Ireland and Newfoundland / L'Irlande et la Terre Neuve || Tho' Changed Be Your Climate, Unchanged...

Canadian Journal of Irish StudiesCanadian Association of Irish Studies

Tho' Changed Be Your Climate, Unchanged Are Your Hearts: Support for Irish Causes in St.John's, Newfoundland, 1840-86Author(s): Caroline LambertSource: The Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, Vol. 34, No. 2, Ireland and Newfoundland /L'Irlande et la Terre Neuve (Fall, 2008), pp. 47-55Published by: Canadian Journal of Irish StudiesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25515719 .

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Caroline LAMBERT

Tho' changed

be your climate,

unchanged are

your hearts Support for Irish Causes in St.John's, Newfoundland, 1840-86

Unlike other parts of the North American Irish diaspora there is no detailed study of Irish Catholics in St. John's,

Newfoundland in the nineteenth century, even though they

comprised a significant portion of the population. There is

no comprehensive work that traces their activities as exists

for Toronto, New York and other cities.1 Support for Irish

causes, in particular those of a political nature, is a

major

aspect of Irish Diaspora studies and is the subject of this

article.

Support for Irish causes among Irish Catholics in St.

John's had two main, and perhaps surprising, characteristics

in the period 1840-86. The first characteristic is that Irish

Catholics were committed constitutional nationalists and

would remain so unswervingly. There was never so much as

a hint of anyone, at anytime, supporting violence in Ireland

to achieve Irish freedom. Respect for the British Constitution

and the rights afforded by it, as well as their commitment

to the British Empire, fueled Irish Catholic commitment to

non-physical, parliamentary and law-abiding agitation on Ireland's behalf. These were Daniel O'Connell's guiding

principles, and ones the Irish Catholics in St. John's did not abandon. The more radical forms of Irish nationalism,

including republicanism, which were supported in other

parts of the North American Irish Diaspora in the second

half of the nineteenth century, were not found in St. John's.

The second characteristic is that Irish Catholics did not

always present a unified front on issues relating to Ireland.

Such lack of unity was due to domestic politics and fighting over who controlled the ethnic group in St. John's. These

problems would affect support for Repeal and Home Rule,

in the later case disastrously.

Irish Catholics in St. John's In 1857 the population of St.John's was almost 25,000

of which 73% were Catholic, with only 4007 Irish-born. By 1891 the population of the city had increased to 29,000, but

only 57% were Catholic. There were now only 623 Irish

born in the city.2 The community was not being replenished

by an abundance of new

migrants, and was dominated by second and third generation Irish CathoUcs who were now

well established in St. John's. The fact that St. John's did not receive large numbers of Famine Irish is important to note because had this occurred, the city may well have

experienced the social upheavals and violence that occurred

in New Brunswick, for example.3 Such an influx might also

have driven the community towards a more aggressive stance

on Irish issues.

It is safe to say that Irish Catholics were to be found

amongst all social groups and were well integrated in the

political, social and economic fabric of the city. They made

up the bulk of the Liberal Party and many prominent Irish

Catholics held office.4 They were also leading merchants and

lawyers.5 Irish Catholics had a strong presence in the local

press via two long-running newspapers: the Shea family's

Newfoundlander and Presbyterian RJ. Parson's Patriot and Terra

Nova Herald. This later paper and its editor was pro-Irish

Catholic, to the point where the Patriot can be called a de

facto Catholic paper. In addition to local news and editorials

on Irish issues, the papers carried extensive reprints from

British and Irish papers, which arrived regularly with the

mail packets.

The only Irish society in St. John's in the nineteenth

century was the Benevolent Irish Society. Established in

1806, it was the first fraternal society established in the

colony, and many of its members were part of the colonial

elite. The BIS was non-sectarian and the majority of the

members were Protestants until the 1820s when Catholics

began to dominate.6 This society contained some of the

most important and influential middle-class Irishmen in the

city, and it was these men who took the lead in garnering

support for Irish causes. It is in their addresses that one

gets an idea of how the BIS and its members identified as Irishmen. In 1855 for example,

on the occasion of the

Consecration of the Cathedral, the address to the visiting Catholic Archbishop Hughes of New York proclaimed that

"Loyalty to their sovereign is an instinct and a tradition of

Irishmen [...] Our present gracious Queen fills the throne

she adorns with Imperial dignity and womanly virtues, may she long reign over her boundless Empire, in the affections

of her subjects." The members then drank to her health.7

Toasts to the Queen were annually given at the BIS on St.

Patrick's Day, as well as to Prince Albert and the rest of the

royal family. Interestingly, the toast to the Queen was before

the toast to "Old Ireland as She Ought to Be."8 There was

a strong attachment to the British Empire and evidence of

identifying not only as Irishmen but also as loyal imperial citizens, the latter being seen as entirely compatible with the former. This sentiment was also generally expressed by the

Irish Catholic community in St. John's.

CJIS/RCfcl 34:2 47



O'Connell and Repeal The first major Irish nationalist movement in America

was the Repeal movement of the 1840s and as in other

parts of the Diaspora, the Irish Catholics of St. John's took

up the cause.9 Daniel O'Connell was already well known

in Newfoundland as he was the good friend of Catholic

Bishop Michael Fleming, which led to his involvement in

Newfoundland's political issues in the 1820s and 1830s,

specifically regarding Catholic Emancipation for the colony and political reform.10 O'Connell also became embroiled in

opposition to the Newfoundland Bill in 1842.11 Being their

political champion was not the only

reason Catholics in the

city admired him. They had great respect for the peaceful and constitutional principles that guided O'Connell's politics,

his admirers terming him "the moral King of Ireland," and

"the greatest benefactor of Irishmen and their descendants,

the friend of civil and religious liberty all over the world."12

His means and his political message resonated with Irishmen

in the city who believed themselves to be amongst the most

loyal colonists in the Empire.

