Irish Archaeological Research Winter Magazine

Community Outreach Archaeology & school visits on the A8 Belfast –

Larne Dual Carriageway Scheme

Digital Magazine Issue 5

Winter 2013 Free

Examining burial space in Blackfriary Trim, Ireland

Irish Archaeologists in Oz & their Archaeological Investigations on

Aboriginal sites

Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe

Contents

From Ireland to Arnhem Land: ‘A Personal Account’

Denis Shine and Sean Paul Stephens

Page 3

Page 10 Discovering the Archaeologists of Ireland within wider Europe

Dr Kerri Cleary, Institute of Archaeologists of Ireland

Page 13 The Dead Beneath the Floors: The use of space for burial in the Dominican

Blackfriary in Trim, Ireland

Emma Lagan

3

Page 27

A Very Big House In The Country – Preliminary results of excavations on the A8

Belfast to Larne Dual Carriageway

Jonathan Barkley, Northern Archaeological Consultancy Ltd

Community Outreach on the Road—Schools Visit Archaeology site on the A8

Road Scheme

Lianne Heaney, Irish Archaeological Research

Page 21 CHAT: Cultural Heritage Amenity Town Cultural Tourism Ireland

From Ireland to Arnhem Land: ‘A Personal Account’

Denis Shine and Sean Paul Stephens

The demise of the Irish archaeological profession has been examined at length in the last few years (e.g. Condit

2008; Eogan and O’ Sullivan 2009; Eogan 2010). While shrinking archaeological employment is not unique to Ireland

(for a global summary see Aitchison 2009; Schlanger and Aitchison 2010), it was particularly hard felt in our

profession due to the growth of an unsustainably large commercial archaeological sector. This developed rapidly,

especially through the ‘naughties’, with employment levels rising from 650 to 1709 between 2002 and 2007

(University College Dublin 2006; McDermott and La Piscopia, 2008).

At its peak commercial archaeology accounted for 80% of total archaeological employment with unemployment

subsequently concentrated in the same sector. Eogan and O’ Sullivan (2009) estimated an 82% reduction in

commercial archaeological staff between July 2008 and January 2009 alone. Finnola O Carroll, previous chairperson

of the IAI, commenting on the continued decline in archaeological employment warned against ‘losing more of our

best and brightest young archaeologists... stopping in its tracks the creation of knowledge which enriches our

understanding and appreciation of our rich archaeological heritage’ (IAI, Public Statement, 21st December 2010).

However this ‘loss’ need not be a singularly negative experience. As a consultant archaeologist who worked through

the naughties one of us (D. S.) chose to move to Australia in 2010 after accepting the offer of a PhD scholarship. This

offered an opportunity to work with an Aboriginal community in West Arnhem Land in the Northern Territories. This

paper seeks to offer a personal account of the archaeological experience in Australia, as well as briefly discussing the

benefits this could have for Irish archaeology. For those considering making a similar move it appears obvious that

the ‘lucky country’ has much to offer to Irish archaeologists who are able or willing to take up the opportunity!

IAR Digital Magazine Issue 5 Winter 2013 1

Figure 1: The location of the excavated rock‐shelters in relation to Kakadu National Park


Archaeology in Australia: A Personal Account

The Project Background

Our archaeological research is based in Manikilarr

Country and is hosted by the Traditional Owners for

this area, the Nayinggul family. Manikilarr Country is a

small Aboriginal clan area, centred on the East Alligator

River in West Arnhem Land (Figure 1). It is immediately

adjacent, and partly contained within, the world

famous Kakadu National Park, one of the only locations

in the world to achieve UNESCO world heritage status

for both cultural and natural significance. This region

contains some of the more significant archaeological

and rock art sites in the country. The rock art

throughout West Arnhem Land is amongst the most

spectacular in the world, dating from 30,000, and

potentially 50,000 (or more) years ago (Chaloupka

1993; David et al. 2013). The archaeological sites are of

equal antiquity and are known in the Alligator region to

date to at least 50,000 BP and could be significantly

earlier. This includes the earliest known sites in

Australia, Malakunanja and Nauwalabila (e.g. Schrire

1982; Jones 1985; Roberts, Jones et al. 1990; Roberts,

Yoshida et al. 1998; Roberts, Jones et al. 2009). Recent

excavations at Nawarla Gabarnmang in Jawoyn

country, immediately south of Kakadu Park, have also

revealed occupation dating to at least 45,000 BP as well

as the earliest axe grinding technology in the world,

dating to c.35,000 BP (Geneste, David et. al. 2010,

2012).

However, despite the recognised archaeological

importance of the region, comparatively little

archaeological work has been completed in the last 30

years. Our excavations were the first to be undertaken

in Kakadu Park since the 1980s (Jones 1985) and the

first in this area of West Arnhem Land since the 1960s

(Schrire 1982). Prior to these, the only ‘archaeological’

excavations conducted in this area of West Arnhem

Land were undertaken as part of the infamous

‘Mountford’ expedition, a joint American and

Australian anthropological venture in 1948, which

removed human remains from sacred Aboriginal sites

without permission (May, Gumurdul et al. 2005; May

2009; McCarthy and Setzler 1960). This included

skeletal material from Manikilarr Country which was

only returned from the New York Smithsonian Museum

in July 2011. Their repatriation was overseen by

NaGodjok, the host of our excavations and head of the

Nayinggul family (note: Na Godjok is a skin name, a

name given based on Aboriginal societal division into

groups, it is used here replacing his real name for

culturally sensitive reasons).

Figure 2: Community members inspecting a square at Ingaanjalwurr


Despite the contentious history of past

archaeological work, NaGodjok and the

Nayingguls were extremely supportive of our

work. Archaeological research was lead by

NaGodjok and our work began with, and

centred on, recording the Nayinggul family’s

knowledge and oral histories for a range of

sites (Figure 2). NaGodjok informed when,

how and why sites were used (at least in the

recent past), pointing to specific areas where

people camped and rock art that was

completed by known members of his family

(Figure 3). He believed our work was

important to extend his ancestral knowledge

back in time, describing archaeology as:

‘[A] very big thing and I am happy because, I know, I heard about it. It

brings back many things can, teach many things. One thing I picked

up, and I know what it will do, it will tell me, if I have time to live, it will

tell if people stayed here, how long, what they ate, how they used

[here] when camping here’ (Na Godjok pers. comm. 3 June 2011).

Figure 3: The Birriwilk rock art image after which the rock‐shelter is named

His request to learn more about his ancestral sites fitted well with our research agenda. We aim to cross articulate

different approaches to studying the past, namely archaeology, oral histories and historical sources, to investigate

how people today historicise persisting cultural attachments to ‘country’. We focused on the period 1500 BP to

present which environmental modelling for the region records as a distinct ‘freshwater phase’, when new freshwater

floodplains were created from a more saline environment approximately 1500 years ago (e.g. Allen 1987; Allen and

Barton, 1989; Hope et al. 1985; Jones 1985; Woodroffe et al. 1986) (Figure 4). With NaGodjok’s guidance three

rock‐shelters, Ingaanjalwurr, Birriwilk and Bindjarran, were chosen and six ‘squares’ were excavated (Figure 5).

