Interactional use of quotation markers -(ta nikka/-tay in ...... · found in Japanese -tte as well....

Interactional use of quotation markers -(ta) nikka/-tay in Korean

and -tte in Japanese

Hyunsu Kim

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of

The Australian National University

December 2016

ii

Declaration

Unless otherwise acknowledged in the text, this thesis is my own original work.

Hyunsu Kim

iii

Acknowledgements

Writing a PhD thesis was achieving the first goal of my life to be a scholar. Many people might

have gone through this experience, and for me, as for them, it was not an easy one. It was possible

though, by God’s grace and my family’s love, as well as by many people’s support. I would like to

express my gratitude to these people who provided me with inestimable help in the course of my

PhD study.

First of all, I wish to express my gratitude to my chief supervisor Dr Duck-Young Lee for

helping me complete this journey and for providing me with the opportunity to do PhD study. I am

also very thankful to him for allowing me to teach the Japanese language at the Japan Centre. I am

also deeply indebted to him for his acceptance of me as his student. I would also like to thank to my

supervisor Dr Ishihara Shunichi for his support, as well as his kind and considerate attitudes, which

made me feel comfortable and concentrate on my thesis writing during my difficult time. I would

also like to thank Dr Casten Makochekanwa, my advisor, for reading my thesis and offering

invaluable advice on English expression. I owe particular help to him spiritually, as he prayed for

me and encouraged me whenever I needed it. I cannot thank him enough for editing many drafts

though the last year of my PhD study. I would also like to thank my supervisor and advisors, Dr

Roald Maliangkaij, Dr Ruth Barraclough and Mr Shun Ikeda for their support and encouragement. I

would like to express my special gratitude to Dr Ruth Barraclough for providing me with invaluable

advice when I was discouraged and being my referee in applying for a job. I am also greatly

indebted to Professor Hyaeweol Choi for her precious advice on the academic life and for

encouraging me to overcome obstacles during the journey of my PhD study. I would also like to

thank to Professor Malcolm Ross for his intellectually stimulating comments and encouragement,

which have helped me polish my thesis and complete the process of revision.

I would like to acknowledge that I am grateful to the Australian National University for a

PhD scholarship and research funding for fieldwork and international conferences. I would also like

to thank administration officer Joanna Bushby for her help and support in Australian Postgraduate

Award scholarship and various grants application. I am very thankful to her for caring for me,

without which I would not have been able to come this far. She provided me with all the support I

needed. I would also like to thank Maxine McArthur for her proof reading and encouragement for

my poor expression of English.

My colleagues deserve for special thanks from me in helping with interpretations for data

analysis. I thank Mami Iwashita, Naomi Ogi, Yoko Yonezawa, Jun Imaki and Dr Yoko Kinoshita

iv

for Japanese data. I also thank Younghye Seo, Narah Lee and Jeong-Yoon Ku for the interpretation

of Korean data.

I owe particular thanks to Dr Ruth Spriggs for her prayer and support spiritually and

mentally, for her cheerful smile that always made me feel comfortable and my daily life in the

office all very pleasant. I would also thank to Pam Jackson for her constant prayer and love. Special

thanks to Irwin Ross and Jill Ross for their love and support in the grieving time of my mother’s

loss, and to my friend Nellie Zhou for her friendship and support through the years.

I want to express my deepest gratitude to my family, especially, to my mother in heaven.

Her devotion, prayers, unconditional love, support…I cannot express gratitude enough for what I

received from her. I wish to say sorry to her for not being able to take care of her during her battling

time, and to say how much I loved her and will love her forever. My special thanks with love go to

my precious sister who is my best friend and mentor. I wish to express my great gratitude to her for

supporting me mentally and financially at the last stage of my study. I also want to express my

gratitude to my father for his prayer, support and patience. I would also like to thank to my brother

and his family for their love.

Finally, I want to give glory and honour to my lord, Jesus Christ. Without faith and the

words of God, I could not have reached to this goal. I always was supported by God’s love, grace

and mercy. In particular, my strength came from his unfailing love in the darkest and saddest times.

I can do everything through him who gives me strength. (Philippians 4:13)

I hope I also could give love and support back to people who need my help in future…

In Canberra, December 2016

Hyunsu Kim

v

I dedicate this work to my mother, Maljin Seo, in heaven.

vi

Abstract

This thesis examines the interactional functions of three indirect quotative markers, -(ta) nikka

and -tay in the Korean language and -tte in the Japanese language in spoken discourse. These

markers are typically used in indirect speech to convey the speaker’s own voice and/or a third

person’s voice in casual conversations.

Previous studies in the literature tend to focus on morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects of

these target markers and little attention has been paid to their expressive meanings, in particular, at

the pragmatic/discourse level in the Korean literature. The current study fills up this gap and

investigates the meanings beyond the function of indirect quotation of the target markers, as well as

sociocultural differences through the comparison of the three markers in the two different languages.

Discourse Analysis has been used as a qualitative methodology and the notions of

‘involvement’ and ‘multivoicedness’ have been adopted to describe how speakers employ the target

markers to have conversation parties engaged into the ongoing conversation through echoing self-

voice and/or the other’s voice in interaction. For the analysis of the data, telephone conversations

have been used to identify rich and multiple functions of the target markers in a variety of contexts.

The findings from the analysis show that Korean -(ta) nikka and -tay share some similarity

of functions with the Japanese -tte. For instance, the functions of Korean -(ta) nikka such as hearer-

oriented recollection, speaker-oriented recollection and mutually understood recollection have been

found in Japanese -tte as well. Korean -tay also shares the similar functions with Japanese -tte such

as a topic initial elicitor, evidence-leaking marker and context-detailing marker. However, the

function of face-saving marker is unique to -tte, and this function has not been observed in -(ta)

nikka and -tay. It is discussed that this difference between Korean and Japanese in terms of the face-

saving function is due to the different cultural values that affect the use of these markers by social

members: interaction can be influenced by enryo, meiwaku and omoiyari for the Japanese cultural

values, and intimacy, affection and solidarity for the Korean cultural values. Briefly summarised,

consideration is a primary concern for Japanese in their interaction, while intimacy is for Koreans.

This thesis also discusses that the target markers are used as a particular linguistic strategy

by the speaker in verbal exchanges, by revealing their intrinsic nature of being interactional and

dialogical, whereby their meanings are constructed in the interactional process. In particular,

contexts play an important role, since speakers manipulate contexts when they use the target

markers, representing their attitudes toward the content and the interlocutor in different ways.

vii

In sum, this thesis gives insight into understanding of how people use language for their

communication purposes and how expressive meaning is embedded in language and everyday

interactions. Moreover, the findings from this thesis contribute towards better understanding of

second or foreign language education and socio-cultural differences in language use in different

societies.

viii

Table of contents

Declaration ii

Acknowledgements iii

Dedication v

Abstract vi

Table of contents viii

List of tables and figures xii

Abbreviations xiii

Transcription conventions xv

CHAPTER 1: Introduction 1 1.1 Aims and background 1

1.2 Scope of the study 5

1.2.1 Standard Korean/Japanese 5

1.2.2 -(ta) nikka 7

1.2.3 -tay 8

1.2.4 -tte 10

1.3 Method 11

1.4 Data 13

1.4.1 Data collection 13

1.4.2 Presentation of data 14

1.5 Organisation of the study 16

CHAPTER 2: Literature review 19 2.0 Introduction 19

2.1 Korean -(ta) nikka 20

2.1.1 The morpho-syntactic and semantic approach 20

ix

2.1.2 The pragmatic approach 27

2.2 Korean -tay 31


2.2.2 The interactional approach 35

2.3 Japanese -tte 38


2.3.2 The pragmatic approach 47

2.4 Summary 55

CHAPTER 3: The key notions 57 3.0 Introduction 57

3.1 The notion of involvement 58

3.2 Speakers’ attitudes 62

3.3 Repetition and quotation as linguistic strategies 65

3.4 Multivoicedness 68

3.5 The notion of ‘face’ and Natural Semantic Metalanguage 72

3.6 Summary 75

CHAPTER 4: Self-voice ‘-(ta) nikka’ 77 4.0 Introduction 77

4.1 Hearer-oriented recollection 79

4.2 Speaker-oriented recollection 84

4.3 Mutually understood recollection 90

4.4 Differences between three interactional functions of -(ta) nikka 98

4.5 -(ta) nikka vs. -tako 100

4.6 Summary 103

CHAPTER 5: A third person’s voice ‘-tay’ 105 5.0 Introduction 105

x

5.1 Topic initial elicitor 106

5.2 Evidence-leaking marker 114

5.3 Context-detailing marker 122

5.4 The quote-like marker in a rhetorical question 129

5.5 Summary 133

CHAPTER 6: Multi-voice ‘-tte’ 135 6.0 Introduction 135

6.1 Recollection 136

6.1.1 Hearer-oriented recollection 136

6.1.2 Speaker-oriented recollection 138

6.1.3 Mutually understood recollection 141

6.2 Evidence-leaking marker 143

6.3 Topic initial elicitor 147

6.4 Context-detailing marker 151

6.5 Face-saving marker 157

6.6 Summary 164

CHAPTER 7: The use of -(ta) nikka/-tay and -tte with regard to aspects of Korean and Japanese culture and society 166

7.0 Introduction 166

7.1 Different cultural values 168

7.2 The Japanese cultural values enryo, meiwaku and omoiyari 171

7.3 The Korean cultural values intimacy, affection and solidarity 177

7.4 Summary 185

CHAPTER 8: Conclusion 186 8.0 Introduction 186

8.1 A summary of the main findings on -(ta) nikka/-tay and -tte 187

8.2 Similarities and differences between the functions of

xi

-(ta) nikka/-tay and -tte 191

8.3 Linguistic implications 193

8.4 Suggestions for further studies 197

8.5 Summary 199

Bibliography 200

xii

List of tables and figures

Tables

Table 4.1: Differences between the three interactional functions of -(ta) nikka

Table 5.1: Different metamessages with the use of -tay

Table 6.1: Different metamessages with the use of -tte

Table 7.1: The functions of Korean -(ta) nikka/-tay and Japanese -tte

Table 8.1: Summary of the possible functions associated with -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte

Figures

Figure 2.1: Eight usages of -tte from Horiguchi (1995)

xiii

Abbreviations

ATTR Attributive

AUX Auxiliary

BE Various forms of the ‘be’ verb

BE-past Past forms of various forms of the ‘be’ verb

CD Conditional

CIR Circumstantial

CJR Conjecture

CL Classifier

CN Connective

COM Committal

COMP Comparative construction

COP Copula

COR Correlative

DEC Declarative

DET Determinative

EXC Exclamation

FIL Filler

SFP Sentence-final particles

HON Honorific

HOR Hortative

IE Informal ending

IJ Interjective

IMP Imperative

INT Intentional

INTR Interrogative

LINK Linking suffix

xiv

LK Linker (linking nominals)

LOC Locative

NEC Necessitative

NEG Negative marker

NOM Nominaliser

OBJ Object marker

PAS Personal address suffix

PASS Passive

PAST Past form

PENAME Personal names

PL Plural

POL Polite marker/expression

POT Potential

PRESUM Presumptive

PROG Progressive form

PUR Purpositive

QT Quotation

QUE Question marker

RES Result particle

RET Retrospective

SIM Simultaneous

STAT Stative form

SUB Subject marker

TEMP Temporal

TOP Topic marker

VOC Vocative

xv

Transcription conventions

, continuing (slight rise)

? appeal

. final

… pause

Other symbols used outside transcriptions to indicate the status of some examples

* unacceptable

? not impossible but generally considered inappropriate

(( )) unintelligible speech

1

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1 Aims and background

People quote their own or others’ utterances frequently in their daily conversations.

Quoting is an essential part of our language life and plays an important role in

conveying and sharing our thoughts, feelings and experiences with others. With respect

to reported speech, Coulmas (1986: 2) says:

Utterances can be made the subject of other utterances. They can be criticised,

questioned, commented on, or simply be reported. Language can be used to refer to

language. We can talk about talk. This is true for all natural languages and is, indeed, a

fundamental feature whose absence disqualifies any sign system as a human language.

The aim of this study is twofold. Firstly, it explores the function of three indirect

quotative markers, -(ta) nikka and -tay in Korean and -tte in Japanese, with special

reference to their use in the interactional context of spoken discourse. Secondly, it

compares the socio-cultural aspects involved in the use of these markers in Korean and

Japanese, in order to identify what contributes to the functional differences

between -(ta) nikka/-tay and -tte.

2

Korean and Japanese are regarded as typologically similar languages, and are

often classified as Altaic languages along with native Manchu, Mongolian and the

Turkic languages (Lee and Ramsey 2000). The two languages are both SOV and show a

number of similarities in morpho-syntactic structure. These similarities are well

summarised in Müller-Gotama (1993: 99). Müller-Gotama states that ‘both languages

have a very variable, though strictly verb-final, clause-internal word order; both use

noun suffixes and postpositions to identify the grammatical roles of the participants in a

clause; both have extensive inflectional morphologies, particularly of the verb; and both

are topic-prominent languages, with Japanese using wa and Korean using nun to mark

the grammatical topic’.

The target markers -(ta) nikka/-tay in Korean and -tte in Japanese also share

some similarities. For instance, they are indirect quotation expressions occurring in

sentence-final position.1 Further, these markers are frequently used in spoken casual

speech, especially in face-to-face conversation, and rarely used in written contexts or

high formal speech (Han 1986, 2004, 2009; Jeon 2002; J. Lee 2004; J. Ha 2006;

Maynard 1997b; Kato 2007). Examples of these markers from telephone conversations

below show how they are used as indirect quotative markers in sentence-final position.

(1) is an example of Korean -(ta) nikka, (2) is of Korean -tay, and (3) is of

Japanese -tte.2

(1) Kulenikka wuli emma-ka cham taytanha-tanikka.

so our mum-SUB really great-TANIKKA

‘So, (I told you) our mum is really great.’

1 ‘Indirect quotation’ means here that another’s speech is paraphrased in the current speaker’s voice (Tannen 1989: 98). 2 Subjects are frequently omitted in Korean and Japanese, if contexts are known to both the speaker and the hearer.

3

(2) Kanhowen-i nalpoko ttal kath-tay.

nurse-SUB me.to daughter PRESUM-TAY

‘The nurse said to me that the baby inside me seems to be a girl.’

(3) Kotoshi ippaide moo shigoto yameru-tte.

this.year full.in no.more job quit-TTE

‘(She said that) she would quit her job by the end of this year.’

To be brief, in example (1), by using -(ta) nikka the speaker repeats her utterance that

was enunciated earlier in a previous context, reminding the hearer what she said before

about her mother who is great, in the current context. In example (2), by using -tay the

speaker quotes a nurse’s utterance that the baby seems to be a girl. In example (3), by

using -tte the speaker tells the hearer that her acquaintance would quit her job, quoting

the acquaintance’s utterance. The fact that the markers are used as indirect quotative

markers has been pointed out in a number of previous studies (Horiguchi 1995; Suzuki

1998; Sohn and Park 2003; Han 2009; K. Lee 2010; Kato 2010).

What is important here is the fact that the target markers do not merely quote a

message or information, but also indicate certain effects on the hearers. For instance, in

example (1), the speaker conveys her previous utterance, and at the same time she

signals a metamessage of ‘You would fully understand what I am saying’ with the use

of -(ta) nikka. In examples (2) and (3), speakers convey a third person’s utterances, but

if speakers use -tay or -tte to introduce a new topic during the conversation, it can be

inferred that the speaker intends to invite the involvement of the hearer, by signalling a

metamessage such as ‘Did you know that?’ and ‘Could you listen to this, please?’

Despite these features of the markers, the majority of previous studies of the

Korean -(ta) nikka and -tay have focused on their morpho-syntactic and semantic

properties (e.g. Kwon 1983, 1998; Han 1986, 2004, 2009; T. Kim 1998; W. Huh 1995;

H. Kim 1995; Bang 1995; J. Y. Park 1998; Jeon 2002; J. Lee 2004; K. Lee 2005; J. Ahn

4

2006; Bae 2010), and neglected their functions in interactional usage, as pointed out by

some scholars (Sohn and Park 2003; O. Sohn 2009).3

As for the Japanese -tte, this marker has been explored by a large number of

scholars (including Morishige 1954; Tanaka 1977; Sunagawa 1988a, 1988b, 1989;

Kamio 1990; Niwa 1994; Moritoki 1994; Horiguchi 1995; Maynard 1996, 1997b;

Yamazaki 1996; Saegusa 1997; Suzuki 1998, 1999; H. Huh 1999; Kamada 2000;

Nomura 1999, 2000; Iwao 2003, 2005; Kitazawa 2003; Kato 2007, 2008, 2010; K. Lee

2010). Although these studies have provided insightful analyses of -tte, few studies

examined -tte in actual conversation discourses from an interactional point of view, as

pointed out by Kato (2007, 2010). Further, pragmatic meanings attributed to this marker

vary from scholar to scholar. This reflects a lack of concepts with which to analyse the

function of -tte in an integral and unified way.

In sum, the present study explores the ‘interactional functions’ of the indirect

quotative markers -(ta) nikka and -tay in Korean and -tte in Japanese, and provides a

unified account of their properties in spoken discourse, thereby shedding light on some

aspects of the mechanism with which we deliver our thoughts and experiences by

quoting our own and others’ voices in everyday conversation.

It also clarifies some issues of cross-cultural communication by comparing the

functions of these markers at discourse level. To achieve these aims, the current study

ultimately attempts to address the following five questions.

(i) What are the functions of each marker in spoken conversation?

(ii) Why are these markers mainly used in spoken conversation while rarely used

in written texts?

(iii) Why are these markers used in informal speech rather than in formal speech?

3 Refer to Chapter 2 for details of previous studies.

5

(iv) What are the similarities and differences between the functions of -(ta)

nikka/-tay and -tte?

(v) How are the similarities and differences culturally characterised?

1.2 Scope of the study

Korean has a number of quotative expressions which include -(ta) nuntey, -(ta)

mye, -(ta) myense, -(ta) ko, -(ta) canha, -lay, -key and so forth. The present study has

chosen the two markers -(ta) nikka and -tay in comparison with the Japanese marker -tte,

since these markers share a great deal of similarities and dissimilarities each other with

regard to quotation. They also have a significant potential to make a contribution to the

area of cross-cultural and cross-linguistic studies.

1.2.1 Standard Korean/Japanese

The current study investigates -(ta) nikka/-tay in Korean and -tte in Japanese within the

range of the modern standard languages. The current study will focus on Standard

Korean (or Phyocwune), which is based on the Seoul dialect or ‘Seoul speech’.

According to Lee and Ramsey (2000), there are three definitions which show the

concept of ‘Seoul speech’ to be considered the standard language. Firstly, ‘the language

of Kyengseng (today’s Seoul) shall be the standard’ was proclaimed in 1912 in the

document ‘Emwun Orthography for Use in Primary Schools’. Secondly, this is more

precisely established in the statement, ‘the standard language shall by and large be the

speech used in middle-class society in present-day Seoul’ in ‘Unification Proposal for

Hankul Spelling’ of 1933. Thirdly, it is defined in ‘Rules of the Standard Language’ in

1988 as ‘the standard language as in principle the speech widely used by people with

education in present-day Seoul’.

6

There are seven regional dialectal differences in Korean. Although dialects from

different regions are mutually intelligible (Song 2005), there are many differences

between dialects, which may affect the use of the target markers differently from

standard Korean. Thus, data used for this study were carefully selected and any

utterances of non-standard Korean were eliminated from the analysis.

In Japan, the Meiji4 Restoration (Meijiishin) in 1868 affected the mordernisation

and unification of language in two ways; unification of spoken and written Japanese,

and unification of the different varieties of spoken Japanese, that is, the creation of a

standard language (Frellesvig 2010: 379). The publication of an essay ‘Kokugo no tame’

(For the national language) by Ueda Kazutoshi in 1895 influenced the establishment of

the notion of kokugo and a standard language. Ueda suggested ‘privileging one variety

over others for use in public life, including education, and as an emblem of the nation’

(Frellesvig 2010: 380). In 1901, the Ministry of Education decreed that the Japanese

language taught in schools should be that of Tokyo, the language of the middle and

upper classes of the Yamate area, originating from the Edo-influenced variety of the

common language. 5 In 1902, ‘Kokugo-choosa-iinkai’ (National Language Research

Council) was set up and contributed to the publication of ‘Koogohoo’ (Grammar of the

vernacular) in 1916 and ‘Koogohoobekki’ (Supplement to grammar of the vernacular) in

1917. In these volumes, it was clearly stated that modern standard Japanese was based

on the speech of the educated middle and upper classes of Tokyo. As in the case of

Korean, in this study any utterances of non-standard Japanese were excluded from the

analysis in order to avoid the influence of dialect variations. The terms Korean and

Japanese refer to, respectively, the standard Korean and Japanese throughout the study,

unless otherwise specified. 4 Meiji was a period of unification in political terms: the creation or building of a unified, modern nation state (Frellesvig 2010: 379). 5 According to Frellesvig (2010: 378), Edo Japanese was established not by direct continuation of any particular local dialect of Japanese but by close contact between speakers of different varieties in an urban setting.

7

1.2.2 -(ta) nikka

The morpheme -nikka may also be used as a clausal connective6 to connect two clauses

in a sentence, as shown below.

(4) a. Kyewul-i o-nikka chwup-ta.

winter-SUB come-NIKKA cold-DEC

‘Because winter has come, it is cold.’

b. Chwup-ta. Kyewul-i o-nikka.

cold-DEC winter-SUB come-NIKKA

‘It is cold because winter has come.’

In (4a), -nikka connects the subordinate clause kyewuli ota and the main clause chwupta.

-nikka is attached to a verb stem o- ‘come’ and used at the end of the subordinate clause.

The semantic connotation of -nikka here indicates the reason for it being cold. Further,

(4b) shows that the marker may occur at the end of a sentence when the word order is

inverted. In this case too, the meaning of the marker, i.e. reason, is sustained. As noted

in 1.1, the aim of the current study is to investigate an indirect quotative marker -(ta)

nikka occurring in sentence-final position, thus the clausal connective -nikka for this

meaning will be excluded from the analysis of the current study.

From the morphological perspective, -nikka may be attached to various

sentential endings, such as -ta (declarative), -la (imperative), -nya (interrogative),

and -ca (hortative) in Modern Korean: i.e. -(ta) nikka, -(la) nikka, -(nya) nikka,

and -(ca) nikka. They can occur in sentence-final position, as seen in the following

examples.

6 The clausal connective -nikka has been reported to indicate diverse functions, such as ‘cause’, ‘reason’, ‘providing circumstantial background’ and so forth. See S. Lee (1981), Kim and Suh (1994), Suh (1998) and Ahn (2006) for further details of the marker.

8

(5) a. Chelswu-ka hakkyo-ey ka-n-ta-nikka.

Chelswu-SUB school-LOC go-ATTR-DEC-NIKKA

‘Chelswu goes to school nikka.’

b. Chelswu-ka hakkyo-ey ka-ss-nunya-nikka

Chelswu-SUB school-LOC go-PAST-INTR-NIKKA

‘Did Chelswu go to school nikka?’

c. Hakkyo-ey ka-la-nikka

school-LOC go-IMP-NIKKA

‘Go to school nikka.’

d. Hakkyo-ey ka-ca-nikka

school-LOC go-HOR-NIKKA

‘Let’s go to school nikka.’ (P. Lee 1995: 137)

The present study will take the declarative form -(ta) nikka as a representative of these

variations. Finally, -(ta) nikka also can occur in sentence-medial position when the word

order is inverted: (e.g.) Hakkyoey kan-tanikka, Chelswuka. ‘Chelswu goes to school’.

The current study will include the case where the marker is used in an inverted sentence.

1.2.3 -tay

There are two morphemes with the form -tay. As in the case of -(ta) nikka, one

morpheme -tay may also be used as a sentence-final particle rather than an indirect

quotative marker. Its function is to express the speaker’s feelings and attitudes in

monologue, as shown below, and it also appears at the end of a sentence.

(6) An-mek-nun-ta-ko ha-l ttay-n encey-ko

NEG-eat-ATTR-DEC-QT do-ATTR occasion-ATTR when-CN

eccay celehkey manhi mek-ess-tay?

why like.that a.lot eat-PAST-TAY

9

‘He/she said he/she wouldn’t eat, but why does he/she eat a lot like that

tay?’ (K. Lee 2005: 244)

Here the speaker expresses his/her displeased feelings toward someone who ate a lot of

food after saying that he/she would not eat. The main point of the sentence is to convey

the speaker’s unhappy feeling, rather than asking a question, even though it is in an

interrogative form.

This -tay is distinguished from the indirect quotative marker -tay not only in its

function but also from the morphological perspective. The indirect quotative

marker -tay is a contracted form of the quotative construction -tako + hay (Han 2004; H.

Lee and J. Lee 1999): e.g. mek ‘eat’ (verb stem) + ess (past tense) + ta (declarative

ending) + ko (complimentiser) + hay ‘say’7 → mek ess tako hay → mekesstay. In

contemporary Korean, these two forms, the original form (i.e. -tako hay), and the

contracted form (i.e. -tay), are both used, as in the following example.

(7) a. Yenghuy-ka hakkyo-ey ka-n-tay?

Yenghuy-SUB school-LOC go-ATTR-TAY

‘Did Yenghuy say that she goes to school?’

b. Yenghuy-ka hakkyo-ey ka-n-ta-ko ha-y?

Yenghuy-SUB school-LOC go-ATTR-DEC-QT do-IE

‘Did Yenghuy say that she goes to school?’ (Han 2004: 215)

These sentences first of all indicate that -tay can be used in an interrogative sentence

typically with a rising intonation, as well as in a declarative sentence, as in Yenghuyka

hakkyoey kan-tay ‘Yenghuy said she goes to school’. More importantly, in these two 7 The verbal form hay is constructed from ha ‘do, say’ + e (informal ending)’. Its primary meaning is ‘do’ (e.g. il ‘work’ + ul (objective particle) + hay ‘do’ → (cipey ese) ilul hay ‘(He) works (at home)’). When it is used with the -ko (quotative linker), as in -ko hay, it conveys the meaning ‘to say’. Here the quotative linker -ko is preceded by the declarative ending -ta, which finalises a sentence or an embedded clause.

10

sentences, -tay is interchangeable with -tako hay for the same intended meaning ‘Did

Yenghuy say that she goes to school?’

Keeping this in mind, let us return to the case of the other -tay. According to

Han (2004), this -tay cannot be restored from a contracted form of the quotative

construction -tako hay. Thus -tay in the earlier example (6) eccay celehkey manhi

mekess-tay ‘why does he/she eat a lot like that’ cannot be restored to the original form,

*eccay celehkey manhi mekess-tako hay? This means that this -tay does not convey a

third person’s utterance, and in this regard, it is distinguished from the indirect quotative

marker -tay. Given that the aim of the current study is to explore the function of indirect

quotative markers, the morpheme -tay indicating the speaker’s feeling as in (6) will be

eliminated from the analysis of the current study.

1.2.4 -tte

In research papers and grammar textbooks, -tte is known as an informal variant of to, to

iu, to iu no wa, and/or other expressions (Suzuki 1998).8 The marker -tte may occur in

non-sentence-final position, as shown in (8a), as well as in sentence-final position, as

shown in (8b) and (8c) below.

(8) a. Sumoo-tte supootsu-wa nakanaka omoshiroi-ne.

sumo-TTE sport-TOP pretty interesting-SFP

‘The sport called sumo is pretty interesting, isn’t it?’

b. Otoosan-ga-ne, watashi-no tsukutta oryoori tottemo oishi-katta-tte.

dad-SUB-SFP I-LK cooked dishes really good-PAST-TTE

‘Dad (said that) the dishes I cooked were really good.’

8 Here, to = quotation marker (also used as a complementiser); iu = verb ‘say’; no = nominaliser; and wa = topic marker.

11

c. Moo dekake-yoo-tte? Kimi hayai-ne, shitakusuru-no

already go.out-HOR-TTE you quick-SFP get.ready-NOM

‘(You’re saying) let’s go already? You’re quick at getting ready, aren’t

you?’

The use of -tte in (8a) is a kind of a topic marker, and cannot be seen as a quotative

marker. Indeed, it can be replaced with the topic marker wa for the same intended

meaning: (i.e.) Kuruma wa Eigo de nanddakke? ‘What is kuruma in English?’ In

contrast, the sentence-final -tte in (8b) and (8c) is used to quote what someone else said:

i.e. what dad said in (8b) and what the hearer said in (8c), and is identified as the

quotative marker. As such, the present study investigates the cases where -tte occurs in

sentence-final position, and conveys the function of quotation/hearsay. The current

study will also include the function of -tte as a self-quotation, as this function is crucial

to understanding the speaker’s expressiveness in interaction, as pointed out in

Maynard’s study (1996).

1.3 Method

The current research adopts ‘discourse analysis’ (hereafter referred to as DA) as a

methodology. DA is a qualitative research method and investigates the ‘social voices’

available to people (Cameron 2001: 15). The prominent feature of DA is that it is

concerned with what and how language is used for communication in particular

contexts, and how the phenomena of ‘real language’, in contrast to the made-up

example sentences of syntactic analysis, can be accounted for in relation to the

communicative purposes of the text or the interaction (Cameron 2001: 13).

DA is often regarded as ambiguous and controversial, as the term is employed

for various academic disciplines such as linguistics, philosophy, anthropology and

psychology (Van Dijk 1997; Simpson 1998; Jaworski and Coupland 1999). Even in

12

sub-disciplines of linguistics such as sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, pragmatics,

speech act theory and conversation analysis, scholars focus on different aspects of

discourse. For instance, sociolinguists lay emphasis on the structure of social interaction

represented in conversation, emphasising features of social context particularly in

relation to sociological classification. Psycholinguists are interested in issues of

language comprehension, investigating problems of comprehension in short constructed

texts or sequences of written sentences (Brown and Yule 1983). According to Simpson

(1998: 237), the common interest the different disciplines share is that they analyse

‘naturally occurring connected language’ as well as ‘language beyond the level of the

sentence’ in a given context. DA studies the purposes and functions of the discourse,

together with the context within which the discourse was produced. The ultimate aim of

DA is to show how language users are able to communicate with the linguistic elements

in context.

As such, DA is necessarily the analysis of language in use beyond the sentence

level. Just describing linguistic forms independent of functions exposes limitations, as

the forms are designed to serve in speech activity. The discourse analyst is concerned

with an investigation of what language is used for.

The current study is situated most closely to ‘interactional sociolinguistics’,

which shares the concerns of all three fields of culture, society, and language (Schiffrin,

1994: 97). As will be made clear in the analysis of -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte in

consecutive chapters, this study investigates the markers not only as quotation markers,

but also as devices used by the speaker to build and maintain interaction with the

interlocutor. The focus will be on the investigation of the markers for ‘expressing social

relation and personal attitude’ (Brown and Yul 1983: 1). More specifically, it will

explore how these markers function to quote one’s own or someone else’s voices, in

order to deliver the speaker’s feelings and emotions in various social contexts. With

13

regard to interactional function, the current study does not take a sequentially based

approach in turn-taking systems. The focus will instead be on how the speaker’s use of

each marker affects the interlocutor in each language, and how the markers function

within the social context of the conversation. The main concepts and notions for the

analysis in the current study, i.e. involvement, multivoicedness and the notion of ‘face’,

will be discussed in Chapter 3.

1.4 Data

1.4.1 Data collection

Data for this research is extracted from telephone conversations for naturally occurring

language. Seventy-nine telephone conversations for each language by native speakers

have been used. The transcripts have been re-transcribed according to discourse analysis

transcription and the gloss and translation added.