Despite such admiration for O'Connell, organized

public support for the Repeal movement took time to build

in Newfoundland. There was apathy towards the issue in

1842 and it would take an external push to spur action. In

May 1843, the Waterford Chronicle remarked that no action had

yet taken place on

Repeal in Newfoundland, arguing that a

place with so many Waterford Irish could do better.13 This

indeed shamed many Waterford Irish' and the following month the cause was

officially taken up in the capital city.

However, only one large meeting was held. On 29 June 1843

about 200 people gathered at an outdoor venue and sums of

money were collected for the cause.14 It was decided at the

meeting that an organization to be named the Loyal Repeal Association of Newfoundland be founded. The donation,

with a letter of introduction and an address to O'Connell,

was promptly

sent to Ireland. An official thanks from the

Loyal National Repeal Association was received by the end

of August along with extracts from a meeting in Ireland

where O'Connell praised supporters in Newfoundland for

their contribution.15

Although there were not many meetings in the city regarding Repeal, the Irish Catholics of St. John's showed

their support by becoming involved in Repeal activities in

other parts of the Diaspora. In early 1844 efforts were made

to co-ordinate Repeal support in the other colonies and

Newfoundland was not left out.16 Communication between

Repeal associations already existed, as in the summer of

1843 when prominent Repealers from Newfoundland

accompanied by Halifax Repealers went to Charlottetown,

PEI, to establish a Repeal organization. Their efforts were

successful, including holding a large meeting of 300 people.17 Now there were

plans for something bigger. On 3 January

1844 the Patriot printed the minutes of the proceedings of

the Halifax Repeal Association along with a letter from their

chairman to the Secretary of the Repeal Association in St.

John's. Repealers in Halifax and Albany, New York, jointly arrived at the idea of holding

a universal demonstration of

the Friends of Repeal, which would consist of all of the

North American Repeal associations holding "simultaneous

meetings" on the third Monday in January

to express

continent-wide support for Ireland's cause.

On Monday 15 January 1844 a meeting did in fact

take place in St. John's at Kielty's long-room.18 Resolutions

were passed that supported O'Connell and Repeal, that

condemned Her Majesty's Ministers' mismanagement of

Ireland's affairs, and that thanked their fellow Repealers in

Halifax for proposing Ireland's Monday.' Unfortunately, the

texts of the speeches given were not

printed in the papers.19

Collection for the Repeal Fund was undertaken and the list

of contributors of that day was

printed with amounts, and

additions to this list were printed thereafter.20 The creation

of petitions to the House of Commons and to the Queen,

as well as an address to the people of Ireland were discussed

at the Repeal meeting the following Monday.21 The dominant theme of all Repeal activities in the city

was loyalty to the Crown and the Empire. At the Repeal

meeting in 1843 it was reiterated that despite rumours abroad,

Repealers wished to remain a part of the British Empire, a

desire not incompatible with "Justice to Ireland." This drew

cheers from the crowd. The meeting ended with cheers not

only for O'Connell, Repeal and Bishop Fleming, but also

for the Queen and Governor Sir John Harvey.22 Imperial

loyalty was also evident at a meeting held on the occasion of

O'Connell's sentencing to prison that summer. A resolution

passed stated: "the people of Newfoundland distinguished as they have ever been for their loyalty to the Throne and

their attachment to the laws and Constitution of the country,

in supporting the Repeal agitation, will govern themselves

by these patriot principles."23 This resolution clearly reveals

loyalty to the Monarchy, belief in constitutional nationalism

as expressed by their affection for the British Constitution, and determination to support Irish liberty, which, to them,

was not incompatible with support of the Empire. When O'Connell was released from prison that same

fall, the Irish community saw it as a vindication of these very

principles. John Nugent, an Irish-born teacher, politician

and proprietor of the short-lived Newfoundland Indicator,

made the point: "it establishes the right of freemen to

meet for legitimate purposes -

for the considering of

subjects connected with their political condition [...] the

privileges of British subjects recognized and guaranteed

by the Constitution." This was the heart of constitutional

nationalism: using peaceful and legal assemblies as a means

to achieve their goals could not be denied by law.

Even the Colonial administration in St. John's

recognized Irishmen's respect for British laws. Writing to

London, Governor Harvey described Irish Catholic Repeal

agitators in St. John's "as quiet, orderly, and well disposed

and as I firmly believe as any Royal Subjects as any one to

be found in any part of Her Majesty's Dominions."24 This was

certainly an indication of the character and leadership

of Repeal activities in the city, but more broadly Harvey's comments say something about the position of Irish

Catholics in Newfoundland society. Several Irish Catholics were part of the Colonial Government and were

respected not only by Catholics, but also by many in the Protestant

elite. Loyalty to the Crown and British Constitution was not

just a

requirement of the positions they held as part of the

political administration, but it was a genuine sentiment.