Figure 4: The freshwater floodplains of Manikilarr Country viewed during the dry season


Excavation Procedures

The excavation methods for these sites, as with most rock‐shelter excavations, differed entirely to previous

excavation experiences in Ireland. Some of the changes are obvious with large site crews, mechanical excavators and

waterproofs being replaced by satellite phones, emergency beacons and sun‐block! However archaeological

excavation is generally conducted at a different analytical scale, in a similar fashion to indigenous North American

sites. Where larger excavations are conducted these are mainly sites from the contact period, which date from at

least the 17th century when the Macassans make their presence felt along the northern coast (McKnight 1969;

Mulvaney and Kamminga 1999).

Otherwise, excavations on indigenous sites are of ‘lower’ impact. In our case the excavation squares were 0.5 to 1m

square in size with excavation undertaken in carefully measured 2cm deep spits or ‘excavation units’ (XUs) (Figures 6

& 7). Each separate unit is documented on record sheets, planned, sampled, photographed and levelled. As a

minimum, each XU was also passed through a 2.1mm sieve with the retained material being carefully, and

laboriously, sorted under a magnifying glass in laboratory conditions. For this project 100% of the site sediment was

also archaeologically floated through 250 µm mesh and wet sieved through 1mm mesh.

This strategy is appropriate considering a few centimetres of stratigraphy can represent a time‐frame of thousands

of years in a prehistory that is known to extend 5‐6 times further than Ireland’s. The fine grained excavation

techniques are intended to clearly identify and date subtle alterations in material culture, economic activity and/or

periods of natural environment change. As such rigorous use of radiometric dating was also applied amounting to 37

AMS dates for an area totalling approximately 2m by 2.25m!

Figure 5: The location of the excavated rock‐shelters in relation to topographic detail of Manikilarr Country (Map Grid of

Australia Zone 53; Geocentric Datum of Australia 94)


Excavation Results

While the aim of this piece is not to present research results, brief mention is merited. Collectively the rock‐shelter

excavations provided a significant Holocene record (c.11,500 years ago to present). Although the Holocene is well

discussed on a continental scale it remains poorly examined in Western Arnhem Land, considering the paucity of

previous archaeological work. Focusing on the period 1500 BP to present the research has revealed evidence of

changing and intensified settlement patterns from c.1500‐1200 BP. These are thought to represent a temporal trend

associated to the creation, and subsequent exploitation, of the new freshwater floodplains.

In the more recent past, c.300‐100 years ago, a second intensification in site usage is related to an expanding

Aboriginal population and further exploitation of freshwater food resources. The impact of white contact, at the end

of this period, was examined through the entry of new material culture and changing Aboriginal visual (i.e. rock art)

narratives. This contact was only established in Manikilarr Country when Paddy Cahill (incidentally of Irish descent

and first generation Australian) commenced water‐buffalo hunting on the East Alligator floodplains in the 1891

(Figure 8). His establishment of a cattle station in the area in 1909 (Mulvaney 2004) corresponds to a clear decrease

and virtual abandonment of the rock‐shelters, although their use did continue in some capacity in NaGodjok’s youth

in the mid 20th Century.

Figure 6: Post‐excavation drawing of the Birriwilk Square with XUs plotted in the background

Figure 7: Hilton Garnarradj (Traditional Owner) excavating at Bindjarran


However, in the context of this piece the

greatest success of the research has been

the ability to combine Western histories,

Aboriginal visual and oral narratives and

excavation results to achieve a more

nuanced understanding of the recent past

of Manikilarr Country. This was only made

possible by pursuing a cooperative approach

to the research with Nayinggul family and

wider Aboriginal community.

Conclusions

The paper opened with a brief summary of

the decline in archaeological employment in

Ireland and the motivation of one of us to

seek new opportunities by emigrating. While

the Irish economy remains stagnant emigration figures will continue to increase (with 200 emigrants now leaving

Ireland daily and a 33% increase in Irish working holiday visas for Australia recorded in 2011 alone). Anecdotal

evidence, such as a facebook page entitled ‘Irish Archaeologists in Australia’, indicates these emigrants include at

least some archaeologists.

Emigration to Australia offers not only the opportunity to secure well paid employment, to travel or to engage with a

different culture but also allows Irish archaeologists to acquire new expertise. Each profession has its own peculiar

strengths, with Australian archaeology commendable for its fine grained excavation techniques, especially in an

academic context, and its pursuit of a strong cooperative approach in archaeological research. While the excavation

methods in Australia may not be applicable to most Irish archaeological sites (although they could be suited to some

prehistoric excavations) Irish archaeology could profit from Australian proficiency in community engagement.

Figure 8: Rock art image of a Chinese water buffalo hunter, known as ‘Yellow Charlie’s

father’ from the Bindjarran rock‐shelter.

Social and community archaeology has been developed in Australia over a period of decades. This was initially

driven from the 1970s by indigenous groups, who began to challenge how their own histories were portrayed. This

forced archaeologists to confront issues on representation, reconciliation, repatriation and crucially, how to better

merge the present with the past (David et. al. 2006). Through the 1980s ‘social archaeology’ began to emerge in

Australia and it is now a recognised world leader in this field. Australia is adept in pursuing a cooperative approach

in archaeology based on genuine host‐guest archaeological models. These models are built on a strong theoretical

foundation and attempt to place equal importance on the past and present (McNiven and Russell 2005). Irish

archaeology is striding in this direction with the development of its own community and public archaeologies, and

welcome initiatives including the creation of this group. However it is yet to achieve the nuanced cooperative

approach realised in Australia, with some arguing that Irish archaeology is more predisposed to simply writing

histories (e.g. Orser 2010).

The most recent ‘Institute of Archaeologists of Ireland’ conference entitled ‘Disaster and Recovery’ explored the

challenges posed to Irish archaeology in the last few years. Emigration, especially when enforced, is easily connected

to the ‘disaster’ of recent unemployment, however could it also contribute to the green shoots of ‘recovery’? Will

Irish archaeologists working abroad, in Australia or elsewhere, not only enrich our vocation with broadened

professional horizons and new skill sets on their return? Ultimately it may be these skills which are significant in

helping Irish archaeology meet its future challenges!


Selected Bibliography

Aitchison, K. 2009. After the ‘gold rush’: Global archaeology in 2009. World Archaeology, 41 (4). pp 659‐671.

Allen, H. 1987. Holocene mangroves and middens in northern Australia and south‐east Asia. Bulletin of the Indo‐Pacific Prehistory Association 7. pp 1‐16.

Allen, H. and Barton, G. 1989. Ngarradj Warde Djobkeng: White cockatoo dreaming and the prehistory of Kakadu. University of Sydney. Sydney.

Chaloupka, G. 1993. Journey in time: the world's longest continuing art tradition: the 50,000 year story of the Australian Aboriginal rock art of Arnhem Land. Reed. Sydney.

Condit, T. 2008. The Tiger’s Legacy. Archaeology Ireland 22 (4). pp 3.

David, B. Barker, B and McNiven, I. 2006. The Social Archaeology of Australian Indigenous Societies. Aboriginal Studies Press. Canberra.

David, B. Geneste, JM. et al. 2013. How old are Australia’s pictographs? A review of rock art dating. Journal of Archaeological Science (40). pp 3‐10.