The Korean corpus is the CALLFRIEND project,9 which was produced by the

Linguistic Data Consortium in 2003. The corpus consists of 100 transcribed telephone

conversations. The transcribed speech covers 15 to 18 minute segments taken from a

recorded conversation lasting up to 30 minutes. In total, approximately 1,630 minutes of

data are examined for the current study. Of 200 participants, only the information about

caller (the speaker on channel A) is provided, but no information is available about the

callee (the speaker on channel B). The callers consist of 62 females and 38 males. As

for the age of the callers, 55 participants are in their 20s, 24 in their 30s, and 15 in their

teens. There are a few participants in their 40s (four persons) and 60s (two persons). All

speakers were aware that they were being recorded. They were given no guidelines

concerning what they should talk about. Once a caller was recruited to participate,

he/she was given a free choice of whom to call. Most participants called family 9 The Linguistic Data Consortium is an open consortium of universities, companies and government research laboratories. It creates, collects and distributes speech and text databases, lexicons, and other resources for linguistics research and development purposes.

14

members or close friends. For each conversation, both the caller and callee are native

speakers of Korean. Any dialogue set that includes a speech of a non-Standard Korean

speaker has been excluded from the analysis.

The Japanese corpus is from the CALLHOME JAPANESE10 produced in 1997,

which includes transcripts and documentation files. The corpus consists of 120

transcribed telephone conversations between native speakers of Japanese. The

transcripts cover a contiguous five or ten-minute segment taken from a recorded

conversation lasting up to 30 minutes. In total, approximately 1,080 minutes of data are

examined for the current study. The information about both caller (the speaker on

channel A) and the callee (the speaker on channel B) are provided. The participants

consist of 197 females and 70 males (some participants called to several callees). The

age of the participants is presented as adult, juvenile, or elderly in a document

containing speakers’ information. There are 229 adults, 22 juveniles, and 16 elderly

participants. All speakers were aware that they were being recorded. They were given

no guidelines concerning what they should talk about. Once a caller was recruited to

participate, he/she was given a free choice of whom to call. Most participants called

family members or close friends overseas. As in the case of the Korean corpus, any

dialogue set that includes the speech of a non-Standard Japanese speaker has been

excluded from the analysis.

1.4.2 Presentation of data

Romanisation

Romanisation has been adopted for Korean and Japanese scripts in the present study.

The Yale system has been used for the romanisation of Korean with one modification:

10 The CallHome Japanese corpus of telephone speech was collected and transcribed by the Linguistic Data Consortium primarily in support of the project on Large Vocabulary Conversational Speech Recognition (LVCSR), sponsored by the U.S. Department of Defence.

15

instead of using u after bilabials (i.e. p, pp, ph, and m) wu is used (i.e. pwu, ppwu, phwu,

and mwu instead of pu, ppu, phu, and mu).

For the romanisation of Japanese, the Hepburn system has been adopted with

one modification: long vowels are expressed by a succession of two short vowels aa, ii,

uu, ee, and oo, instead of short vowels with superscript diacritics (i.e. ā,ī,ū,ē,ō ).

Presentation

The examples have been numbered for each chapter, instead of using continuous

numbers for the examples throughout the thesis. Some of the examples are presented

more than once, for discussion of different points.

Each example consists of Korean or Japanese in Romanisation, an English gloss

and an English translation. When an example is adopted from another source, the gloss,

abbreviations and Romanisation for Korean and Japanese in the original data (if they

have already been supplied in the data) have all been maintained as far as possible.

When the original data does not have the gloss and/or English translation, they will be

supplied for the present study.

In English translations, words, or phrases in a single bracket, i.e. ( ), indicate that

they do not appear in Korean and Japanese utterances, but are provided to assist the

comprehension of the meanings or intentions of the utterances.

Throughout the thesis, some of the names of scholars are presented with initials

in addition to surnames. This is done in order to avoid unnecessary confusion.

Whenever the first initial and surname coincide both initials are used to distinguish the

respective authors. For example, instead of Lee (1995), P. Lee (1995) is used since there

is another scholar with the last name Lee.

16

1.5 Organisation of the study

This study consists of eight chapters and it is organised as follows.

Chapter 1 presents the introduction to the thesis while Chapter 2 provides a

literature review of the current research. As the markers examined in the previous

studies are mainly in terms of the morpho-syntactic and semantic approaches, these

approaches and further interactional and pragmatic approaches will be reviewed.

Chapter 3 sets forth definitions and explications of the notions and concepts used in the

current study, such as involvement, multivoicedness, the notion of ‘face’ and Natural

Semantic Metalanguage (NSM). The relation between these concepts and the functions

of the markers will be addressed.

Chapters 4, 5, and 6 examine the functions of the Korean -(ta) nikka/-tay and

Japanese -tte. The target markers can be used in a variety of situations and contexts, but

the underlying function is to show the speaker’s strategy for creating and/or inviting the

involvement in interaction. Chapter 4 shows that the prominent function of -(ta) nikka is

a self-quotation which echoes the speaker’s own utterances and indicates the speakers’

attitudes towards the interlocutors. To account for this, three functions of -(ta) nikka are

proposed: hearer-oriented recollection, speaker-oriented recollection and mutually

understood recollection. In each function, speakers repeat their utterances with different

assumptions and attitudes.

Chapter 5 will explore the speaker’s use of -tay in various contexts where he/she

uses this marker as a particular strategy to invite interpersonal involvement, by

assimilating and reworking a third person’s utterance. The functions of -tay include

topic initial elicitor, which is used to introduce a new topic by the speaker to build a

new conversation. As an evidence-leaking marker, the speaker’s use of -tay indicates

his/her attitude toward the reliability of the information which is obtained from an

external source. The function of -tay as a context-detailing marker which is used to

17

provide a detailed explanation about contexts to maintain interpersonal involvement is

also discussed. Another function of -tay is the quote-like marker in a rhetorical question

wherein it is used by the speaker to represent denial of his/her utterance.

Chapter 6 focuses on -tte in Japanese. This chapter shows various functions of -tte,

which is used to repeat the speaker’s own utterance, representing hearer-oriented

recollection, speaker-oriented recollection and mutually understood recollection. The

analysis will further reveal that the utterance marked with -tte functions as a topic initial

elicitor with which the speaker introduces a new topic to build a new chunk of

conversation. It will also show the function of -tte as an evidence-leaking marker. That

is, the speaker uses the -tte marked utterance to express his/her attitude toward the

information from an external source that is reliable and trustworthy. In addition, it will

be shown that -tte is used to provide a detailed explanation about contexts to maintain

interpersonal involvement. This chapter further illustrates the function of -tte as a face-

saving marker. Through the analysis, this study demonstrates that -tte is adopted by the

speaker as a particular strategy to invite the involvement of the hearer in interaction, and

also it encourages the speaker’s expressivity by reflecting the multiple voices in social

context.

Chapter 7 turns to the use of -(ta) nikka/-tay and -tte with regard to aspects of

Korean and Japanese culture and society. The target markers have their particular

functions, sharing some similarities and differences: -(ta) nikka shares similar functions

with -tte such as hearer-oriented recollection, speaker-oriented recollection and

mutually understood recollection. -tay also shares similarities with -tte in the functions

of topic initial elicitor, evidence-leaking marker and context-detailing marker. However,

the function of face-saving marker of -tte has not been found among the functions

of -(ta) nikka and -tay in Korean. This study assumes that the use of the target markers

by the speaker is associated with socio-cultural norms that affect and control such usage.

18

To be brief, the speaker’s use of -tte can be influenced by Japanese cultural values such

as enryo (‘restraint’, ‘reserve’), meiwaku (‘trouble’, ‘annoyance’) and omoiyari

(‘sympathy’, ‘consideration’), placing more importance on consideration. It will be

shown that through the use of -(ta) nikka and -tay in Korean culture, intimacy is more

likely to be viewed in interaction when expressing one’s opinions and thoughts. Chapter

8 will be the final chapter, and will provide a summary of the main findings of the study,

cross-linguistic implications, suggestions for further research and concluding remarks.

19

Chapter 2

Literature Review

2.0 Introduction

This chapter presents a review of literature on the target markers. Regarding -(ta) nikka

and -tay, researchers of Korean linguistics have for decades mainly investigated these

markers from the viewpoints of morpho-syntax or semantics. As a result, pragmatic or

interactional functions of these markers have only been marginally treated. As for -tte in

Japanese, a number of studies of the pragmatic functions of the marker have been found

in Japanese literature, but the intrinsic nature of this marker—why this marker indicates

multiple meanings and functions in different contexts—has not been explained in an

integrated manner. This means that various theories and concepts were used to account

for the characteristics of -tte in previous studies, but there is a lack of a unified theory to

capture the essential nature of this marker with the use of authentic spoken data.

Moreover, attention to -tte in sentence-final position in indirect speech has not been the

main focus of the previous studies, in particular, in comparison with other languages.

This chapter is organised as follows: Section 2.1 presents the morpho-syntactic

and semantic approaches to -(ta) nikka from previous studies, followed by pragmatic

approaches to this marker. These morpho-syntactic and semantic approaches account

for a large part of previous studies. Section 2.2 summarises previous studies of -tay. We

first focus on morpho-syntactic and semantic accounts, and then on an interactional

approach. In Section 2.3, previous studies of -tte are outlined in terms of the morpho-

20

syntactic and semantic approaches. The review of pragmatic approaches to this marker

then follows. The final section 2.4 summarises the chapter.

2.1 Korean -(ta) nikka

Previous studies of -(ta) nikka can be divided into two groups according to their main

focus. One group consists of studies which focus mainly on the morpho-syntactic and

semantic features and where the pragmatic function is only briefly mentioned. The other

group consists of studies which mainly discuss pragmatic features of the marker and

morpho-syntactic and semantic features are only briefly noted. For this reason, I will

refer to some aspects of pragmatic functions in my review of the morpho-syntactic and

semantic approach, and also refer to some morpho-syntactic and semantic features in

my review of the pragmatic approach in this section.

2.1.1 The morpho-syntactic and semantic approach

As noted earlier, Korean -(ta) nikka has been explored by many researchers. The

interests of the majority of these researchers were mainly in the morpho-syntactic and

semantic aspects of the marker. The main studies within this approach are given below:

(1) Morpho-syntactic and semantic approach

H. Choi (1982), H. Lee (1982), Kwon (1983, 1998), Han (1986, 2004, 2009), T.

Kim (1994, 1998), W. Huh (1995), H. Kim (1995), Bang (1995), J. Y. Park

(1998), J. W. Park (2000), Jeong (2001), Yoo (2003), J. Lee (2004), K. Lee

(2005), Ahn (2006), O. Sohn and Y. Kim (2009), Bae (2010)

Of these studies, I will review H. Kim (1995) and Bae (2010) as representative studies,

since these are referred to in many other studies. In a study on the fused forms of

21

indirect quotations, H. Kim (1995) accounts for the morpho-syntactic and semantic

characteristics of -(ta) nikka. H. Kim notes that -(ta) nikka is derived from the

combination of -ko ‘quotative’ + ha- ‘do, say’ + nikka ‘(NIKKA)’, and claims that there

are two types of -(ta) nikka: a contracted one and a fused one. H. Kim defines

contraction as the phenomenon of the reduction of forms ‘without change of meaning’,

and fusion as the phenomenon where two contiguous morphemes become fused through

the reduction of forms ‘accompanying the change of meaning’. This author provides

examples in (2) and (3) below, and notes that -(ta) nikka in (2a) involves the contracted

form of the quotative construction ‘-ko ha-’ and -(ta) nikka in (3a) involves the fused

form of the construction (H. Kim 1995: 45).1

(2) a. Chinkwu-ka po-la-nikka, po-nun-ke-ci.

friend-SUB watch-IMP-NIKKA watch-ATTR-NOM-COM

‘(I) watch it, because my friend told me to watch.’

b. Chinkwu-ka po-la-ko ha-nikka, po-nun-ke-ci.

friend-SUB watch-IMP-QT do-NIKKA watch-ATTR-NOM-COM

‘(I) watch it, because my friend told me to watch.’

(3) a. Cip-ey mwusun il-i iss-ess-nya-nikka?

home-LOC what matter-SUB exist-PAST-INTR-NIKKA

‘(I repeat) Did something happen at home?’

*b. Cip-ey mwusun il-i iss-ess-nya-ko ha-nikka?2

home-LOC what matter-SUB exist-PAST-INTR-QT do-NIKKA

(intended meaning) ‘(I repeat) Did something happened at home?’

1 English translations for previous studies in this chapter have been provided by the present writer unless otherwise specified. 2 (3b) is semantically incorrect.

22

According to H. Kim, the contracted form (2a) is used to convey a third person’s

utterance as a quotation indicating the meaning of ‘reason’, while the fused form (3a) is

to emphasise the speaker’s previous utterance. Furthermore, the contracted from (2a)

can be restored to its original form without the change of meaning, as shown in (2b), but

the fused form (3a) cannot be restored to its original form ‘-ko ha-’ as shown in (3b).

H. Kim also shows the difference between the contracted -(ta) nikka and the

fused -(ta) nikka in terms of whether or not there is a restriction to establishing the first

person subject. Below, (4) and (5) are example sentences for this difference. Examples

are from H. Kim (1995: 46).

(4) a. Ku yecapoko way kulehkey sa-nunya-nikka, taykkwuto

that woman.to why like.that live-INTR-NIKKA response.even

an ha-te-kwun-yo.

NEG do-RET-SFP-POL

‘(I) asked the woman why she lives like that, and then she made no

response at all.’

b. Cey-ka ku yecapoko way kulehkey sa-nunya-nikka,

I-SUB that woman.to why like.that live-INTR-NIKKA

taykkwuto an ha-te-kwun-yo.

response.even NEG do-RET-SFP-POL

‘I asked the woman why she lives like that, and then she made no

response at all.’

(5) a. Ikey kuyamallo thukhyoyak-i-la-nikka.

this indeed specific.medicine-COP-DEC-NIKKA

‘This is indeed a specific medicine nikka.’

*b. Nay-ka ikey kuyamallo thukhyoyak-i-la-nikka.

I-SUB this indeed specific.medicine-COP-DEC-NIKKA

(intended meaning) ‘This is indeed a specific medicine nikka.’

23

Two sentences in each set in (4) and (5) are exactly the same except that (4b) and (5b)

have the first person subject, i.e. ceyka (ce ‘I (formal)’ + ka (subjective marker) ) in (4b)

and nayka (nay ‘I (informal)’ + ka (subjective marker) ) in (5b), while (4a) and (5a) do

not. H. Kim explains that -(ta) nikka in the examples in (4) is a contracted form and it

can take the first person subject, whereas -(ta) nikka in examples (5) is a fused form and

cannot have the first person subject. If the first person subject were established as in

(5b), it would make the sentence semantically incorrect. Based on these examples, H.

Kim concludes that only a contracted form may co-occur with the first person subject

within the same sentence.

H. Kim’s study has made an invaluable contribution to the recognition of the

difference between the contracted -(ta) nikka and the fused -(ta) nikka. She points out

that the function of the contracted -(ta) nikka is to connect two clauses and it indicates

the meaning of ‘reason’ or ‘time’. In addition, it is used to quote a third person’s

utterance. On the other hand, the fused -(ta) nikka quotes the speaker’s own utterance

and functions as a sentence-final ending. H. Kim claims that it has a new meaning

which is distinguished from the contracted -(ta) nikka. According to H. Kim, the

fused -(ta) nikka is used to emphasise the speaker’s previous utterance. H. Kim’s

investigation into the restriction to establishing the first person subject also deserves

special attention as such restrictions provide an important clue for clarifying the

difference between the contracted -(ta) nikka and the fused -(ta) nikka.

However, focusing heavily on the morpho-syntactical aspect of the markers, the

problem with H. Kim’s account is in its incapability to provide a comprehensive

account for the use of the fused -(ta) nikka. For instance, H. Kim asserts the

contracted -(ta) nikka conveys the meaning of ‘reason’, but examples in (4) do not

indicate the meaning of ‘reason’, rather it indicates a background for a negative result

(e.g. taykkwuto an hatekwunyo ‘she made no response at all’). Furthermore, H. Kim

24

claims that the fused -(ta) nikka does not indicate the function of ‘quotation’, but a

search in a wide range of actual conversation data shows that it is not difficult to find

counter examples to her claim. Example (6), which is (2) in Chapter 4, demonstrates

this.

(6) [Callfriends ko_4582]

1 A: A, onul way ilehkey phikonha-ci.

EXC today why like.this tired-COM

2 Hansikkaci kongpwu kathi hayss-nuntey.

one.o’clock.till study together did-CN

‘Gosh, why am I tired like this. (We) studied together till 1o’clock,

but…’

…………………….(following eight lines are omitted)…………………..

11 B: Mwe, mwe-lul kathi hayss-e?

what what-OBJ together did-IE

‘What? What did you do together?’

12 A: Kongpwuhayss-tanikka.

studied-TANIKKA

‘(I told you we) studied.’

In this example, speaker A says that kongpwu kathi hayssnuntey ‘(we) studied together’

in line 2, and then he uses the -(ta) nikka marked utterance to repeat his utterance in

response to speaker B’s request in line 12, by saying that Kongpwuhayss-tanikka ‘(I told

you we) studied’. The speaker’s use of the -(ta) nikka marked utterance here is used to

convey his/her prior utterance in the current dialogue. However, the following example

(7) in Chapter 4 shows that the speaker conveys her prior utterance with the use of -(ta)

nikka in an earlier dialogue.


3 A: Hithe ttattushan palam nao-ki sicakha-nuntey icey.

25

heater warm air come-NOM begin-CIR now

‘Now warm air begins to come out from the heater.’

4 B: Nao-nya? Thul-eya-keyss-ta. A chwuw-e.

come-INTR turn.on-NEC-DTRE-DEC EXC cold-IE

‘Does it come out? It should be turned on. Oh, it’s cold.’

5 A: Kulenikka kke nohu-myen an toy-n-tanikka.

so turn.off leave-CD NEG become-ATTR-TANIKKA

‘So, that’s why (I said) you shouldn’t turn it off.’

In this example, speaker A does not use the -(ta) nikka marked utterance to repeat her

utterance at the hearer (B)’s request. Instead, she recollects her prior utterance in an

earlier dialogue, by saying that Kulenikka kke nohumyen an toyn-tanikka ‘So, that’s

why (I said) you shouldn’t turn it off. The -(ta) nikka marked utterances in examples (6)

and (7) are the fused forms but these markers are used as a self-quotation to convey the

speaker’s prior utterances in different contexts.

In terms of the functions, H. Kim claims that the fused -(ta) nikka functions to

indicate ‘emphasis’. However, the term ‘emphasis’ is not sufficient to account for the

different functions of -(ta) nikka in the two examples above. In fact, the present study

demonstrates that the marker may also be used for various functions, such as hearer-

oriented recollection and mutually understood recollection as a self-quotation. H. Kim

does not consider the functions or effects of -(ta) nikka in different contexts in her study,

thereby oversimplifying the functions of the -(ta) nikka marked utterance. As a result,

the study fails to provide a full and systematic account for the functions of this marker.

Functions of -(ta) nikka in an interactional context will be discussed in Chapter 4.

In a similar vein, Bae (2010) focuses on the morpho-syntactic aspects of -(ta)

nikka, and discusses the process of the functional shift of verbal endings from non-

sentence-final to sentence-final. According to Bae, -(ta) nikka is a compound ending

which is derived from indirect quotation. Bae goes on to say that -(ta) nikka was used in

26

non-sentence-final position but the meaning of the marker has changed due to its

frequent use in sentence-final position by omission of the main clause. In addition, the

original form of the marker including a quotative construction ‘-ko ha-’ cannot be

restored, since it has undergone a process of grammaticalisation.

Bae notes that through the grammaticalisation, the sentence-final -(ta) nikka has

now obtained evidential modality. In terms of this evidential modality, the author claims

that -(ta) nikka has the semantic property of indicating ‘emphasis’, in order to stress

speakers’ dissatisfaction with hearers’ non-response, by presenting the following

example.

(8) A: Mwe ha-y?

what do-IE

‘What are you doing?’

B: ……

A: Mwe ha-nya-kwu!

what do-INTR-QT

‘(I repeat) What are you doing?’

B: ……

A: Mwe ha-nya-nikka?

what do-INTR-NIKKA

‘What are you doing nikka?’ (Bae 2010: 55)

According to Bae, -(nya) nikka (a variant of -(ta) nikka) in example (8) above is used to

repeat the utterance of speaker A himself in a situation where the two speakers are

mutually related, and to emphasise speaker A’s complaint to speaker B who did not give

any response.

As is the case with H. Kim (1995), the meaning and function of -(ta) nikka are

oversimplified in Bae’s study, by describing them as ‘emphasis’ of the speaker’s

utterance. Emphasis does not accurately describe the function of -(ta) nikka in the

27

interactional situation, as discussed earlier with the case of H. Kim. For the given

example (8) above, at a glance, the use of -(nya) nikka in Mwe ha-nya-nikka ‘What are

you doing?’ seems indeed to emphasise the speaker’s uncomfortable tone. However, the

speaker’s second utterance with -kwu,3 Mwe hanya-kwu! ‘What are you doing?’ can

also be seen as ‘emphasising’ the speaker’s tone to urge the hearer to reply. In other

words, the notion of emphasis is vague and cannot distinguish the unique function

of -(ta) nikka from other markers that also emphasise the speaker’s tone involved.

As will be discussed in detail in Chapter 4, speakers use the -(ta) nikka marked

utterance in order to manifest different attitudes according to various situations in

conversation. Bae’s study, like H. Kim’s, does not consider the function and effects

of -(ta) nikka in various contexts, and exposes a limitation on revealing the particular

functions of the marker in interactions due to its focus on the morpho-syntactic and

semantic features of this marker. Furthermore, Bae and H. Kim both use invented

examples, and thus are not empirical inquiries into the actual use of the target marker in

spoken conversations.

2.1.2 The pragmatic approach

The pragmatic functions of -(ta) nikka have been discussed in the following studies.

(9) Pragmatic approach

Han (1986, 2004, 2009), P. Lee (1995), Jeon (2002), Ha (2006), E. Kim (2008),

O. Sohn (2009)

As representative works on the pragmatic approach, I will review Han (2004, 2009) and

P. Lee (1995), since they are widely referenced in many studies.

3 As also noted in J. Y. Park (1998), -kwu is a colloquial version of the quotative marker -ko, that expresses the speaker’s feeling of conciliation.

28

In discussing ‘repetition’ in contemporary Korean, Han (2004, 2009) notes

that -(ta) nikka has a function to repeat what the speaker has uttered before. Han (2004:

323, 2009: 208-209) presents the following examples of variations of -(ta) nikka.

(10) a. Ai-ka chayk-ul ilk-e.

child-SUB book-OBJ read-IE

Ai-ka chayk-ul ilk-nun-ta-nikka.

child-SUB book-OBJ read-ATTR-DEC-NIKKA

‘A child reads a book. The child reads a book nikka.’

b. Nwukwu ttaymwuney ilehkey tway-ss-nun-ci

who because like.this become-PAST-ATTR-CN

malhay-po-la-nikka.

tell-AUX-INTR- NIKKA

‘Try to tell (me) who made things like this nikka.’

c. Ettehkey sa-nun kes-i kkaykkusi

how live-ATTR NOM-SUB honestly

sa-nun ke-nya-nikka.

live-ATTR NOM-INTR-NIKKA

‘What kind of life is to live honestly nikka?’

d. Kathi hamkkey ka-ca-nikka.

with together go-HOR-NIKKA

‘Let’s go together nikka.’

According to Han (2004), a sentence (10a) ends in -(ta) nikka, (10b) -(la) nikka,

(10c) -(nya) nikka, and (10d) -(ca) nikka, but these utterances in example (10) share a

common meaning: that is, speakers use these markers to repeat their previous utterances

to emphasise or reconfirm when hearers show reactions such as being unresponsive,

hesitating, or showing doubtful attitudes toward the speakers’ utterances. In addition,

Han (2004, 2009) notes that these markers can be used in monologue but they are used

29

mainly in two-way conversations in informal speech. Although the function ‘emphasis’

is also regarded as the function of -(ta) nikka in the morpho-syntactic account (e.g. H.

Kim 1995; Bae 2010), where Han’s approach, and other research using a pragmatic

approach, crucially differs from the morpho-syntactic account is that it describes the

functions of this marker with respect to interactions, speakers’ attitudes, and speakers’

concerns about hearers.

In a study of quotations, P. Lee (1995) categorises -(ta) nikka as ‘non-restorative

fusion’. P. Lee (1995) also agrees with the majority of other studies that the original

speaker in the -(ta) nikka utterance is the speaker himself/herself. According to P. Lee,

the speaker repeats his/her previous utterances when the hearer does not show

acceptance of the speaker’s previous utterances, such as understanding, agreement, or

response toward statement or assertion. P. Lee presents the following examples for

‘-(ta) nikka’, ‘-(nya) nikka’, ‘-(la) nikka’ and ‘-(ca) nikka’ in (11) below.

(11) a. Chelswu-ka hakkyo-ey ka-n-ta-nikka.

Chelswu-SUB school-LOC go-ATTR-DEC-NIKKA

‘Chelswu goes to school nikka.’

b. Chelswu-ka hakkyo-ey ka-ss-nunya-nikka

Chelswu-SUB school-LOC go-PAST-INTR-NIKKA

‘Did Chelswu go to school nikka?’

c. Hakkyo-ey ka-la-nikka

school-LOC go-IMP-NIKKA

‘Go to school nikka.’

d. Hakkyo-ey ka-ca-nikka

school-LOC go-HOR-NIKKA

‘Let’s go to school nikka.’ (P. Lee 1995: 137)

30

Although P. Lee has shed light on some aspects of the interactional use of -(ta) nikka,

his focus is on a general function of quotative markers and the meanings and functions

of -(ta) nikka are not further developed in Lee’s study, leaving a broad spectrum of

functions of this marker unexplored in real situations.

The work of Han and P. Lee shows that the pragmatic approach to -(ta) nikka

notes the important function of expressing the speaker’s concern towards the hearer, and

provides an account of the pragmatic function of -(ta) nikka as indicating ‘emphasis’,

‘reconfirmation’ and/or ‘complaining’. Nonetheless, it is worth pointing out

shortcomings at two points. Firstly, their explanations are too brief, wherein the

meanings and functions of -(ta) nikka are not further developed in Lee’s study. As a

result, the detailed functions and effects of this marker in interactions have not been

fully explored yet. Secondly, the analysis is mainly based on self-constructed examples

and this does not sufficiently clarify the behaviour of -(ta) nikka in spoken discourse.

The present study will show that there is a case in which the speaker does not use the

marker to emphasise or reconfirm his/her own utterance in response to the hearer’s

reactions such as nonresponse and inattention. Instead, the speaker uses the -(ta) nikka

marked utterance to draw the hearer’s attention. Example (12), which is (4) in Chapter 4,

demonstrates this point.

(12) [Callfriends 6546]

1 A: Enni4 isscanha na syaweha-taka kulssey

older.sister FIL I shower.take-SIM well

2 kicelha-l ppen hayss-tanikka.

faint-ATTR almost did-TANIKKA

‘Sister, you know, I almost fainted while taking a shower.’

3 B: Way?

why

4 The term enni is used by a female to refer to an elder female sibling.

31

‘Why?’

In this example, speaker A uses the -(ta) nikka marked utterance, in order to draw the

hearer’s attention, by saying ‘Sister, listen, I almost fainted in the middle of taking a

shower’. This elicits speaker B’s answer Way ‘Why?’ in line 3, which indicates her

feeling of surprise.

With the use of the invented examples, it is difficult to see how the -(ta) nikka

marked utterance functions to create and maintain conversations and how various

feelings and attitudes of participants can be represented in the use of the marker. This

will be discussed in the detailed study of speaker-oriented recollection in Chapter 4.

Having pointed out the issues in previous studies, the current study will pay

special attention to the interactional functions of -(ta) nikka, and examine real data. The

data includes telephone conversations recorded by native Korean speakers, in order to

see how speakers adopt the -(ta) nikka marked utterance by conveying the speaker’s

own utterance in verbal interaction, and how they express feelings and attitudes in

different ways in a variety of contexts.

2.2 Korean -tay

Until recently, -tay had not received much attention from Korean grammarians and

linguists. The marker is rarely mentioned in the reputable Korean journals and

dissertations that often simply cite this marker as a contracted form of ‘-ta hay’. Some

studies briefly deal with it in the category of a sentence-final ending, presenting

different functions and meanings of -tay as an indirect quotative marker. This section

briefly reviews previous studies of -tay in terms of the morpho-syntactic and semantic

approach and the interactional approach. K. Lee (2005)’s study will be presented as a

representative-syntactic and semantic study of -tay focusing on its grammaticalisation.

The interactional approach in Sohn and Park (2003) is then reviewed.

32


In a study of the grammaticalised endings and particles in quotation constructions, K.

Lee (2005) treats -tay as a sentence-final ending rather than as an indirect quotation

marker on the basis of its change of meaning. K. Lee discusses the fact that -tay has

turned into a sentence-final ending from a quotation through a process of

grammaticalisation that includes deletion, contraction, and fusion. The

grammaticalisation occurs, firstly, by the process of deletion of -ko ha-, or ha- only, or

the phoneme h from the quotation construction -ko ha-. Contraction then occurs

involving the sentence endings -ta (ra/nya/ja) in the form of -ta (ra/nya/ja) ha-. Finally,

fusion occurs in the sentence-final endings. However, according to K. Lee, not all the

grammaticalised endings have undergone the same process. For example, the sentence-

final endings such as -danda, -dane, -daji have grammaticalised by a process of deletion,

contraction, and ellipsis. The author goes on to say that these endings have gone

through the transition by morphology and syntax after the process of grammaticalisation.

For instance, -da handa and -da hane have been contracted to -danda and -dane.

Syntactically, they have a restriction on having a subject or pre-final ending which

never occurs in quotation constructions.

K. Lee states that the target marker -tay has been contracted from -ta hay- by

deletion of the phoneme h. The author also touches on some functions of -tay.

According to the author, the marker can be used to point out someone’s mistake to a

person who is of a higher social status or older in age, as in (13) below.

(13) Sensayng-nim, Chelswu-nun swukceyto an ha-y

teacher-HON Chelswu-TOP homework.even NEG do-IE

wass-tay-yo.

came-TAY-POL

‘Teacher, (Chelswu said) he has come even without doing his

homework.’ (K. Lee 2005: 242)

33

In addition, K. Lee (2005) states that -tay is used in an interrogative sentence. The

author remarks that the marker is used when speakers express their surprise toward

someone’s behaviour or events, and this surprise is a negative one which is different

from what the speaker expected or knew previously, as in (14) below.





‘He/she said he/she wouldn’t eat, so why does he/she eat a lot like that

tay? (K. Lee 2005: 244)

K. Lee (2005) remarks that the marker is also used when the speaker does not

understand some situations or feels dissatisfaction with someone’s behaviour, as in (15)

below.

(15) Ton-ey-nun kwansim-i cenhye eps-u-si-te-ni

money-LOC-TOP interest-SUB not.at.all no-DET-HON-RET-CN

way kapcaki cele-si-n-tay?

why suddenly like.that-HON-ATTR-TAY

‘He/she was not interested in money before, so why has he/she suddenly

changed tay?’ (K. Lee 2005: 244)

According to K. Lee (2005), the examples (14) and (15) are interrogative sentences, but

they are not used to ask something. She claims that the question function is weakened

and the function of expressing the speaker’s attitude is enhanced by grammaticalisation.

K. Lee’s observation as summarised above is indeed insightful. However, these

functions have been mentioned only briefly under the functions of grammaticalised

sentence-final -tay in K. Lee’s study, based on invented examples. For instance, the

34

sentence-final -tay in (13) indicates the speaker’s negative evaluation of the proposition

in K. Lee’s study. However, the present study views -tay in example (13) as an indirect

quotative marker, since it can restore its original form -ta hay- without any difference in

meaning, and conveys the third person Chelswu’s voice, as in Chelswunun swukceyto

an haywass-ta hay-yo ‘Chelswu said that he has come (to school) even without doing

his homework’. In addition, the speaker’s negative evaluation of information is a crucial

point in relation to the interactional function of the indirect quotative marker -tay, as

will be discussed for an evidence-leaking marker in Chapter 5.