48 LAMBERT Support for Irish Causes in St. John's



There was, of course, more than the purely political at work here. Nostalgia

was a powerful factor in support

of Irish causes. In a speech given when O'Connell was

sentenced, Patrick Kough, a builder and prominent

member of the BIS, recounted to those assembled his own

experience of migrating from Ireland. Although he had left

Ireland some forty years before, he stated that leaving did

not mean forgetting the land of his birth and that he still

dreamt of visiting Ireland some day. He appealed to others

in the audience who dreamt the same and who, like him,

remembered Ireland's history of trouble: "shall we not all,

however, show that separation has not created forgetfulness

of our fatherland and that we are ready to

sympathize with

those who suffer for Ireland."25 It was a powerful speech

and his professions of sympathy and sentimentality can

be accurately held up as representative of a

general feeling

towards Ireland.

Disunited Community On the surface it would appear that the Irish Catholics

of St. John's were a unified body supporting their beloved

Erin. Beneath the surface, however, there were tensions in

the community that often prevented unified action on Irish

causes. What was happening

was the inevitable by-product

of being an established ethnic group: local differences were splitting the group into rival factions fighting over

domestic power.26 In the 1830s the Liberal party became

dominated by immigrant Irishmen and closely allied with

the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Bishop Fleming was well known

for his ultramontane, controlling manner (the importance

of this association is discussed below). There was another

group of Catholics, however, most of whom were native

born and who did not care for the Bishop's and his followers'

attempts to direct the community. The complicated politics of this inter-Catholic warfare have been examined by several

historians, and the turbulent 1830s coloured much of the

decade that followed.27

In relation to Irish nationalist activity in St. John's, this

power struggle was evident in 1843 over who was

going to

lead Repeal agitation in the city. The Mechanics' Society

had been the driving force behind the Repeal Association of Newfoundland. The Society, established on 3 March

1827, was a fraternal and benefit organization that provided

compensation to the families of deceased or injured

members who were mostly drawn from the working class,

the vast majority of which were Irish Catholic. The executive

consisted of some of the better-known Catholics in the city and its membership

was made up of what one might call

'independently minded Catholics.'28 This latter point was the

reason Bishop Fleming condemned them from the pulpit

twice, calling on Catholics to

keep away from the Repeal

meetings.29 The Repeal Association's executive members

made clear that they would not be bullied by the prelate, although two of them resigned their officer positions for this very reason. The chairman of the Repeal Association,

Thomas Meagher, who was also President of the Mechanics'

Society, stated that nothing would make him resign.30 He

and others sniped that those Liberals around Fleming had no need for the people now that they had been elected, and

that "unlike the patriotic magistrates of Ireland, who yielded

place and pension to their country's weal, the sham patriots

of Newfoundland clung to the parlieurs of Government

house and pitched Repeal to the winds." A resolution to

proceed with their activities was passed unanimously.31 It

is unclear what effect Fleming's dictate had on the Catholic

congregation, but Repeal meetings continued.

This rift in the Catholic community was not healed

until the imprisonment of O'Connell in 1844. That event

was so traumatic to Irish nationalists in St. John's that local

differences appear to have been forgotten. Public speeches on this occasion called for a

burying of the hatchet at home

for the greater good of Ireland. Many of the speakers

acknowledged the division in the community and were

pleased that all had been forgiven. These included three of

Bishop Fleming's closest associates: politicians John Kent,

Laurence O'Brien and John Nugent. A member of the BIS,

John O'Mara, summed up the mood stating "he saw around

him the friends of Ireland of all shades of local politics [...] friends who ought

never have been separated from

them [...] they had not allowed any petty differences to

prevent the amalgamation of all lovers of their fatherland." 32

Unfortunately, shared sentiment had not been strong

enough to prevent the rift in the first place and would not

be enough to prevent problems in the future.

Young Ireland

In the late 1840s things were changing in Ireland. News of O'Connell's death reached St. John's in late June 1847

and Catholics in the city were devastated. For two days the

Patriot was published with thick, black lines on its columns as a

sign of mourning.33 Friends and admirers of O'Connell

gathered on the evening of 26 June 1847 to pay tribute to

him. Leading Catholic politicians and leaders of the Catholic

community attended, offering their condolences to the

O'Connell family and the Irish nation. A Mass was held on

1 July for the repose of O'Connell's soul. On that day it was

resolved to close businesses, blind the windows of private

houses, and to wear crepe upon the hats of supporters for

a period of one month starting from the Mass.34

Thereafter the news of the day was no longer Repeal,

but Young Ireland. The reaction of Irish Catholics in St.

John's to the movement was characterized by a condemnation

of its violent methods, followed by an immediate forgiveness

of those involved: forgiveness fuelled by the belief that love of country had motivated their actions. As tension built

in Ireland in 1848, the Newfoundlander made its position clear: "We do not deny that the state of things in Ireland

[necessitates] the enforcement of stringent measures for

the protection of life, and the punishment of violence

and outrage."35 In the face of violence, even constitutional

nationalists in St. John's could support coercion. However,

when John Mitchel, the editor of the United Irishman, was

convicted of treason, a meeting of sympathy

was held in St.

John's, which established a Mitchel Fund to support his wife and family. Within two weeks ?150 had been raised.36

Despite the geographically imposed delay in obtaining the news from Ireland, the feeling that matters were

coming to a head must have been unmistakable in St. John's. In July 1848 citizens were able to read William Smith O'Brien's

CJIS/RCfcl 34:2 49



address to the Irish people on the occasion of Mitchel's

sentencing. By 2 August news of the arrest of leading Young Irelanders had reached the city including Thomas Francis

Meagher, grandson of the famous Newfoundland merchant

Thomas Meagher.37 In mid-month a sensational rumor

circulated that fighting had broken out in Ireland, apparently started by

a letter written by a Harbour Grace merchant

who claimed to have read of it in a London paper. The St.