Eogan, J. 2010. The impact of the recession on archaeology in the Republic of Ireland. In Schlanger, N & Aitchison, K. Archaeology and the Global Economic Crises: Multiple

Impacts, Possible Solutions. Culture Lab Editions. Belgium. pp 19‐24.

Eogan, J. and O’ Sullivan, E. 2009. Archaeology and the demise of the ‘Celtic Tiger’. The Archaeologist (72). pp 26‐27.

Geneste, JM. David, B. et al. 2010. Earliest Evidence for Ground‐Edge Axes: 35,400±410 cal BP from Jawoyn Country, Arnhem Land. Australian Archaeology (71). pp 66‐69.

Geneste, JM. David, B. et al. 2012. The Origins of Ground‐edge Axes: New Findings from Nawarla Gabarnmang, Arnhem Land (Australia) and Global Implications for the

Evolution of Fully Modern Humans. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 22 (1). pp 1‐17.

Hope, G., Hughes, P. et al. 1985. Geomorphological fieldwork and the evolution of the landscape of Kakadu National Park. In Jones, R. Archaeological Research in Kakadu

National Park. Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service. Canberra . pp 229‐240.

Institute of Archaeologists of Ireland. 2009. A survey of unemployment levels in Irish Archaeology. Institute of Archaeologists of Ireland. Dublin. Unpublished technical

report.

Jones, R. M. 1985. Archaeological Research in Kakadu National Park. Canberra. Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service. Canberra.

May, S. Gumurdul D. et al. 2005. You write it down and bring it back'... that's what we want'‐revisiting the 1948 removal of human remains from Kunbarlanja (Oenpelli),

Australia. In Smith, C. and Wobst, M. Indigenous Archaeologies: Decolonising Theory and Practice. Routledge. London. pp 110‐130.

May, S. 2009. Collecting cultures: myth, politics, and collaboration in the 1948 Arnhem Land Expedition. Altamira Press. California

McCarthy, F. and Setzler F. 1960. The Archaeology of Arnhem Land. Melbourne University Press. Melbourne.

McDermott, C. and La Piscopia, P. 2008. Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe: Ireland. A Report to the Institute of Archaeologists of Ireland and the Heritage Council.

Institute of Archaeologists of Ireland. Dublin. Unpublished technical report.

Macknight, C. 1969. The Macassans: A study of the Early Trepang Industry along the Northern Territory Coast. Australian National University. Canberra.

McNiven, I. and Russell, L. 2005. Appropriated Pasts: Indigenous Peoples and the Colonial Culture of Archaeology. Altamira Press. Langham USA.

Mulvaney, J. 2004. Paddy Cahill of Oenpelli. Aboriginal Studies Press. Canberra.

Mulvaney, D. J. and Kamminga, J. 1999. Prehistory of Australia. Smithsonian Institution Press. Washington.

Orser, E. 2010. Encounters with Postcolonialism in Irish Archaeology. In Lydon, J. and Rizvi, U. The Handbook of Postcolonial Archaeology. Left Coast Press. Walnut Creek.

Roberts, R. Yoshida, H. et al. 1998. Single‐aliquot and single‐grain optical dating confirm thermoluminescence age estimates at Malakunanja II rock shelter in northern

Australia. Ancient TL 16 (1). pp 19‐24.

Roberts, R. G. Jones, R. et al. 1990. Thermoluminescence dating of a 50,000‐year‐old human occupation site in northern Australia. Nature (345). pp 153‐156.

Roberts, R. G. Jones, R. et al. 2009. Optical dating at Deaf Adder Gorge, Northern Territory, indicates human occupation between 53,000 and 60,000 years ago. Australian

Archaeology (37). pp 58‐59.

Schlanger, N and Aitchison, K. 2010. Archaeology and the Global Economic Crises: Multiple Impacts, Possible Solutions. Culture Lab Editions. Belgium.

Schrire, C. 1982. The Alligator Rivers: Prehistory and Ecology in Western Arnhem Land. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National

University. Canberra.

University College Dublin. 2006. Repositioning Irish Archaeology in the Knowledge Society. A Realistically Achievable Perspective. Heritage Council. Dublin.

Woodroffe, C. Chappell, D. et al. 1986. Geomorphological dynamics and the evolution of the South Alligator tidal river and plains. ANU Press. Canberra.

Note: For anyone seeking employment in Australia a good starting point is: www.aacai.com.au,

www.australianarchaeologicalassociation.com.au and www.asha.org.au).


Ulster Archaeological Society

Lecture Series Lectures take place at 8pm in the Elmwood Building at Queen’s University, Belfast. For further details contact: Duncan Berryman, School of Geography, Archaeology & Palaeoecology, Queen's University Belfast.

Monday 25th February 2013 Michelle Comber (NUI Galway): Excavations in Caherconnell Townland, Co Clare ‐ searching for the Early Medieval, finding Neolithic to 17th Century AD

Monday 25th March 2013 Mark Gardiner (QUB): Mapping Lost Worlds: A Survey of the Archaeological Landscape of the Antrim Plateau

Monday 29th April 2013 Nick Maxwell (Wordwell): Archaeology Ireland: 25 Years, 100 Issues

Monday 27th May 2013 Conor Brady (Dundalk IT): Old Questions and New Technologies, The Hill of Slane Archaeological Project


Discovering the Archaeologists of Ireland within wider Europe

Dr Kerri Cleary, Institute of Archaeologists of Ireland

The Institute of Archaeologists of Ireland are delighted to be the Irish partner for Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe 2012–14 (DISCO II), a transnational project undertaken with the support of the Lifelong Learning Programme of the European Commission. This project aims to support close links between Vocational Education and Training (VET) and working life in archaeology in order to make VET more responsive to the labour market needs of both individuals and employers. This will support the aims of the strategic framework for European cooperation in education and training, “ET 2020”, specifically contributing to the objectives of improving the quality and efficiency of education and training and of making lifelong learning and mobility a reality. This project was preceded by Discovering the Archaeologists of Europe 2006–08 (DISCO I), which was developed in 2005 and included thirteen partners from twelve European countries; the United Kingdom; Cypress; Germany; Ireland; Slovenia; Austria; Belgium; Czech Republic; Greece; Netherlands; Slovakia and Hungry, as well as the European Association of Archaeologists. This formed a Transnational Network of organisations with the objective of improving our understanding of the requirements for, and capacity to provide, transparent qualifications for archaeologists across Europe. Within Ireland it was an opportunity to assess the state of the profession at the height of the ‘economic boom’, capturing a snapshot of the age, gender, nationality, qualification and contract-type of those working in the sector. The details of this fascinating period in Irish archaeology are available at www.discovering-archaeologists.eu/ The European Commission, suitably impressed by the contents of the project, stated that it was “encouraging for the future widening of the network across Europe”.