Example (16), which is (6) in Chapter 5, shows that the -tay marked utterance

here is employed to provide evidence of the information, which has to do with the

negative evaluation of the speaker. Speakers A and B are talking about Gary, who is a

student learning English at the same college.


1 A: E, eng, ung.

yes yes yes

‘Yes, yes, yes.’

2 B: Kuntey nacwung-ey ku salam class-ka toyn salam-tul-i

but later-TEMP that person class-SUB became person-PL-SUB

3 ha-nun soli-ka po-nun ke-lang nemwu thulli-tay.

do-ATTR voice-SUB look-ATTR NOM-CN too different-TAY

‘But Gary’s classmates say that he is too different from what he

looks like.’

In this example, speaker B conveys information about Gary with the use of -tay, which

was gained from Gary’s classmates. Quoting their voices, B says that Gary is different

from what he looks like in lines 2 and 3.

As seen in this example, speaker B provides A with the evidence that Gary is not

such a good person as speaker A thinks. After this excerpt, speaker B continues to talk

35

about Gary, by leaking the negative evaluation on Gary with the use of -tay and

avoiding responsibility for criticising him directly.

However, the primary concern of K. Lee’s study is the grammaticalisation

of -tay, and the function of this marker as an indirect quotative marker in spoken

interaction is not sufficiently explored. The study shows a limited use of -tay only, and

does not capture the functions such as an evidence-leaking marker in real conversations

(see Chapter 5 for details).

2.2.2 The interactional approach

Sohn and Park (2003) attempt to examine the interactional functions of -tay in

comparison with its long form -ta (ko) ha-, using a total of seven hours of naturally

occurring audio-taped multi-party conversations obtained from eleven native speakers

of Korean in the U.S. Sohn and Park show the difference between the short and long

form quotations based on the notion that the contracted form marks ‘an emotional or

physical state of a third person to which the speaker cannot have direct access’ (Choi

1991), by presenting the following example.

(17) The prayer5

1 H: But why doesn’t the church pray for (her)?

2 S: What prayer?

3 H: Well, if the pastor is sick

4 people should pray for her once in a while.

5 L: Nwuka aphu-tay-yo?

someone sick-TAY-POL

‘Is someone sick?’

6 H: Oh, pastor Y. She had surgery and…

7 L: Oh, I didn’t know that. (Sohn and Park 2003: 109)

5 The example (17) from Sohn and Park (2003) maintains original texts without any modification. They did not provide Korean utterances except for line 5.

36

In (17), H and S are talking about a female pastor at church who recently had a serious

illness. H starts the conversation by asking the group leader S why the church does not

make a formal announcement about the pastor’s illness and a prayer request. Upon

hearing their conversation, L asks in line 5 ‘Is someone sick?’ using the short form -tay,

which, according to Sohn and Park, indicates inaccessibility of information directly.

Thus, they correctly point out in discussing the quotative nature of -tay that the source

of the knowledge is located outside the speaker’s territory of information.

However, Sohn and Park do not deal with the function of -tay in an appropriate

manner. According to the authors, the two different forms of indirect quotation are used

to denote different degrees of integration of information. They claim that the short

form -tay shows more assimilated knowledge than the long form, and explain that the

information that is more assimilated into the speaker’s mind has a higher degree of

integration than information that is less assimilated. Sohn and Park present the

following example.

(18) Chanho Park

1 A: Nayil Park Chanho-ka tencye-yo?

tomorrow P. C. H. -SUB throw-POL

‘Is Chanho Park pitching tomorrow?’

2 H: P.C. -ka tenci-n-tay-yo.

P.C.-SUB throw-ATTR-TAY-POL

‘Chanho Park pitches.’

3 M: Sasungey tocenha-n-ta-ko mwe kule-te-ntey.

four.winning.to challenge-ATTR-DEC-QT what say-RET-CIR

‘Well, I’ve heard he’s trying for his 4th win.’

4 H: YEAH. (Sohn and Park 2003: 108)

Sohn and Park describe three women talking about the Dodgers baseball game to be

held on the next day in the excerpt above. Speaker H received free tickets to the

37

Dodgers game from her friend. In line 1, A asks H if Chanho Park, who is a famous

baseball player from Korea, will be pitching the next day. H answers in line 2, ‘Chanho

Park is pitching’ using the -tay marked utterance because she did not gain this

information by her own effort but from a third person. In line 3, M uses the long form to

provide further information which at the same time confirms H’s utterance in line 2, by

saying that Chanho Park is trying for his fourth win. According to Sohn and Park,

example (18) shows that while both short and long forms indicate that the speakers (H

and M) acquired the information through a third party (thus they have limited access to

the information), the information marked with the short form -tay (line 2 by H) shows

more assimilated knowledge than that of the long form (line 3 by M). The authors note

that this is because the speaker H wanted to know who the pitcher would be and

obtained the information from the person who gave her ticket. On the other hand, the

speaker M, who did not have a special interest in the game, overheard the relevant

information from the radio.

However, there are many counter examples to Sohn and Park’s claim and -tay

(short form in their term) can also mark information from external sources such as TV

and radio. Observe the following example (19), which is (4) in Chapter 5, from the data

set examined for the current study.


1 A: Enni, kuntey na-nun ssentheylosyen-ul palu-myen elkwul-ey

sister but I-TOP suntan.lotion-OBJ put.on-CD face-LOC

2 twutuleki-ka na-n-ta.

rash-SUB get-ATTR-DEC

‘Sister, I get rashes on my face if I put on suntan lotion.’

3 B: Ung ung?

yes yes

‘Yes, yes?’

4 Kulaykacikoissci ssentheynto conglyu-ka yelekaci-ka iss-tay.

38

and.so suntan.too kind-SUB variey-SUB exist-QT

5 Nay-ka kuttay mwusun syo-lul pwass-nuntey,

I-SUB at.that.time some show-OBJ saw-CIR

‘So, you know what, (I heard that) there are various kinds of suntans too,

I saw a show at that time.’

In (19), Speaker A tells to speaker B that she gets rashes on her face when she puts on

suntan lotion. Speaker B responds that ‘(I heard that) there are various kinds of suntans,

I saw a show’ in line 4, which is information obtained from an external source, a TV

show, with the frame of indirect quotation -tay. As shown in this example, it is difficult

to identify the peculiar function of -tay in simple comparison with its long form, and the

different degrees of integration of knowledge do not differentiate the usages of the short

form and long forms.

In sum, Sohn and Park’s study is a very important step towards our

understanding of the interactive nature of -tay. They attempt to explain the functions of

-tay in terms of the degree of integration of information. However, there are many

counter-examples to their claim, and thereby their study does not provide a convincing

account for the difference between the short form -tay and the long form. Chapter 5 will

discuss further the functions of -tay.

2.3 Japanese -tte

A large number of studies of -tte as a quotation marker are found in the literature of

Japanese linguistics (Tanaka 1977; Sunakawa 1988a, 1988b, 1989; Kamada 1987, 1988,

2000; Kamio 1990, 1994, 1997; Moritoki 1994; Niwa 1994; Horiguchi 1995; Yamazaki

1996; Maynard 1996; Saegusa 1997; Watanabe 1997; Suzuki 1998, 1999; H. Huh 1999;

Nomura 1999, 2000; Fujita 2000, 2001; Suzuki 2000; Mushin 2001; Yamauchi 2001;

Kuriyama 2002; Iwao 2003, 2005; Kitazawa 2003; Cho 2004; K. Lee 2010; Kato 2007,

2008, 2010; Chen and Matsumura 2012). Mention of various functions of -tte, such as

39

quotation/hearsay and counter-question is commonly found in these studies. In addition,

focus has been on the constraints under which the marker may be used, and the

linguistic clues to identify the original speaker this marker quotes within the context.

However, there are few studies which predominantly focus on -tte in sentence-final

position, let alone examine its functions cross-linguistically by comparing it with

similar grammatical items in Korean.

In what follows, studies by Horiguchi (1995) and Yamazaki (1996) will be

reviewed as representatives of the semantic and morpho-syntactic approach. Then, a

review of Suzuki (1998) and Kato (2010) for the pragmatic approach will follow. The

reason for focusing on these studies is that they provide insightful yet differing views of

-tte. The current study explores this gap in opinions, and provides a unifying account in

support of both schools of thought.


Previous studies that take a morpho-syntactic and semantic approach are the following.

(20) Morpho-syntactic and semantic approach

Tanaka (1977), Moritoki (1994), Niwa (1994), Horiguchi (1995), Yamazaki

(1996), Saegusa (1997), Watanabe (1997), Nomura (1999, 2000), Fujita (2000,

2001), Mushin (2001), Yamauchi (2001), Kuriyama (2002), Kitazawa (2003),

Iwao (2003, 2005)

The prominent features that have been identified in previous studies of -tte in

sentence-final position are manifest in the classification of this marker into subsets

under the functions of quotation, hearsay and counter-question. An analysis of two of

40

the above-mentioned studies, Horiguchi (1995) and Yamazaki (1996) is provided below,

as these can be considered to exemplify the rest for these prominent features of -tte.

Horiguchi (1995) examines the expressions of sentence-final -tte in

conversations by using Japanese textbooks. This study categorises the usage of -tte into

eight subsets, by showing in what situations -tte can be replaced with to iu (quotation),

sooda (hearsay) or kikikaesu/toikakeru (confirm/counter-question).

Figure 2.1: Eight usages of -tte from Horiguchi (1995)

Horiguchi makes up two classes out of the above-mentioned eight usages of -tte,

depending on whether the utterances are made in the current context or a previous one.

In the current context, -tte has two subcategories: (i) quotation of the hearer’s utterance,

41

and (ii) quotation of the speaker’s own utterance. In the previous context, -tte has two

main categories: (i) both the current speaker and hearer were the same participants in

the previous context, and (ii) only one participant was in the previous context. Further,

there are six subcategories under the two main categories, depending on who was the

speaker or hearer in the previous context.

Horiguchi discusses the fact that the -tte marked utterances can be replaced with

to iu (quotation) and sooda (hearsay), by noting the cases in which this replacement is

impossible. For instance, in the first case of the two main categories in which both the

current speaker and hearer were the same participants in the previous context, and if the

current speaker was the hearer in the previous context, the expression -tte can be

replaced with to iu.

(21) A: Raamen-no futa-ni daigakunooto tsukatta-tte-sa.

ramen-LK lid-for university.notebook used-TTE-SFP

‘(You said) you used your university notebook for the ramen’s lid.’

B: Datte, are-wa atashi-no nooto-yo.

because that-TOP I-LK note-SFP

‘Because, that is my notebook.’ (Horiguchi 1995: 17)

In (21), speaker A, who was the hearer, indirectly quoted what speaker B said in a

previous context which happened twenty years ago. The marker -tte can be replaced

with to iu, i.e. Ramenno futani daigakunooto tsukatta-toitta.6 This alternation would not

change the meaning of the utterance.

The second case of the two main categories is when only one participant among

the speaker and hearer was in the previous context. This case can also be divided into

four cases. For instance, the current speaker was the hearer in the previous context and

6 To itta is a past form of to iu.

42

the current hearer is present in the current context only, but he/she knows the quoted

information. This scenario is shown in the following example by Horiguchi.

(22) A: Kondo-no sensei-wa kibishii-n-da-tte-ne.

new-LK teacher-TOP strict-NOM-BE-TTE-SFP

‘(Someone said/I heard that) your new teacher is strict.’

B: Un. Machigaeru-to, nankaimo iwaserushi,

yes mistake-CD a.number.of.times speak.make.and

shukudai-o wasureru-to tataserushi.

homework-OBJ forget-CD stand.make.and

‘Yes, (the teacher) makes students speak a number of times if they

make a mistake, and makes them stand if they forget to do homework.’

(Horiguchi 1995: 19)

The current speaker A heard from somebody that the current hearer B’s teacher is strict,

and tells hearer B the information, by using the -tte marked utterance in example (22).

Hearer B already knows the information, as it is about his /her teacher. In this case, the

two participants share the information that the teacher is strict, and -tte can be replaced

with both to iu (someone said) and sooda (I heard).

However, the following example shows that the current hearer is present in the

current context only, and he/she has no access to the quoted information.

(23) A: Sensei, shukudai-no koto nanika it-teta?

teacher homework-LK matter something said-PROG

‘Was the teacher saying something about homework?’

B: Ashita-no hirumadeni dashi-nasai-tte.

tomorrow-LK lunch.by submit-IMP-TTE

‘(He/she said to) submit it by lunch time tomorrow.’

(Horiguchi 1995: 19)

43

In (23), A is the hearer, and he/she has no access to the information quoted by speaker B.

In this case, -tte can be replaced with to iu but sooda cannot be used instead of -tte.

According to Horiguchi, the -tte marked utterances can be replaced by sooda

when it takes the form of -ndatte, as in (22). However, Horiguchi states that if -ndatte is

used with interrogatives, it cannot be replaced by sooda. Observe the following example

(24) in which the current speaker A was not the participant in the previous context, but

the current hearer B was present as the hearer.

(24) A: Saki-chan-ni-wa sono koto itta?

Saki-PAS-to-TOP that matter told

‘Did you tell Saki about that matter?’

B: Aa.

yes

‘Yes.’

A: De, Saki-chan na-n-da-tte.

so Saki-PAS what-NOM-BE-TTE

‘So, what did Saki tell?’ (Horiguchi 1995: 22)

In this case, A can ask what Saki told B in the previous context, by using -tte. This -tte

cannot be replaced by sooda, since it is used with the interrogative na(n) ‘what’. As

such, Horiguchi attempts to replace the expression -tte by to iu (quotation) and sooda

(hearsay). According to Horiguchi, the -tte marked utterances can be replaced by sooda

when it takes the form of -ndatte, except for the case in which the marker occurs with

interrogatives, as in example (24).

Horiguchi gives insight into the nature of -tte as quotation and hearsay, focusing

on the structure of -tte and the categorisation of this marker based on the deixis—who

can be the speaker or hearer—and the type of context—whether it is used in the

previous context or current context, and semantics based on the replacement with to iu

(quotation) and/or sooda (hearsay). However, she fails to capture the interactional

44

nature of -tte beyond quotation and hearsay, and cannot provide an explanation as to

why this marker has various other functions in conversations, despite the fact that this

marker is inherently interactional and dialogical, such that its meanings and functions

are realised through spoken interactions. In addition, limited examples from Japanese

textbooks have been used without an empirical study of the actual use of the -tte marked

utterance in oral exchanges.

Yamazaki (1996) states that -tte has four usages, which are quotation, hearsay,

thematisation, and emphasis. 7 Examples (25a) and (25b) below show the usage of

quotation and hearsay of -tte, respectively.

(25) a. Ohayoo-tte itta.

good.morning-TTE said

‘(I) said good morning.’ (Yamazaki 1996: 3)

b. Otoosan-ga kondo mini kuru-tte.

father-SUB this.time see.to come-TTE

‘(I heard) father comes to see me this time.’ (Yamazaki 1996: 4)

However, Yamazaki’s categories are not clear and reveal at least three shortcomings.

Firstly, the treatment of -tte is inappropriate. According to Yamazaki (1996), the

quotative -tte is an informal form of -to. However, as he also points out, the usage

of -tte is more restricted compared to formal -to; for example, -tte cannot be combined

with the particles -shika ‘only’, -sae ‘even’, -sura ‘even’, etc. Observe the following

examples in (26).

(26) a. Imanotokoro, shujutsu-ga seikoosuru kanoosei-wa

at.this.point surgery-SUB success possibility-TOP

7 Yamazaki (1996) examines only the first two usages, quotation and hearsay in his study. The author does not clearly state the reason.

45

gobugobu-to-shika ie-nai.

half-TO-only can.say-NEG

‘At this point, there is nothing to say but possibility of a half success for

surgery.’

*b. Imanotokoro, shujutsu-ga seikoosuru kanoosei-wa

at.this.point operation-SUB success possibility-TOP

gofungofun-tte-shika ie-nai.

half-TTE-only can.say-NEG

According to Yamazaki (1996: 3), the particle -shika can be attached to -to as in (26a),

but not to -tte as in (26b). Yamazaki does not explain why -tte cannot be combined with

the particles. However, the above examples suggest that -tte cannot simply be treated as

an informal version of -to with which it is otherwise identical. This in turn means that

we need a comprehensive analysis in terms of its usages beyond the morpho-syntactic

and semantic level, in order to understand the function of the marker in depth.

Secondly, Yamazaki’s account of the use of -tte as the ‘hearsay’ marker is

unclear when the marker is used by the speaker to request confirmation from the hearer.

The hearsay -tte is used by itself or in the form -(n) datte (-n ‘(nominaliser)’ + da

‘(copula)’ + tte) which, according to Yamazaki (1996), describes the request-for

confirmation function .

(27) Kookoo-no toki warukatta-n-da-tte-ne, Ryu-san.

high.scool-LK time delinquent-NOM-COP-TTE-SFP Ryu-PAS

‘Ryu, (I heard) you were delinquent in high school.’

(Yamazaki 1996: 10)

Yamazaki accounts for the difference between reported speech and the request-for-

confirmation function in terms of the quantity of information. That is, reported speech is

used when the speaker has more information than the hearer, whereas the request-for-

46

confirmation function is used when the speaker has equal or less information than the

hearer. However, this criterion is problematic, since there is a possibility that the

speaker has more information than the hearer but still requires confirmation from the

hearer if the speaker presupposes that the hearer has the information. Thus, the use

of -tte cannot accurately be described in terms of the state of information that the

speaker or the hearer possesses.

Thirdly, Yamazaki (1996) discusses criteria concerning whether the use of -tte is

quotation or hearsay, but the lack of clarity is also seen in this criterion. For instance,

Yamazaki (1996) presents two factors that determine the use of -tte: (i) the type of

information and (ii) transferring method. Regarding the type of information, there is no

restriction on the quoted content in the usage of quotation, but the content transferred by

the speaker should be linguistic information in the hearsay usage as in the example (28)

below.

(28) (The speaker looks at the rain symbol on a weather forecast, and says)

Ashita-wa ame-da-tte.

tomorrow-TOP rain-COP-TTE

‘It says that tomorrow will be rain.’ (Yamazaki 1996: 7)

According to Yamazaki (1996), in this case, a fixed sign such as the rain symbol = rain

can be used as the hearsay, but non-linguistic information such as traffic signals, clocks

and/or music cannot be used for the hearsay usage as demonstrated below.

(29) (The speaker looks at the hands of a clock pointing to six o’clock)

*Moo rokuji-desu-tte. Hayaku kaeri-mashoo.8

already six.o’clock -BE-TTE quicly return-HOR

‘(Intended meaning) It says that it’s already six o’clock. Let’s go home

8 In this utterance, -desutte is a polite version of -datte.

47

quickly.’ (Yamazaki 1996: 7)

However, the author does not provide clear definitions of linguistic information and

non-linguistic information. As a result, the criteria for distinguishing linguistic

information from non-linguistic information by Yamazaki are ambiguous.

In summary, although Yamazaki provides a detailed analysis of the function

of -tte, it largely relies on the morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects of this marker,

focusing on the distinction between quotation and hearsay uses of -tte. As also

acknowledged by himself, Yamazaki does not fully explicate the function of -tte,

including its expressive meanings or interactional functions, and his study lacks an

empirical observation of this marker in context, failing to provide an integrated and

systematic account for the interactive nature of -tte. The current study is an attempt to

set the foundation for investigations to shed light on this knowledge gap.

2.3.2 The pragmatic approach

This section reviews previous studies on -tte from a pragmatic perspective. Studies that

take such an approach are listed below.

(30) Pragmatic approach

Maynard (1996), Suzuki (1998), H. Huh (1999), Kato (2007, 2010)

In what follows, this study focuses on Suzuki (1998) and Kato (2007) as representative

studies.

Suzuki (1998) attempts to find shared features of the uses of -tte and -nante with

regard to the notion of incorporation of information. Incorporation of information refers

to the process by which the speaker acquires a piece of information and internalises it.

Suzuki explains that the process is influenced by several variables such as evidentiality,

48

the degree of the speaker’s conviction, and the speaker’s emotional attachment to the

information. She refers to psychological distance in terms of the degree of incorporation

of information. Suzuki (1998: 431) further notes that the degree of incorporation is high

when the speaker has digested and integrated information into his/her belief system, and

the degree is lower when the process of incorporation is blocked for some reason.

According to the author, the forms of -tte and -nante are used to express the speaker’s

psychological distance from information, thus these forms are used when the degree of

incorporation of information is low.

Naturally occurring discourse data was used for Suzuki’s study. The data was

taken from taped conversations by four Japanese students at an American university,

twelve Japanese undergraduate students in a Japanese university, and some written texts.

Based on the data, Suzuki attempts to examine all the uses of -tte and -nante as

complementisers, topic markers, description markers and sentence-final expressions.

By doing this, the author attempts to demonstrate the speaker’s psychological distance

in relation to the function of quotation markers, which is to represent others’ voices.

Focusing on -tte, as a sentence-final expression, Suzuki notes that it is used

when the degree of incorporation is low, as noted earlier; that is, by using -tte the

speaker would show some distance from what somebody other than the speaker said.

The marker -tte is also used as a self-quotation in sentence-final position when the

speaker emphasises his/her statement, as in example (31) below.

(31) A: Nanka benkyoshitenakatta kara zenzen

somehow was.not.studying because at.all

‘Because I was not studying at all.’

B: Mata mata

again again

‘(You are kidding) again.’

A: Hontoo na n da tte.

49

true LK NOM COP

‘It’s true (I’m telling you).’ (Suzuki 1998: 446)

According to Suzuki, speaker A says that she was not studying at all in high school, and

speaker B does not believe her or pretends not to believe her. Then, speaker A replies,

saying ‘it’s true’ using -tte. By doing so she adds emphasis to her statement. Quoting

Maynard’s (1996) self-quotation, Suzuki asserts that the speaker dissociates the

information from him/herself by presenting it as if it represents someone else’s voice to

give the information credibility, even though the information actually comes from the

speaker him/herself.

Suzuki notices another function of -tte which is associated with playfulness.

(32) A: Kubininatta hito ga iru yoo na nyuansu de…

got.fired person SUB exit appear LK nuance with

‘(He was talking) with the nuance that there was somebody who got

fired.’

B: Sore wa anata desu tte.

‘That’s you (said in a playful tone).’ (Suzuki 1998: 448)

The author explains that the reason speaker B uses -tte instead of expressing ‘that’s you’

in his utterance, as seen in the example above, is that the speaker introduces the

perspective of ‘other’ into the discourse, in order to detach him/herself from the

utterance. Suzuki notes that the expression ‘that’s you’ could be taken as a face-

threatening utterance, thus the speaker uses -tte to avoid the potentially embarrassing

situation. As such, Suzuki accounts for the function of the -tte marked utterance with

regard to the concept of ‘face’ here. This is important evidence for the function of -tte

which is used to avoid potential face-threatening acts.

Suzuki’s study sheds light on the psychological aspects of -tte with respect to

50

evidentiality and the speaker’s emotional attachment to the information; however, the

problem with Suzuki’s study lies in the use of the notion of incorporation of information.

For instance, Suzuki claims that the speaker’s psychological distance is the key factor

dictating the use of -tte. However, this account of the speaker’s psychological distance

does not consider the features of a bare expression such as emotive aspects in language

use. As Suzuki also admits, emotional attachment is the most difficult variable to define

with respect to the notion of incorporation of information. In fact, the use of -tte is not

limited to the cases stated in Suzuki’s points and there are cases in which the speaker’s

psychological distance cannot be managed in reality. Consider the following extract

from telephone conversations below.

(33) [Callhome ja_1586]

A: Aa, moo ira-nai, ira-nai.

EXC any.more need-NEG need-NEG

Moo sonna ichimangosenemmo tsuiyashi-ta-n-da-ttara

any.more such 15,000.yen.even spend-BE-past-NOM-BE-CD

moo ira-nai.

any.more need-NEG

‘Ah, I don’t need any more, I don’t need any more. I don’t need any more

if you spent 15,000 yen.’

B: Iiyo, sore-wa moo ano…

all.right it-TOP already well

‘It’s all right. It already well…’

A: Moo katsu… iya, ira-nai-tte, ira-nai-tte.

already no need-NEG-TTE need-NEG-TTE

‘Already…no, (I said) I don’t need any more, I don’t need any more.’

In (33), speaker A is talking to speaker B, who is speaker A’s mother and bought

presents for her daughter’s acquaintances in America, spending about 15,000 yen.

Speaker B asks her daughter if she needs more presents and speaker A says repeatedly

51

that she doesn’t need any more. This extract reflects the fact that the speaker’s use

of -tte cannot be explained in terms of incorporation of information; the speaker does

not detach herself from the information to give credibility or to avoid a potential face-

threatening act. Instead, speaker A uses -tte to repeat her previous utterance moo iranai

iranai, which was made at the beginning of the example (33), because speaker B does

not listen to speaker A. What can be observed in the use of the -tte marked utterance

here is speaker A’s direct expression which conveys her feelings and attitudes, by

sending the metamessage that ‘I said I don’t need any more, please listen to me’ toward

her mother who continues to offer in spite of her daughter’s refusal.

In order to adequately capture the function of -tte, the nature of spoken discourse

needs to be taken into account; the characteristics of spoken language cannot be

sufficiently explained by the incorporation of information, since they involve an

exchange of participants’ attitude and feelings/emotions (Maynard 2001; D. Lee 2007),

which the current study shall discuss in terms of ‘involvement’. The present study

regards the essential function of -tte as creating the speaker’s involvement and/or

inviting the involvement of the hearer in interaction, when this marker is used at a

sentence-final position.

The rest of this section now examines other examples to show the additional

functions of -tte through Kato (2007)’s study. A pragmatic approach to -tte is also seen

in Kato (2007). The author analyses a variety of discourse data including TV shows and

conversations recorded by native speakers of Japanese, and largely categorises the usage

of -to and -tte, which occur in sentence-final position, into five functions, and

furthermore provide fifteen subsets under these main categories, as follows:

(i) to display the basic type of quotation

(ii) to add in the discourse the information which is related to the information that

52

appears in the prior context

(function of confirming inference, presenting inference, confirming detailed

information)

(iii) to represent the mental attitude of the speaker upon transferring and receiving

information

(function of presenting inference, assertion, displaying difficulty of understanding,

demanding detailed information, displaying negative feelings, surprise)

(iv) to convey information, displaying the type of information clearly

(function of message conveyer, hearsay message)

(v) to show the boundaries of the speech by the expression of the speaker’s

consciousness of utterance

(function of mitigating illocutionary force, self-performance, consenting self-

validation, displaying a boundary of acknowledgement) (Kato 2007: 7)

As such, Kato shows the various usages of -tte, by categorising them in detail and with

discourse data, which is noteworthy for the understanding of how this marker displays

multiple functions in conversations. However, as the author admits, some functions,

such as the usage of confirming detailed information under the main category (ii),

overlap with the speaker’s use of -tte to confirm information when they have difficulty

in understanding in the main category (iii). Consider the following example which

shows the usage of confirming detailed information under the main category (ii).

(34) A: Ima-no aizuchi-wa nanka chotto,

these.days-LK backchannel-TOP something bit

shisugita-kana-toka-ne, omotchau-yo,

too.much-SFP-something.like-SFP end.up.thinking-SFP

omowazu.

unconsciously

53

‘(I) end up thinking unconsciously that backchannels used these days are,

something like, a bit, too much,.’

B: Un, sooda-ne, un soodane-tte?

yeah that.is.right-SFP yeah that.is.right-TTE

‘Yeah, that is right, yeah, that is right (Is that right)?’

A: Uun, yaa sonna-n-janaku-temo.

well no like.that-NOM-NEG-CN

‘Well, no, even if it’s not like that.’ (Kato 2007: 13)

In (34), speaker A tells about the situation that backchannels are overused these days,

and speaker B agrees with A’s opinion by saying soodane ‘that is right’. Then he/she

uses the -tte marked utterance, by saying soodane-tte? ‘That is right, (is that right?)’

With the use of the -tte marked utterance, B asks for confirmation from A. Next,

consider the following example (35) in which the speaker displays difficulty of

understanding under the main category (iii).

(35) 1: Eeto, Ｘ-san-no shumi-wa nan-desu-ka？

well X-PAS-LIK hobby-TOP what-BE-QUE

‘Well, what is X’s hobby?’

2: Ano, sumimasen. Shumi-tte. Ano.

well sorry hobby-TTE well

‘Well, sorry. What is hobby…well.’

1: Suki-na koto.

like-LIK thing

‘What you like to do.’ (Kato 2007: 17)

In (35), speaker 1 asks speaker 2 about his/her hobby, and speaker 2 cannot answer

immediately because he/she does not understand the meaning of shumi. The speaker 2

uses -tte here, and according to Kato, it expresses the speaker’s mental attitude that

he/she has difficulty in understanding the word shumi. However, a closer look at this

54

example reveals that speaker 2’s use of -tte can also be interpreted as asking for

confirmation, since speaker 1’s answer provides the definition of shumi in detail.

Another problem with Kato’s study is that it sometimes accounts for the

function of -tte with insufficient context. For instance, in discussing the function ‘to

show the boundaries of the speech by the expression of the speaker’s consciousness of

utterance’, Kato states that -tte is used to transfer the utterance, which is a speaker’s

self-performance, to the hearer who is not able to understand the speaker’s language and

cannot react to the speaker’s utterances, such as infants and animals. She then provides

the following example.

(36) Hinako-chan9 tabemasu-ka-tte. Kore, tabemasu-ka-tte.

Hinako-PAS eat-QUE-TTE this eat-QUE-TTE

‘Hinako, will you eat? Will you eat this?’ (Kato 2007: 23)

In this context, the speaker is talking to an infant, and Kato states that the speaker is

conscious of her utterance which is play, and attempts to relieve her embarrassment

using -tte. However, Kato’s classification of this case as one of the functions of -tte is

problematic, as it is difficult to know general contexts wherein the frequent occurrence

of -tte is observed. Furthermore, there is an absence of the hearer’s reaction in this

example. To capture the interactive nature of -tte, the hearer’s reaction plays an

important role in interpretation of interaction. Moreover, the situation where the speaker

uses this marker for self-performance to the hearer who is an adult is also possible. In

other words, this function cannot be limited to the speaker’s use of -tte to the hearer

who is an infant or animal.

In summary, the problem with Kato’s study lies in its focus on showing a variety

of usages of -tte, without the concepts to explain the characteristics of -tte in a unified

9 Chan (ちゃん) is used to address children as well as adults with a close relationship.

55

way, and consequently it cannot provide a satisfactory account for the interactional

functions of this marker. This study provides a holistic picture of the use of -tte by using

concepts, such as ‘involvement’ and ‘multivoicedness’ (see Chapter 3). This approach

provides the ability to explore the different functions of -tte, by giving insight into why

the intrinsic nature of this marker is multi-functional, and why contexts play an

important role in revealing those functions of the marker. In addition, although the

marker shows multiple functions according to contexts, the ultimate reason for

speakers’ use of -tte is to invite hearers’ involvement in interactions, by expecting

reactions from hearers in order to construct and maintain dialogue. The key concepts

adopted for this study will be discussed in detail in Chapter 3.

2.4 Summary

This chapter has provided an overview of how the target markers -(ta) nikka/-tay

and -tte have been analysed in previous studies. It has shown that the primary concern

of the previous studies on -(ta) nikka and -tay in Korean linguistics has been with the

morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects of these markers, and their pragmatic or

interactional functions have been only marginally dealt with. As for -tte in Japanese

literature, various theories and concepts have been adopted to investigate the meanings

and functions of this marker, but there is a lack of a unified account of why this marker

indicates multiple meanings and functions in different contexts.

As a whole, it has been demonstrated that the interactive nature of these markers

has not been sufficiently delineated from a holistic point of view, and the focus of

previous studies has been only on partial aspects of these markers when they are used in

sentence-final position. As noted several times, the notion of involvement and

multivoicedness has been adopted for the present study and Chapters 4, 5, and 6 will

show how these are useful for bridging the knowledge gaps in the uses of these markers.