John's papers denied it. Nevertheless, rumors abounded in St.

John's of possible outbreaks of violence and confirmation

was finally received in St. John's at the end of the month.38

It was all over that quickly.

The failure of the Young Ireland rebellion came as

no surprise

to the Newfoundlander, "this insane encounter"

being now over, Ireland "is again well-nigh consigned

to

the Slough of Despond." The paper stated that there was

no support for such an endeavor, thus the inevitability of

failure. However, the paper optimistically announced that

Repeal was still possible, and that agitation

on that question

would quickly resume.39 The editor of the Times and General

Commercial Gazette, a Protestant and conservative newspaper,

not surprisingly also denounced the Young Ireland rebellion -

minus any encouragement for Repeal, of course - as "a

mad and wicked measure [that] has brought confusion and

ruin upon the leaders of the insurgents."40 That the Irish

Catholic and Protestant Conservative papers held the same

opinion reveals just how conservative Catholic opinion in

the city was

concerning Irish political issues.

Disapproval of Young Ireland's actions did not mean

that there was a lack of understanding of their plight.

When other members of Young Ireland were sentenced

to transportation after their failed rebellion, the St. John's

Catholics offered sympathy. While having never

supported their actions, the Newfoundlander now took a

highly

sympathetic view of what had occurred. "They aimed at

an issue which success would have sanctioned," the editor

wrote, "

[...] but they failed, they miscalculated means

and resources ? they erred in judgment [...] The crime was

not in the views which they entertained, but in the want

of power to bring them to an

accomplishment."41 Given

the undeniable commitment to constitutional nationalism

amongst supporters of O'Connellism and Repeal in St.

John's, such forgiveness was generous. It is unknown if this

sentiment was widespread, but given the press' own desire

not to alienate their readers, one must assume that sympathy for the Young Irelanders was common

enough in the capital

city. They were, after all, fighting for Ireland no matter how

misguided they may have been.

William Smith O'Brien's Visit to St. John's That Young Irelanders could be forgiven by the St.

John's Irish Catholics for their use of violence was proven in 1859 when William Smith O'Brien, traveling by the steamer Prince Albert from Galway to New York, arrived in

the colony. The city was abuzz and the Irish Catholics in

particular were eager to see him, given that he was the most

famous Irishman to ever set foot on the island. As such he

received special treatment, staying as the guest of Catholic

Bishop John Thomas Mullock at the Episcopal Residence

during his one-day unscheduled visit. On the evening of his

arrival, Smith O'Brien spoke with representatives from the

BIS and other Catholic societies, along with the Colonial

Secretary.42 The BIS and the Mechanics' Societies formed a

procession followed by thousands of people and marched

to the schoolroom of the Presentation Convent. The crowd

enthusiastically greeted Smith O'Brien with "loud and hearty cheers." The tone of a BIS address was almost worshipful, and certainly contained no hint of the violent actions of

which he had been a part of in Ireland:

To us, Irishmen, some by birth, and others by descent, the name of

William Smith O'Brien has long been intimate and venerated. We

have deeply sympathized with you in your struggles and misfortunes.

We have mourned for you during your eight years of penal exile at

the Antipodes and we rejoice with that warmth which true devotion

and love can only excite.43

In fact, the BIS discreedy circumvented the more illegal parts of Smith O'Brien's political career by focusing on

his personal merits: "We refrain from any expressions of

opinion as to your political career, but we tender to you our

warm admiration of your private virtues and of your self

sacrificing devotion to your opinions and principles."44 The

Mechanics' Society presented an address as well, in which

they too extolled his personal virtues. "As Irishmen and sons

of Irishmen," the Society offered "respect and admiration,"

as well as regret that his time here was so short, as they

would have wished to have given him a grander welcome.

These were strong words of praise for a man whose methods

were denounced by the Irish Catholic community in general.

Nevertheless, the BIS assured O'Brien that "you will ever live

in the hearts of the Members of this Society," greeting him

"in the true spirit of Irish Verse, Ceade-Mille-Failtha."45

Standing next to Bishop Mullock, Smith O'Brien was

visibly affected by the addresses presented to him. In reply, he too avoided direct references to

Young Ireland, stating

only that the Irish in St. John's were

clearly aware of his past

political career. He was

impressed with the warm welcome

and strong Irish spirit he had found here, and declared that he saw in the city "all the best characteristics of the Irish

race."46 Late that night, Smith O'Brien was accompanied

back to the ship by the Bishop and his clergy. An immense crowd followed him down to the harbour.47 The visit was

demonstrative of a strong, continued attachment to Ireland

and those who fought for her independence ?

although the Irish Catholics in the city were careful not to focus

on the 'fighting' part of Smith O'Brien's career. What was

important, as with the other Young Irelanders, was that

although their methods were misguided, their intentions

were admirable. Smith O'Brien was redeemable in the eyes of

Irish Catholics in St. John's because his actions were guided by a love of Ireland.