Plate 1: Project Partners and representatives from York Archaeological Trust in the Mansion House with the Lord Mayor and Sheriff of York.


http://www.discovering-archaeologists.eu/�

Out of this positive feedback the current project was born, facilitating an expansion of the Transnational Network to incorporate Italy, Spain, Portugal, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Latvia, Estonia, Norway, Poland and Romania. The first partner meeting was held in York in November 2012, with our hosts and project c o o r d i n a t o r , Y o r k A r c h a e o l o g i c a l T r u s t , successfully commencing proceedings by providing key guidelines and opening the floor to discussions on all aspects of the project. Not to mention offering wonderful hospitality in the historic surroundings of the Mansion House and an opportunity to meet the Lord Mayor, Lady Mayoress, Sheriff and Sheriffs Lady. All project partners will soon begin to collect, assess and share data on employment and VET, allowing the project to promote the integration of learning with working and thereby facilitate the relevant stakeholders to plan for the future, both at a national and European level. In addition, the Irish dataset will reflect the current state of the profession, identifying and addressing changes and impacts caused by the economic transformation of the last five years. Will the ‘young and educated’ workforce identified by DISCO I have significantly changed and will the importance of mobility and VET qualifications be identified as playing a key role in the future of our profession? With cooperation from the profession we aim to answer these questions and more, building a

foundation on which we can re-envision the profession and anticipate future challenges.

Plate 2: Partner meeting getting underway at York Mansion House.

Plate 3: IAI representative, Kerri Cleary, speaking to Kenneth Aitchison (representative for UK partner, Landward Research Ltd.) and Andris Sne (representative for L a t v i a n p a r t n e r , L a t v i j a s Universitate).


CALL FOR PAPERS

Spring Conference 2013 5th – 6th April, Dublin City (venue TBC)

'The Legacy of Development-led Archaeology'

This conference will offer the opportunity to reflect on the legacy provided by development-led excavation and subsequent research. Development has been the driving force dominating Irish archaeology for the last twenty years and so it is important to assess the advantages and disadvantages it has brought and the lessons, if any, that we have learnt. Naturally, there are multiple questions we can ask ourselves about this legacy and the aim of this conference is to begin to address some of those questions: Have we adequately communicated our discoveries to one another, the public and

the opinion formers/policy-makers? Did we realise the potential of specialist scientific analyses in relation to

environmental studies, 14C dating, geophysics, residue analysis, etc.? What has been the impact on our distribution maps as representations of past

activity versus representations of areas of modern development? What contribution has this deluge of new data made to the identification of

significant regional patterns? How has the academic community dealt with the information generated –

synthesis, indifference or panic; collaboration or appropriation? What has been the impact on Irish archaeologists; have circumstances improved

or disproved as a result of the ‘Celtic Tiger’ years and have our roles now changed?

Consequently, have our methodological and organisational approaches evolved and has this impacted archaeological practice in other countries?

Post-graduate Research Submissions are also open for 10-minute presentations on current and recently submitted post-graduate research, all topics welcome.

max. 300 word abstracts to [email protected] by Monday, February 25th


The Dead Beneath the Floors: The use of space for burial in the Dominican

Blackfriary in Trim, Ireland

Emma Lagan

INTRODUCTION

Every time we walk across the floor of a church, it is unlikely that we are thinking about the bodies beneath it. But in

areas with a medieval past chances are very likely that they are there. Sometimes, attention is drawn to them by

way of a slab on the floor, a tomb in the wall, or the presence of a crypt beneath the church, but sometimes the

presence of the resting dead is more subtle. As time goes on, the dead can be forgotten, leaving it to archaeology

to rediscover the individuals who were buried beneath the church and attempt to reconstruct their history.

Such is the case with the burials at the Dominican priory in Trim, Co. Meath. In this paper, I examine the use of

space for burial within the nave. The burials in question are not now marked with any of the identifiers listed above,

leaving archaeology and historical research to locate them and try to determine the significance of their presence.

The results of this research are anticipated to be twofold. First, comparative data will be used to determine whether

the burials fit into known patterns or not. A key point is to try to determine the origin of those buried in the Church:

are they religious or laity, and if the latter, are they local townspeople? And if they were townspeople, can they be

related to the community who lives there currently; a community which we are trying to keep involved and

informed. Second, these results will allow us to choose areas of focus for next season and the seasons following,

which will help us answer any questions that could not be resolved at this time.

UNDERSTANDING TRIM

Located 40km to the northwest of Dublin, on the banks of the river Boyne, Trim has been described as a

dual‐purpose town, serving both as “caput of a rich and extensive lordship and as a fortified market town with

extensive mercantile connections and its own independent administration” (Potterton 2005:67). Although

archaeological evidence shows that there was pre‐Norman activity ‐ including a monastery founded by St. Loman

beneath the medieval St. Patrick’s Church ‐ it was established as an Anglo‐

Norman town in 1172 by Hugh de Lacy. During its peak, Trim was a major centre

of activity. The town itself was walled, with five gates controlling traffic in and

out of the city. A medieval bridge still spans the Boyne, connecting the two

halves of the town. Other features of Trim included a mint within the castle, at

least two fortified houses, a medieval suburb, a leper hospital (outside of the

town walls), a frankhouse, guildhouse, water mill, three religious institutes,

two religious houses, and the Cathedral in Newtown Trim, 2km to the east along

the Boyne.


Map of Ireland showing location of Trim

Of the three religious institutes ‐ Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustinian, only the Dominican house was located

outside of the town walls. It is this house which is the focus of this paper. The Blackfriary, as it is now known, was

founded in 1263 by the Lord of Trim at the time, Geoffrey de Geneville, who retired to the order in his later life. This

particular institution was the seventeenth Dominican house established in Ireland, and the third largest overall.

Following the tradition of the order, it was located immediately outside of the town walls, near the Athboy gate on

the north end of town. The friars at Trim held seventy‐two acres at the time of the dissolution, which were said to

have contained the following features: a belfry, a chapter house, a dormitory, a hall, three chambers, a kitchen, a

pantry, a stable, cloisters, gardens, an orchard, a cemetery (Potterton 2005).

During the height of its occupancy in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Blackfriary was a site of

importance, both generally for the town and for the ecclesiastical history of Ireland. Potterton (2005:354) notes that

this, along with the Augustinian and Franciscan friars, “played a highly significant role in the medieval town, treating

the sick, looking after the poor and attending to the spiritual needs of the townspeople.” Apart from these daily tasks,

the Blackfriary in Trim held three meetings of the Dominican chapter, in the years 1285, 1300, and 1315.

Activities at the church declined, however, in the fifteenth century as Trim began to go through a period of

economic loss, probably when other major cities such as Dublin increased as economic centers. Potterton (2005)

notes that the decline continued at the friary over the following centuries. During the 1700s, the Blackfriary entered

its ultimate descent into disrepair. Bishop Burke, writing in 1756, noted that “a few years before that the walls of the

house and chapel gave evidence of their original magnificence” but on his return, he had found that “the stones were

sold and carried away to other buildings, so that on visiting the place he found scarcely any ruins” (Conwell 1878:141).

By 1795, the ruins had been recorded as “a few remaining heaps of old wall…of a castle or some other

building” (Potterton 2005:330). During the 1700s, there was a housing boom in Trim, and stones were sold and

quarried from the derelict Blackfriary. In 1837 the OS map showed the location of the friary as a small section of

ruins. The site remained unoccupied, and in 2005, Potterton (2005:330) recorded that “six small mounds of masonry

are all that remain above ground of the original structure. One of the chunks of masonry incorporates what seems to be

a rounded arch, and this may have been part of a spiral staircase.” This is how the site remained until the start of

excavations in 2010.

UNEARTHING BONES

Initial plans for excavation were formulated in 1988 by Professor William J. Kennedy of Florida Atlantic University.