56

An integrated analysis of the functions of the target markers is provided, in order to

comprehensively account for the issues related to the use of these markers, such as their

frequent use in spoken language and their various functions in interaction. In addition,

using naturally occurring spoken discourse data of telephone conversations, the present

study discusses how this marker is employed as a strategy by the speaker to create the

involvement of the speaker and/or the interlocutor in interaction. Further, this study will

investigate speech act qualification with special regard to illocutionary force in the use

of -tte marked utterance, by comparing with the target markers, -(ta) nikka and -tay in

the Korean language, in order to observe how these markers operate differently in the

Japanese and Korean languages.

57

Chapter 3

The Key Notions

3.0 Introduction

This chapter presents key notions associated with the analysis of -(ta) nikka and -tay in

Korean and -tte in Japanese that follows in subsequent chapters. As discussed in

Chapter 2, although some studies in the previous literature give insights into the target

markers when these markers are used as indirect quotation markers conveying the

speaker’s own voice and/or the other’s voice, their interactional functions have not been

fully investigated in either the Korean literature or the Japanese literature. The reason

why these markers manifest a broad range of functions in spoken conversations is that

they are intrinsically interactional and dialogical, thereby serving as a means of

involving interlocutors in interactions. Various theories and concepts are adopted in

previous studies, as discussed in the previous chapter, but there is a lack of synthetic

analysis to describe the fundamental characteristics of the target markers from a holistic

point of view. For this reason, the current study adopts notions such as ‘involvement’

and ‘multivoicedness’, in order to delineate a variety of meanings and functions of the

target markers in an integrated way.

The outline for this chapter is as follows. Section 3.1 discusses the notion of

involvement and Section 3.2 presents the speaker’s attitude. In Section 3.3, the relations

between ‘repetition’ and ‘quotation’ will be discussed. Section 3.4 illustrates

‘multivoicedness’ with respect to quotations. The concepts of ‘involvement’ and

‘multivoicedness’ will in particular provide a basis for the analysis of the present study

with regard to the interactional functions of the target markers through the quotation

58

strategy. Section 3.5 will present a brief account for the notion of ‘face’ and Natural

Semantic Metalanguage. Section 3.6 is a summary of the chapter.

3.1 The notion of involvement

Verbal communications take place typically between two or more individuals. A person

might talk to himself/herself without a particular interlocutor, but this can be regarded

as a special case of verbal communication. To participate in verbal exchanges,

participants need to interact with each other, through which they deliver and receive a

variety of signals and exchange ideas and feelings. This verbal interaction is created and

maintained by ‘involvement’ of participants in the conversation.

According to Caffi and Janney (1994: 344), the term ‘involvement’ originates in

the Latin involvere which literally means ‘to roll’ or ‘to wrap up’. In linguistic literature

the term involvement is defined in widely different ways, depending on the main focus

of the research. For instance, Chafe (1982, 1985) describes involvement as a

psychological, internal state shown in observable linguistic phenomena—while

Gumperz (1982: 4) observes conversational involvement as the basis of all linguistic

understanding; that is, on the basis of conversational involvement ‘interlocutors

cooperate and interpretive conventions are shared’. Besnier (1994) states that

involvement is a significant feature of spoken language, in particular, face-to-face

conversation. According to Besnier (1994: 279), involvement is a ‘prerequisite to the

success of any conversational encounter’, and it can be created by ‘the presence of a

shared body of linguistic and socio-cultural knowledge among conversationalists’.

Tannen (1984: 30) writes that involvement can be explained with regard to uses

of linguistic strategies as ‘conventionalised ways of establishing rapport’. Tannen

(1989) then adds further to her account of involvement which is captured with regard to

overall rhetorical effects, or senses of vividness evoked by the strategic use of narratives,

59

reported speech, imagery, and so on. Tannen goes on to state that it is described with

regard to metamessages of rapport, successful communication, shared feelings, etc., as a

means of enhancing social cohesion (Tannen 1989). As such, although the notion of

involvement has been employed somewhat in different ways in linguistic literature due

to different research interests of scholars, the common view is that involvement is a

‘fundamental element to initiate and maintain verbal interaction’ (Lee 2007: 365).

The notion of involvement has been used in pragmatics very often in relation to

emotive communication (Caffi and Janney 1994), including emotions, feelings, and

attitudes. Arndt and Janney (1987) use ‘involvement’ to identify the speaker’s attitude

toward increasing or decreasing the interpersonal relationship between the speaker and

the other participants. They distinguish ‘emotional involvement’ from ‘interpersonal

involvement’. According to Arndt and Janney (1987), ‘emotional involvement’ is

signalled by more or less spontaneous expression of momentary personal affective

states, such as verbal intensity, pitch prominence and body posture.1 On the other hand,

‘interpersonal involvement’ is categorised as approach-avoidance signals produced

directly for the benefit of the hearer. Daneš (1994: 263) refers to involvement with

emotion, which is ‘the most typical and natural manifestation of people’s involvement

of language’.

With these features, the notion of involvement is an important element to

differentiate spoken discourse from written discourse. For instance, Chafe (1985: 105)

explains the involvement of spoken language compared to the detachment of written

language: ‘the fact that writing is a lonely activity whereas speaking typically takes

place in an environment of social interaction causes written language to have a detached

quality that contrasts with the involvement of spoken language’. According to Chafe,

there are three kinds of involvement of spoken language: involvement of the speaker 1 Arndt and Janney (1987) divide emotional involvement cues into two: primary and secondary cues. The primary cues consist of verbal intensity, pitch prominence and body posture. The secondary cues consist of sudden increases in informality and sudden increases in directness.

60

with himself (ego involvement), involvement of the speaker with the hearer and

involvement of the speaker with the subject matter. Chafe (1985: 117) explains that: (i)

Ego involvement is represented in the use of first-person pronouns, references to the

speaker’s mental processes, and phrases such as I mean, I don’t know and as I say. (ii)

Involvement with the hearer is observed in the use of a second person pronoun,

addressing the hearer by name, responding to a hearer’s question or making a request,

asking for confirmation with right?, OK?, or the use of you know. (iii) Involvement of

the speaker with the subject matter includes exaggeration, exclamation, the use of

expressive vocabulary, direct quotations, or vivid particles such as just and really.

In contrast, written language shows less ego expression, less direct interaction

with the reader, and less involvement of the writer with the subject matter. Tannen

(1985) also accounts for the different features between spoken discourse and written

discourse in terms of the concept of involvement. According to Tannen (1985: 124),

‘there is something typically spoken about face-to-face conversation and something

typically written about expository prose’ and a key dimension distinguishing discourse

types is closely connected with ‘relative focus on involvement in speaking’, which is

contrasted to ‘relative focus on information in writing’.

To summarise, the notion of ‘involvement’ is a unique feature that differentiates

spoken language from written language, and is an element crucial to initiating and

maintaining verbal exchanges. Relevant to our discussion is that the target markers -(ta)

nikka, -tay, and -tte inherently possess this property of involvement. For example, in

(1a) below, the speaker indicates his absence from school these days. With the use

of -(ta) nikka native speakers of Korean immediately understand that there is a hearer

and the speaker invites the hearer to the conversation, which can be rephrased with a

metamessage ‘Look! Listen to me carefully’ (in addition to its main message ‘I told this

before’). Through the use of -(ta) nikka utterance, the speaker indicates his ego

61

involvement, reminding the hearer of the main message, and expressing his rebuking

attitude towards the hearer who did not pay attention to the speaker’s previous utterance.

(1) a. Hakkyo a cikum-un an tanni-n-tanikka.

school EXC now-TOP NEG go-ATTR-TANIKKA

‘School, Ah, (I told you) I don’t go to school at the moment.’

b. F-lul hankwamok-eyse tases myeng-ina cwess-tay.

F-OBJ one.subject-LOC five CL-even gave-TAY

‘(A professor) gave as many as five people F for one subject.’

c. Ichijikanmae guraini ike-ba daijoobu-na-n-da-tte.

one.hour.before about go-CD alright-LK-NOM-BE-TTE

‘It will be okay if I go there an hour earlier (before the flight).’

In (1b), the speaker conveys information that a professor gave a grade of F to five

students in the beginning of the conversation. In (1c), the speaker is going on a trip and

informs her mum, who is worried about her daughter, that she would be okay if she

goes to the airport an hour earlier before departure. The use of -tay in (1b) and -tte in

(1c) too indicates the speaker’s invitation of the hearer to the conversation, which may

be interpreted as ‘Look! Listen to me carefully’.

As seen in the examples above, the three interactive markers -(ta) nikka, -tte

and -tay indicate the speaker’s attitude, ‘I want to tell you something, so listen’, or in

Chafe’s terms ‘involvement of the speaker with himself (ego involvement), involvement

of the speaker with the hearer and/or involvement of the speaker with the subject

matter’. In this connection, the notion of involvement will provide the frame to explain

the interactive nature of conversational interaction: the hearer responds actively in

interpreting the speaker’s utterance, the speaker expects the act of listening; in Bakhin’s

(1986) sense, ‘all language is dialogic’.

62

3.2 Speakers’ attitudes

The current study will explore the expressive meaning of the markers -(ta) nikka, -tay

and -tte, by identifying the speaker’s attitudes.

According to Lyons (1977), the notion of ‘linguistic meaning’ consists of three

parts: descriptive, social and expressive meanings. Firstly, descriptive meaning, which

is frequently referred to as referential, propositional, or denotative meaning in linguistic

literature, is ‘the mapping of linguistic signs onto the entities and processes they

describe’. Secondly, social meaning includes the social categories such as gender, social

class, ethnicity, etc. Thirdly, expressive meaning consists of feelings, moods, and

attitudes of the speaker or writer toward the message and the communicative context.

What is directly related to the use of our target markers is the third one, expressive

meaning, and ‘attitude’ in particular.

In general, western psychologists distinguish the terms feelings, emotions,

moods, attitudes and affect. ‘Feelings’ are a broad category of subjective personal states

of inner physiological arousal (Besnier 1990: 421). ‘Emotions’ are a subset of

empirically investigable and identifiable feelings that are relatively transitory and

intense and are caused by particular objects, ideas, or outer incentive events (Kagan

1978: 16-17). ‘Moods’ are not necessarily triggered by specific inner states or definite

objects, and last longer than emotions (Davidson 1984: 321). ‘Attitudes’ are defined in

the fourth edition of the Macquarie Dictionary as ‘position, disposition, or manner with

regard to a person or thing’, and play an important role in maintaining social and

psychological equilibrium and accommodating to different situations (Plutchik and

Kellerman 1980: 30).

The term ‘attitude’ has also been adopted by a number of linguists, for example,

Tannen (1985: 131) mentions that ‘one cannot speak without showing one’s attitude

toward the message and the speech activity.’ Daneš (1994: 253) also states that

63

‘attitude’ as ‘the most conspicuous feature of language-users’ involvement with

language may be seen in the different attitudes they take towards language and its use.’

Furthermore, adopting the notion of ‘attitude’ in conjunction with ‘involvement’,

D. Lee (2007) shows that involvement can be realised through a variety of attitudes of

the speaker. He views the features of Japanese particles ne and yo as the speaker’s

attitude of ‘incorporative’ and ‘monopolistic’ markers, respectively. He presents the

following examples (D. Lee 2007: 367).

(2) a. Eiga, omoshirokatta.

movie was.interesting

‘The movie was interesting.’

b. Eiga, omoshirokatta ne.

movie was.interesting NE


c. Eiga, omoshirokatta yo.

movie was.interesting YO


The three expressions above indicate that the speaker’s positive feeling as an evaluation

of a movie he/she has watched in a different way. Example (2a) indicates a simple

statement of evaluation, while (2b) with ne and (2c) with yo mark the speaker’s attitude

of inviting the involvement of the hearer. According to D. Lee (2007), speakers use

incorporative markers to express their attitudes of inviting hearers’ involvement through

which they are committed to align with hearers with respect to the content and feeling

conveyed in the utterance. On the other hand, with monopolistic markers, speakers

express their attitude of inviting hearers’ involvement through which they are

64

committed to enhance their position as a deliverer in conveying the content and feeling

towards hearers.2

Above, I have briefly considered the notion of ‘attitude’ from the psychological

point of view, and from the linguistic perspective as well. The present study will use the

notion of ‘attitude’ to describe expressive meanings created by speakers. In order to

understand the particular attitude represented by the speakers in the use of -(ta) nikka

and -tte, the following sets of examples are considered.

(3) Kanta.

will.go

‘(I) will go’

(4) Iku.

will.go

‘(I) will go’

Both utterances in (3) an (4) are descriptive information in which the speaker is

informing the interlocutor that he/she goes somewhere. Next, the utterances marked

respectively with -(ta) nikka and -tte, are compared to the above utterances.

(5) Kan-tanikka.

will.go-TANIKKA

‘(I) will go tanikka’

(6) Iku-tte.

will.go-TTE

‘(I) will go tte’

2 Ogi (in press) further analyses a variety of interactive markers in Japanese in terms of involvement and various attitudes of the speaker. See also A. Kim (2005) for the ‘definite’ attitude of the speaker.

65

By adding -(ta) nikka and -tte, the meaning can be roughly translated into English as

‘Look! I told you I would go (somewhere)’. However, the translation cannot fully

convey the exact meaning of the -(ta) nikka and -tte marked utterances due to its limit in

expressing the speaker’s attitude. If the -(ta) nikka and -tte marked utterances are used

to repeat the speaker’s previous utterance due to the hearer’s non-response in a certain

context, these markers can convey the rebuking and reprimanding attitude of the

speaker as in ‘I said I would go, why don’t you understand?’

As seen briefly but clearly in the examples above, interpreting the speaker’s

attitude plays an important role in realising meaning in interaction. For instance,

Bakhtin (1986: 97) remarks that ‘unless one accounts for the speaker’s attitude toward

the other and his utterances (existing or anticipated), one can understand neither the

genre nor the style of speech’. Considering the expressive meanings of the target

markers in conversation, the term ‘attitude’ will be adopted from a moderate empirical

standpoint.

3.3 Repetition and quotation as linguistic strategies

The ‘reported speech’ is important for understanding of the nature of the target markers

-(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte, since these markers are used in reported speech as linguistic

strategies to create the involvement of the speaker himself/herself or to invite the

involvement of the hearer in interaction. Tannen (1989) also remarks the connection

between involvement and reported speech. That is to say, ‘involvement’ is captured in

overall rhetorical effects, or the sense of vividness evoked by the strategic use of

repetition and reported speech (what Tannen calls constructed dialogue), as well as

imagery and detail. Further, in discussing ‘repetition’, Bakhtin (1986: 109) remarks that

‘a sentence can be repeated within the bounds of the one and the same utterance (non-

arbitrary repetition, self-quotation), but each repetition makes it a new part of the

66

utterance, for its position and function in the entire utterance have changed’. Reported

speech or quotation is based on repeating one’s own or others’ words; it is not a simple

reproduction of what was said, but adds a new part or function to the utterance. As will

be discussed in Chapters 4 and 6, the synchronic repetition is inextricably tied to the

function of -(ta) nikka and -tte in the current study. By using these markers, speakers

make a new part of the utterance, and facilitate comprehension.

According to Tannen (1989), there are two types of repetition, namely

synchronic repetition and diachronic repetition. Synchronic repetition is to repeat one’s

own or another’s words within a discourse. Tannen (1989: 54) states that distinguishing

forms of repetition and variation in conversation depends on several criteria. For

instance, it is possible to differentiate self-repetition and allo-repetition (repetition of

others). Repetition can also be identified by a scale of fixity in form, from repeating the

same words in the same rhythmic pattern to paraphrasing similar ideas in different

words. Diachronic repetition is to repeat words from a discourse distant in time, so-

called ‘reported speech’. Diachronic repetition, in other words, quotation, is generally

assumed to have two forms: ‘direct quotation’ and ‘indirect quotation’. In a widely-

accepted schema, ‘direct quotation’ is understood to apply when another’s utterance is

framed as dialogue in the other’s voice, while ‘indirect quotation’ is when another’s

speech is paraphrased in the current speaker’s voice (Tannen 1989: 98).

Further, the difference between direct quotation and indirect quotation is also

well illustrated in Coulmas (1986). Coulmas (1986) defines ‘direct quotation’ as

evoking the original speech situation and conveying the words of the original speaker in

direct discourse. On the other hand, ‘indirect quotation’ adjusts the reported utterance to

the speech situation of the report in indirect discourse. Coulmas goes on to say that the

speaker perspective or point of view of the reporter creates the fundamental difference

67

between the two. In direct speech, the reporter adopts the original speaker’s point of

view as it were, as in the following example.

(7) ‘Have you pray’d to-night, Desdemona?’ asked Othello, and Desdemona

answered: ‘Aye, my lord.’

According to Coulmas (1986: 2), the speaker in (7) conveys his report like a dialogue

despite Desdemona’s absence in the report situation. Othello’s utterance presupposes

the presence of Desdemona, and Desdemona’s utterance the presence of Othello. Thus,

the reporter in direct speech stands behind the characters whose words he reports.

However, in indirect speech, the reporter steps forth, by relating a speech event from his

own point of view. Coulmas presents the following example.

(8) Othello asked his wife whether she had said her nightly prayers, which she

affirmed.

Coulmas accounts for the difference between (7) and (8) in several aspects. Firstly,

there is no direct address in (8) as direct address requires the presence of the addressee.

For instance, the second pronoun and vocative ‘Desdemona’ in Othello’s utterance in

(7) are replaced by a third person pronoun ‘she’ and a descriptive term ‘his wife’, which

reflects the reporter’s point of view. In addition, the tense of Othello’s utterance is

changed from the present perfect tense in (7) to ante-preterit in (8). Finally,

Desdemona’s utterance in (7) is reduced to a relative clause in (8).

As such, Coulmas (1986: 3) remarks that the reporter in indirect speech can

present information about the reported speech event from his point of view based on his

knowledge about the world. This is because the reporter does not claim to give the

68

actual words uttered by the original speaker(s) or his report is restricted to the original

utterance. According to Coulmas (1986: 3), what is noteworthy in indirect speech is the

speech of the reporter and the speech situation of the report.

As mentioned in Tannen (1989) and Coulmas (1986) above, there are

differences between ‘direct quotation’ and ‘indirect quotation’ in many aspects.

However, as pointed out by Tannen, although the differentiation between direct

quotation and indirect quotation is made on the surface, many equivocal cases arise in

actual discourse. Coulmas (1986: 6) also states that ‘a simple dichotomy of direct versus

indirect cannot do justice to the complexities of reported speech’. The concern of the

present study in this section is not to show the differences between direct quotation and

indirect quotation, as their boundary is ambiguous and complex. Instead, this study

reveals the functions of the target markers with which speakers repeat their utterances

within a discourse or from a discourse distant in time, not only to transfer the

information or message but also to express something beyond quotation, such as the

speaker’s certain attitudes and point of views.

Thus far some features of repetition and reported speech have been discussed.

These features are important for the discussion in further chapters, since the ‘(indirect)

reporting’ is the intrinsic nature of the target markers -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte.

3.4 Multivoicedness

The target markers -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte share a common property: they are used in

reported speech and indicate multiple functions depending on the context in which each

marker is used. In this section, the concept of multivoicedness with regard to the nature

of these markers is discussed. The concept ‘multivoicedness’ originates in Bakhtin’s

theory of heteroglossia which can be defined as ‘co-existence of numerous voices

(polyglossia) or socio-ideological contradictions that intersect and interanimate one

69

another in a single language’ (Bakhtin 1981: 291-292, as cited in G. Kim 2004). To take

an example, the term ‘nigger’ connotes racism and it is heteroglossic, as its derogatory

past and historical meaning co-exist (G. Kim 2004: 57). The concept ‘multivoicedness’

is discussed by Wertsch (1991: 13), who states that ‘human communicative and

psychological processes are characterised by a dialogicality of voices’ (as cited in

Maynard 1996). The ‘multivoicedness’ resonates in language, and quotation clearly

marks different voices in discourse among language devices, since multiple voices are

converged in it, including self-utterance and the other’s utterance.

In Maynard’s (1996, 1997a, 1997b, 2005) study, it was discussed that Japanese

direct-style self-quotation enables speakers to perform different character roles. To be

more specific, the multivoicedness allows a speaker to express himself/herself as the

wife of her husband, the mother of her child, a teacher in her classroom, and so on. With

the use of quotation, a speaker can also create a new meaning in his/her own voice by

transferring the other’s utterance, which is different to the meaning of the original

utterance. Multiple meanings are produced through conversations in which speakers

take part and in a new context of situation. According to Maynard (1996), reported

speech functions to echo ‘multivoicedness’ in ‘semiotic contexts’ (speaker-created

semantically motivated context) and self-quotation occurs when self-expression is

highly encouraged. It functions to manipulate a broader range of expressiveness in

interaction and facilitates discourse functions such as dramatisation and distancing.

With respect to quotation/reported speech, Tannen (1989) defines it as

‘constructed dialogue’, which is used not only to convey one’s own voice or someone

else’s voice but also to create involvement by constructing a ‘talk’. Quoting Bakhtin

(1981: 338) that ‘every conversation is full of transmissions and interpretations of other

people’s words’, Tannen (1989: 110) claims that ‘the act of transforming others’ words

into one’s own discourse is a creative and enlivening one’.

70

All utterances retain the polyphonic nature that results from the multiple

resonances of the people, contexts, and genres to which the utterance has been related

(Tannen 1989: 99). This nature is well reflected in the use of the target markers -(ta)

nikka, -tay and -tte, which indicates a self-voice and/or the other’s voice, by reflecting

diverse socio-cultural aspects. For instance, the markers show an intimate relationship

between the speaker and the hearer, since they are used in casual speech between the

participants who are equal in social status. In addition, the use of the markers represents

the characteristics of spoken discourse: the speaker invites the involvement of the hearer,

expressing his/her attitudes and displaying multiple functions (or multi-voices)

depending on contexts. Analysing the target markers with the concept of

‘multivoicedness’ will shed light on the sociocultural and contextual properties of

language.

Another important point of adopting multivoicedness with respect to the target

markers is that it premises the process of assimilating and reworking the other’s

utterance in interaction. Regarding this point, Bakhtin (1986: 89) states that the speech

experience of the individual is shaped by interaction with others and individual

utterances are filled with others’ words, by the process of assimilating and reworking, as

noted below:

This is why the unique speech experience of each individual is shaped and developed in

continuous and constant interaction with others’ individual utterances. This experience

can be characterised to some degree as the process of assimilation—more or less

creative—of others’ words (and not the words of a language). Our speech, that is, all

our utterances (including creative works), is filled with others’ words, varying degrees

of otherness or varying degrees of ‘our-own-ness’, varying degrees of awareness and

detachment. These words of others carry with them their own expression, their own

evaluative tone, which we assimilate, rework, and re-accentuate.

In other words, every utterance is not original in interactional settings. It was already

uttered by someone else and one repeats it with different interlocutors in different

71

situations. One assimilates and reworks in using the utterance with his/her expression

and evaluative tone. The utterance can be delivered by different speakers with different

meanings since each speaker has different intention to use it. This is clearly observed in

reported speech/quotation. The utterance conveyed by the current speaker is different

from the one by the original speaker, as the utterance is created by the current speaker’s

expression by the process of assimilating and reworking. As Maynard (1996) mentions,

quotation extends speakers’ expressivity far beyond mere referential meaning.

Therefore, the current speaker conveys the utterance of the original speaker with his/her

own expressivity. This is the reason Tannen (1989) calls reported speech constructed

dialogue.

The present study provides a detailed discussion of speakers’ expressivity

through their use of -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte as a quoting strategy in the following

chapters. The discussion includes how speakers repeat their utterances using -(ta) nikka

and -tte, by echoing self-voice to express their particular attitudes, and how speakers

assimilate and rework the other’s voices with the use of -tay and -tte with their own

evaluative tone.

Finally, multivoicedness is a useful concept to understand the quoting strategy

which makes it possible to form ‘dialogic relations’ between participants. According to

Bakhtin (1986), when people talk about something that they have experienced, they are

actually reflecting the dialogues they have had with others previously. This means that

an individual utterance cannot be separated from the perspective of others. In this sense,

Bakhtin talks about the chain of dialogues, by stating that every dialogue results from a

previous one and at the same time every new dialogue is going to be present in future

ones. Bakhtin (1986: 114) notes:

Two juxtaposed utterances belonging to different people who know nothing about one

another if they only slightly converge on one and the same subject (idea), inevitably

72

enter into dialogic relations with one another. They come into contact with one another

on the territory of a common theme, a common idea.

The present study finds that the use of the target markers -tay and -tte represent overtly

the ‘dialogic relations’, since these markers are used in indirect speech, by reflecting the

meanings that speakers had made in interactions with hearers in previous contexts.

Every time they repeat the previous utterances in new contexts by adopting a strategy of

quotations, they form ‘dialogic relations’ between participants in previous contexts and

participants in new contexts. They are inevitably connected under a common theme.

In this chapter, the concepts of ‘involvement’ and ‘multivoicedness’ have been

discussed. These concepts will provide a fundamental and unified way of accounting for

the interactional functions of the target markers. Basically, this study follows Bakhtin

(1986)’s position that language is social, interactional and dialogic and that language

echoes multiple voices.

3.5 The notion of ‘face’ and Natural Semantic Metalanguage

The notion of ‘face’ is also significant for the analysis of the target markers,

especially -tte in Japanese, as well as for a discussion of cultural values in later chapters.

The notion of ‘face’ is widely discussed in the pragmatics literature. According to

Brown and Levinson (1978), the notion of ‘face’ is derived from that of Goffman

(1967) and from the English folk term. Goffman (1967: 5-7) refers to face as the ‘image

of self’ and something that is ‘diffusely located in the flow of events’ of an interaction

and it becomes manifest only when people make appraisals of these events. Brown and

Levinson assume that all competent adult members of society have ‘face’: the public

self-image that every member wants to claim for him or herself.

According to Brown and Levinson (1978: 66), ‘face’ consists of two aspects: (i)

negative face, which is the basic claim to territories, personal preserves, rights to non-

73

distraction, that is, to freedom of action and freedom from imposition; and (ii) positive

face, which is the positive consistent self-image or ‘personality’ (crucially including the

desire that this self-image be appreciated and approved of) claimed by interactants.

They restated the two aspects of face as ‘basic wants’ rather than as ‘norms’ by defining

negative face as ‘the want of every “competent adult member” that his action be

unimpeded by others’ (1978: 67), and positive face as ‘the want of every member that

his wants be desirable to at least some others’. There are acts which intrinsically

threaten face (Face-Threatening Acts (FTAs)), such as orders, requests, advice, offers,

promises, expressions of hatred, criticism, disagreement, etc. Except in the case where

the speaker wants to do the FTAs with maximum efficiency, he/she will try to minimise

the face threat by choosing an appropriate strategy such as avoiding the FTAs, or

performing along with the FTAs a redressive act. ‘Positive politeness’ is what Brown

and Levinson call redress directed to the addressee’s positive face wants: ‘redress

consists in partially satisfying that desire by communicating that one’s own wants (or

some of them) are in some respects similar to the addressee’s wants’ (1978: 106).

Negative politeness, on the other hand, is ‘redressive action addressed to the addressee’s

negative face: his want to have his freedom of action unhindered and his attention

unimpeded’ (1978: 134).

As stated above, certain illocutionary acts can be ‘face-threatening acts’ and

have the potential to damage the hearer’s positive face, or the hearer’s negative face, or

the illocutionary act may potentially damage the speaker’s own positive face. In order to

reduce the possibility of damage to the hearer’s face or to the speaker’s own face, he or

she may adopt certain strategies. These strategies will be discussed in Chapter 6 in

relation to the usage of the -tte marked utterance.

In addition, some cultural values by Wierzbicka (2003) will be presented for the

Japanese language and Korean language in Chapter 7. Wierzbicka (2003, 2008) and

74

some researchers (Tannen 1984; Matusmoto 1988; Goddard and Wierzbicka 2002;

Goddard 2011) have argued that the concept of face by Brown and Levinson is western-

biased, pointing out that the basic conceptual tools introduced and relied on by Brown

and Levinson, in particular the notion of ‘face’, have in fact a strong Anglocentric bias.

Wierzbicka (2008: 13) argues that ‘comparing communicative norms and cultural

values through English leads inevitably to an Anglocentric bias’, and she offers an

alternative to the use of English called ‘Natural Semantic Metalanguage’ (NSM), a

formal language based on empirically established semantic primes and intelligible

through natural languages such as I, you, want, feel, know, say, think, hear and so on.

For instance, saying ‘No’ is regarded positively in Israeli culture but not in

Anglo-American culture, when expressing refusal. In Japanese culture, silence would be

preferred rather than saying ‘No’, in order not to disrupt harmony (Nakane 1970: 35).

These different attitudes can be portrayed as follows (Wierzbicka 2003: 92-93).

Anglo-American culture

I say: No

I don’t want you to feel something bad because of this

I will say something more about it because of this

Israeli culture

I say: NO

I think I don’t have to say anything more about it

Japanese culture

I can’t say: NO

I will say something else because of this

75

The present study will use NSM to account for the difference between Japanese and

Korean cultural values in interaction in Chapter 7. The main ideas of Wierzbicka (2003:

69) with regard to cultural values can be summarised as: (i) people in different societies,

and different communities adopt different ways of speaking, and this difference is

profound and systematic, (ii) these different ways of speaking can be explained in terms

of independently established different cultural values.

3.6 Summary

This chapter first discussed the notion of involvement which has been widely adopted in

pragmatic areas, and which is useful to provide a comprehensive and unified account

with regard to the characteristics of spoken discourse including the speaker’s attitude. In

discussing involvement, the term ‘attitudes’ was presented to describe expressive

meaning, and the reason for the employment of the ‘attitude’ of the speaker throughout

this study was stated. It was also stated that our target markers -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte

possess the fundamental feature of marking repetition, and the chapter discussed direct

and indirect quotation with regard to the target markers. The concept of

‘multivoicedness’ was also outlined and it was noted that this concept is the basis of the

current study. That is, language is social, interactional and dialogic, and speakers echo

multiple voices by using quotation strategy. In other words, speakers echo self-voice

and the others’ voices in the use of -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte, by evaluating, assimilating

and reworking the repeated utterances. The notion of ‘face’ and NSM were briefly

introduced for further discussion with regard to the function of a face-saving marker in

Chapter 6 and aspects of Korean and Japanese society and culture in language use in

Chapter 7.

76

Focusing on the notion of involvement and multivoicedness discussed in this

chapter, the next three chapters examine the interactional functions of -(ta) nikka, -tay

and -tte by analysing the spoken discourse data.

77

Chapter 4

Self-voice -(ta) nikka1

4.0 Introduction

In this chapter, the interactional function of -(ta) nikka as a self-quotation marker is

explored. When speakers use -(ta) nikka with interlocutors in conversation, they repeat

their own utterances with different motivations and attitudes according to contexts.

Three functions of -(ta) nikka are identified in the data of spoken discourse, the

corpus of telephone conversations. The first function of -(ta) nikka that will be

illustrated is ‘hearer-oriented recollection’, wherein the use of the -(ta) nikka utterance

of the speaker is triggered by the hearer. The second function of -(ta) nikka is ‘speaker-

oriented recollection’ in which the speaker uses this marker based on his/her own

knowledge about what happened before, in order to draw the hearer’s attention. The

third function that was found in this study is ‘mutually understood recollection’, in

which the speaker’s use of the -(ta) nikka marked utterance is based on presupposition.

In other words, the speaker uses this marker when he/she presupposes that information

and/or knowledge are already shared with the hearer. Overall, it will be shown that -(ta)

nikka is used to express the speaker’s ego involvement and/or invite the hearer’s

involvement to create and maintain conversations, by echoing self-voice.

1 The content of Chapter 4 was published in the Journal of Pragmatics with the title ‘Self-voice “-nikka” in the Korean language’ (H.S. Kim 2015: 73-87).