The Fenians

Reaction to the Fenian activities of the 1860s was the same as with Young Ireland. The Fenians were

republican,

revolutionary, and in favor of an independent Irish

republic, which they believed was attainable by physical force. Not surprisingly, their tactics and reasoning found

no visible support amongst Irish Catholics in the capital

city. Their use of violence to achieve Irish independence 50 LAMBERT Support for Irish Causes in St. John's



was viewed as a "wretched conspiracy" that had no chance

of success. Violence was not the means to freedom, and

whatever outbreaks occurred would serve only to show

"the worthlessness of all concerned in the movement."48

Ambrose Shea, a leading Catholic politician, summed it up

in the House of Assembly when he referred to Fenians as

being "the vilest of the vile."49

As in British North America, St. John's experienced its

own Fenian scare. Rumor of a Fenian presence was causing

much excitement amongst citizens and led Imperial officials

to double the guard on barracks. The guns were double

manned and the pomp and circumstance of military display was

underway.50 These were only rumors, however, and the

loyalty of the Catholic population of the city "has been

often proven and never doubted," affirmed the Patriot on 17

January 1865. The Newfoundlander protested that "A baser or

more diabolical calumny upon the Catholic community could

not have been forged or conceived [...] Not only is there

no such society here [...] were it proposed, it would be met

with universal reprobation." To accuse Irish Catholics here

of being Fenians, "the enemies of peace and good-will," was offensive.51

News of the Fenian raid on Canada reached St. John's

in June 1866.52 The raid was summarized as "practically

nothing more than a

hopeless, insane waste of human life."53

In October, the Protestant newspaper Telegraph and Political

Review reported with alarm that "midnight meetings" and

"solemn conclaves" of Fenians were being held in St. John's

for the purposes of revolution where violence would "hold

high carnival." The Patriotwzs swift to condemn the paper for

spreading rumors at a time when sister colonies were under

real threat of invasion. "[Creating] fearful apprehension in

the public mind," wrote the editor, "[would] disrupt the

harmony which now happily prevails in this community among all classes and creeds."54 There is no

proof that any

such meetings ever occurred and Newfoundland remained

safe from any real Fenian threat.

The O'Connell Centennial

Shortly after such a strong repudiation of violence,

Irish Catholics in St. John's showed their support for the constitutional and peaceful wing of Irish nationalism. In

1875 Irish Catholics in St. John's once again professed their love for the Liberator by joining their fellow Irishmen at

home and abroad in celebrating the centennial anniversary of Daniel O'Connell. The festivities spanned two days, 5-6

August and included processions, fireworks, a picnic with

public amusements, and an oration on the life of O'Connell

delivered by Philip Little, an Irish Catholic who had served as the colony's first Premier from 1855-8. Thousands

attended.55

In preparing the celebrations, a circular addressed

to all fellow countrymen referred to O'Connell's great

humanitarian efforts within the Empire and for the benefit

of mankind in general, in addition to his undying love for Ireland.56 Interestingly, the circular contained two

warnings

implicitly referring to past events during the time of

Repeal in the 1840s. First, it was urged that Newfoundland should not lag behind other parts of the British Empire in

commemorating O'Connell's achievements. Given the

slowness with which support for Repeal took hold, one

could read this as a gende warning

not to appear apathetic

yet again or to be outdone by any other part of the Irish

Diaspora. Second, the circular featured a reminder not to

repeat past follies, in particular to put aside "all differences,

forgetful of everything" in order to honor the Liberator.57

This was undoubtedly a reference to the infighting and

struggle for leadership had that surrounded the Repeal

campaign in St. John's.

The Home Rule Debacle

The importance of domestic politics was again evident

in the 1880s over the issue of support for Home Rule,

just as it was in the time of Repeal but with far greater

consequences. The problems during the 1840s impeded unified action but did not stop it altogether. With Home

Rule, however, the resulting discord was disastrous, and it

was certainly not due to a lack of support among the general

Irish Catholic population. In April 1886 the Irish Home

Rule Bill was introduced in the House of Commons and

the news was met with joy in St. John's. The Evening Telegram

reported "even through the cold fogs of Newfoundland

the shout for Ireland's freedom was lifted heavenwards last

night by the children of the wide-scattered race." Ireland, it

was said, was now finally going to enjoy the privileges that

Irishmen in Newfoundland had enjoyed for so long.58 This was a reference to

Responsible Government, granted to

Newfoundland in 1855. In fact, the Irish Catholics of St.

John's were opposed to Confederation with Canada because

they would lose their 'Newfoundland Home Rule.' At an

anti-Confederate rally in 1873 the candidates marched under

the green flag of Erin with harp and the words 'Home Rule' woven into it. In addressing the electors Parsons pointed out that Newfoundlanders already had what Ireland was

fighting to attain.59

In early May the local press printed resolutions

supporting Home Rule that had been passed in other parts of the Diaspora, and the Catholic-supporting Colonist asked its more

distinguished readers to send in their views regarding the Home Rule Bill.60 Thomas Talbot, High Sherriff of

Newfoundland, wrote the paper expressing his support for

the cause. An Irish Catholic schoolteacher, and apparentiy the only Irish Catholic politician to contribute an

opinion, he believed "that nothing short of a free Parliament [...] can

ever satisfy the just and honorable aspirations of the Irish

people [...] By a free Parliament I mean not a Parliament

severed from, but resting upon the Crown and Parliament of

England [...] [it is] a policy at once of justice to Ireland, and of increased strength and stability to the British Empire."61 This is the same constitutional nationalist rhetoric that was

in evidence during the time of Repeal. On 10 May 1886 George Emerson, a Protestant MHA

for Placentia St. Mary's, gave notice that he would introduce

into the House of Assembly a series of resolutions supporting

Gladstone and Home Rule. The editor of the Colonist stated that he was right to do so because of the support for the issue among the local press and the clergy.62 Oddly enough, some Irish Catholics did not agree. The Liberal leadership took exception to Emerson's plans and called a