Due to logistical reasons, excavations were not undertaken at this time, but a geophysical survey revealed

structures beneath the surface. In 2008, resurfacing and drainage works exposed human remains along a back lane

that abuts the Blackfriary site. This event led to the excavation of a circular well, four burials in various stages of

completion, and disarticulated human remains (DHB). The excavated area, lying to the southwest corner of the

Blackfriary site, is thought to be within the limits of the friary’s cemetery. The remains of 12 individuals were

exposed, excavated, and recorded, but further research was not conducted on the site until the arrival of the Irish

Archaeological Field School (IAFS) in 2010.


Over the course of three consecutive summers, IAFS excavated portions of the friary, mainly the areas thought to

be the church nave and cloister. A variety of architectural fragments were uncovered ‐ including in situ walls, a

collapsed supporting arch, limestone decorations, and decorated arches made of Purbeck marble (imported from

Dorset in England) which lined the cloisters. These features, combined with imaging from the topographical survey

conducted in 2010 give an indication of the size and layout of the friary. To date, the seven cuttings opened have

exposed three of the four corners of the cloister, along with sections of what is suspected to be the north wall of the

church.

Cutting 3 ‐ a 16m x 4m opening which runs north‐south from roughly the centre of the nave, across the line of the

north wall, and over the cloister wall into the cloister garth ‐ revealed a large deposit of human remains in both the

2011 and 2012 field seasons. For the most part, human remains have been limited to this cutting, with a few minor

exceptions of disarticulated remains. All of the burials uncovered to date, with one exception, have been located at

a level beneath the destruction/tumble layer of the friary. In order to effectively determine any burial patterns,

Cutting 3 was divided into eight sections labeled A‐H.

Grids A and B ‐ located at the southwestern section of the cutting ‐ were compositionally similar; both contained

fully articulated burials with very minor instances of DHB. In total, six burials were located, three of which were fully

articulated. All three articulated burials were juvenile/sub‐adults, likely no older than eighteen. Burial 12 was

located within a distinct grave cut, and was anomalous in that the individual had a 25th vertebra which showed signs

of lumbosacrilization. While this is the only instance of this deformity at the Blackfriary thus far, other Medieval

graveyards have revealed similar skeletal remains. A coin dating to c.1495 located approximately 20 centimeters

above Burial 24 provided a rough time estimate for the burials, suggesting that at least one burial was interred

before 1495.


Site layout showing location of the seven cuttings and grid G/H section

Grids C, D, E, and F were located in the

areas considered to be the ambulatory

and cloister. Some disarticulated human

bones were found in the ambulatory

mixed with animal bones. The human

bones found mostly belonged to infants

or toddlers. Three burials have been

excavated in the cloister ‐ two infants and

a juvenile. Each of these three burials was

located under several inches of earth with

no rubble tumble on top.

Grids G and H ‐ located at the

southeastern section of the cutting ‐ were

compositionally similar to one another,

but very different from Grids A and B,

which they were separated from by only

50cm of soil and stone. This section of soil was originally thought to represent the “rood screen” of the church, but

as it lies farther to the west, it is more likely that it represents either an original western wall of the nave, or an

interior divide to a family crypt. These assumptions are based on the massive amounts of highly compact

disarticulated human bones, in a layer approximately 50cm thick, which composed these two grids. Beneath these

bones ‐ to which there was no apparent order of deposition ‐ fully articulated burials were discovered. These burials

were both more frequent and diverse than burials in Grids A and B, containing a range of individuals from infants to

adults. The large quantity of DHB above the fully articulated burials suggests a repeated reuse of this section that

was not present in Grids A or B.

A further differentiation between Grids A/B and G/H is the presence of what appears to be a stone‐lined tomb

containing one fully articulated skeleton (titled OSB3) beneath DHB. The tomb is thought to be built into the

northern wall of the church, as the stones that form its northern border are continuous with a similar line of stones

to the east. Both the northern and eastern borders of the tomb are intentionally placed, with the eastern border

sitting at a right angle to the northern. During excavations, western and southern boundaries were not discovered,

although the approximate location of the western boundary is in line with the possible divider/rood screen

separating Grids A/B and G/H. As we are at the early stages of excavation it is not clear yet how many levels of

burial occur in these areas.

Although few excavations have taken place on or in the 41 original Dominican Priories in Ireland, making Trim’s

Blackfriary a unique data set, the burial patterns tend to generally correlate with those seen in the Dominican

Priories of Guildford and Beverly, England. That being said, however, burial density at the Blackfriary, Trim, does

appear to be greater than the two researched Friaries in England.

Plan of Cutting 3 showing a section of Grids G/H.


Medieval Attitudes Towards Death

So why did the townspeople bury their dead beneath the church in the first place? In practice, many of the attitudes

towards death in Medieval Europe stemmed from Catholic Christian beliefs towards death. The Christian teachings

‐ which put death and heaven as the ultimate salvation and goal ‐ strongly influenced attitudes towards the body

and soul. The Christian view of the afterlife held a “covenant” between the living and the dead ‐ the living, by

praying for the souls of the dead, could help advance their way to salvation through Purgatory. Thus, the bodies of

the dead were taken care of and treated with respect. Individuals wanted to make sure that both their physical

bodies and their non‐physical souls were taken care of after they died, in the hope that they would be reunited at

some point in the afterlife. This meant they were willing to pay a fee for the security of this promise. In a sense,

death became marketable.

Even further, death became strategic. The position of an individual’s final interment had to be both one of humility

(as was only Christian) and one of accessibility. Over time, it became a way to assert specific loyalties, for instance

familial, territorial, or loyal. Where the body was placed said something important ‐ for familial ties, this meant that

the body lay close to other members of the family, often seen in royal or wealthy families, as well as with monks.

Burial inside the churches began with saints, whose position within the church would help the laity in life. As time

progressed, starting around the thirteenth century, the more privileged laity began being interred inside of the

churches, just like the saints. Monastic and cathedral churches were the first to bury the privileged laity within their

walls, once they realised that they benefited “materially from the possession of an influential church” (Binski

1996:57).


The highly compact DHB in Grid H, including two of the burials

Further, Binski (1996:57) states that “burial was in effect tied up with various forms of endowment. As a result…an

important and competitive economy grew up around bodies, extending that which had previously grown up around

relics of saints.” Rodwell (2005) similarly notes that before the later medieval period, there were few graves dug

placed within the church. Any graves that did exist “occupied the most favoured positions” within the chapel, as close

to the altar as was possible (Rodwell 2005:174). Often, these burials, when excavated, show evidence of

intercutting one another through various stages of usage; as the churches learned they could profit from charging

wealthy parishioners for burial within their walls, they fueled the “business” of death, increasing the demand for

high‐status church burials. This privilege had first been granted to the Benedictines, closely followed by the

Cistercians in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and finally the Dominicans and Franciscans who dominated the

burial “industry.” Originally, the Dominican General Chapter of 1250 in London made the decision that their

churches were not to be used for burials, but according to Binski (1996:58), this “restriction was short lived: by the

fourteenth century…the friars had become notoriously greedy in their pursuit of the bodies of the new urban elite.”