78

As reviewed in Chapter 2, a number of previous studies have discussed -(ta)

nikka, focusing mainly on its morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects and treating

pragmatic aspects marginally. A review of the literature shows that (i) some morpho-

syntactic and semantic research has been done to give insight into the function of -(ta)

nikka in having a trace of quotative constructions and indicating the meaning of

‘emphasis’ (H. Kim 1995; Bae 2010), and (ii) pragmatic research has been done to shed

light on the function of the marker in conveying the speaker’s own utterances and

indicating a certain kind of attitude toward the hearer (P. Lee 1995; Han 2004, 2009).

However, detailed pragmatic functions and effects of the marker, e.g. how and in what

context the marker indicates these functions, have not yet been fully explored. In

addition, these studies used invented examples and as a result they lack empirical

inquiry into the actual use of the target marker in interaction. As a more fundamental

issue, it should also be clarified whether or not these functions are sufficient to describe

the behaviour of -(ta) nikka in spoken discourse. The interactional nature of this marker

is significant in maintaining the interpersonal relationship between the speaker and the

hearer. To fill this gap, the current study focuses on the interactional functions of -(ta)

nikka, in particular, examining the actual data in order to see how -(ta) nikka functions

as a self-quotation, and how the speakers manifest a range of expressiveness in verbal

exchanges.

Chapter 4 is organised in the following manner. The first three sections, 4.1, 4.2

and 4.3 discuss three interactional functions of -(ta) nikka, the hearer-oriented

recollection, speaker-oriented recollection and mutually understood recollection,

respectively. Section 4.4 then presents differences between the three different

interactional functions of -(ta) nikka. Section 4.5 examines the use of -(ta) nikka in

comparison with -(ta) ko, another self-quotation. Section 4.6 provides a summary of the

chapter.

79

4.1 Hearer-oriented recollection

This section explores the first function of -(ta) nikka, which is a hearer-oriented

recollection. This function is triggered by the hearer, in other words, the use of -(ta)

nikka by the speaker is caused by the hearer’s incomprehension. The structure [[X] -(ta)

nikka] is used to facilitate the discussion.2 [X] is the ‘inset’ and the -(ta) nikka portion is

the ‘frame’. Consider the examples (1) and (2) below, which have been extracted from a

telephone conversation. Prior to this conversation, speaker B has said that he does not

go to school these days.


1 A: Ne kongpwu-nun ha-nya? Hakkyo tany-e acikto?

you study-TOP do-INTR school go-IE still

‘Do you study? Do you still go to school?’

2 B: Hakkyo a cikum-un an tani-n-tanikka.

school EXC now-TOP NEG go-ATTR-TANIKKA

‘School, ah, (I told you) I don’t go to school at the moment.’

In (1), speaker A requests B to provide the information whether or not speaker B goes to

school currently. Speaker B replies that he does not go to school at the moment and uses

the frame of -(ta) nikka. In this case, speaker B’s use of -(ta) nikka can be interpreted as

‘I told you that I don’t go to school at the moment’, indicating that A should know this.

By using the -(ta) nikka utterance, the speaker indicates that he is repeating his utterance

in the current dialogue, and expresses his rebuking attitude towards the hearer who did

not pay attention to the speaker’s previous utterances. Needless to say, if B’s reply were

a ‘plain’ statement without -(ta) nikka, i.e. an tanye ‘I don’t go (to school)’, it would

simply indicate the fact that B does not go to school, and the speaker’s attitude, ‘I said

this before and I am not happy that you don’t remember it’, would not be expressed.

2 Maynard (1996) also used this structure to discuss a self-quotation in Japanese, following Sternberg (1982).

80

A similar argument can be made for the example (2) below, in which speaker A

asks for clearer information from speaker B about what he/she did. To hear that, speaker

B answers Kongpwuhayss-tanikka, which means ‘I told you that I studied’.


1 A: A, onul way ilehkey phikonha-ci.

EXC today why like.this tired-COM

2 Hansikkaci kongpwu kathi hayss-nuntey.

one.o’clock.till study together did-CIR

‘Gosh, why am I tired like this. (We) studied together till 1o’clock,

but…’

…………………….(following eight lines are omitted)…………………..

11 B: Mwe, mwe-lul kathi hayss-e?

what what-OBJ together did-IE

‘What? What did you do together?’

12 A: Kongpwuhayss-tanikka.

studied-TANIKKA

‘(I told you we) studied.’

The inset [X] represents a proposition that ‘we studied’, and the -(ta) nikka frame

indicates that the speaker said it before in line 2. Once again, speaker A manifests

reprimanding attitudes toward the speaker B who causes speaker A to repeat the same

utterances in the current dialogue.

As seen in the examples above, the utterance marked with -(ta) nikka is used as a

self-quotation in which the speaker repeats their utterance in response to the hearer’s

reaction. Further, the use of -(ta) nikka by the speaker shows her negative attitude

toward the hearer who did not indicate their understanding of what the speaker was

talking about. However, the use of -(ta) nikka does not always show the speaker’s

negative attitudes such as rebuke and reprimand toward the hearer. To discuss the

81

different attitude of the speaker in the hearer-oriented recollection, the following

example (3) is analysed.


1 A: E, (breath) ya cham, inggwulliswikhulaysu-nun

EXC VOC FIL English.class-TOP

2 ettehkey caltoy-nya?

how well.become-INTR

‘Oh, hey, how is your English class going?’

3 B: Inggwulliswikhulaysu-yo? Awu cikum na (( ))3

English.class-POL EXC now I

4 ttaymwuney michi-keyss-e.

because crazy-DTRE-IE

‘My English class? Ugh, I am going crazy because of that now.’

5 A: Way?

why

‘Why?’

6 B: Thwukhamyen Tongsek, (laugh) thwukhamyen Tongsek

often Tongsek often Tongsek

‘Often Tongsek, often Tongsek (The teacher asks so many questions to

me).’

7 A: (laugh) Cinccaya cincca thwukhamyen kulay?

really really often do

‘Really? Does he do that to you often?’

8 B: HOW DID YOU FIND- WHAT IS- WHAT IT UH- POPULATION?

9 WHAT IS- WHAT IS ((TEN PERCENT?)) michi-keyss-tanikka. (laugh)

crazy-DTRE-TANIKKA

‘How did you find- what is- what is uh- population? What is- what is

((ten percent?)) (I told you) I am going crazy.’

10 A: Kukes pwa.

that look

‘Look (I told you so)!’

3 (( )) indicates unintelligible speech in the data.

82

In (3), speaker A asks speaker B if his English class is going well in line 1, and speaker

B answers by saying that he is going crazy because of it in lines 3 and 4. Then, speaker

A asks the reason and speaker B answers Thwukhamyen Tongsek, thwukhamyen

Tongsek, which literally means ‘Often Tongsek, often Tongsek’ in line 6. Tongsek is

speaker B’s name and he implies that his teacher always designates him to say

something in class. To hear that, speaker A requires confirmation from speaker B if the

teacher really designates him so often in line 7. In lines 8 and 9, speaker B mimics the

teacher’s way of talking, and then he repeats his utterances michikeyssta in inset

with -(ta) nikka frame, which means ‘I told you I am going crazy’.

What can be observed here is that speaker B’s use of the -(ta) nikka marked

utterance is triggered by speaker A’s desire for confirmation. However, this case is

different from the earlier cases (1) and (2) in which speakers manifest their negative

attitudes such as rebuke and irritation towards hearers. This is clearly shown in line 9

where speaker B laughs after saying ‘(I told you) I am going crazy’. Therefore, speaker

B’s attitude in (3) is regarded as an indication of building co-affective ground, by

sending a metamessage that ‘I want you to know how I feel’ rather than blaming

speaker A for his requirement for confirmation.

The speaker’s negative attitudes in the use of -(ta) nikka has also been pointed

out in some previous studies (cf. Chapter 2). For instance, P. Lee (1995) mentions that

the speaker repeats his/her previous utterances when the hearer does not show an

attitude of accepting the speaker’s previous utterances, and a -(ta) nikka utterance

indicates the speaker’s attitude of complaining to the hearer who does not pay attention

to his/her utterances. However, the present study has identified two cases of the function

of hearer-oriented recollection of -(ta) nikka. Firstly, the speaker repeats his/her prior

utterance with the use of -(ta) nikka, because the hearer requested confirmation. In this

case, the speaker manifests his/her negative attitude toward the hearer who does not

83

show understanding of the speaker’s prior utterance, by sending a metamessage that

‘Look! Listen to me. I’m saying this repeatedly, why don’t you understand?’ Secondly,

the speaker repeats his/her prior utterance to indicate his/her intention to share his/her

feelings about the information or message that is conveyed by the -(ta) nikka utterance

with the hearer, by sending a metamessage that ‘Look! Listen to me. I want you to

know how I feel’.

Both cases show that the speaker’s use of -(ta) nikka is interactional, since the

speaker expects understanding from the hearer by the use of -(ta) nikka. In addition,

these examples also illustrate the high degree of the involvement in the use of -(ta)

nikka. That is, the use of the marker immediately indicates the speaker’s invitation of

the hearer’s involvement, as also shown in the above metamessages ‘Look! Listen to

me’. This of course presupposes the speaker’s ego involvement (Chafe’s (1985) term; cf.

Chapter 3) in the conversation. As such, the speaker’s use of -(ta) nikka creates

involvement with the hearer, by eliciting responses such as agreement and sympathy as

shown in line 10. The use of the speaker’s -(ta) nikka marked utterance also reflects

multivoicedness, since it echoes the speaker’s different attitudes, intimate relationship

with the hearer, and the characteristics of spoken language.

In 4.1, the cases of hearer-oriented recollection in the use of self-quotation -(ta)

nikka have been used discussed. The indirect style of self-quotation used by the

speakers presents their particular attitudes in the course of interaction. In the next

section, the current study will discuss the use of the self-quotation -(ta) nikka which

conveys not only information through linguistic expression, but also displays the

speaker’s attitude toward the hearer.

84

4.2 Speaker-oriented recollection

Here, we will continue to explore the function of -(ta) nikka, but we will focus on its

function of speaker-oriented recollection.

With this function, the speaker uses -(ta) nikka based on his/her own knowledge

about what happened before, in order to invite the involvement of the hearer. Unlike the

hearer-oriented recollection, the -(ta) nikka marked utterance is not used to repeat the

speaker’s utterance in this function, even though it seems to be repeated. In addition, the

information conveyed by the speaker is not shared with the hearer.

Example (4) below illustrates the function of speaker-oriented recollection of -(ta)

nikka, which is extracted from the Korean telephone conversations.


1 A: Enni4 isscanha na syaweha-taka kulssey


2 kicelha-l ppen hayss-tanikka.

faint-ATTR almost did-TANIKKA

‘Sister, you know, I almost fainted while taking a shower.’

3 B: Way?

why

‘Why?’

4 A: Thalcin-tway-kaciko.

exhaust-PASS-CN

‘Because I was exhausted.’

5 B: (laugh)

6 A: Wuli emma mak kikepha-ko.

my mum FIL be.frightened-CN

‘My mum was, just, frightened.’

7 B: Cinccalo? Ssulecyess-e?

really collapsed-IE

‘Really? Did you collapse?’

4 The term enni is used by a female to refer to an elder female sibling.

85

In (4) inset [X] is framed by -(ta) nikka in the first sentence in line 2. Usually, -(ta)

nikka is used when speakers provide a response or in the middle of a conversation.

However, in this case, speaker A frames her utterances with -(ta) nikka and starts to

build the conversation by saying ‘Sister, listen, I almost fainted in the middle of taking a

shower’. Why does speaker A need to use -(ta) nikka here, instead of just saying na

syawehataka kicelhal ppen haysse, ‘I almost fainted in the middle of a shower’?

Note that isscanha ‘you know, guess what’ in the inset carries the feature of

spoken discourse which attracts the hearer’s attention. A similar effect can be observed

in English equivalents, ‘you know’ or ‘you know what’, which invite the hearer to show

interest through the use of a second person pronoun and also an interrogative. Thus, it is

clear that through the use of -(ta) nikka with along with the discourse filler isscanha,

speaker A invites the involvement of the hearer by recalling what happened to the

speaker previously and attempting to arouse the hearer’s interest. If speaker A did not

use -(ta) nikka here, her utterance, na syawehataka kicelhal ppen haysse, ‘I almost

fainted in the middle of a shower’ would simply state what happened to her, and her

reinforced attitude of inviting the hearer’s involvement would not be indicated. The use

of -(ta) nikka in (4) produces the effect that the hearer has a closer and more intimate

access to the feelings of the speaker’s experience.

While (4) illustrates the use of -(ta) nikka to recall the speaker’s past experience,

the intended force of his/her utterance is expressed in a different way. Observe the next

example in (5).


1 A: Kuliko na khayp nulk-ess-e.

and I very old-PAST-IE

2 Nemwu soksanghan il, soksanghan il-i

too distressed matter distressed matter-SUB

3 manhi sayngki-nikka nulk-tela salam-i.

86

many happen-CN get.old-RET person-SUB

‘And, I became very old. A person gets old, because great distress

happens.’

4 B: Cincca?

really

‘Really?’

5 A: Kewul po-ko na khayp nollass-tanikka.

mirror look.at-CN I very surprised-TANIKKA

6 Wancen halmeni twayss-e.

completely grandmother became-IE

7 Ya ne, neto na po-myen nolla-l-kel.

VOC you you.too me look.at-CD surprise-ATTR-PRESUM

‘I was very surprised by looking at myself in the mirror. (I) became

completely a grandmother. You will be surprised as well if you look at

me.’

8 B: Ewu ya.

oh dear

‘Oh dear.’

9 A: Halmeni-ya. Salcci-ko mak melito khayp

grandmother-IE gain.weight-CN FIL hair.too very

10 cicepwunhay-kaciko. Ahyu, cwuk-ul mas-i-ta.

messy-CN EXC die-ATTR flavour-COP-DEC

‘I’m a grandmother. (I) gained weight and my hair is very messy. Ugh,

it’s unbearable.’

11 B: Weynilini.

oh.dear

‘Oh dear.’

Here, speaker A begins her conversation by saying in lines 1, 2 and 3 that she became

very old because of upsetting experiences. Then, speaker B reacts by asking ‘really?’ in

line 4, showing her disbelief. In response to speaker B’s reaction, speaker A says Kewul

poko na khayp nollass-tanikka, ‘I was very surprised by looking at myself in the mirror’

in line 5.

87

Probably, competent native speakers of the Korean language would know that

the inset [X] with the frame of -(ta) nikka indicates a somewhat different meaning from

the inset [X] without -(ta) nikka in this context. The utterance without the marker, i.e.

Kewul poko na khayp nollassta, ‘I was very surprised by looking at myself in the

mirror’ would simply state the speaker’s feeling when she watched herself in the mirror

and the speaker’s particular intention to invite the hearer’s involvement would not be

expressed. The speaker’s use of the -(ta) nikka marked utterance carries a more affective

meaning with paralinguistic features, such as intonation and tone of voice. Thus, one

can assume that the speaker A recollects what she has experienced before in the use

of -(ta) nikka with a rising intonation to convey her intense feeling. In the case of the

example (5) above, the intended force of the speaker is convincing the hearer who does

not believe the speaker’s utterance. The speaker’s -(ta) nikka marked utterance implies

that ‘Yes, listen, it is true. I looked very old and was very surprised when I saw myself

in the mirror’. The colloquial adverb khayp ‘very’ is used here, and this intensifier also

strengthens the speaker’s feeling of surprise, and thereby, the -(ta) nikka marked

utterance indicates the strong desire to make the speaker’s speech and feeling

understood. When she hears the -(ta) nikka marked utterance, speaker B shows her

emotional sympathy by the interjection Ehyu ya, which means ‘Oh dear’ in line 8.

The effect of the -(ta) nikka utterance is to increase the degree of involvement of

the hearer as well as of the speaker by stimulating the hearer’s interest in recalling what

happened to the speaker previously. In the use of the -(ta) nikka marked utterance, it is

possible to observe that the speaker attempts to convey affective meaning, and at the

same time the speaker expects to build co-affective ground with the hearer, by sending a

metamessage that ‘Listen to me, I want you to know what happened to me’.

A primary feature for the function of speaker-oriented recollection of -(ta) nikka

is the role that it plays in recollecting the speaker’s own knowledge about what

88

happened before, thereby to express his/her ego involvement of the speaker, and at the

same time to invite the involvement of the hearer. In this function of the speaker-

oriented recollection, the -(ta) nikka marked utterance is used as if the speaker repeated

his/her utterance with this marker. The following example verifies this point and shows

that the speaker’s use of -(ta) nikka connotes pseudo-repetition.


1 A: Kulay cengsin-i eps-nun kes kathta.

yes wits-SUB out.of-ATTR thing PRESUM

2 Kulayto enni ike-nun sippwun isang

but older.sister this-TOP ten.minutes more.than

3 cina-yatoy-ki ttaymwuney kuttaykkacinun hay-yatway.

pass-NEC-NOM because then.till do-NEC

‘Yes, you seem to be out of your wits. But sister, this should be used

more than ten minutes, so we should talk on the phone till then.’

4 B: Ung.

yes

‘Yes.’

5 A: Um, cwungkan-ey an-kkunhki-myen tahayng-i-n ke-ko

um middle-TEMP NEG-cut-CD lucky-COP-ATTR NOM-CN

6 kkunhki-myenun tto tasi hay-yatoy-nun kes-i-ko.

cut-CD again once.more do-NEC-ATTR thing-COP-CN

‘Um, it should be lucky if the phone call isn’t broken up in the middle of

conversation, and if it is broken up, then I should make a phone call

again.’

7 B: Kukey way kkunhki-n-ke-ya, totaychey.

that why disconnected-ATTR-NOM-IE on.earth

‘Why on earth was that disconnected?’

8 A: Khemphyuthe-ka syestawun twayss-tanikka.

computer-SUB shut.down became-TANIKKA

‘The computer shut down.’

9 B: Nappun kes.

bad thing

89

‘A bad thing.’

10 A: Kulenikka ku khemphyuthe-ka komwulttakci-la kulay.

so that computer-SUB junk-CN that.is

‘That’s because that computer is junk.’

In (6), speaker B asks why the phone call between her and speaker A was disconnected

before in line 7. Speaker A explains that the disconnection of the phone call was due to

her computer’s shutting down, by framing her utterances with the self-quotation

marker -(ta) nikka. The -(ta) nikka utterance in this context gives a flavour of

‘repetition’, that is, ‘I said the computer shut down’. However, there is no clue that

speaker A repeats her utterance, thereby it is possible to assume that the speakers have

no shared information. The speaker’s use of -(ta) nikka as a function of the speaker-

oriented recollection here is, again, to stimulate the hearer’s interest and anticipates a

certain reaction from the hearer. Speaker A could have just said Khemphyutheka

syestawun twayse, ‘Because the computer shut down’, by using the clausal ending, -se

to explain the reason, however, the speaker’s marked ego involvement, as well as the

invitation of the hearer’s involvement, would not be indicated. Furthermore, by

using -(ta) nikka, the speaker expects to form co-affective ground, such as sympathy

and agreement. This is well observed in speaker B’s response in line 9, in which she

blames the problem on the computer, saying Nappun kes, which means ‘A bad

computer’. The utterance made by speaker B here shows her sympathy for speaker A’s

irritated feeling about the disconnection of the phone call.

In summary, the function of speaker-oriented recollection of -(ta) nikka is (i)

self-voice expressed by the speaker himself/herself in the form of pseudo-repetition; and

(ii) self-voice seeking to build co-affective ground based on the speaker’s past

experience, by sending a metamessage of ‘Listen to me, I want you to know what

happened to me’.

90

4.3 Mutually understood recollection

This section explores the function of mutually understood recollection of -(ta) nikka.

The reason for using the label mutually understood recollection for this function is that

the speech act is the speaker’s use of the -(ta) nikka marked utterance to recollect

mutual knowledge of the speaker and the hearer. This means that the information is

already shared between the speaker and the hearer in an earlier conversation. Therefore,

the speaker uses -(ta) nikka, presupposing that the hearer would already know the

information.

To discuss the function of mutually understood recollection of -(ta) nikka,

example (7) taken from the Korean telephone conversations is examined.


1 A: Honlan. Kachikwan-uy honlan.

confusion values-LK confusion

‘Confusion, confusion of values.’

2 B: Ahyu, way ilehkey chwup-nya, kuntey?

boy why like.this cold-INTR by.the.way

‘Boy, why is it cold like this, by the way?’

3 A: Hithe ttattushan palam nao-ki sicakha-nuntey icey.

heater warm air come-NOM begin-CIR now

‘Now warm air begins to come out from the heater.’

4 B: Nao-nya? Thul-eya-keyss-ta. A chwuw-e.

come-INTR turn.on-NEC-DTRE-DEC EXC cold-IE

‘Does it come out? It should be turned on. Oh, it’s cold.’

5 A: Kulenikka kke nohu-myen an toy-n-tanikka.

so turn.off leave-CD NEG become-ATTR-TANIKKA

6 Na-n chanpalam nao-l ttay pakkey naka-iss-ess-canha.

I-TOP cold.air come.out-ATTR when outside go-PROG-PAST-SFP

‘So, (I said) you shouldn’t turn it off. I was outside when the cold air was

coming out from the heater.’

7 B: (laugh)

91

In (7), speaker A uses the -(ta) nikka frame again in line 5, with an inset of Kulenikka

kke nohumyen an toynta, which means ‘So, you shouldn’t turn it off’. Before this

conversation, speaker B was saying that she feels cold, because she turned off her heater.

On the other hand, speaker A did not turn off her heater, and she feels that warm air

begins to come out of the heater in line 3. Speaker A’s utterance with -(ta) nikka in line

5 can be interpreted as ‘I said you shouldn’t turn off your heater’. Therefore, it is

possible to assume that speaker A might have told speaker B in the previous context

about the heater which should not be turned off, and she repeats her utterance with

the -(ta) nikka frame in this context. Speaker A’s -(ta) nikka utterance is based on what

she said before, and this implies that speaker B would already know the previous

utterance of speaker A. What can be observed here is, first, speaker A’s presupposition

that speaker B would understand what speaker A means with the -(ta) nikka utterance,

by recollecting her previous utterance. Therefore, secondly, this -(ta) nikka utterance is

based on a mutual understanding between speakers A and B. Although motivated by

what the speaker said before, this function is distinguished from that of the speaker-

oriented recollection, since the information is not shared between the speaker and the

hearer in the speaker-oriented recollection.

To elaborate the discussion of the function of the mutually understood

recollection of -(ta) nikka, the following example from the Korean telephone

conversations is analysed.


1 A: Sinwu.

sister-in-law

‘I’m sinwu (one’s husband’s sister).’

2 B: Sinwu-i-n-ka?

sister-in-law-COP-ATTR-INTR

‘Is she your sister-in-law?’

92

3 A: Ani olkhey toy-nun-ke-ci.

no sister-in-law become-ATTR-NOM-COM

4 Nay-ka sinwu-ka toy-ci.

I-SUB sister-in-law-SUB become-COM

5 Mostoyn sinwu mak ile-.

bad sister-in-law FIL

‘No, she will be olkhey (the wife of one’s brother). I will be a sinwu. A

wicked sister-in-law...’

6 B: Olkhey? E. ung kulay mac-e. Ewu ku pwulssangha-ta.

sister-in-law yes yes yes right-IE EXC FIL pathetic-DEC

‘Olkhey? Yes. Yes, right. Oh, she is pathetic.’

7 A: Ya ku enni-n cengmal sicip cal on-ke-ci.

VOC that sister-TOP really marry well come-NOM-COM

8 Nay-ka ilehkey coha-se.

I-SUB like.this good-CN

‘Hey, she marries well, because I am a good sister-in-law.’

9 B: Cengmal wancenhi ta coh-untey, wancenhi han myeng

really perfectly all good-CIR perfectly one CL

10 ttaymwuney wancenhi.

because perfectly

‘Really, everything is perfectly good, but, because of one person,

completely...’

11 A: Wuli enni, ayu mwuncey-lanikka.5 Nato kekceng-tway.

my sister EXC problem-LANIKKA I.also worry-PASS

‘My sister, oh she is a problem. I also worry.’

In (8), speaker A talks about her future sister-in-law who will marry speaker A’s

younger brother. Speaker B is speaker A’s friend and she knows speaker A’s family

members well. Before starting this conversation, speaker A was saying that she cannot

attend her brother’s wedding ceremony as she is in America to learn English. Also,

speaker A said that her mother does not care whether or not her daughter attends the

5 The declarative ending -ta in -(ta) nikka is replaced with -la, when the copula i- precedes. The copula i- is omitted if it is used after a vowel, thus there is no i- between mwuncey and lanikka in mwunceylanikka.

93

wedding ceremony. In this conversation, speaker A tells a joke that she would be a

wicked sinwu (one’s husband’s sister), and speaker B says that speaker A’s future

sister-in-law is pathetic in line 6. Then, speaker A refutes this in lines 7 and 8 by saying

that her future sister-in-law marries well, as she will have a good sinwu. Speaker B

agrees with it, but she has concerns about one person, and she does not mention who it

is in lines 9 and 10. Hearing that, speaker A notices that what speaker B wants to refer

to is speaker A’s sister, and speaker A uses the -(ta) nikka utterance by saying that Wuli

enni, ayu mwuncey-lanikka, which means ‘My sister, oh she is a problem’ in line 11.

Once again, speaker A uses -(ta) nikka here, presupposing that speaker B would

know well speaker A’s sister who has a problem with relationships with other people.

This means that speaker A told speaker B about her sister’s problem in an earlier

context, and speaker A repeats her utterance in this context. With the use of the -(ta)

nikka marked utterance, speaker A invites the involvement of speaker B to maintain an

ongoing conversation, by sending the metamessage that ‘Listen. You should fully

understand what I am saying’.

As seen in the two examples above, speakers use -(ta) nikka to quote self-

utterance which was made in previous contexts, and they repeat the previous utterance

in the current context, by presupposing that the information or knowledge is shared with

hearers. The -(ta) nikka marked utterance is also employed to express the speaker’s

feelings and attitudes when recollecting his/her utterance. In order to discuss this feature,

the present study will show another instance extracted from the telephone conversation.


1 A: Nay-ka wuli appa sengkyek-ul a-nuntey.

I-SUB my dad personality-OBJ know-CIR

‘I know my dad’s personality, so.’

2 B: Ung.

yeah

94

‘Yeah.’

3 A: Cham, sangchel-ul namhanthey cal cwu-si-nun

really hurt-OBJ others.to easily give-HON-ATTR

4 sengkyek-i-ketun.

personality-COP-SFP

‘Really, his personality hurts other people easily.’

5 B: Ung.

yeah

‘Yeah.’

6 A: Kacoktulhantheyna.

family.to.or

‘To family, or.’

7 B: Ung.

yeah

‘Yeah.’

8 A: Kulenikka ponsim-i anila-nun kes-un a-nuntey,

so real.intention-SUB NEG-ATTR NOM-TOP know-CIR

9 ponsim-i kulenikka ilehkey ilpwule kule-nun

real.intention-SUB so like.this deliberately as.such-ATTR

10 ke anila-nun kes a-nikka mwe-lako kuleci-nun

NOM NEG-ATTR NOM know-CN something-QT as.such-ATTR

11 anh-ciman, cham kuke-l tangha-nun salam-tul-un.

NEG-CN really it-OBJ put.up.with-ATTR people-PL-TOP

‘So, I know it is not his real intention, but, real intention, so, I know he

does not do that deliberately, so I don’t say something, but really, people

put up with it...’

12 B: Maum-i aphu-ci. Ahyu.

heart-SUB hurt-COM EXC

‘People are sick at heart. Phew.’

13 A: Kulehci. Kulenikka wuli emma-ka cham taytanha-tanikka.

right therefore our mum-SUB really great-TANIKKA

‘Right. Therefore, our mum is really great.’

14 B: Kulehci. Ttak kuke-l ta khepe-lul ha-si-nikka.

right exactly that-OBJ all taking.care.of-OBJ do-HON-CN

‘That’s right, because she takes care of everything exactly.’

95

In (9), speaker A is having a conversation with speaker B, who is an older sister of

speaker A. Speaker A is talking about her father who easily hurts people regardless of

his intention. In line 11, speaker A stops her talking after saying cham kukel tanghanun

salamtulun, ‘really, people put up with it’. Then, speaker B continues speaker A’s talk

in line 12, saying Maumi aphuci, ‘People are sick at heart’. In line 13, speaker A says

‘Therefore, our mum is really great’, which is framed by -(ta) nikka, and this can be

interpreted as ‘Our mum is really great, as I said before’. Why is the indirect style of

self-quotation used here? And more specifically, why does speaker A find it necessary

to overtly frame her utterance with -(ta) nikka?

One approach to answering this question centres around the use of

‘presupposition’, which is pervasive in language. The self-voice observed here is the

kind attributed solely to the speaker, but it is connected to the hearer as well. In

addressing this perspective, this study draws on some clues from Bakhtin (1986: 68-69).

The desire to make one’s speech understood is only an abstract aspect of the speaker’s

concrete and total speech plan. Moreover, any speaker is himself a respondent to a

greater or lesser degree. He is not, after all, the first speaker, the one who disturbs the

eternal silence of the universe. And he presupposes not only the existence of the

language system he is using, but also the existence of preceding utterances—his own

and others’—with which his given utterance enters into one kind of relation or another

(builds on them, polemicizes with them. Or simply presumes that they are already

known to the listener). Any utterance is a link in a very complexly organized chain of

other utterances.

Although speaker A does not overtly mention that the utterance ‘therefore, our mum is

really great’ was made previously, she relates her utterance to what she said or thought

before by using -(ta) nikka. In other words, speaker A signals her utterance that was

enunciated in the previous context by -(ta) nikka and presupposes that the hearer should

fully understand how speaker A feels about her mother. Speaker B responds to speaker

A’s utterance, by saying ‘That’s right, because she takes care of everything’ in line 14.

96

This shows that speaker B agrees with speaker A’s thoughts and knows the reason why

her mother is great, as the two speakers share a mutual understanding of their father’s

character.

Expressing speaker A’s feeling about her mother with the -(ta) nikka marked

utterance as in the example above increases the degree of involvement, and also

produces the effect of the hearer’s ‘solidarity’ discussed in Brown and Gilman (1960).

The speaker’s use of the -(ta) nikka marked utterance indicates not a simple statement

but a certain expectation that the hearer would understand the speaker’s feelings, and

further, that the speaker wants to share their feelings with the hearer.

So far, the functions of mutually understood recollection have been examined. In

this function, the speaker uses the -(ta) nikka marked utterance to recollect his/her

previous utterance based on presupposition. The last example (10) will clarify the fact

that the information and/or knowledge were already been shared between the speaker

and the hearer in the previous context.


1 A: Nalnalithikha-ko.

delinquent-CN

‘(He/She) looks like a delinquent.’

2 B: Aytul mwe ha-ko nol-a?

children what do-CN hang.out-IE

3 Keki nol teyto eps-canha.

there play place.even no.exist-SFP

‘What do they do to hang out? There is no place to hang out, you know.’

4 A: Cincca nol teyto eps-ko.

really hang.out place.even no.exist-CN

5 Chincca enni maltaylo

really older.sister word.like

6 yeki toykey wihemhan tey-i-n-kapwa.

this quite dangerous place-COP-ATTR-PRESUM

97

7 Salamtul-i ta yesessi nem-umyen

people-SUB all six.o’clock pass-CD

8 naka-cimal-lako mak kulayse.

go.out-NEG-QT FIL so

‘There is no place to hang out, really. Like you said, (I guess) this

is a quite dangerous place. People told me not to go out after 6 o’clock,

so...’

9 B: Ke- ke pwa.

that that look

10 Nay-ka mwunkoli cap-ko ca-yatoyn-tanikka.

I-SUB door.handle hold-CN sleep-NEC-TANIKKA

‘Look, (I told you so). I (told you that) you should sleep holding a

doorhandle.’

11 A: E, maca. Maca. Cincca. Wancen. Ung.

yes right right really completely yes

‘Yes, right. Really. Completely. Yes.’

