands (172/1984, para 8.2) the
Committee made clear that the majority view may lead to unreasonable
discrimination which would put the country in breach of its international obligations.
3.3 Conclusion
Our task in this chapter was to assess whether the Bossi-Fini Law meets the
requirements of arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR. In turn I discussed equal protection of
the law, right to equality before the law and prohibition of discrimination insofar as
said legislation is concerned. Firstly, two crimes linked to the immigration bill, namely
40
the crime of illegal stay (L.94/2009), the increase of punishment for migrants (L.
125/2008) and the prohibition of alternative measures to detention for migrants (for
punishment up to three years) breach the prohibition of discrimination set in art.26 of
the ICCPR. In particular the “aggravating circumstances” make migrants less equal
than others before the law, while the lack of alternative measures for them
jeopardises their equal protection before Italian law. The limited right of defence
granted to immigrants put Italy in breach of art.2(1) in conjunction with art.14.3(b) of
the ICCPR which guarantees that everyone has “adequate time and facilities for the
preparation of his defence”. Whether the basis for comparison are Italian or EU
citizens these norms have no valid justification for differentiating.
Conclusively, the recent ECJ ruling has further highlighted how Constitutional
guarantees may be inadequate due to political pressure exercised on the Supreme
Court. The former‟s ratio in Hassen El Dridi v Italy (C-61/11 PPU) has de facto
overruled the Constitutional Court decisions on both the “aggravating circumstances”
for migrants and detention triggered by L. 94/2009 by effectively dismissing the claim
that HRL is obsolete when Constitutional guarantees cover the same rights. In the
specific case a breach of arts 2 and 26 of the ICCPR does not necessarily lead to a
parallel breach of art.3 of the Italian Constitution or art.14 of ECHR. For these
reasons, the answer to my initial research question is positive and my hypothesis,
that the implementation overtime (from 2002 till present) of L.189/2002 has put Italy
in breach of its international obligations in regard to ICCPR arts 2 and 26, is
confirmed.
41
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