Thus, death in the medieval period became a cycle consisting of wealthy individuals who wanted to demonstrate

their status by being buried within the church and churches who wanted status and money by having the bodies of

wealthy individuals buried within their walls. Rodwell (2005:174) notes that prior to the eighteenth century, burial

within the church was “a privilege enjoyed by the clergy and a few notable lay folk, mainly entry, but pressure for indoor

burial subsequently became intense.” Eventually, merchants, farmers, physicians and many others ‐ whole families,

including babies ‐ were able to buy their way into burial within the churches. Binski (1996:72) states that by the end

of the Middle Ages “about one‐half of the dead sought burial in church.” In order to accommodate various wealth

groups and still receive money, the churches charged for burials based on their location within the church. This

meant that the “favoured” positions by the altar were more expensive, and those on the fringes cheaper. This is

recorded in a witty epitaph from the time period, cited by Rodwell (1996:174): “Here lie I by the chancel door,/Here lie

I because I’m poor./The further in, the more you’ll pay,/Here lie I, as warm as they.”

During the course of burial, it was not uncommon to disturb a burial already occupying that space, especially since

earlier burials were not typically interred within a coffin. Binski (1996:55) notes that “once a body had been buried

and had decomposed to the point of defleshing, it was normal to exhume it and to store the bones in a charnel house.”

Paul Byrne (2006) suggests that the charnel vault itself was sometimes located beneath the church, much like the

burials. Rodwell (2005) remarks that investigations can sometimes reveal half‐a‐dozen interments in one spot. It

was commonplace enough during this time period, Rodwell notes, that Shakespeare made an indirect reference to

it in Hamlet, as Hamlet holds up a skull and exclaims, “Alas, poor Yorick—I knew him, Horatio” (Hamlet Act V, Scene

I). In these instances, the disarticulated bones—which can comprise up to 50% of the archaeological record

(Rodwell 2005)—were often placed on top of the fresh burial, thus establishing a cyclical burial pattern.

The Bones at the Priory

So who were the people buried at our Friary? And why were they buried in such a differentiated manner? Poulton

and Woods (1984) state that burials within the church at the Dominican priory of Guildford would have been more

desirable than burials in the cemetery. According to Binski (1996), these practices would have started in the 1300s,

a little after the time of the foundation of the Blackfriary, and would have been reserved for the more privileged


laity. Over time, as burials within the church became slightly more

common, status was indicated through the location within the

church, use of coffins, and tombs. This being said, it is likely that any

of the burials within the friary indicate some form of wealth on the

part of the deceased, or their family, or membership within the

friary. The burials within Cutting 3 are likely to have been located at

least ten meters from the altar area. Does this mean that they were

less wealthy than other members of the community? Unfortunately,

we do not yet have any indication of the exact location of the altar,

let alone burials surrounding the area. Perhaps with further

excavations, we will be able to answer this question.

Possible evidence for wooden coffins has been found in the form of

nails located in a similar context as burials. It is possible that these

burials could represent wealthier individuals who were able to obtain

a coffin. So far, no lead coffins have been found, although other priories, both Dominican and other, have been

known to contain such burials. It is possible that these may not have been available, affordable, or practical for

residents of Trim. It is also possible that further excavations may reveal such coffins.

The burial of OSB3 was clearly within a stone lined tomb. Based on the location of the tomb in regards to other

architectural remains, it is thought that this tomb was cut into the wall of the church. The stones making up the

northern boundary of the tomb are therefore in part, the original wall of the church, whereas the stones forming the

eastern boundary of the tomb would have been inserted specifically to line the tomb itself. This burial is very likely

to have belonged to a wealthy individual, perhaps a founder or benefactor of the church itself (Geoffrey de

Geneville?) or even a higher member of the Dominican order in Trim. No grave goods were found in association

with this burial, so the assumption of wealth is based solely on the tomb type.

Another intriguing burial to discuss in regards to status is

Burial 12. Located in Grid A, this burial represents an

individual who would have clearly been disabled to some

extent in life, evidenced by the presence of a 25th

vertebrae, slight deformation of the cervical vertebrae and

disproportioned femur length. The individual was a

sub‐adult, and cause of death was unknown. The

deformity suffered by the individual would certainly have

required care. The fact that the individual was able to be

interred within the church suggests that his or her caretaker (be it family or potentially the friary?) was able to afford

to both care for the individual in life as well as secure a position of status for him or her in death. Perhaps this was

one of the monks of the priory itself.

Burial OSB3, the tomb burial, in situ


Cleaning a skull from Trim

Indication of status is present in the data set available, although only in generalisations. Clearly the individuals

buried within the church had enough money to be placed there, but there is no other information about them. Does

the “charnel pit” making up most of Grids G/H represent a family tomb where multiple members of the same

wealthy family were interred over time? Unfortunately, there are no surviving floor tiles, stone slabs or grave

markers in this area to give us any indication of this possibility.

One of our supervisors, Kirsten, planning Burial 12 (the one with an extra vertebrae) with the skull of Burial 24 just visible in the background

Future Directions:

It is intended to continue excavations at the Blackfriary so that the full layout of the friary can be understood and

significant elements revealed. Further research will be conducted regarding the burials and their significance. As

the site is in the ownership of the local authority, Trim Town Council, a key aim is the involvement of the local

community. Hopefully over time, what was seen as a derelict space will become a heritage site, with room for

community spaces, (gardens, play spaces) alongside the footprint of the friary buildings. This summer’s season is

scheduled to run from May 20th until August 23, 2013. Anyone is welcome to join us in this excavation, no matter

their level of experience! For more information, go to: www.iafs.ie

Bibliography:

Binski, Paul. (1996). Medieval Death. Cornell University Press, Ithaca.

Byrne, Joseph Patrick. (2006). Daily Life During the Black Death. Greenwood Press, p.85‐113.

Conwell, Eugene Alfred. (1878) A Ramble Around Trim. Dublin.

Mandal, Stephen and O’Carroll, Finola (2011) A New Model for Site Preservation and Archaeological Practice. AIA Site

Preservation Program. http://www.archaeological.org/projects/blackfriaryireland

Potterton, Michael. (2005) Medieval Trim. Four Courts Press, Dublin.

Poulton, Rob and Woods, Humphrey. (1984). Excavations on the Site of the Dominican Friary at Guildford in 1974 and

1978. Surrey Archaeological Society, Guildford.

Rodwell, Warwick. (2005) The Archaeology of Churches. Tempus Publishing Limited, Glouchestershire.


�

CHAT: Cultural Heritage Amenity Town

The Blackfriary site is a pilot site for a new preservation concept—the CHAT model. Born in 2011, this model strives

to incorporate culture and tourism to a whole new educational level. The CHAT model focuses not only on “outsider”

tourists, but it targets the members of the immediately affected community, hoping to get them involved with their

past in a fun, hands‐on, educational manner. The Blackfriary is an ideal pilot site for this model because of its

location immediately behind the Supervalu in Trim. Surrounded on all sides by houses, we encourage visitors to

come and view the goings‐on, bringing with them whatever questions they may have, and memories of the site as it

may have been when they were a child! Our long term goal is to transform the site into more than just

archaeological remains, including a children’s playground, market, café, and memorial wall.