In the example (10), speakers A and B are friends, and they are talking about a new

town where speaker A recently moved to. From line 4 to 8, speaker A tells B that her

new town is dangerous and she heard from people that she must not go out after 6

o’clock. Upon hearing that, speaker B says Ke pwa, ‘Look, (I told you so)’ in line 9, and

she goes on to say Nayka mwunkoli capko cayatoyn-tanikka, ‘I (told you that) you

should sleep holding a doorhandle’ in line 10. Speaker B’s utterance Ke pwa ‘Look (I

told you so)’ overtly marks that she reminds speaker A of what she said before. That is,

speaker B warned A to secure the door at some point in the past. Speaker A’s utterance

Chincca enni maltaylo, ‘As you told me, really’ in line 5 also verifies that she

remembers B’s previous utterance. The use of a -(ta) nikka marked utterance by speaker

B sends a metamessage that ‘Listen. You should fully understand what I’m saying’.

The illocutionary force of the speaker’s use of -(ta) nikka marked utterance is

recollecting the previous utterance, by presupposing that the hearer would already know

98

the proposition and he/she would fully understand what the speaker says. The

communication taking place here is interactional since it takes place between the

speaker and the hearer. The effects of self-quotation observed are (i) involvement of the

hearer in interaction, eliciting a response from the hearer, and (ii) by recalling the

previous utterances of the speaker in an earlier dialogue based on shared

knowledge, -(ta) nikka as self-quotation expresses the speaker’s feelings and attitudes

toward the hearer, which is different from the other two functions of -(ta) nikka. This

can be clearly identified if different metamessages are considered, as will be shown in

Section 4.4.

In summary, the function of mutually understood recollection of -(ta) nikka is (i)

self-voice expressed by the speaker himself/herself and (ii) self-voice seeking to relate

the speaker’s current utterances to the previous thoughts while expressing the particular

feelings and attitudes of the speaker.

4.4 Differences between three interactional functions of -(ta) nikka

So far, the three interactional functions of -(ta) nikka have been discussed. In previous

studies the function of -(ta) nikka tended to be oversimplified as ‘emphasis’,

‘reconfirmation’, or ‘complaint’(H. Kim 1995; P. Lee 1995; Han 2009; Bae 2010).

However, the current study clearly shows that the speaker’s use of -(ta) nikka manifests

different attitudes according to contexts, by indicating ego involvement and/or

involvement with the hearer, as well as multiple voices. These involvements and

multivoicedness are realised through metamessages in a concrete way. Table 4.1 below

summarises the differences between the three interactional functions with respect to

repetition and metamessages.

99

Table 4.1: Differences between the three interactional functions of -(ta) nikka

Hearer-oriented

recollection

Speaker-oriented

recollection

Mutually

understood

recollection

Repetition Synchronic repetition No repetition/based

on the speaker’s past

experience

Diachronic

repetition/based on

presupposition

Metamessages ‘Listen. I am saying

this repeatedly, why

don’t you

understand?’/‘I want

you to know how I

feel’

‘Listen to me, I want

you to know what

happened to me’

‘Listen. You should

fully understand

what I am saying’

As seen in the table above, the speaker’s use of -(ta) nikka is different in each function

with regard to repetition and metamessages. In hearer-oriented recollection, speakers

use -(ta) nikka when they repeat their own utterances within a discourse, i.e. synchronic

repetition (Tannen 1989; cf Section 3.3). There are two cases. Firstly, the case in which

the speaker shows his/her negative attitude toward the hearer who did not indicate their

understanding of what the speaker was talking about. In this case, the speaker sends a

metamessage with the use of -(ta) nikka that ‘I am saying this repeatedly, why don’t you

understand?’ In the second case, the speaker repeats his/her prior utterance to indicate

his/her intention to share his/her feelings about the information or message that is

conveyed by the -(ta) nikka utterance with the hearer, by sending a metamessage that ‘I

want you to know how I feel’.

In speaker-oriented recollection, the -(ta) nikka marked utterance is not used to

repeat the speaker’s utterance. Instead, the speaker uses this marker based on his/her

past experience to draw the hearer’s attention, by seeking the hearer’s agreement and

100

responses. In this case, the speaker uses -(ta) nikka, by sending the hearer a

metamessage that ‘Listen to me, I want you to know what happened to me’.

In mutually understood recollection, speakers use the -(ta) nikka marked

utterance based on their presupposition that the information and knowledge was already

shared with hearers. Thus, diachronic repetition (Tannen 1989; cf Section 3.3) is

observed here to repeat words from a discourse distant in time. In this case, the speaker

sends the hearer a metamessage that ‘Listen. You should fully understand what I am

saying’.

The metamessages are particularly important, since they obviously show

emotive meanings such as the speaker’s feelings and attitudes in a concrete way. In the

current study, the natural languages, such as I, you, want, feel, know, say, think, hear

and so on, are used to give the meanings of the metamessages (Wierzbicka 1985a,

1985b, 2003, 2008; Goddard 2011). It is believed that these words can account for what

is meant by emotions and feelings more explicitly, by transferring our understanding of

-(ta) nikka from abstractness to concreteness in relation to the concepts of involvement

and multivoicedness.

4.5 -(ta) nikka vs. -tako

This chapter has discussed -(ta) nikka, which indicates three interactional functions in

spoken conversations, by manifesting the speaker’s different attitudes towards the

hearer according to contexts. When considering the speaker’s attitudes and assumptions,

it is worth comparing -(ta) nikka with another marker in the Korean language with

similar functions, in order to clarify the characteristics of -(ta) nikka further.

As is the case with -(ta) nikka, -(ta) ko has undergone grammaticalisation from

indirect quotation marker and it now indicates the speaker’s attitudes in sentence-final

position in spoken interaction (K. Lee 2005). The marker -(ta) ko shares some

101

similarities with -(ta) nikka, and has been discussed in a number of studies on sentence-

final endings in the Korean language (Kwon 1983; W. Huh 1995; H. Kim 1995; J.Y.

Park 1998; H. Lee and J. Lee 1999; Jeon 2002; Yoo 2003; Han 1986, 2004, 2009; I. Lee

2005; K. Lee 2005; Ha 2006; E. Kim 2008; Sohn 2009; Bae 2010; Nam 2010).

That is, this marker is used to repeat the prior utterances of the speaker and the

hearer. It is assumed that -(ta) ko originates from the quotative construction ‘-ko ha-’, as

is the case with -(ta) nikka. However, this marker has different functions depending on

intonation (H. Kim 1987; Han 2009). With the rising intonation, -(ta) ko is used by the

speaker to request the repetition or confirmation of the prior utterance by the hearer, as

in ‘Hakkyoey kantako?’ ‘Did you say to go to school?’ (Han 2009: 200). Yet this

marker is used to repeat the speaker’s prior utterance by the hearer’s request when it is

used with falling intonation, as in ‘Papul meknuntako’ ‘I told you to eat your meal’

(Han 2009: 202). According to Han (2009), if this marker is used with a fast rising

intonation, it indicates the speaker’s attitudes such as surprise, unbelievingness, and

negative view toward the hearer’s prior utterance. J. Y. Park (1998) remarks that -(ta)

nikka and -(ta) ko are similar in meaning and they are interchangeable, by

presenting -(nya) nikka and -(nya) ko, the variants of -(ta) nikka and -(ta) ko,

respectively, in the following example.

(11) A: Tto eti-ya?

again where-IE

‘Where again?’

B: …

A: Tto eti-nyako!6

again where-NYAKO

‘(I repeat) Where again!’ 6 -tako is a representative form for -tako (declarative), -nyako (interrogative), -lako (imperative), -cako (hortaitive), and J.Y. Park (1998)’s example shows the usage of -nyako. The possible embedded mood forms have been discussed further in C. Lee (1988). Rising intonations with these forms indicate reclamatory questions (Bolinger 1986).

102

B: …

A: Tto eti-nyanikka!

again where-NYANIKKA

‘(I repeat) Where again!’ (J.Y. Park 1998: 106)

Quoting P. Lee (1995: 181), Park states that -(nya) ko expresses the speaker’s feeling of

conciliating and -(nya) nikka irritating, while these two markers are replaceable.

Although the degree of the speaker’s feelings is different between two markers,

there is similarity between -(nya) nikka and -(nya) ko in the example above by Park,

where the speaker uses these markers due to the hearer’s non-response, and this is

regarded as the function of hearer-oriented recollection in the present study. However,

the difference between these two markers is made clear if the other functions of -(ta)

nikka are considered: speaker-oriented recollection and mutually understood

recollection. This is because an utterance marked with -(ta) ko does not include the

speaker’s intention to draw the hearer’s attention, and expectation that the hearer should

fully understand the conveyed information. The following two extracts, which were

presented to discuss the functions of -(ta) nikka for the speaker-oriented recollection in

(4) and the mutually understood recollection in (9) respectively, show the difference,

when the same segment is replaced with -(ta) ko. They are represented here as (12) and

(13), respectively.


1 A: Enni isscanha na syaweha-taka kulssey


2 kicelha-l ppen hayss-tako.

faint-ATTR almost did-TAKO

‘Sister, you know, I almost fainted while taking a shower tako.’

103


13 A: Kulenikka wuli emma-ka cham taytanha-tako.

therefore our mum-SUB really great-TAKO

‘Therefore, our mum is really great tako.’

If -(ta) nikka is replaced with -(ta) ko in the two extracts above, they simply reflect that

speakers repeat their utterances in response to hearers’ requests such as ‘I could not hear

you. Could you please repeat what you said?’ or ‘What did you say?’ Therefore,

speakers do not signal their attitudes of ‘Listen to me, I want you to know what

happened to me’ as in the function of speaker-oriented recollection in (12) or ‘Listen.

You should fully understand what I’m saying’ as in the function of mutually understood

recollection in (13).

4.6 Summary

This chapter has discussed the speaker’s use of -(ta) nikka in terms of three functions.

The first function of the -(ta) nikka marked utterance is a hearer-oriented recollection.

This function is triggered by the hearer’s incomprehension, indicating the speaker’s

negative attitude of rebuke towards the hearer who did not pay attention to the speaker’s

previous utterances. However, there is the case in which the speaker repeats his/her

utterance, by signalling his intention to share his/her feelings with the hearer.

The second function of the -(ta) nikka marked utterance is a speaker-oriented

recollection in which the speaker uses -(ta) nikka based on his/her own knowledge

about what happened before, in order to invite involvement by the hearer. In this

function, the -(ta) nikka marked utterance is not used to repeat the previous utterance of

the speaker, which is a distinctive feature of this function. In contrast to the other

functions of -(ta) nikka, the information conveyed by the speaker is not shared with the

hearer. Instead, the reason why the speaker uses -(ta) nikka utterance is to draw the

104

hearer’s attention to what the speaker has experienced. By using -(ta) nikka, the speaker

stimulates the hearer’s interest and anticipates a certain reaction from the hearer. At the

same time, the speaker expects to form a co-affective ground with the hearer.

The third function is a mutually understood recollection in which

‘presupposition’ plays an important role in connecting the speaker’s utterance with the

hearer. In other words, the speaker’s -(ta) nikka utterance is based on a mutual

understanding, and this implies that the information and knowledge are already known

to both the speaker and the hearer. What can be observed in the function of mutually

understood recollection is the speaker’s presupposition and involvement of the hearer in

interaction, by eliciting a response from the hearer.

This chapter also discussed the difference between -(ta) nikka and another

similar marker -tako in the Korean language. It was shown that the difference

between -(ta) nikka and -tako is distinctive when these markers are compared in terms

of the functions of speaker-oriented recollection and mutually understood recollection.

Although these two markers are interchangeable in some cases, for example, in the

function of hearer-oriented recollection, they are different in expressing the speaker’s

attitudes and assumptions.

The three types of functions of -(ta) nikka presented in this chapter show

that -(ta) nikka is an interactive marker, thereby its meanings and functions are realised

by the surrounding contexts. In addition, speakers express their attitudes and

motivations with the use of this marker in a different way according to context.

Moreover, this marker indicates an interactive nature in that speakers use -(ta) nikka to

create a high degree of involvement, by expecting reactions and responses from

interlocutors, and signalling their intention to build co-affective ground with

interlocutors.

105

Chapter 5

A third person’s voice ‘-tay’

5.0 Introduction

In this chapter, the interactional function of -tay will be investigated. While -(ta) nikka

is adopted by speakers to quote their own utterance displaying various attitudes of the

speaker, -tay is used to mark a third person’s utterance only, by indicating its inherent

interactional and dialogical nature. This study will examine the speaker’s use of -tay in

various contexts where he/she uses this marker as a particular strategy to invite the

involvement of the hearer, by assimilating and reworking the other’s voice.

As discussed in Chapter 2, previous studies of -tay pay more attention to the

morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects of the marker and the interactional function

of -tay has not been fully investigated. Although Sohn and Park (2003)’s study sheds

light on our understanding of -tay from interactional point of view, there are counter-

examples to their claim and their account does not provide convincing explanations for

the different functions between -tay and its long form. Consequently, they do not

describe the interactional function of -tay in a consistent way.

In brief, findings of the current study can be summarised as follows. Firstly,

the -tay marked utterance is used to introduce a new topic by the speaker during

interaction, in order to evaluate the information with the hearer. Secondly, the speaker

uses the -tay marked utterance to provide evidence based on an external source and/or a

third person’s utterance. Thirdly, -tay is used to detail contexts when the speaker

provides the hearer with the background information about activities and events that are

106

gained from a third person. Fourthly, the speaker adopts -tay to express his/her

particular attitude in a rhetorical question.

As such, through this chapter, it will be demonstrated that -tay has multiple

functions which are realised in a variety of interactional contexts. In addition, it will be

shown that a quoting strategy is used to create involvement of the speaker with the

hearer and/or the subject matter in interaction, by echoing the other’s voice. In

examining the interactional functions of -tay, the focus has been on discovering the

patterns of speakers’ use of -tay, as this marker emerges in a large majority of cases,

and on understanding the pragmatic acts of meaning-making in surrounding contexts,

by observing what people do with this marker. Therefore, the different context would

allow another analyst to reach the same conclusions.

Chapter 5 is organised in the following manner. The first four sections explore

the interactional functions of -tay based on the telephone conversational data; that is, as

topic initial elicitor in 5.1, as evidence-leaking marker in 5.2, as context-detailing

marker in 5.3, and as a quote-like marker in a rhetorical question in 5.4. Section 5.5

provides a summary of the chapter.

5.1 Topic initial elicitor

This section examines the speaker’s use of -tay as a topic initial elicitor to mark the

introduction of a new topic in the conversation. Button and Casey (1984) state that a

number of features are observed that are relevant for the operation of topic initial

elicitors for establishing a topic in conversation. These features are: (i) topic initial

elicitors segment talk; (ii) they present a newsworthy event; and (iii) they provide an

open, though bounded, domain from which events may be selected as possible topic

initials. These features can be applied to the function of -tay as topic initial elicitor. For

instance, the speaker’s use of -tay marks a new segment of talk, by displaying that talk

107

will proceed further, not from prior talk, but from his/her inquiry. In addition, the -tay

marked utterance presents a newsworthy event report which has not been topical in the

prior talk.

Let us observe (1) below, in order to see how the speaker uses -tay to introduce

a new topic, and also to invite involvement of the hearer, by quoting someone else’s

voice. Prior to this extract, speakers A and B have been talking about their friend

Chaeok. Speaker A then draws the attention of speaker B, saying that she will tell a very

interesting story in lines 1 and 2. After a brief response from B in line 3, speaker A

comes up with a new topic with the -tay marked utterance in line 4.


1 A: A cham, ya Enyoung-a nay-ka nemwu nemwu wuski-n

EXC hang.on VOC Enyoung-VOC I-SUB really really fun-ATTR

2 yayki hana ha-y-cwe-yatwa-y.

story one do-IE-give-NEC-IE

‘Ah, hang on. Hey Enyoung, I have to give you a really very interesting

story.’

3 B: Ung, ung? Mwe?

yeah yeah what

‘Yeah, yeah? What?’

4 A: Issci, Haesu-ka (laugh) Hanhako cikum naka-koiss-tay.

FIL Haesu-SUB Han.with now go.out-PROG-TAY

‘Look, Haesu, (I’ve heard) Heasu is now going out with Han.’

5 B: Han?

Han

‘Han?’

6 A: E.

yeah

‘Yeah.’

7 B: ARE YOU KIDDING ME?

8 A: Han nwukwu-n-ci alci.

Han who-ATTR-COM know

108

‘You know who Han is, don’t you?’

9 B: E.

yeah

‘Yeah.’

10 A: E, ceki, Han YOU KNOW MY EX-BOYFRIEND.

yeah FIL Han

‘Yeah, well, Han, you know, my ex-boyfriend.’

11 B: OH MY GOD!

…………………….(following forty five lines omitted)……………….

57 A: Nemwu wuski-cianh-ni?

very funny-NEG-INTER

‘Very funny, isn’t it?’

As can be understood in line 4, speaker A employs -tay to inform speaker B that Han,

A’s ex-boyfriend, is going out with Haesu, who is regarded as a friend or acquaintance

of the speakers A and B, considering the context of this conversation. The information

conveyed by A is new to speaker B, since B’s responses indicate her surprise at lines 5,

7 and 11. Following the conversation presented above, speaker A goes on, saying how

her ex-boyfriend Han and Haesu met, and from whom she gained the information. After

this segment, speaker A says ‘Nemwu wuskicianhni?’ which means literally ‘Isn’t it

funny?’ in line 57. However, contextually we can see that the information introduced by

speaker A in (1) is not actually a funny or interesting story. The illocutionary force of

speaker A’s utterance is seen as criticising, by implying ‘How can it happen?’ It

becomes quite clear if readers can assume the relationship between speaker A and her

ex-boyfriend Han. The reason why speaker A introduces the information with the use of

-tay is that she feels unhappy with the story of Han and Haesu, and invites the hearer to

talk about it.

In Chapter 3, the fact that a quotation strategy extends the speaker’s expressivity

beyond mere referential meaning was discussed. In other words, the speaker conveys

109

his/her expression with an evaluative tone when he/she conveys information. The -tay

marked utterance in (1) conveys new information based on what the speaker heard, and

at the same time it signals the speaker’s intention to evaluate the information with the

hearer.

To elaborate this discussion, let us examine the following example (2), which

shows an instance of the speaker’s use of -tay to bring up a new topic for a talk. In this

dialogue, speaker A is talking about what happened in a business research method class

at his university.


1 A: Kulayse. Ku ipen-ey caymiss-nun, caknyen hakki-ey

so that this-TEMP interesting-ATTR last.year semester-TEMP

2 caymiss-nun saken-i hana iss-ess-ta. (laugh)

interesting-ATTR event-SUB CL exist-PAST-DEC

‘So, this time it’s interesting, there was an interesting event in the

semester last year.’

3 B: Mwey-eyyo?

what-POL

‘What was that?’

4 A: F-lul hankwamok-eyse tases myeng-ina cwess-tay.

F-OBJ one.subject-LOC five CL-even gave-TAY

‘(I’ve heard that the professor) gave as many as five people F for one

subject.’

5 B: E eti guraydyuaythukwa-eyse-yo? Nwuka-yo?

where graduate.department-LOC-POL who-POL

‘Where? Did that happen at the graduate department? Who did it?’

6 A: Ung. (laugh) Ung? Saylo on marketingkyoswu-ka,

yes. what newly came marketing.professor-SUB

7 (breath) business research method-eyse.

business research method-LOC

‘Yes. What? A marketing professor who newly came, (it happened) in

the class of business research method.’

110

8 B: (breath) Way-yo?

why-POL

‘Why?

……………… (following two lines omitted)…………………………..

11 A: Mwe ku kayphanulo kaluchyess-nuntey kaluchi-ki-to.

what that fuck.up taught-CIR teach-NOM-also

‘He fucked up his teaching.’

In (2), speaker A provides speaker B with new information by using the -tay marked

utterance during their conversation, by saying that five students were given grade F in

line 4. The feeling of surprise by the hearer at line 5 indicates that the information

provided by the other speaker, A, is regarded as new information to the hearer. It is also

noteworthy that here, B’s surprised feeling appears in the form of a series of questions

is seen as the involvement of the hearer in response to speaker A’s invitation to develop

a talk, which has been initiated by -tay.

As is the case with the example (1), by using the -tay marked utterance speaker

A introduces new information, which is obtained from someone else, to the

conversation, in order to evaluate the information with the hearer. This can be phrased

as a metamessage that ‘Listen. I want to talk about this with you now’. If we examine

conversation that follows after line 8, it is clearly revealed why speaker A informs B of

the event by the use of the -tay marked utterance. Also, speaker A goes on to talk about

the professor who gave the F grade to five students, and he says Mwe ku kayphanulo

kaluchyessnuntey kaluchikito, ‘He fucked up his teaching’ in line 11. After the excerpt

presented above, speaker A ends his talk, by saying that Seysangey Flul tases myengi

patnuntanun key mali…, which means ‘How on earth can five people get the F grade?’

As can be understood from the utterances by speaker A, who is criticising the event, a

quoting strategy here is employed to introduce a new topic, and at the same time it

signals the speaker’s intention to evaluate the topic with the hearer.

111

While -tay is used to evaluate the topic introduced by the speaker, there are also

instances of -tay marked utterance used to construct ‘dialogic relations’ (Bakhtin

1986). 1 The following example will show that the speaker adopts the -tay marked

utterance to build up a new conversation, and forms ‘dialogic relations’ by reflecting the

meanings that speakers had made in interactions with hearers in previous contexts.

When the speaker repeats the previous utterances in new contexts, he/she forms

‘dialogic relations’ between participants in previous contexts and participants in new

contexts.

Prior to this conversation, speaker A has been talking about discovery cards and

she has begun to change her topic, by inserting her older sister’s utterance.


1 A: Kulaykaciko apeci-ka kucekkey o-sy-ess-tay.

so father-SUB two.days.ago come-HON-PAST-TAY

2 siksaha-si-le.

have.meal-HON-PUR

‘So, (My older sister said that) my father came to have a meal two days

ago.’

3 B: Ung.

yes

‘Yes.’

4 A: Kulaykaciko o-sye-kaciko kule-te-lay.2

so come-HON-CN as.such-RET-QT

5 Nay-ka icey wulicip sa-nun-kes.

I-SUB now my.home buy-ATTR-NOM

6 Samsip nyen sanghwanha-n-tanikka,

thirty years repay-ATTR-TANIKKA

7 wuli emma nemwu hansimha-n-kapwa. 1 See the discussion of ‘dialogic relations’ in Section 3.4 in Chapter 3. 2 The marker -lay in kule-te-lay is a phonetic variant of -tay. In this usage, kule-si-te-lay with the honorific marker -si is more appropriate, since it conveys the utterance of speaker A’s father who is the subject to be respected. According to C. Lee (2011, 2012), the retrospective suffix -te, which is the direct perceptual evidential marker, marks ‘aloofness’ when it co-occurs with -lay.

112

my mum very pathetic-ATTR-PRESUM

‘So, my father came and said, buying my home now…My mum seemed

to think I am pathetic, because I said that I will be repaying my home

loan for thirty years.’

8 B: (laugh)

9 A: Kuleteni ne kuke ta naykona-myen ne ilhunsal

then you that all pay.after-CD you seventy.years.old

10 ta toy-n-tay.

almost become-ATTR-TAY

‘Then, (she said that) I will become almost seventy years old after

repaying it all.’

11 B: (laugh) Swuncinha-sy-e.

naïve-HON-IE

‘She is naïve.’

……………………. (following twenty nine lines omitted)……………….

41 B: (laugh) Ani kulayse kyellon-un mwe-ya,

no so conclusion-TOP what-IE

42 apenim-i apeci-ka te pothaynta-nun ke-ya?

father-SUB father-SUB more support-ATTR NOM-IE

‘No, so, what is the conclusion, is it that your father will provide more

support?’

43 A: E. Te pothaycwu-n-tay.

yes more support-ATTR-TAY

‘Yes, (my sister said that) my father will provide more support.’

In line 1, speaker A starts her new conversation, by quoting her older sister’s voice with

the use of the -tay marked utterance. According to A’s older sister, their father came

over to her home for dinner, and talked about A’s purchase of home. Speaker A’s

mother, who probably had a conversation with A before, said that A would be almost

seventy years old after repaying all her home loan, at lines 9 and 10. Her utterance is

conveyed by A with the use of the -tay marked utterance. B’s response at line 11,

Swuncinhasye ‘She is naïve’ shows her evaluation of the utterance by A’s mother.

113

Speaker A uses the -tay marked utterance again at line 43, by saying that her father will

provide more support. This utterance was transferred by A’s older sister earlier, then by

A in the current context.

As seen in this dialogue, speaker A echoes multiple voices by inserting her

parents’ utterances as well as her older sister’s in the use of the -tay marked utterance.

In this regard, the quoting strategy employed by the speaker here can be regarded as

forming ‘dialogic relations’ between the participants. In Bakhtin’s words:

Two juxtaposed utterances belonging to different people who know nothing about one

another if they only slightly converge on one and the same subject (idea), inevitably

enter into dialogic relations with one another. They come into contact with one another

on the territory of a common theme, a common idea (Bakhtin 1986: 114).

Maynard also notes the following:

Inserting conversation in discourse is a strategy that overtly signals the multivoicedness

of discourse. In language, depending on its purpose, and consequently, depending on

the devices and strategies used in actual expressions, discourse may be more or less

open and more or less responsive to dialogic interpretation (Maynard 2005: 844).

Although speaker A’s parents and sister are not present in this conversation, they enter

into ‘dialogic relations’ with speakers A and B through the quoting strategy. In addition,

inserting another conversation makes it possible to add dynamics to the talk, since it

allows the speaker to echo multiple voices simultaneously.

The speaker’s use of the -tay marked utterance in line 1 is used as topic initial

elicitor, by laying the foundation of a new chunk of talk. However, the -tay marked

utterances in lines 10 and 43 indicate different functions. These functions are regarded

as a context-detailing marker which will be discussed in Section 5.3. In addition, the

speaker’s use of the -tay marked utterances in this context contribute to forming

‘dialogic relations’ between participants by bonding the other’s voice to conversation

and to the same topic.

114

The examples consistently show that the effect of the -tay marked utterance is

interactional, since it invites the hearer’s involvement to build a new conversation.

Moreover, -tay as a topic initial elicitor indicates the involvement of the speaker with

the subject matter that expresses his/her particular interests in the talk.

5.2 Evidence-leaking marker

In this section, the function of -tay as an evidence-leaking marker based on the other’s

voice will be explored. The speaker’s use of -tay indicates the reliability of the

information which is gained from an external source. What is different to the function

of topic initial elicitor is that the speaker does not present a new topic with the -tay

marked utterance but uses this marker to suggest his/her opinion on the information

presented by the interlocutor.

The following example of -tay is used to express the speaker’s attitude toward

the information.


1 A: Enni, kuntey na-nun ssentheylosyen-ul palu-myen

older.sister by.the.way I-TOP suntan.lotion-OBJ put.on-CD

2 elkwul-ey twutuleki-ka na-n-ta.

face-LOC rash-SUB come.out-ATTR-DEC

‘Sister, by the way, I get rashes on my face if I put on suntan lotion.’

3 B: Ung, ung.

yes yes

‘Yes, yes?’

4 B: Kulaykacikoissci ssentheynto conglyu-ka yelekaci-ka iss-tay.

and.so suntan.too kind-SUB various-SUB be-TAY

5 Nay-ka kuttay mwusun syo-lul pwass-nuntey,

I-SUB at.that.time some show-OBJ saw-CIR

‘So, (I heard that) there are various suntans, I saw a show at that time.’

6 A: E, e.

115

yes yes

‘Yes, yes.’

7 B: (breath) Sentheyn-i phipwu-ey hupswuha-nun ssentheynto iss-ko

suntan-SUB skin-LOC absorb-ATTR suntan.too exist-CN

8 cakichelem phipwu thulepul-i iss-nun salam-un

you.like skin trouble-SUB exist-ATTR person-TOP

‘There is a suntan lotion absorbed into skin too, and the person who has

skin trouble like you…’

9 A: Ung, ung.

yes yes

‘Yes, yes.’

10 B: Kunyang ilehkey wieytaka phaykman ha-nun-ke-ya.

just like.this on pack.only do-ATTR-NOM-IE

11 phipwu-ey hupswu-ka an toy-nun sangthay-eyse.

skin-LOC absorb-SUB NEG become-ATTR condition-LOC

‘Just pack on it like this, if the condition skin does not absorb it.’

12 A: E, a, a.

yes ah ah

‘Yes, ah, ah.’

13 B: Kulen ssentheynto iss-tay. Kulenikka hanpen mwule-po-ci.

that suntan.too exist-TAY so once ask-AUX-COM

‘(I heard that) there is that kind of suntan lotion too. So, try to ask

(someone).’

In (4), speaker A says to speaker B that she gets rashes on her face when she puts on

suntan lotion. Speaker B responds saying ‘(I heard that) there are various kinds of

suntan lotions, I saw a TV show then’ in lines 4 and 5, which is information obtained

from an external source, a TV show, with the frame of indirect quotation -tay. Speaker

B continues her talk about kinds of suntan lotions, and in 13, she says that ‘(I heard

that) there is such a suntan lotion, so try to ask’, using -tay again here. Why does

speaker B represent the information by way of representing the other’s voice, that is,

116

somebody else’s words, instead of just stating that ‘there are various kinds of suntan

lotions’ or ‘there is such and such a suntan lotion’?

According to Chafe (1985), expressing the attitudes of speakers toward the

knowledge or information in communication has to do with the reliability of that

knowledge, or the reasoning that resulted in the information. Within linguistics, such

phenomena have been categorised under the heading ‘evidentiality’ (Chafe and

Nicholas, in press). Chafe (1985) states that one type of evidentiality has to do with

marking knowledge more specifically as having been derived from a particular kind of

evidence, usually either from sensory evidence or from hearsay.

Close inspection of (4) reveals the intention of the speaker as expressed in the

use of indirect quotation. She is not fully convinced of the truth of the information since

she has not learned the information by experience. However, speaker B wants to give

speaker A the information, which is reliable and trustworthy. Furthermore, she wants to

suggest speaker A try other suntan lotions that do not cause skin trouble. By using the

indirect quotation marker -tay, the speaker tries to show the reliability of the

information to support her opinion.

To elaborate this discussion, let us examine the following example (5). Prior to

the conversation below, speaker B has been talking about sesame oil. Her friends ate the

food speaker B’s mother cooked, and they had diarrhoea. Speaker B assumes that the

diarrhoea is due to sesame oil.


1 A: Nay-ka yocum ku yengyang po-ketun-yo.

I-SUB these.days FIL nutrition check-COR-POL

‘I check that nutrition these days.’

2 B: Yey.

yes

‘Yes.’

117

3 A: Chanolla-ka coh-tay-yo kaps-un

canola-SUB good-TAY-POL price-TOP

‘(I heard that) canola oil is good, the price.’

4 B: Chanolla-ka mwe sikmwulseng mwusun sikmwul-i-yey-yo?

canola-SUB something phytogenic what plant-COP-IE-POL

‘Canola oil is something phytogenic, what is the plant?’

5 A: Molu-keyss-eyo.

do.not.know-DTRE-POL

6 Seouleyse-to kakkum chanollasencen-ul manhi hayss-nuntey.

Seoul.in.too sometimes canola.advertisement-OBJ a.lot did-CIR

‘I don’t know. Sometimes there was a lot of advertisement in Seoul too.’

7 B: A ollipuoil-un nemwu pissa.

EXC olive.oil-TOP too expensive

‘Oh, olive oil is too expensive.’

8 A: Ollipuoil-un pissa-ntey na-nun hyang-i pyello

olive.oil-TOP expensive-CIR I-TOP fragrance-SUB not.so

9 an-coh-tela-ko.

NEG-good-RET-CN

10 Kuntey cehuy siemenim-i

by.the.way my mother.in.law-SUB

‘Olive oil is expensive, but its fragrance is not good for me. By the way,

my mother-in-law…’

11 B: Ung. Kuliko nemwu nukkiha-ko.

yes and too oily-CN

‘Yes, and it is too oily.’