meeting, at

CJIS/RC6I 34:2 51



which Irish Catholic leaders Ambrose Shea and Robert Kent

passed a resolution not to support Emerson in the House

of Assembly. One hour before the meeting of the House

on 13 May, Irish Catholic party member Michael Carty let

Shea know that he would second Emerson's resolutions. No

doubt Carty's decision was due to an ultimatum from his

father, a native of Ireland, who had apparently advised his

son that "you need not return to this House if you do not

show yourself to be an Irishman."63

Emerson opened his address by noting that legislatures

in other colonies had passed similar resolutions in support

of Home Rule. He was, however, dismayed to learn that

there were Irishmen and descendants of Irishmen in this

colony who were opposed to Newfoundland doing the same. He hoped that their patriotism would win out over

jealousy and the resolutions would be supported. If rejected, Newfoundland would be the only Colonial legislature not to

send its support for the cause.64 His reference to jealousy is

an interesting one, and would seem to refer to the fact that

he, a Protestant who was already distanced from the party

over a previous clash with Edward Morris, had beaten great

Catholic leaders Shea and Kent to the table with a pro-Home

Rule motion. The latter had claimed that they planned to

pass a motion themselves at some point.65

Emerson's resolutions were moderate, simply supporting

the principle of Home Rule and asserting that such a measure

would strengthen the Empire, there seeming to be nothing

objectionable in them. As Emerson was speaking, the

government party members left, with only five members

of their party remaining behind. Carty then seconded

Emerson's motion. While Carty was speaking, Shea left

the House taking the entire opposition Liberal party with

him.66 Without sufficient numbers House business could

not proceed,

so the resolution failed. Carty declared that this

humiliating behavior was "an insult to both to Ireland and

this Colony, and they [the members] will have to account for

it in their constituencies [...] As a member of this legislature, and an Irishman, I have much pleasure in seconding the

motion."67

Irish Catholics in St. John's were shocked. It was

thought that the representatives in the House "would feel an

honest pride in following the example of Canada, America

and Australia."68 Enraged at the actions of their elected

representatives in confounding support for Home Rule, calls

were put out for the resignation of Robert Kent from the

Presidency of the BIS. The day after derailing Emerson's

Home Rule resolution, the BIS held a meeting at which all

the leading Catholics were present. It was agreed that two

pro-Home Rule measures would be adopted within the

society, one sent to Parnell and one to Gladstone. It was

damage control, but in spite of trying to smooth things

over

Carty was still expelled from the Liberal party for seconding the motion.69

As some noted, it was not Emerson and Carty who were

hurt, but "it was Ireland and her cause that were humiliated."

The failure of leading Irish Catholic politicians to support Home Rule was viewed by many as a

slap in the face to the

Irishmen and descendants of Irishmen in Newfoundland

who felt a deep connection to the land of their forefathers.70

One letter to the editor expressed disgust, vowing that

it would not soon be forgotten: "This is an act that the

thousands of Irish descent and all the liberal minded men

of the colony shall look upon with feelings of unfeigned

disgust, and shall shrink back from in lively horror." These

men were put in the House by these Irishmen and their

descendants, and all they had done was "proved themselves

recreants to the land of their forefathers in her hour of

anxiety and misgiving!"71

The whole notion of the connection between the

old Catholic Liberal party and Irish causes was being

questioned.72 Reverend M.A Clancey, a Catholic priest in

Placentia, wrote a letter expressing his dismay at what had

occurred: "We should have hoped that broader and more

enlightened views would have characterized any party

pretending to profess Liberal principles." The actions of

the Liberals were, in his opinion, not in accordance with any

Irish feeling in the colony.73 Those who strongly supported Home Rule railed against the Liberals and their leader, Ambrose Shea, arguing that he had acted out of "personal

pique." Letters to the editor branded them as "traducers,"

the "Shea-avenging, ever-twisting, vacillating, compromising,

office-seeking party." It was asked how Irishmen who had

fought for Responsible Government could turn their backs on Home Rule. One letter barked, "I'd rather be a

dog and

bay at the moon than such an Irishman [...] their smallness

and spleen are such as to lead them into a

political bungle which will stand forever as a blot on their names and a

reproach to this country."74 It is hard to believe that it was all because of petty

jealousy over who tabled the resolution, as Emerson himself

believed it was. Yet that is what appears to be the case. There

is, however, another possible reason, one that Shea and Kent

as Catholic leaders may have had on their minds. On 26

December 1883 there was ugly clash between rival mobs of

Protestants and Catholics in Harbor Grace, wherein several

people were killed and multiple Catholics placed on trial and later acquitted. This is known as the Harbor Grace Affray, the fallout of which strained politics during the decade.

One result of this was the 1885 general election victory of Robert Thorburn, a Protestant Conservative, elected on a

promise that he would not make an alliance with Catholics.

By the summer of 1886, Thorburn was preparing to do just

that, and in fact Catholics were brought into the fold by that

July.75 At this time of increased tension, perhaps the Liberal

leadership felt that supporting a

pro-Home Rule resolution

would be too inflammatory. At least a few people

at the time

suspected that political intrigue was behind the Home Rule debacle. In a letter to the editor, a BIS member pointed to

the Society's concealment of the replies to the resolutions

sent to Parnell and Gladstone. They were dated 6 June, but the executive had denied receiving them, and only produced them to the members in late August, after the Liberals had

backed Thorburn's government. In the opinion of the

unnamed BIS member, they were concealed because they

"might mitigate against the Shea, Winter, Fenelon & Co.