(Mandal and O’Carroll 2011)


http://iafs.ie/

The Irish Archaeology Field School

Public archaeology, research, education and training in Ireland Call +353 1 2968190 or email: [email protected]

Cultural Tourism Ireland

Bespoke archaeology and cultural heritage travel learning experiences Call +353 1 2968190 or email:[email protected]

http://culturaltourismireland.ie/

mailto:[email protected]�

mailto:[email protected]�

Friday 6th December: Prof Audrey Horning, Queens University Belfast Ireland in the Virginian Sea: Comparative Archaeology of Early Modern Atlantic Expansion

NIEA Lunchtime Lectures

Northern Ireland Environment Agency 2013 programme of public lectures in the Monuments and Buildings Record (MBR). The lectures will take place in the public reading room of Waterman House, 5‐33 Hill Street, Belfast, BT1 2LA. Information: 028 9054 3159 or email: [email protected]. Admission is free. All welcome. Space is limited at these talks, so please come early to avoid disappointment.

Friday 1st March: Colin Hatrick, Architect A Tale of Stained Glass featuring The Clokey Studios and Supporting Cast.

Friday 5th April: Rory McNeary, Centre for Maritime Archaeology Airborne Laser Scanning (ALS‐LiDAR) for Cultural Heritage Management.

Friday 3rd May: Andrew McClelland, University of Ulster Crisis and the Northern Ireland Heritage Revolution of the 1960s.

Friday 7th June: Ruairi O’Baoill, Centre for Archaeological Fieldwork The Archaeology of Derry City and its Environs.

Friday 5th July: Jonathan Barkley an Colin Dunlop, Northern Archaeological Consultancy Enigmatic Structures on the A8 Road Scheme.

Friday 2nd August: Dr Geraldine Carville, Historian and Author Secrets of Cistercian Music in Ireland 1142‐1541: Cistercian Abbey Churches Where the Very Stones Sing the Psalms.

Friday 20th September 1pm: LiamMcQuillan, NIEA Consolidating Ruins: Some recent projects on Scheduled Masonry Monuments.

Friday 20th September 6pm: Terence Reeves‐Smyth, NIEA

The Flowering Legacy: The Parks and Gardens of the National Trust in Northern Ireland.

Friday 4th October: Cormac McSparron, Centre For Archaeological Fieldwork “…and they won land among the Picts by friendly treaty or the sword” new thought from archaeology on Dál Riadic

migrations to Scotland.

Friday 1st November: Malachy Conway, National Trust Title to be confirmed.


A Very Big House In The Country – Preliminary results of excavations on

the A8 Belfast to Larne Dual Carriageway

Jonathan Barkley, Northern Archaeological Consultancy Ltd

The A8 is one of the five Key Transport Corridors identified in the Regional Development Strategy and the

Regional Transportation Strategy for Northern Ireland. The Department for Regional Development has

been carrying out improvement works that will involve the realignment and upgrading to Dual 2 Lane All

Purpose (D2AP) carriageway of the A8 between Coleman’s Corner and Ballyrickard Road. This upgrade of

approximately 14.5km of the A8 between Belfast and Larne as a partially on-line / partially off-line high

quality dual carriageway, with associated hard strips; and will incorporate a number of grade separated

junctions and the provision of a central median safety barrier. Work will include the provision of five grade

separated junctions, and the construction of 9 bridges and one underpass along the line of the proposed

scheme.

Prior to the commencement of the road works in August 2012 Northern Archaeological Consultancy Ltd

(NAC) were subcontracted by Lagan Ferrovial Costain (LFC) JV to carry out test trenching in advance of the

upgrading of the A8 Road (Figure 1). Several areas of archaeology were identified, with main area of

interest being a number of prehistoric houses uncovered between the A8 road and the Templepatrick Road.

A total of four structures were identified within the site (Figure 2), three complete and only the edge of the

fourth encroaching onto the area of the road take. This brief article outlines the preliminary results of the

on-going work.

Structure 1

Currently it appears that this structure may actually comprise at least two phases of construction:

Structure 1A – a large sub-circular house consisting of an exterior wall

15m by 14m, constructed using over 70 stakes and an entrance

represented by four linear slots and a large area of metalled surface.

The roof would have been supported by a ring of eleven large posts;

each would have been placed in a deep, stone packed post hole. A

large shallow pit in the centre of the structure may be all that remains of

a hearthstone. Within the ring of supporting posts, and surrounding the

possible hearth, were over 300 stakeholes.

Figure 1: Location Map


http://www.drdni.gov.uk/shapingourfuture/regional_dev/foreword/foreword.htm�

http://www.drdni.gov.uk/rts/pdf_files/final_pdfs/RTS_main_doc.pdf�

Figure 2: Post-excavation plan of Structures 1, 2, 3 & 4.

24 IAR Digital Magazine Issue 5 Winter 2013

Structure 1B – a slightly smaller house that appears to have been all but destroyed by Structure 1A.

Currently the only features that can be positively assigned to this phase of construction are the curving

linear slot trench and the two large pits. Given the plethora of internal features it is assumed that it will be

possible to attribute further features to this phase of construction as post excavation work continues.

Structure 2

A second smaller structure located on the western edge of Structure 1. Defined by two curving gullies

enclosing an area approximately 10.50m in diameter, the main form of the structure is defined by a series

of over 50 stakeholes creating a structure 5.50m in diameter. Structure 2 is notable for containing several

large pits, some containing large quantities of burning.

Plate 1: Structure 1



Structure 3

A circular structure 9m in diameter, consisting of six linear slots and 6m diameter ring of seven postholes.

This structure overlaps with the western edge of Structure 2 implying that the two are not contemporary.

Structure 4

A small section of curving gully that only just encroached onto the site. The fill of the gully was similar to

that of the gully of Structure 1B.

Dates

Radiocarbon dates and specialist reports into the pottery and flint work are still being compiled and until

that stage dates for the four structures can not be definitively assigned. Stylistically Structure 3 appears to

be similar to Bronze Age houses found on other excavations. Structures 1 and 2 are more complex, their

construction styles, and in the case of Structure 1A its size, not fitting comfortably with local prehistoric

house types. The pottery that could be positively identified appeared to be span from the Early Neolithic to

the Late Bronze Age.

Conclusions

A lot of work remains to be done on the structures uncovered at Ballynure, Co. Antrim. Further work is

required to separate the various phasing of Structure 1 and their relationships with Structures 2 and 3.

Once radiocarbon dates and specialist reports have been returned a further article will update readers of

what appears to be an interesting prehistoric occupation site.



Community Outreach on the Road

Schools Visit Archaeology site on the A8 Road Scheme

Lianne Heaney, Irish Archaeological Research

Following on from the previous article by Johnny Barkley of NAC we thought it appropriate to discuss the

outreach work that has taken place on the archaeological site on the A8 road scheme. The archaeology

found to date along part of the road is very exciting and as it’s a public works project it proved a very rare

opportunity for members of the public to visit a working excavation site and talk to the archaeologists first

hand.

All the major bodies involved in this project, DRD Roads Service, Arup, Lagan Ferrovial Costain (LFC), NIEA

and NAC, were very keen to let the local people and in particular schools about this great new site that had

just been uncovered and that no one has seen in over 3000 years. Therefore with the help of Jenny

Caldwell, Heritage Officer for Larne Borough Council and Aidan Kearney (LFC), schools from across the

Larne council area were invited to an open day at the site on Wednesday 5th December 2012. Conveniently

several members of IAR were working on the excavation site, so with the permission of the NAC

management we set up the Open Air Museum for the open day.