12 A: Kholleysuthulol ttaymwuney kuke-ka cokum nas-tay-yo,

cholesterol because.of that-SUB a.bit better-TAY-POL

13 ollipuoil-i.

olive.oil-SUB

‘(My mother-in-law said that) olive oil is better because of cholesterol.’

14 B: Yey.

yes

‘Yes.’

15 A: Yey, kulayse kuke-lul sanwass-nuntey,

yes so it-OBJ bought-CIR

118

‘Yes, so I bought it but…’

…………………….(following seven lines omitted)……………………...

23 A: Kuntey sinmwun-ey po-nikka ani chayk-ey po-nikka

by.the way newspaper-LOC read-CN no book-LOC read-CN

24 vege ceki ollipuoilina canolla-lul mek-ula-ko sseiss-tela-ko-yo.

vege FIL olive.oil.or canola-OBJ eat-IMP-QT written-RET-QT-POL

25 Kulenikka taumeynun chanolla sa-sey-yo.

thus next.time canola buy-HON-POL

‘By the way, I read a newspaper, no, a book, where it was written to eat

vege…well, olive oil or canola oil. So, buy canola oil next time.’

In (5), speaker A uses the -tay utterance, conveying the information that canola oil is

good in line 3. In line 7, speaker B says that olive oil is too expensive. Hearing that,

speaker A supports B’s opinion on olive oil, and adds her opinion that she doesn’t like

the fragrance of olive oil at lines 8 and 9. While speaker B continues to tell her negative

opinion on olive oil, that it is too oily, at line 11, speaker A quotes her mother-in-law’s

utterance, by saying that olive oil is a bit better than canola oil because of cholesterol in

lines 10, 12 and 13, and she bought olive oil in line 15. After this segment, A tells B

that the prices of canola, vegetable and corn oil are similar except for olive oil in

omitted lines. Then, speaker A suggests speaker B buy canola oil next time in line 25,

saying that she gained the information from a book in lines 23 and 24.

Again, speaker A’s use of -tay here marks the information that is obtained from

an external source which is reliable and objective. Regarding the context in the excerpt

above, the main point that speaker A wants to say is to recommend that speaker B buys

canola oil, as seen in line 25. A quoting strategy is used here, first, to support the

speaker’s opinion that canola oil is good, by providing information from a book as

evidence. The speaker’s use of the -tay marked utterance is also used to provide

reasoning by inserting a third person’s utterance; that is, speaker A bought olive oil as

she gained the information about it from her mother-in-law. As such, the -tay marked

119

utterance in this context is used to mark evidence with certain kinds of reliability and

reasoning.

While the speaker’s use of -tay indicates the reliability of the information to

suggest something, it can be used to inform knowledge and detach the speaker from the

responsibility for conveying the knowledge in a different context. The following

example shows that the -tay marked utterance is employed to provide evidence of the

information, which has to do with the negative evaluation of the speaker in an implicit

way. Prior to the conversation below, speakers A and B have been talking about Gary,

who is a student learning English at the same college. Speaker A has said that Gary

seems to be a very nice guy, but speaker B provides an opposite view of Gary in the use

of -tay, which is gained from others.


1 A: E, eng, ung.

yes yes yes






‘But Gary’s classmates say that he is too different from what he looks

like.’

4 A: Eng. Cengmal-i-ya?

yes really-COP-IE

‘Yes. Really?’

5 B: Salam-i ai kulenikka phyengsoeyn coh-tay. Kuntey,

person-SUB FIL in.other.words usually good-TAY but

‘(They say that) the person, well, in other words, usually he is good,

but...’

6 A: Ung.

yes

120

‘Yes.’

7 B: Ttak enu swunkan-ey caki kipwun-ey kesulli-myenun

just some point-TEMP oneself nerve-LOC jangle-CD

8 kipwunnappaha-nun key nwun-ey poi-n-tay-n-ta.

feel.bad-ATTR NOM eyes-LOC seen-ATTR-TAY-ATTR-DEC

‘(They say that) his bad feeling is obvious to them if something jangles

his nerves just at some point.’

9 A: Cengmal-i-ya?

really-COP-IE

‘Really?’

10 B: Ku thi-ka nal cengtolo phak ku

FIL mark-SUB visible degree completely FIL

11 phyoceng-i pyenha-n-tay.

facial.expression-SUB change-ATTR-TAY

‘(They say that) his facial expression is completely changed and becomes

visible.’

12 A: He. Eme weynil-i-ya.

EXC EXC what.on.earth-COP-IE

‘Huh, oh, what on earth is it.’

13 B: Kuttaypwuthe mak isanghayci-n-tay, salam-i.

then.from FIL become.weird-ATTR-TAY person-SUB

‘(They say that) he becomes weird from then.’

14 A: Ememe, ememe. Cengmal?

EXC EXC really

‘Oh my gosh, oh my gosh. Really?’

15 B: Ne-n acik kulen ke eps-ess-e?

you-TOP yet such thing no.exist-PAST-IE

‘Didn’t you have such a thing yet?’

16 A: Wuli-n kulen ke eps-ess-e.

we-TOP such thing no.exist-PAST-IE

‘We had no such a thing.’

17 B: E, kulayse nay-ka pokieynun salam kwaynchanh-un kes

well so I-SUB view.in person nice-ATTR NOM

18 kath-untey, aytul-i kule-tela-ko.

PRESUM-CIR they-SUB say-RET-QT

121

‘Well, so, in my view he looks like a nice person, but they said that.’

In (6), using the -tay marked utterance, speaker B conveys information about Gary

based on what she heard from other people who are Gary’s classmates. Quoting their

voices, B says that Gary is different from what he looks like in lines 2 and 3. Speaker B

goes on to talk about Gary, saying that he is a good person in line 5, but his bad feelings

are visible when something gets on his nerves in lines 7, 8 and 10, 11 and that he

becomes weird, in line 13.

As seen in this example, speaker B provides A with the evidence that Gary is not

such a good guy as speaker A thinks, by using the -tay marked utterance. In lines 17 and

18, speaker B says that ‘In my view, he looks like a nice person but they said that’.

From this utterance, it can be assumed that speaker B wants to inform speaker A that

Gary’s personality is somewhat different from what they think. Although speaker B did

not experience or observe Gary’s bad side, she is leaking the negative evaluation on

Gary through her report and avoiding responsibility for criticising him directly.

However, there is another way of interpreting this excerpt with respect to the cultural

context in Korea. That is, the reason why speaker B informs A of the negative

information about Gary is grounded on intimacy, affection, and solidarity. These are

regarded as cultural values in Korea and the speaker’s use of -tay here can reflect her

thoughtful feeling for the interlocutor arising from the solidarity of her friendship. This

point will be discussed in Chapter 7 in detail.

The effect of the -tay marked utterance is interactional, since it elicits the

hearer’s responses such as request to confirm in lines 4 and 9 and surprise in line 12.

This reflects that the speaker invites the involvement of the hearer with the use of

the -tay marked utterance.

Thus far the present study has examined cases where the -tay marked utterance

is used to provide evidence which is obtained from an external source and/or a third

122

person’s utterance. Different types of attitudes have been observed according to

contexts. In the first two cases, the speaker expresses his/her attitude toward the

information which is reliable and trustworthy to suggest something to the hearer. In the

second case, the speaker expresses her attitude to shift the responsibility for knowledge

to others, but still desires to inform the hearer with information obtained from someone

else. Both cases create the involvement with the hearer, since the speaker expects

responses and reactions from the hearer, as well as provides information. Further, the

function of -tay as an evidence-leaking marker reflects multivoicedness, since it

conveys a third person’s voice through the speaker’s voice, by indicating the speaker’s

different attitudes.

5.3 Context-detailing marker

In this section, the function of -tay as a context-detailing marker will be explored. The

speaker’s use of -tay functions to detail contexts in order to provide the hearer with the

necessary information about the background knowledge on activities and/or events that

the speaker heard from a third person. This function indicates the speaker’s involvement

with the subject matter. That is, it shows the speaker’s ongoing personal commitment to

what is being talked about. Sohn and Park (2003: 114) also allude to this function,

claiming that -tay is ‘deployed to build up the event as a coherent narrative’ and at the

same time to add the speaker’s personal stance’ in story telling or conversational

narrative. The present study will show how the speaker adopts the -tay marked utterance

to tell a story, by selecting important information obtained from a third person. Further,

it will discuss how the speaker structurally orders the information and establishes

thematic connection in a story.

To examine this function, let us present the following example from the

telephone conversations. In (7) below, the speaker A explains about Ilyoung and his

123

friends’ arranged schedule for the trip to Niagara. Speaker A adopts the -tay marked

utterances seven times to indicate what will happen during the journey based on what

she heard from Ilyoung.


1 A: Ilyoungi-ka aytul teyli-ko kasstaon-tay.

Ilyoung-SUB them take-CN go.come-TAY

‘Ilyoung said that he will take them and come back.’

2 B: Ung.

yes

‘Yes.’

3 A: Kuleyihawuntu tha-ko pamseywese pesutha-ko kan-tay.

Greyhound ride-CN night.throughout bus.ride-CN go-TAY

4 yelsikan tha-ko kan-tay. Yelsikan.

ten.hours ride-CN go-TAY ten.hours

‘(He said that) they will go by Greyhound bus throughout the night. (He

said that) it takes ten hours, ten hours.’

5 B: Ung. (breath) Ehyu, oppatap-ney, hyengta-we.

yes EXC older.brother.like-SFP older.brother.like-IE

‘Yes, oh, he is like an older brother, like an older brother.’

……………………. (following five lines omitted)………………………

11 A: Ka-se tochakha-myen thoyoil saypyek-i-canha.

go-CN arrive-CD Saturday daybreak-COP-SFP

12 Achim, kulayse mwe kwukyengha-ko thoyoilnal kekise halwu

moring so FIL look.around-CN Saturday there one.day

13 can-tay, halwu ca-ko.

stay-TAY one.day sleep-CN

‘If they arrive, it will be daybreak on Saturday, you know. Morning, so,

well, (he said that) they will look around and stay one day on Saturday,

stay one day and...’

14 B: E, e.

yes yes

‘Yes, yes.’

15 A: (breath) Ilyoilnal pamina say- welyoil saypyek-ey on-tay.

124

Sunday night.or Monday daybreak-TEMP come-TAY

‘(He said that) they will come back on Sunday night or at daybreak on

Monday.’

16 B: Canun tey-nun ta kwuhaynwass-tay?

sleep place-TOP all got-TAY

‘Did they get a place to sleep?’

17 A: Ani, keki ka-se kunyang mak can-tay,

no there go-CN just like sleep-TAY

18 Kunyang isanghan yekwan ilentey ka-se.

just strange motel like.this go-CN

‘No, (he said that) they will just like to go there and sleep, just, go to a

strange motel like this.’

19 B: Kulemyen

then

‘Then…’

20 A: Kulenikka mwe ney-myeng tuleka-nun pang-i iss-tay,

so something four-CL enter-ATTR room-SUB exist-TAY

21 sainsil.

four.people.room

‘So, something…(he said that) there is a room for four people.’

In (7), speaker A produces a series of the -tay marked utterances in lines 1, 3, 4, 13, 15,

17 and 20 in order to provide detailed information about the future trip of Ilyoung and

his friends. Firstly, speaker A says that Ilyoung will take his friends to Niagara in line 1,

and they will use a Greyhound coach in line 3. The bus trip takes ten hours to get there

in line 4. Then, the speaker A continues his talk, by saying that they will stay at the

destination on Saturday in lines 12 and 13, and come back at daybreak on Monday in

line 15. In response to speaker B’s question of whether or not they searched for a place

to sleep in line 16, speaker A uses the -tay marked utterance in lines 17 and 20, in order

to explain that they will sleep there at a sort of motel with a room for four persons.

125

Then, why does speaker A use the -tay marked utterance consecutively in (7)?

Firstly, the speaker uses -tay here to mark that she obtained the information from

Ilyoung, by indicating her lively interest in the subject matter being communicated.

Secondly, it is seen that speaker A handles a chunk of the information with the use

of -tay, by selecting the information from her point of view. Thirdly, speaker A’s use of

the -tay marked utterance details contexts, by providing the relevant information about

future events which will occur to Ilyoung and his companions during the trip. All this

information by A is thematically connected in the use of the -tay marked utterance,

creating mutual access to the surrounding environment for Ilyoung and his friends’ trip,

and thus they share and attend to their talk. This is well observed by Gumperz (1982).

Quoting Goffman (1974), Gumperz states as follows:

Any utterance can be understood in numerous ways, and that people make decisions

about how to interpret a given utterance based on their definition of what is happening

at the time of interaction. In other words, they define the interaction in terms of a frame

or schema which is identifiable and familiar (Gumperz 1982: 103).

As can be seen in (7), the information by the speaker with the use of the -tay marked

utterance is structurally ordered, including who, what, where, how, when and why. The

use of -tay does not determine meaning here, but it contributes to interpretations of

contexts for the hearer. In addition, the speaker’s use of -tay foregrounds relevant

information from her point of view, by transferring the other’s voice.

This thesis uses the terms ‘foregrounding’ in Chafe’s (1972) sense:

‘foregrounding’ refers to establishing a particular referent in the foreground of the

interlocutor’s consciousness as a ‘focus’, while other discourse referents remain within

the background. Chafe (1972: 50) provides a metaphorical explanation by considering

what goes on in a discourse as if they were states and events unfolding on a stage, so

that it is possible to say that ‘…at any particular point in the discourse there are certain

things which are on stage. It is whatever is on stage that I am calling foregrounded’.

126

To elaborate the discussion of the function of the -tay marked utterance as a

context-detailing marker, the following example is presented. The example below

shows how the speaker uses this marker in order to foreground the important

information which is relevant to the teacher, who was one of the teachers of the speaker

when she was a middle school student. The information conveyed by the speaker is

based on what she heard from others. Below, the speakers are talking about the

relationship between the teacher and her former student, who became her husband later

on.


1 A: Ung, ung.

yes yes

‘Yes, yes.’

2 B: I salami- i- i sensayng-nim-i yeca sensayng-nim-i-ntey

this person-SUB this teacher-PAS-SUB woman teacher-PAS-COP-CIR

3 kotunghakkyo-lul ani ce tayhak ttak colepha-ko chespenccay

highschool-OBJ no FIL university just graduate-CN first

4 pallyengna-n tey-ka namca cwunghakkyo-y-ess-tay.

job.get-ATTR place-SUB boys middle.school-COP-PAST-TAY

‘(I heard that) this person, teacher, is a woman, and she graduated from a

high school, no, university, and then she got her first job at a boys’

middle school.’

5 A: Ung, ung.

yes yes

‘Yes, yes.’

6 B: Kulayse kekise onyencengto issta wuli cwunghakkyolo

so there five.years.about stayed our middle.school.to

7 wa-se incey kaluchi-ki sicakhayss-ta. Kuntey,

come-CN now teach-NOM began-DEC but

‘So, she stayed there about five years and came to our school and began

to teach. But…’

8 A: Ung.

127

yes

‘Yes.’

9 B: Koyngcanghi com chinhay-ss-tay.

very a.little close-PAST-TAY

10 Kuntey incey ku cwunghakkyocolephan aytul-i yayney-ka

by.the.way now FIL middle.school.graduated students-SUB they-SUB

11 tayhak-ul on-ke-ya. Wuli kaluchi-nun kusai-ey.

university-OBJ came-NOM-IE our teaching-ATTR that.while-TEMP

‘(I heard that) they were very close. By the way, the students who

graduated from the middle school entered university, now while we are

teaching.’

12 A: Ung. A tayhaksayng-i tway-kacko?

yes EXC university.students-SUB became-CN

‘Yes, ah, they became university students?’

13 B: Ung. Kulaykaciko keki keki tayhakkyo isscanha

yes so there there university FIL

14 kulenikka kathi hay-se cham manhi tany-ess-tay.

so together do-CN very much hang.out-PAST-TAY

15 kulenikka toykey chinhay-ss-tay.

so very close-PAST-TAY

‘Yes. So there, there is university, isn’t it? So, (I heard that) they hung

out together many times. So, (I heard that) they were very close.’

…………………….(following eighteen lines omitted)…………………...

34 B: Kuntey nacwungey wa-se incey kyelhon-ul ha-n-tay.

but later.on come-CN now marriage-OBJ do-ATTR-TAY

‘But, later on, (I heard that) they now would get married.’

A repetitive use of the -tay marked utterance when telling a story about the teacher and

her former student in (8) above is used to provide the background information about the

teacher’s marriage. That is, the teacher got her first job to work for a boys’ middle

school where she met a student, her future husband, from lines 2 to 4, and the

relationship between the teacher and her student in lines 9, 14 and 15. Then, speaker B

says that she heard about the teacher’s marriage in line 34.

128

As can be seen in this conversation, speaker B does not organise the information

in a random way. In other words, she rearranges a story from her viewpoint based on

what she heard from a third person. By the use of the -tay marked utterance, speaker B

details the surrounding contexts and focuses on the important information about the

teacher’s marriage to her student, for example, they were very close in line 9 and went

out together frequently in line 14. Here, the -tay marked utterance shows how the

stream of talk is divided into each event, and how -tay works to identify focused items,

distinguishing given from new information and main points from the structure. All the

information indicated by -tay affects establishing thematic connections. The use of -tay

is also crucial to maintaining interpersonal involvement, since it contributes to the

hearer’s access to the information and makes a decision how to interpret the event based

on the information provided by the speaker’s -tay marked utterance. In this respect, the

function of -tay can be described as ‘contextualisation cue’, as in Gumperz (1982).

According to Gumperz (1982: 131), ‘a contextualisation cue is any feature of linguistic

form that contributes to the signalling of contextual presuppositions’ and ‘speakers

signal and the hearers interpret what the activity is, how semantic content is to be

understood and how each sentence relates to what precedes or follows’.

The effect of the -tay marked utterance by the speaker here is that it invites the

hearer’s involvement, as it elicits the hearer’s reaction such as understanding and

question. See for example line 12 in (8). In addition, the speaker uses the -tay marked

utterance to express the speaker’s involvement with the subject matter being talked

about, as evidenced with the use of adverbs such as Koyngcanghi (very) in line 9 and

toykey (very) in line 15 to exaggerate the event. In addition, the speaker’s use of the -tay

marked utterance sends a metamessage that ‘Listen. I know something and I want to let

you know ’, by creating the involvement with the subject matter and the hearer.

129

5.4 The quote-like marker in a rhetorical question

This section examines the function of -tay as a quote-like marker in rhetorical questions.

For this function, the -tay marked utterance can be used in a form of indirect quotation

marker in dialogue, in order to express the speaker’s attitudes in a rhetorical question. In

particular, this function can be observed in emotive communications such as argument

and refutation. However, examples for this case have not been found in telephone

conversational data. It is assumed that speakers were conscious of their conversations

which were being recorded. Therefore, they might have not exposed their negative

emotions including anger in arguing. For this reason, this study presents an example

extracted from a drama script, 3 as there are various emotive communications in

dramatic situations. In fact, this function of -tay is frequently observed in real situations

reflecting a speaker’s negative attitudes and it is regarded as one of the significant

functions of the marker.

Before proceeding with the discussion, I would like to revisit the previous study

by Sohn and Park (2003) to compare the function of -tay in a rhetorical question. In that

study, -tay was discussed to mark inaccessibility of information. In other words, -tay

indicates that the source of the knowledge is located outside the speaker’s territory of

information. Observe the following example, which was given as (13) in Chapter 2 and

represented here as (9).

(9) The prayer4

1 H: But why doesn’t the church pray for (her)?

2 S: What prayer?

3 H: Well, if the pastor is sick

3 In order to be consistent with the ‘real’ conversational data in both Korean and Japanese, this research has focused on the real telephone conversations in both languages. However, it seems that arguments and disputes are rare and this particular usage of -tay has not been found in the telephone conversations. 4 The example (9) from Sohn and Park (2003) maintains original texts without any modification. They did not provide Korean utterances except for line 5.

130

4 people should pray for her once in a while.

5 L: Nwuka aphu-tay-yo?

someone sick-TAY-POL

‘Is someone sick?’

6 H: Oh, pastor Y. She had surgery and…

7 L: Oh, I didn’t know that. (Sohn and Park 2003: 109)

At the beginning of this extract, speakers H and S are talking about a female pastor at

church who recently had a serious illness. In line 5, another speaker L overheard their

talk briefly, and asks if anyone is sick. Her utterance ‘Nwuka aphutayyo’ includes -tay

as in aphu-tay-yo (‘sick’-TAY-‘(semi-formal ending)’), and even though it is translated

as ‘Is someone sick?’ here, its literal meaning is ‘Did they say that someone is sick?’

The above example shows that -tay may be used with an interrogative word

(wh-word) nwuka ‘who’ and simply asks a ‘real’ question (typically with a rising

intonation (H%)).5 However, if -tay is used with a different intonation (typically with a

sharper later rising intonation (LH%)) in a different context, it marks the speaker’s

negative attitude toward the hearer.6 Observe the following example from the drama

script ‘Queen of inner support’.

(10) [Queen of inner support, Episode 11]

1 Jie: Tangsin swusangha-y.

you suspicious-IE

5 Jun (2000: 144, 151-152) presents the intonational structure of Seoul Korean which has two intonationally defined prosodic units: Intonation Phrase (IP) and Accentual Phrase (AP). An IP is marked by a boundary tone (%) and final lengthening. According to IP tones, H% is defined as a rising boundary tone that is the most commonly used in seeking information (i.e. a yes-no question), and LH% as a rising boundary tone that is more localised than H%, rising sharply from a valley well within the final syllable. This is very commonly used in questions, continuation rises, and explanations, as well as to signal being annoyed or unpleasant. 6 According to Jun and Oh (1996), wh-phrases in Korean are ambiguous due to the lexical ambiguity of wh-words. They discuss prosodic characteristics which disambiguate three types of wh-phrases: wh-question, yes/no-question, and incredulity question (a kind of echo question giving incredulity meaning). Oh and Lee (1994) also distinguish the three types of wh-phrases and state that the intonation used in incredulity questions indicates the speaker’s negative attitude.

131

2 Way an-kelenoh-te-n pimilpenho-lul kelenoh-ko kulay?

why NEG-set-RET-ATTR secret.number-OBJ set-CN be.so

3 Mwe nay-ka po-myen an-toy-nun kelato iss-e?

something I-SUB read-CD NEG-NEC-ATTR thing.even exist-IE

‘You are suspicious. Why did you set a secret number— when you

didn’t before? Is there something that I must not read?’

4 Dalsu: Nwu-ka kuleh-tay?

who-SUB like.that-TAY

5 Na-n kunyang hoysa-eyse il-hata-po-myen cenhwaki

I-TOP just company-LOC work-SIM-AUX-CD mobile.phone

6 noh-ko eti kasstawa-yaha-l ttayto

leave-CN somewhere come.back-NEC-ATTR occasion.too

7 iss-ko hay-se.

exist-CN do-CN

‘Who said that? I just (did it), while working at the company, sometimes

I should go out without my mobile phone then come back, so…’

In (10), Jie is doubtful about her husband Dalsu’s behaviour, as he set a secret number

for his mobile phone. In line 3, Jie asks Dalsu if there is something she should not read

in his mobile phone. In line 4 Dalsu denies it by using the -tay marked utterance as in

Nwuka kuleh-tay?, whose literal meaning is ‘Who said that?’ Dalsu may deny it by

simply indicating a negation ani ‘no’ or epse ‘there isn’t any’. In comparison with these

utterances, the -tay marked utterance with an interrogative word here indicates Dalsu’s

unpleasant feeling towards Jie’s doubt, and conveys a strong denial and claim of his

innocence. Note that ‘Nwuka’(who, someone) is used here as a person who can prove

the speaker’s integrity. Thus, the utterance Nwuka kulehtay ‘Did someone say that?’

implies that ‘No one, including myself, possibly said such a thing’.

Example (10) shows that -tay is adopted to deny the hearer’s assumption

strongly, and to claim the speaker’s innocence by putting forward someone else

132

‘Nwuka’ (who, someone) as a witness. This aspect is related to the metalinguistic nature

of quotation, as Maynard (1996: 224) notes:

Quoting is a metalinguistic device that reflexively refers to one’s own action. An

understanding of the relation between the linguistic and metalinguistc aspects of

communication will ultimately shed light on how we understand the speaker as a

conveyer of information and simultaneously as a commentator who remarks on his or

her very act of conveying information.

Hence, it is possible to say that in the use of the -tay marked utterance in a rhetorical

question, the speaker refers to his/her own action as a conveyer of information, by

expressing his/her attitudes.

The above examples (9) and (10) have demonstrated that if -tay is used in an

interrogative sentence, it can be used as an indirect quotative marker and the sentence

simply conveys a question, as shown in (9), or it conveys the speaker’s

negative/unpleasant attitude towards someone, as shown in (10).

While the fact that the -tay marked utterance as an indirect quotative marker is

used in dialogue only as a response to the interlocutor’s utterance in (9) and (10), -tay as

a sentence-final ending in an interrogative sentence indicates the speaker’s negative

attitude toward someone else’s behaviour, and it is used in both monologue and

dialogue. Observe the following example (11) which is extracted from K. Lee’s study

and discussed earlier in Chapter 2.





‘He/she said he/she wouldn’t eat, but why does he/she eat a lot like that

tay?’ (K. Lee 2005: 244)

133

In (11), the speaker uses -tay to express his/her negative attitude toward someone who

acts contrary to his utterance. The sentence-final ending -tay here can be used in two

situations: (i) the speaker regards himself/herself as the hearer in monologue (ii) the

speaker mumbles to himself/herself irrespective of the hearer’s presence in dialogue.

5.5 Summary

In this chapter, the speaker’s use of the -tay marked utterance has been discussed by

presenting the interactional functions such as topic initial elicitor, evidence-leaking

marker to indicate the reliability of the information, context-detailing marker and -tay as

a quote-like marker in rhetorical questions.

Firstly, the interactional function of the -tay marked utterance that is used to

introduce a new topic in conversation in order to evaluate the topic with the hearer was

illustrated. The cases where the speaker forms ‘dialogic relations’ between participants,

by inserting multiple voices in conversation, were also detailed. The function of -tay as

an evidence-leaking marker based on an external source was shown. In this function,

the two different attitudes of the speaker have been observed according to contexts.

Firstly, the speaker expresses his/her attitude toward information which is reliable and

trustworthy. Secondly, the speaker expresses his/her attitude to avoid responsibility for

conveying the knowledge. Further, the function of -tay as a context-detailing marker, in

which the speaker’s use of -tay signals contexts by providing the hearer with the

detailed information, was discussed. This function is crucial to maintaining

interpersonal involvement, as the hearer decides how to interpret information on the

basis of the cue provided by the speaker. For the final function of -tay, this chapter

discussed the rhetorical expression of the -tay marked utterance. Due to the nature of

this marker, which is used to quote a third person’s utterance only, the speaker pretends

to quote someone else’s voice to convey his/her own utterance. By doing so, the speaker

134

refers to his/her own action as a conveyer of information, and expresses his/her attitude

of strong denial of the hearer’s assumption. Since -tay is an interactive marker, it

indicates multiple functions according to contexts and represents its nature of being

interactional and dialogical.

The difference between each function of -tay with regard to the metamessages

show how involvement and multivoicedness can be realised in an explicit way. Below is

the table which shows a summary of different metamessages with the use of -tay in each

function.

Table 5.1: Different metamessages with the use of -tay

The interactional functions of -tay Metamessages with the use of -tay

Topic initial elicitor Listen. I want to talk about this with you now

Evidence-leaking marker Listen. This is true, because someone also said

this

Context-detailing marker Listen. I know something and I want to let you

know

The quote-like marker in a rhetorical

question

I feel unpleasant because someone does

something or something happens

As seen in the Table 5.1, these metamessages are significant to make a distinction

between different functions of -tay. The speaker’s different metamessages, or attitudes

can be manifested through the use of -tay, which are sent to the hearer during

interaction. More importantly, they show how involvement and multivoicedness can be

realised in a concrete way. The following chapter discusses the interactional functions

of -tte in the Japanese language.

135

Chapter 6

Multi-voice ‘-tte’

6.0 Introduction

This chapter explores the interactional function of -tte in Japanese. A number of studies of

Japanese -tte have been conducted (Tanaka 1977; Kamio 1988, 1990; Moritoki 1994; Niwa

1994; Horiguchi 1995; Yamazaki 1996; Maynard 1996; Saegusa 1997; Suzuki 1998; H.

Huh 1999; Nomura 1999, 2000; Iwao 2003; Kitazawa 2003; Cho 2004; S. Park 2008; Kato

2007, 2010; K. Lee 2010). However, as discussed in Chapter 2, only a few studies pay

attention to -tte in sentence-final position, and the interactional function of this marker have

not been sufficiently investigated.

In this chapter, the use of -tte in sentence-final position will be examined in depth,

looking at how the speaker indicates ego involvement and/or invites the involvement of the

hearer, expressing his/her attitudes through interaction. To be more specific, it will be

demonstrated that the marker conveys five functions. Firstly, -tte is used to repeat the

speaker’s own utterance, by representing hearer-oriented recollection, speaker-oriented

recollection and mutually understood recollection. Secondly, the speaker uses the -tte

marked utterance to express his/her attitude toward the information from an external source

that is reliable and trustworthy. Thirdly, the -tte marked utterance functions as a topic initial

elicitor with which the speaker introduces a new topic to build a new chunk of conversation.

Fourthly, the speaker adopts the -tte marked utterance as a context-detailing marker to tell a

story by providing necessary information about surrounding situations and contexts from

136

his/her standpoints. Finally, -tte marked utterance is used as a face-saving marker: the

speaker avoids the responsibility of criticising a referent directly, and at the same time the

speaker saves his/her own positive face.

Chapter 6 is organised in the following manner. Section 6.1 focuses on the source of

quotation, and presents the function of ‘recollection’, that is, motivated by a prior utterance

provided by the hearer, the speaker, or an utterance understood by both parties. Section 6.2,

6.3, and 6.4 will then discuss functions of -tte from a discourse-organisational dimension.

Section 6.2 investigates the function of -tte as an evidence-leaking marker based on an

external source. Section 6.3 discusses the function of -tte as a topic initial elicitor. In

Section 6.4, the function of a context-detailing marker will be presented. Section 6.5 will

focus on its pragmatic effects, and discuss the function of a face-saving marker. Section 6.6

provides a summary of the chapter.

6.1 Recollection

This section discusses the function of a self-quotation -tte, which is adopted by the speaker

as a strategy of representing his/her particular feelings and attitudes, and also of inviting the

involvement of the hearer in interaction. More specifically, -tte displays the three different

functions, namely, hearer-oriented recollection, speaker-oriented recollection and mutually

understood recollection.

6.1.1 Hearer-oriented recollection

The speaker’s use of -tte may be triggered by the hearer; that is, the speaker repeats his/her

utterance due to the hearer’s lack of understanding and/or non-response. Consider the

example (1) below, which has been extracted from the telephone conversations. Prior to

this conversation, the two participants, A and B, have been talking about speaker A’s

137

acquaintance who will give her (A) a lift to the airport, and speaker B has been suggesting

speaker A to go to the airport well before departure time. A then answers B.


1 A: Un, daijoobu. Amari hayakutemo-tte itta mono-de

yes alright not.very early.even.if-QT said thing-LINK

2 ichijikanmae guraini ike-ba daijoobu-na-n-da-tte.

one.hour.before about go-CD alright-LK-NOM-BE-TTE

‘Yes, it’s alright. (I heard that) going too early is not good, so it will be

okay if I go there an hour earlier (before the flight).’

3 B: Moo nijikanmaeni it-tara? Daijoobu?

already two.hours.before go-CD alright

4 Nanka toraburu-to komaru-deshoo, hitoride.

something.like trouble-QT get.into.difficulty-BE alone

‘How about going there two hours before? Is it okay? If there is something

like trouble, you will get into difficulty, alone.’