Amalgamation Bubble Scheme," Shea and the others named

being key players in the political dealing that took place that summer.76 The

leadership, however, was not reflective of the

will of the majority of Irish Catholics, as seen by the anger at




their actions. Had it been left to the ordinary Irish Catholic

citizen, the results would have been different.77

Conclusion

Despite some internal conflicts, the St. John's Irish

Catholics became involved in all the major Irish causes

from 1840 through to the end of the 1880s as dedicated

constitutional nationalists. In the case of the O'Connell

Centenary it was through celebration. In the case of Repeal

it was by offering moral and financial support. In the case

of Young Ireland and the Fenians it was by repudiation and

fear, respectively. Only in the case of Home Rule did support falter, and then only due to domestic political squabbling, not any lack of loyalty to the land of their forefathers.

Despite that unfortunate incident, Irish Catholics in the city

maintained a constant attachment to Ireland and an interest

in its affairs. Even William Smith O'Brien, a stranger to

Newfoundland, could remark of the St. John's Irish Catholics

that "the rigor of this climate has not chilled the warm pulses

of the Irish heart."78

Notes:

1 The tide quotation is from a pro-Repeal poem entided "Ireland

- Repeal!" written by "A Lady," published in the Patriot and Terra

Nova Herald, 17 May 1843. This poem specifically links Ireland and

Newfoundland in a plea for involvement in the Repeal cause. My

forthcoming thesis seeks to address this lacuna.

2 Newfoundland Census, 1857, 1891.

3 See Scott See, Riots in New Brunswick: Orange Nativism and Social

Violence in the 1840s (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993).

4 From 1832 Newfoundland had Representative Government, which

consisted of an elected Assembly of 15 seats and a Governor

appointed Legislative Council. Almost all men had the right to vote,

but not women. The majority of the Assembly was comprised of

Irish Catholics, while the appointed positions were dominated by

Anglicans who controlled patronage, causing much resentment. In

1855 Newfoundland was granted Responsible Government that

lasted until 1933. Under this system the Executive Council was

comprised of elected members of the Assembly appointed to it by the Governor. The Executive Council had to maintain the support of the majority of members in the Assembly. The Government

served a 4-year term. The head of the Government was referred

to as the Premier. In 1855 the majority Catholic Liberals attained

power and held it until 1861. The only detailed political history of

Newfoundland in this period is Gertrude E. Gunn, The Political

History of Newfoundland, 1832-1864 (Toronto: University of Toronto

Press, 1966).

5 Men such as John Kent, Laurence O'Brien, Patrick Morris, Phillip

Littie, Robert Kent, John Valentine Nugent, and Ambrose Shea

were all leaders of the Irish Catholic community.

6 John Fitzgerald, "Conflict and Culture in Irish Newfoundland

Roman Catholicism, 1829-1850," (PhD. Thesis, University of

Ottawa, 1997): 46-7.

7 BIS Minutes, 11 September 1855.

8 See for example, BIS Minutes, 17 March 1846, which saw the Queen

in the second position after St. Patrick, while "Old Ireland as She

Ought to Be" was seventh after toasts for the Army, Navy and the

Lord Lieutenant. O'Connell was fifteenth well after the Protestant

Bishop and Clergy of St. John's.

9 Kevin Kenny, The American Irish (New York: Pearson, 2000):

86-7.

10 The Relief Act of 1829 did not apply to Newfoundland because

the laws that the Act repealed were never applied officially in the

colony, "leaving Newfoundland as the only British colony still

under penal rule." Petitions were sent to the House of Commons

through O'Connell, and Fleming lobbied on the issue as well.

Emancipation and the fight for a local legislature were the two

main issues in the colony in 1830-31. In 1832 Newfoundland was

granted a local legislature like that of the neighbouring provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Fitzgerald, "Culture and

Conflict," 88-9,104,106,110-113, 363.

11 The British Government undertook a review of the 1832

Newfoundland Constitution in 1841, and in 1842 a new constitution

was implemented resulting in an Amalgamated Legislature, which

lasted until 1848. See Gertrude E. Gunn, The Political History, 77-86;

Fitzgerald, "Culture and Conflict," 361-3.

12 Newfoundlander, 6 September 1832,1 July 1847.

13 The Weekly Waterford Chronicle, quoted in the Patriot, 24 May 1843;

Patriot, 31 May 1843.

14 Patriot, 5 July 1843; Public Ledger, 30 June 1843.

15 Patriot, 23 August 1843. On the 30th the Patriot reprinted another

letter from the Loyal National Repeal Association to Rev. J.P. Gleeson of Harbour Grace thanking him for the ?10 in donations

that he passed on to them. In return contributors received Repeal cards.

16 There were efforts to establish a

Repeal campaign in Halifax, but there too it was slow to start and only a minority of the

Irishmen seemed to have supported it. It did, however, manage to

send donations back to Ireland. See Terrence Punch, Irish Halifax

(Halifax: St. Mary's University, 1981): 32-4.

17 Terrence Punch, "Larry Doyle and Nova Scotia," Talamh an Lisa

Canadian and Irish Essays (C.J. Byrne and M. Harry, eds. Halifax: St.

Mary's University, 1986): 175.

18 In addition to Halifax and New York, Charlottetown held a similar

meeting the following Monday with the same purpose in mind.

Brendan O'Grady, Exiles and Islanders (Montreal and Kingston:

McGill-Queen's University Press, 2004): 190.