Plate 1: Kids on road scheme

Plate 2: Kid on the ‘viewing platform’


Each school received a guided tour of

the site from Project Archaeologist,

Colin Dunlop, who explained how the

archaeology was found and what the

structures would have been, there

were very animated discussions from

the kids when they learned there

would have been no indoor plumbing

in these structures and that the in all

possibility livestock may have shared

part of the space at night!

As well as the site tours the schools

were treated to a display in the Open

Air Museum (Plate 4) of the artefacts found on the excavation, Johnny Barkley, the NAC Site Director,

discussed how the artefacts were found and how they would have been used (Plate 5). And then the kids

got to see first hand how these artefacts would have been originally made. Ross Bailey (IAR) described

how the site occupants would have created arrowheads, axes and knives for everyday use by flint

knapping. Gavin Donaghy (IAR) talked about the making and decoration of prehistoric pottery; the kids

were even able to have a go at decorating clay using the same techniques used by our prehistoric

ancestors (Plate 6).

The excavation site was accessed

through a vey muddy field, therefore in

order to make the site safe and easily

accessible for kids, LFC created a special

pathway that was fenced off and even

had a viewing platform so the kids could

get a better view of the site from a

height (Plates 1 & 2). The kids were not

allowed on the excavation site for

obvious reasons and the postholes which

made up the house structures were very

hard to see from the viewing mound, so

we decided to put bamboo sticks in each

outer posthole (Plate 3). This allowed

everyone to get an idea of were each

posthole was and to get an idea of the

size and shape of the structures.

Plate 3: Bamboo sticks inside the postholes to indicate size & shape of structures

Plate 4: IAR Open Air Museum at the A8 school open day


Over 130 Key Stage 2 children visited the excavation site and

participated in the open air museum workshops, teachers and

kids alike said they enjoyed the visit and it was great to be

able to visit such an important archaeological site right on

their door step especially as they either had or would be

learning about prehistoric society in school. The kids were

able to get hands on experience with the artefacts methods

of making pottery and flint tools and actually see a

prehistoric house up close.

For a relatively inexpensive amount of money we (everyone

involved in the road scheme from government through to

contractor to archaeologist) were able to demonstrate how

progress and new construction can help us uncover the set-

tlement sites of our prehistoric ancestors, sites that no one

knew were there, we can record them, learn about them and

ultimately share them with the rest of society. Hopefully this

will not be the last time such open days can take place on

recently excavated archaeological sites, they definitely creates a feel good factor for everyone involved and

as archaeologists we really enjoy getting to show and tell people about the interesting things we find on

site.

I’d like to thank DRD Roads Service, Arup, LFC (in particular Aidan, Stevie, Ryan, Andres and Ken) and NAC

for letting us come along to the site to share the information they uncovered during the archaeological ex-

cavation with the local schools.

Plate 5: Site Director Johnny Barkley talking about the types of artefacts found on site

Plate 6: Pottery decoration workshop with Gavin Donaghy


The year 2013 sees the City of Derry‐Londonderry marking its status as the UK City of Culture. As part of the celebrations, the Society for Post‐Medieval Archaeology and the Irish Post‐Medieval Archaeology Group are hosting a joint conference at the Verbal Arts Centre within the historic walls of the City. The conference is intended to situate the 1613 granting of the City’s town charter within its broader historical context, while also considering the ways in which the early modern urban fabric continues to shape contemporary lives. The conference will feature a series of public workshops, a guided tour of the City walls, field trips to nearby archaeological sites, and an academic paper programme, addressing aspects of the evolution, character, and continuing legacy of sixteenth‐ through eighteenth‐century urbanisation within and well beyond Ireland and Britain.

FRIDAY 22 FEBRUARY Verbal Arts Centre Workshops (2‐5pm)

Archaeology in the classroom (Mary Sleeman) Buildings and how to read them (Chris King) Learn your pottery (Nick Brannon)

Evening Civic Reception, Tower Museum 5:30pm Welcome from the Societies 5:45pm Keynote Address: Ruairí Ó Baoill, The Post‐Medieval Archaeology of Derry/Londonderry 6:45pm Wine Reception

SATURDAY 23 FEBRUARY Verbal Arts Centre 8.30am Registration 8.55am Welcome Session One: Emerging Urbanism 9:00am Audrey Horning If you build it, will they come? Exploring the early modern town 9:30am Philip Macdonald What came before: Finding medieval Belfast 10:00am Deirdre O’Sullivan Brimful of Ashlar? Old place and new spaces in 16C England 10:30am Coffee break 11:00am Paul Logue Dunnalong, Dowcra, and Derry 11.30am Brendan Scott The port of Londonderry 12:00pm Nick Brannon Phoenix from the Flames: the archaeology of Coleraine 12.30pm Discussion 1:00pm Lunch Afternoon Field Trips: Museum of Free Derry; St Columb’s Cathedral; Walking tour of the City Walls Evening wine reception and Conference dinner, Custom House

Living legacy: archaeology and the early modern town

Irish Post‐Medieval Archaeology Group & The Society for Post‐Medieval Archaeology

Verbal Arts Centre Derry‐Londonderry 22‐25 February 2013

MONDAY 25 FEBRUARY: Coach tour of selected post‐medieval sites in the Derry/Londonderry vicinity: Culmore, Dunnalong, Mountcastle, Dungiven, Roe Valley, Magilligan Martello tower, Walworth.

To book a place at the conference follow this link: http://www.science.ulster.ac.uk/crg/ipmag/

SUNDAY 24 FEBRUARY Verbal Arts Centre Session Two: Life in Towns Part 1 9.30am Colin Rynne Urban forms and the commonwealth on Richard Boyle’s Munster estates 10.00am Mairtin D’Alton Londonderry in the Midlands 10.30am Tracy Collins Limerick: A Tale of Three Cities 11.00am Coffee 11.30am Brent Fortenberry St George’s: Atlantic town on the edge of collapse 12.00pm Kieran McCarthy: Venice of the North: Constructing Memory & Landscape in an 18C Irish City 12.30pm Discussion 1.00pm Lunch Session Two: Life in Towns Part 2 2.00pm Brooklynn Fothergill: Providing ‘Pullen’ to the Public: Poulterers in post‐medieval cities 2.30pm Gavin Hughes: 'Walking the streets of Strabane and lounging in the Mess room...' Irish towns and the United Irish campaign of 1798: military influences on social transitions 3.00pm Harold Mytum: From burial crisis to body snatching 3.30pm Discussion Session Three: Early modern towns in the present 4.00pm Franc Myles: Oh yous are all nicely shanghaied now! Moore Street, Dublin: the archaeology of urban conflict from the Easter Rising to the aftermath of the Crash 4.30pm Emma Dwyer: Living in the Past? Contemporary life in 19th and 20th‐century Housing 5.00pm James Dixon: Public Art and Early Modern Towns 5.30pm Discussion 6:30pm IPMAG AGM (Tower Hotel)


http://www.science.ulster.ac.uk/crg/ipmag/�

Our next issue will be Issue 6 Spring 2013, released in May 2013, as always we

welcome article submissions on all things related to Irish Archaeology. Please

email queries or articles for consideration to:

[email protected]

Irish Archaeological Research Winter Magazine

Documents

Transcript of Irish Archaeological Research Winter Magazine