19 Patriot, 17 January 1844.

20 Patriot, 17, 24, 31 January 1844.

21 Patriot, 24 January 1844.

22 Patriot, 5 July 1843.

23 Patriot, 3 July 1844.

24 CO 194/120, 236-7.

CJIS/RC?l 34:2 53



25 Newfoundlander, 4 July 1844.

26 For discussion of this concept see Jeffrey Reitz, The Survival of

Ethnic Groups (Toronto: McGraw-Hill, 1980): 24-5,127-8.

27 The workings of this in the 1840s will be explored in depth in

my forthcoming thesis. Ample examples of the conflicts can be

found in: Fitzgerald, "Culture and Conflict"; John R Greene, Between

Damnation and Starvation: Priests and Merchants in Newfoundland Politics,

1745-1855 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999); and

Patrick O'Flaherty, Old Newfoundland: A History to 1843 (St.John's:

Long Beach Press, 1999.)

28 Fitzgerald, "Irish Fraternities in 19th Century St. John's."

29 Ledger, 3 and 7 November 1843.

30 Patriot, 8 November 1843. This is the son of the famous

Newfoundland merchant, also named Thomas. His own son,

Thomas Francis Meagher, would become 'Meagher of the Sword'

of Irish nationalist fame. John Mannion has dealt extensively with the Newfoundland connections of the Meagher family

in two articles: "Migration and upward mobility: The Meagher

family in Ireland and Newfoundland, 1780-1830," Irish Economic

& Social History, 15 (1988), 54-70; and "From comfortable farms

to mercantile commerce and cultural politics: the social origins and family connections of Thomas Francis Meagher," Decies, 59

(2003), 1-29.

31 Patriot, 8 November 1843.


33 Newfoundlander, 24 June 1847; Patriot, 24 June 1847.

34 Newfoundlander, 1 July 1847. Though suggested at the meeting,

nothing seems to have come of the idea of common colonial

activity on O'Connell's death.


36 Newfoundlander, 6 July 1848; Times, 1 and 12 July 1848.

37 Times, 8 July and 2 August 1848; Patriot, 2 and 16 August 1848.

On Meagher's Newfoundland connections see fn.30 here. On 22

April 1848 Meagher was named in an article in the Times with Smith

O'Brien; both were charged with seditious libel for speeches at the

Music Hall in Dublin. News of his arrest came on 2 August. A short

biography article did not mention the Newfoundland connection,

nor did the Times, 30 August 1848 list of prisoners.

38 Patriot, 18 August 1848; Times, 19, 23 and 26 August 1848.

39 Newfoundlander, 7 September 1848.

40 Times, 13 September 1848.

41 Newfoundlander, 9 August 1849 (original emphasis).

42 Newfoundlander, 21 February 1859.

43 BIS Minutes, 18 February 1859; Newfoundlander, 21 February 1859.

44 BIS Minutes, 18 February 1859.


46 BIS Minutes, 18 February 1859; Newfoundlander, 21 February 1859.


48 Newfoundlander, 5 October 1865. On the Fenians see R.V.

Comerford, The Fenians in Context (Dublin; Wolfhound Press, 1998) and John Newsinger, Fenianism in Mid-Victorian Britain (London: Pluto P, 1994).




49 Spoken by Ambrose Shea in reference to the Fenians during a speech

in the House of Assembly, quoted in the Times, 14 April 1866.

50Newfoundlander, 19 January 1865.

51 Newfoundlander, 12 January 1865.

52 Patriot, 16 June 1866. In addition to the well-known attack on

Canada, there was also a series of smaller clashes in New Brunswick

during that spring; Gary W Libby, "Maine and the Fenian Invasion

of Canada, 1866," They Change Their Sky: The Irish in Maine (Michael

C. Connolly, ed. Maine: U of Maine P, 2004).

53 Newfoundlander, 21 June, 1866.

54 Patriot, 20 October 1866.

55 BIS Minutes, no date given but found after the entry for 25 July

1875; Newfoundlander, 10 August 1875; Patriot, 21 August 1875.



58 Evening Telegram, 12 and 13 April 1886.

59 Patriot, 4 October and 7 November 1873.

60 Colonist, 3 May \m.

bx Colonist, 10 May 1886.

62 Colonist, 15 May 1886. This is the grandson of the GH. Emerson

who had served in various capacities in the 1840s-50s.

63 Slattery Papers, Letter #100, 24 May 1886 (St. John's: Fleming

to Holland).

M Colonist, 17 May 1886.


to Holland).


to Holland); Colonist, 17 May 1886.

61 Colonist, 17 May 1886.

68 Evening Telegram, 14 May 1886.


to Holland); Evening Telegram, 28 August 1886.

10 Colonist, 15 May 1886.

71 Evening Telegram, 17 May 1886.

72 This was time of political change with party alignments in flux.

The old Catholic Liberal Party was finished and its members had

become aligned with the Protestant Conservatives. By the end of

the 1880s the Tories had become what would have previously been

called Liberal. O'Flaherty, Lost Country, 160-1.

1?> Colonist, 20 May 1886.

74 Evening Telegram, 14, 18 and 21 May 1886.

75 O'Flaherty, Lost Country, 147-51, 155-6,160.

76 Evening Telegram, 28 August 1886.

77 There were several letters to the editor that express a desire for

a public meeting on the issue to circumvent the Liberal leaders.

Evening Telegram, 18 and 21 May 1886.

78 BIS Minutes, 18 February 1859.

CJIS/RCEI 34:2 55



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