……………............. (following five lines omitted)………………………

10 B: Sorede sanjini de-te daijoobu?

so three.at leave-LINK okay

‘So, you leave at 3 o’clock, is it okay?

11 A: Daijoobu-tte.

alright-TTE

‘(I said) it’s okay.’

To hear speaker B’s suggestion, speaker A says daijoobu, ‘it’s alright’ at line 1, and at line

2 she tries to convince speaker B by providing a third person’s utterance with the use of -tte

that getting to the airport too early is not good and going there an hour before the flight

would be okay. This -tte is an evidence-leaking marker which is distinguished from the

function of the hearer-oriented recollection, and will be discussed in Section 6.2 later.

Despite of the speaker A’s conviction, speaker B is still worried about potential trouble at

138

the airport, and asks A repeatedly if she is okay with getting there an hour early. Then,

speaker A repeats her utterance Daijoobu with the -tte marked utterance in line 11, which

means ‘(I said) it’s okay’.

As shown in this example, speaker A’s use of a self-quotation -tte is caused by

speaker B, who is not convinced of speaker A’s utterance and reiterates the same questions.

In response to speaker B’s unconvinced questions, speaker A repeats her utterance with the

use of -tte and this shows speaker A’s metamessage of ‘I am saying this repeatedly, so I

want you to understand what I am saying’ or ‘I am saying this repeatedly, why don’t you

understand?’

The communication observed in the hearer-oriented recollection of -tte is

interactional, as the use of -tte by the speaker occurs in two-way conversation as an answer

and at the same time it requires the hearer’s understanding, by expressing the speaker’s

attitudes of convincing.

6.1.2 Speaker-oriented recollection

The speaker’s use of the -tte marked utterance indicates speaker-oriented recollection in

which the speaker uses this marker based on his/her own knowledge, and invites the

involvement of the hearer. The distinctive feature which is different from the hearer-

oriented recollection is that the -tte marked utterance is not actually used to reiterate the

speaker’s prior utterance by the hearer’s incomprehension in this function. Example (2) in

this section illustrates a case in which the speaker marks his/her knowledge and thoughts

with the -tte marked utterance, in order to draw the hearer’s attention based on his

experience.

139


1 A: Un. Koko-o kyookaini i-ttara-sa, ano,

yes here-OBJ church.in liken-CD-SFP well

2 Uchimura Kanzo-ga it-teita mitaini-sa,

Uchimura Kanzo-SUB said-PROG something.like-SFP

3 minna kagi shime-te-sa, itsu osowareruka

all key lock-LINK-SFP when attack.or

4 wakara-nai-tte iu kikenchitai-deshoo.

know-NEG-QT say dangerous.zone-CJR

‘Yes. If (we) liken here to a church…well, something like Uchimura Kanzo

was saying, all turn their keys in their lock, it should be a dangerous zone

where people don’t know when they might be attacked, as you know.’

5 B: Un, un.

yes yes

‘Yes, yes.’

6 A: Zenzen.

not.at.all

‘Not at all.’

7 B: Chigau?

wrong

‘Is it wrong?’

8 A: Sonna koto mattaku nai. Datte, kuruma-wa

that.kind.of matter not.at.all NEG because car-TOP

9 kagitsukeppanashi-de hitobanjuu oiteokushi, ieni kagi-o

key.left.on-LINK all.night leave.on.and home.at key-OBJ

10 kakeru kotonanka-nai-tte.

lock.up thing.like-NEG-TTE

‘That kind of thing doesn’t happen. Because, I leave my keys in the car all

night, and no need to lock up at home, you know.’

11 B: Ee, kiken-janai-no?

EXC danger-NEG-SFP

‘Oh, isn’t it dangerous?’

12 A: Zenzen!

140

at.all

‘Not at all!’

From lines 1 to 4, speaker A talks about how the region where he lives is regarded as a

dangerous zone. Then, he denies it at line 6, by saying that the region is in fact not

dangerous at all. Upon hearing that, speaker B asks if A’s utterance is true in line 7,

indicating his unexpectedness of speaker A’s denial. From line 8 to line 10, speaker A

explains the reason why he thinks like that, by saying Datte, kurumawa

kagitsukeppanashide hitobanju oiteokushi, ieni kagio kakeru kotonanka nai-tte, ‘Because, I

leave my key in the car all night, and no need to lock up at home, you know’.

It should be noted here that the utterance would still convey the intended meaning

without -tte: i.e. Datte, kurumawa kagitsukeppanashide hitobanju oiteokushi, ieni kagio

kakeru kotonanka nai, ‘Because, I leave my key in the car all night, and no need to lock up

at home’. What does then -tte do here? The marker -tte is used as a kind of self-quotation

whereby he recollects his actual experiences, kakeru kotonanka nai ‘no need to lock up’,

which is against B’s expectation that the region where A lives would be dangerous. This

use of -tte offers a feature such as ‘Listen’ or ‘You know’, and compared to the one without

the marker, it further adds the speaker’s cue to specifically draw the hearer’s attention to

what he is saying, by sending a metamessage ‘Listen to me, I want you to know what

happened to me’. By the use of -tte, the degree of the mutual involvement is increased,

since the hearer (B)’s involvement is clearly shown in his question at line 11 Ee,

kikenjanaino? ‘Oh, isn’t it dangerous?’, which displays his feelings of surprise.

As such, the function of -tte as speaker-oriented recollection is to increase the

degree of the interpersonal involvement between two participants, by recollecting what the

speaker has experienced and drawing the hearer’s attention to his/her utterance. Unlike the

141

hearer-oriented recollection, the speaker does not repeat his/her utterance at the hearer’s

request; instead, the speaker-oriented recollection represents the speaker’s intention to

invite the involvement of the hearer in interaction.

6.1.3 Mutually understood recollection

As noted in Chapter 4 for the discussion of the function of -(ta) nikka, the function of

mutually understood recollection in the current study refers to a speech act which is

recollecting the speaker’s prior utterance. The prominent feature which is distinguished

from the functions of hearer-oriented recollection and speaker-oriented recollection is that

the utterance is already shared between the speaker and the hearer in an earlier context, and

thus the speaker uses -tte, by presupposing that the hearer would know what he/she is

enunciating in the current context.

To discuss this function in the use of Japanese -tte, let us examine the following

example from the telephone conversations. A is a daughter and B is her mother. Prior to

this conversation, speaker B has been talking about her video camera which was used at her

acquaintance Rie’s concert. Then she said it suddenly stopped during the filming, even

though she had checked and recharged her battery. Upon hearing that, speaker A asks as

below.


1 A: Nani? Sumi-tte?

what completion-TTE

‘What? (What does it mean by) completion?

2 B: Otoosan-ga kai-teita kamini juudenshitearu toka-sa.

dad-SUB wrote-PROG paper.on recharged something.like-SFP

‘On the paper your dad was writing, recharge (has been completed)

142

something like…’

3 A: Dakara itta-deshoo.

so told-CJR

4 Konomae nuichatte oi-tara hoodensuru-kara.

the.other.day unplug.end.up leave-CD discharge-CN

5 Moo moo ikkai juudenshite-tte.

more more once recharge-TTE

‘So, I told you, didn’t I? If it is left unplugged, it will discharge, so…(I told

you) recharge it once more the other day.’

6 B: Un.

Yes

‘Yes.’

In (3), speaker B says in line 2 that she saw some words on the paper A’s father was

writing, which said that the battery of the video camera was recharged. In response to this,

speaker B illuminates in line 3 that she had said something about this before, by saying

Dakara ittadeshoo, ‘I told you’. Then speaker B recollects details of what she said the other

day by using -tte in line 5. It is clear that speaker B’s use of -tte is to indicate that she is

repeating or quoting her prior utterance in the current context, which is thus something that

she shares in common with speaker A.

Likewise, the -tte marked utterance here functions as a self-quotation to convey the

speaker’s own utterance and recollect the speaker’s previous utterance, which was

understood mutually between the participants. As is the case with the function of mutually

understood recollection of -(ta) nikka in the Korean language, the speaker sends a

metamessage with the use of -tte utterance that ‘Listen. I said this before, so you should

fully understand what I am saying’.

The function of recollection of -tte shows that the speaker’s use of the -tte marked

utterance is interactional, as it invites the involvement of the hearer in conversation, by

143

expecting responses and reactions from the hearer. For example, in (3) above, in

responding to speaker A’s utterance with -tte, speaker B deploys Un ‘Yes’ and shows her

understanding in line 6. Also, in (2), the speaker’s use of -tte elicits the hearer’s question

Ee, kikenjanaino? ‘Oh, isn’t it dangerous?’ in line 11. As such, the speaker’s use of -tte

creates a high degree of involvement, by signalling his/her intention to build and maintain

conversations with the hearer.

6.2 Evidence-leaking marker

In this section, the function of -tte as an evidence-leaking marker based on the other’s voice

will be explored. As is the case with the function of -tay in the Korean language, the

speaker’s use of the -tte marked utterance indicates the reliability of the information which

is gained from an external source. The type of the information conveyed by the speaker is

grounded in objective knowledge.

Observe the following example below. Prior to this conversation, speaker B has

been talking about her friend’s pregnancy and the difficulty of child-rearing, and that she

doesn’t know the difficulty, as she has no experience of pregnancy.


1 A: Un. demo ima yukkuridemo daijoobu-deshoo.

yes but now without.hurrying.even.if alright-CJR

‘Yes, but now it would be alright even if (you have a baby) without

hurrying.’

2 B: Un?

pardon

‘Pardon?’

3 A: Ima-ne nihonde-ne bebibuumudemo-nai-n-da-kedo,

now-SFP Japan.in-SFP baby.boom.even.if-NEG-NOM-BE-CN

144

‘Now in Japan even if it is not a baby boom, but…’

4 B: Un.

yes

‘Yes.’

5 A: Att, nanka-ne sanjuu-ne sanjuuyon-no onnanohito-ga-ne,

EXC something-SFP thirty-SFP thirty.four-LK woman-SUB-SFP

6 hajimete akachan umu-no-ga hayat-teiru-n-da-tte.

first baby give.birth-NOM-SUB trend-PROG-NOM-BE-TTE

7 Konoaida terebide yat-teita.

the.other.day television.on did-PROG

‘Ah, well…thirty… (I heard that) there are now many women who give birth

to a baby for the first time at thirty-four years old. It was on TV the other

day.’

8 B: Un. att hontoni.

yeah EXC really

9 Nandakke demo-sa kootaishihi-san-mo,

what.was.it but-SFP crown.princess-PAS-also

‘Yeah, ah, really? What was it…but the crown princess also…’

10 A: Masako-san? Un.

Masako-PAS yes

‘Mrs. Masako? Yes.’

11 B: Un. Masako-san-shihi-no Masako-san moo

yes Masako-PAS-crown.princess-APP Masako-PAS already

12 sorosoro toshi-deshoo.

soon age-CJR

‘Yes. The crown princess Mrs Masako, she is already getting to that age

soon.’

After hearing speaker B’s talk, speaker A states her opinion in line 1 that being pregnant

later would be all right. Then she supports her own opinion by providing the information

from TV, by saying that Sanjuuyonno onnanohitogane hajimete akachan umunoga

145

hayatteirunda-tte ‘(I heard that) there are many women who give birth to a baby for the

first time at thirty-four years old’ in lines 5, 6 and 7. Speaker B then brings up the case of

the crown princess Mrs Masako, who has no baby even though she is over thirty years old.

This example illustrates that -tte can function as an evidence-leaking marker. As

stated in the function of -tay in Chapter 5, expressing the attitudes of speakers toward the

knowledge or information in interaction is associated with the reliability of that knowledge

or the information. Under the heading ‘evidentiality’, Chafe (1985) states that one type of

evidentiality has to do with marking knowledge more specifically as having been derived

from a particular kind of evidence, usually either from sensory evidence or from hearsay.

From the example above, it is clear that the speaker’s use of -tte indicates her intention of

supporting her own opinion, by indexing reliable and objective information that she gained

from an external source.

Let us examine another instance in (5) below to discuss the function of -tte as an

evidence-leaking marker. Prior to this conversation, speaker B has been telling speaker A

about her lack of confidence and emotional highs and lows, referring to manic-depressive

disorder. Upon hearing that, speaker A gives her opinion that everybody has either an

impatient state or a depression state in lines 1 and 2, as below.


1 A: Ningen-tte dareshimo daitai sono soo jootai

human-QT everyone generally that impatient state

2 utsu jootai mot-teiru-janai.

depression state have-STAT-NEG

‘As for humans, generally everybody has a tendency to be either

impatient or depressed, haven’t they?’

3 B: Un.

yes

146

‘Yes.’

4 A: Daitai are-na-n-desu-tte-ne. Bunretsukishitsuka

generally that-LK-NOM-BE-TTE-SFP schizothymia.or

5 soutsukishitsuka dochirakani daitai taibetsu-sareru-n-desu-tte.

cyclothymia.or either.into usually divide-PASS-NOM-BE-TTE

‘Generally, (it is said that humans) are divided into either schizothymia

or cyclothymia.’

6 B: Aa.

EXC

‘Ah!’

7 A: (laugh) Demo sore-ga ii-janai. Genin-ga nakute

but that-SUB okay-NEG cause-SUB no.exist

8 soo nat-teit-tara kowai-kedo.

as.such become-STAT-CON scary-CN

‘But that is okay then, isn’t it? It would be scary if there was no cause

and (I) became as such, but...’

After giving her opinion, speaker A uses the -tte marked utterance to quote something in

line 4, Daitai arenandesu-tte-ne ‘Generally it is said’, and elaborates what she wants to say

by using the -tte marked utterance again in line 5, Bunretsukishitsuka soutsukishitsuka

dochirakani daitai taibetsusarerundesu-tte ‘Generally, (it is said that humans) are divided

into either schizothymia or cyclothymia’. Here, speaker A’s use of the -tte marked

utterance indexes her knowledge which was obtained from an external source. Then, in line

7, she makes an evaluation, by saying that it is okay to have manic-depressive disorders to

some degree, in order to set speaker B’s mind at ease. By using a quoting strategy, speaker

A conveys the information and thoughts to support her opinion. In addition, the speaker

expresses her attitude toward the information and knowledge which is reliable and

trustworthy.

147

As we have seen through the examples (4) and (5), the speaker’s use of -tte marked

utterance functions as an evidence-leaking marker to support his/her own opinion,

conveying the speaker’s attitude towards the information that is objective and not only

from the speaker’s own knowledge but also from an external source. What can be observed

here is that the speaker intends to convince the hearer of what the speaker is saying and to

relieve anxiety about depression. Further, the use of -tte increases the degree of

interpersonal involvement, which attracted the hearer’s responding with exclamations at

line 8 ‘Yeah, ah, really?’ in the example (4) and line 6 ‘Ah!’ in (5).

6.3 Topic initial elicitor

Speakers may use -tte to mark a new topic in conversation. The shift of topics frequently

occurs in interaction, and it is often generated with clear boundaries. The data provides

instances in which speakers use -tte marked utterances to create a topic by a quoting

strategy and to invite the involvement of the hearer. What is worth noticing is that the

speaker begins his/her talk, by confirming the information known to both the speaker and

hearer. Let us examine the following example. Prior to the excerpt below, speakers A and B

have been talking about other topics such as a lost pendant and taking a bath. In lines 1 and

2, speaker A says that she will put speaker B through to her sister thirty minutes later when

she finishes recording telephone conversations with B.


1 A: Un. Sorede sanjuppun. Soone, sono ato-da-ttara

yes so thirty.minutes well that after-BE-CD

2 kawaru. Kawattemo ii-kara.

put.through put.through.though okay-CN

‘Yes. So, thirty minutes. Well, after that I will put you through (to her),

148

because it is okay to put you through (to her) though.’

3 B: Un.

yes

‘Yes.’

4 A: Kitanarashi-no ojisan nakunatta-n-da-tte?

Kitanara.city-LK uncle died-NOM-BE-TTE

‘(I have heard that) your uncle in Kitanara-city died, is it right?’

5 B: Soona-no-yo.

that.is.right-NOM-SFP

‘That’s right.’

6 A: Aa soo. Jaa, are-janai.

EXC that.is.so well that-NEG

7 Obasanmo nanka gakkuri ki-te-shimatta-janai?

aunt.too like flagging come-LINK-ended.up-NEG

‘Ah, is that so? Well…the aunt must be, like, flagging too.’

8 B: Un. Dakedo obasan-wa-ne, yahari onna-wa tsuyoi-ne.

yes but aunt-TOP-SFP as.expected woman-TOP strong-SFP

‘Yes, but my aunt…as expected, a woman is strong.’

9 A: Un. Un.

yes yes

‘Yes. yes.’

10 Tsuyoiyori kambyo tsukaremo aru-kara

strong.than nursing fatigue.too exist-CN

11 hottoshi-te-shimatta-no-kamo-ne.

relieved-LINK-ended.up-NOM-CJR-SFP

‘Rather, she might feel relieved because she was tired from nursing him.’

Then in line 4, speaker A changes the topic to the death of speaker B’s uncle who lived in

Kitanara-city, by asking confirmation from speaker B with the use of a -tte marked

utterance. After this conversation, speakers A and B elaborate the talk about speaker B’s

uncle and aunt, his hospitalisation, his disease, and so on. In what manner then does

149

speaker A use the -tte marked utterance to begin her new talk? The use of -tte here is seen

as ‘requesting for clarification’ of the information. That is, the speaker first recollects what

she heard from others and by adding -tte, she further requests the hearer to clarify whether

or not what she heard is correct. In the above example, speaker A asks the hearer, speaker

B, to clarify whether or not her (speaker B’s) uncle in Kitanara city died, as seen at line 4.

Furthermore, what is important is the fact that it reflects the speaker’s intention to build a

new conversation and evaluate the topic with the interlocutor, e.g. the death of speaker B’s

uncle in (6), as noted earlier. In this regard, I argue that the -tte marked utterance may

function as ‘topic initial elicitor’ (Button and Casey 1984).

According to Button and Casey (1984), a number of features are observed when

topic initial elicitors operate to establish a topic in conversation. These features are: (i)

topic initial elicitors for segmenting a talk; (ii) though making news inquiries they do not,

themselves, present a newsworthy event; and (iii) they provide an open, though bounded,

domain from which events may be selected and offered as possible topic initials. These

features can be applied to the function of -tte as a topic initial elicitor. For instance, as

illustrated by the example (6) above, the speaker’s use of -tte marks a new segment of talk,

by displaying that talk will proceed further, not from prior talk, but from his/her inquiry. In

addition, the -tte marked utterance presents a newsworthy event report which has not been

topical in the prior talk.

Observe another instance (7) below that shows the function of -tte as a topic initial

elicitor. Prior to this conversation, the two participants have been talking about clothing

and tuition fees, and speaker A tells in line 1 that the amount of tuition fees in America is

similar to that in Japan. Then, after receiving responsive tokens, Sooka sooka ‘That’s right,

that’s right’ from the other speaker B, speaker A changes topic with the use of the -tte

utterance, by asking if speaker B bought her home.

150


1 A: Sore-o kangaeru-to nanka dokkoidokkoi-kana-to

it-OBJ consider-CD something.like similar-SFP-QT

2 omou-n-da-kedo.

think-NOM-BE-CN

‘If I consider it, I think, something like, it is similar but…’

3 B: Un. Soo-ka soo-ka.

yes that.is.so-QUE that.is.so-QUE

‘Yes. That’s right, that’s right.’

4 A: Soreyori, ouchi kata-n-da-tte-ne!

by.the.way home bought-NOM-BE-TTE-SFP

‘By the way, (I heard that) you bought a home.’

5 B: Aa, soona-no-yo. Demo shigatsu-na-n-da-kedo-ne,

EXC that.is.right-NOM-SFP but April-LK-NOM-BE-CN-SFP

6 hikkoshi-wa.

move-TOP

‘Ah, that’s right. But I will move in April.’

7 A: Un. Demo subarashii.

yes but wonderful

‘Yes, it’s wonderful.’

Speaker A splits the conversation at line 4 with a different topic to those of the prior talk.

She presents a newsworthy event report that she gained from a third party regarding

speaker B’s purchasing of a home. Here, by using the -tte marked utterance, speaker A

attempts to confirm the fact that speaker B bought her new home, and established the

foundation of a new conversation. Therefore, speaker A’s use of -tte functions as a topic

initial elicitor to introduce a new topic at line 4. Speaker B confirms her purchasing a new

house in lines 5 and 6, and speaker A makes a comment subarashii ‘wonderful’ in line 7.

After this segment, the two speakers further develop a conversation about the topic, by

talking about the purchase of houses by their mutual friends.

151

The effect observed in the function of the topic initial marker of -tte is that, in

initiating a new topic, the speaker specifically invites the involvement of the hearer, which

can be expressed as ‘Listen. I heard this. Is it true?’ With this feature, the speaker’s use of

the -tte marked utterance includes his/her expectation of a certain response or reaction from

the hearer. As seen in examples (6) and (7), interlocutors provide confirmation from

speakers’ -tte marked utterance at lines 5 Soonanoyo ‘That’s right’ in (6) and 5 Aa,

soonanoyo ‘Ah, that’s right’ in (7). The function of topic initial marker of -tte clearly

shows that this marker is interactional and dialogical, thereby it is used to build and

maintain a conversation by participants in verbal exchanges. In addition, multivoicedness

can be observed here, since the speaker’s use of the -tte marked utterance echoes a third

person’s utterance through the speaker’s utterance, by indicating the speaker’s particular

attitude.

6.4 Context-detailing marker

This section will examine a case where the speaker’s use of -tte marks information which is

crucial to the interpretation of contexts that build coherence through interaction. In this

function, speakers tell of an episode using the -tte marked utterance in a sequential way by

providing necessary information about the surrounding situation and background

knowledge. In the following example, speaker A tells of her experience of meeting a scary

taxi driver.


1 A: Sorede-ne, ori-te kinoo notta takushi-ga-ne,

so-SFP get.off-LINK yesterday got.on taxi-SUB-SFP

2 nanka kowai takushi-datta-no-yo.

somehow scary taxi-BE-past-NOM-SFP

152

3 Takushii-no hito-ga ichiban untenshi-te ikitaku-nai

taxi-LK person-SUB most drive-LINK go.want-NEG

4 chiiki-na-n-da-tte.

region-LK-NOM-BE-TTE

‘So, I got off (the train) and got on a taxi yesterday. It was a somehow scary

taxi. (I heard that) the region is the area that a taxi driver wants to go the

least.’

5 B: Hyaa!

EXC

‘Oh!’

6 A: Sore-ga naze-ka-to-iu-to sugoku, ano sonnani

that-SUB why-QUE-QT-say-CD very well not.so

7 okane-ni nara-nai-tte iu-no-to, ano,

money-RES become-NEG-QT say-NOM-CN well

8 koosokutoka-janaku-te zenbu shita-o hashira…

highway.or-NEG-LINK all under-OBJ run

9 chibeta-o hashiranakutewanaranai-kara-da-tte.

ground-OBJ run.have.to-CN-BE-TTE

‘If I say why it is, very…well, (I heard that) it is not worth much money,

and…well, it’s not like a highway, the car has to run all under…the driver

has to drive along the lower ground.’

……….. …………...(following six lines omitted)………………………...

16 A: Takushii-no untenshu-san-ga mat-teita tokoro-wa yojikangurai

taxi-LK driver-PAS-SUB waited-PROG place-TOP four.hours.about

17 mat-te yatto hitori-no okyakusan-o tsukamaeru-n-da-tte.

wait-LINK barely one-LK customer-OBJ catch-NOM-BE-TTE

‘(I heard that) the place where the taxi driver waits, he waits about four

hours and barely catches a customer.’

……………………. (following three lines omitted)……………………….

18 A: Sorede yojikan mat-te Tsukamoto-ja wariniawa-nai-tte,

so four.hours wait-LINK Tsukamoto-BE break.even-NEG-TTE

19 sore-o enento kika-sareta-no.

that-OBJ endlessly heard-PASS-SFP

153

‘So, (the taxi driver said that) he waited four hours, so going to Tsukamoto

doesn’t break even, I heard it endlessly from him.’

By quoting the taxi driver’s utterances with the use of the -tte marked utterance, speaker A

explains the reasons why the driver was angry with her. Firstly, her destination is the most

hated region among taxi drivers, as in ikitakunai chiikinanda-tte ‘the area that the taxi

driver does not want to go’ in lines 3 and 4. Then the second reason is that the drivers have

to drive along the lower ground under the highway to get there, as in chibetao

hashiranakutewa naranaikarada-tte ‘since (the driver) has to drive the lower ground’ in

line 9. The third reason is that the driver has to wait about four hours for a customer, and

her destination, Tsukamoto, does not let them break even, as in Tsukamotoja

wariniawanai-tte ‘Tsukamoto does not break even’ in line 18.

As seen in the example above, the -tte marked utterances are used sequentially in a

story, by presenting linked information that supports the hearer’s understanding of

situational context. In (8) above, speaker A heard from the taxi driver about his experience,

and then she retells the story to speaker B. In conveying the taxi driver’s utterance, speaker

A uses the -tte marked utterance, by selecting the information systematically from her point

of view, in order to help B’s understanding.

As such, by binding the stream of talk, the speaker builds up and maintains his/her

conversation. What the -tte marked utterance indicates is structured ordering of information

that contributes to making events a coherent whole. The use of -tte does not determine

meaning here, but it foregrounds relevant information through transferring the other’s voice.

All the information indicated by -tte is relevant to the details of context, and establishes

coherency of discourse.

154

To deepen our understanding of the function of -tte as context-detailing marker, let

us examine another instance. In (9) below, speakers A and B are talking about an episode

involving their friend Katchan, who experienced an earthquake. Note that speaker A uses

the -tte marked utterance five times to quote Katchan’s utterance, in lines 1, 4, 6, 11 and 14

below.


1 A: Att daijoobu-datta-tte. Un.

EXC okay-BE-past-TTE yes

‘Ah, (she said that her family) were okay. Yes.’

2 B: Un, yokatta-ne. Kawaisoo-ne, koo terebide,

yes was.good-SFP poor-SFP this TV.on

‘Yes, that’s good. Poor things, this on TV…’

3 A: A a asa-ne, moo ano choodo

EXC EXC morning-SFP already well just

4 asa-no shokuji-no shitakushi-teita-n-da-tte.

morning-LK meal-LK prepared-PROG-NOM-BE-TTE

‘Ah, ah, morning…already, well, (she said that) she was just preparing for

the morning meal.’

5 B: Un, un, un, un.

yes yes yes yes

‘Yes, yes, yes, yes.’

6 A: Sooshitara gatagata gatagata-tte kitta-n-da-tte.

then rattle rattle-QT came-NOM-BE-TTE

‘Then, (she said that she heard) a rattle.’

7 B: Aa Kat-chan-no tokomo yahari kita.

EXC Kat-PAS-LK place.too also came

‘Ah, it came to Katchan’s place too.’

8 A: Isoide Kat-chan-tachi-ga papatoka it-te-ne.

in.a.hurry Kat-PAS-PL-SUB father.or say-LINK-SFP

9 Hayaku hi-o kese-tte it-te-ne. Choodo

155

quickly fire-OBJ put.out-QT say-LINK-SFP just

10 asa-no-de Kat-chan-wa hi-o keshi-te sugu-ne

morning-LK-LINK Kat-PAS-TOP fire-OBJ put.out-LINK soon-SFP

11 ano, to-o ake-ni itta-n-da-tte.

well door-OBJ open-PUR went-NOM-BE-TTE

‘(I heard that) Katchan’s family members hurried calling their father

something like…she said to put out the (cooking) fire quickly. It was just in

the morning, you see. Katchan put out the fire and soon, well, went to open

the door.’

12 B: Un.

yes

‘Yes.’

13 A: Moo hoohoo-no karadade ake-ni it-te. Tonikaku

already in.a.rush-LK body.with open-PUR go-LINK anyway

14 to-o akenakereba-tte.

door-OBJ open.have.to-TTE

‘(She said that) she was already in a rush and went to open the door.

(She thought that) she has to open the door anyway.’

……………………. (following seven lines omitted)………………………………………

22 A: Moo kowa-katta-tte it-teita.

IJ scary-PAST-TTE said-PROG

‘Boy! (She) was saying that she was scared.’

By quoting Katchan’s utterance, speaker A indicates the surrounding situation and

background of the earthquake in Katchan’s house, and the context in detail. In line 1, A

uses the -tte marked utterance, daijoobudatta-tte ‘(she said that her family) were okay’

conveying the information that Katchan and her family were okay. In line 4, Katchan was

preparing for the morning meal when the earthquake occurred, as in asano shokujino

shitaku shiteitanda-tte ‘(she said that) she was just preparing for the morning meal’. In line

6, speaker A says Sooshitara gatagata gatagatatte kittanda-tte ‘Then, (she said that she

156

heard) a rattle’. Lines 10 and 11 then show how Katchan and her family behaved when

they felt the earthquake, as in Katchanwa hio keshite sugune too akeni ittanda-tte ‘Katchan

put out the fire and soon she went to open the door’ and lines 13 and 14 elaborate this

situation by adding Katchan’s thought and utterance at that time, as in Tonikaku too

akenakereba-tte ‘(She thought that) she has to open the door anyway’.

In (9), the use of -tte by speaker A indicates three different timeslots in retelling this

story; that is, Katchan’s experiences of the event of earthquake, telling the story that

Katchan experienced to speaker A, and retelling the story that speaker A heard from

Katchan to speaker B. Therefore, speaker A’s use of -tte not only reflects a past event that

happened to Katchan but also speaker A’s point of view. Note that speaker A uses -tte with

the quotative verb it-teitta ‘(she) was saying’ in line 22 to convey Katchan’s feeling of fear,

which contrasts to -tte in lines 1, 4, 6, 11 and 14. These are selected systematically by the

speaker to arrange the event of Katchan as a coherent story from the speaker’s standpoint.

Speakers in (8) and (9) also echo multivoicedness, since they convey the third

person’s utterances through their own utterances, by sending a metamessage that ‘I know

something and I want to let you know’. The reason why speakers present a large amount of

information with the use of -tte is because they want to share the information with hearers

and maintain conversations. The speaker’s presentation of information is structurally

ordered to tell a story, for example, when the earthquake occurred, what Katchan was doing

at that time, how Katchan and her family behaved in that situation and so on. By organising

relevant information coherently and in an orderly way, the speaker’s use of -tte utterance

contributes to the interpretation by the hearer. It is also clear through this attitude of the

speakers that the speaker consecutively uses -tte as a strategy to invite the involvement of

the hearer in interaction, by providing information that is relevant to understanding context.

157

6.5 Face-saving marker

Some scholars in the previous studies discuss the function of -tte in connection with the

concept of ‘face’. For instance, Maynard (1996) asserts that the speech act qualification is

achieved through the incorporation of multiple voices, and various interpretations of speech

act qualification are possible depending on contexts.1 She presents the following example

from a girl’s comic book for the speech act of mitigating.

(10) (Hoshina and Sari are beginning to fall in love)

Hoshina: Kedo/ omeeno/ me de/ wakaru

but your eyes with understand

‘But I understand you by (looking into) your eyes.’

Sari: Kaa

(embarrassed)

‘Ohh…(embarrassed)’

Hoshina: Naan chatte/ na

such say SFP

‘Umm, just kidding.’ (Makino 1992: 80)

In this example, Hoshina tries express his feeling of love towards Sari. According to

Maynard (1996: 222), Hoshina feels embarrassed and vulnerable in expressing his feeling

of love due to possible rejection or being taken too seriously. Immediately after expressing

his feeling, he qualifies his own speech in a form of self-quotation by adding, Naan chatte

na, a colloquial blunt male version of Nante itteshimatte ne ‘(Lit.) I ended up saying so; I

shouldn’t be saying this’ which results in mitigating parody. By doing so, he achieves his

purpose of confessing love without losing face. Here, Maynard provides important

evidence for -tte which is used to save the speaker’s positive face. 1 Lakoff (1980) refers to ‘qualification’ as speech act qualification, by noting that performatives may be qualified by the user.

158

As reviewed in Chapter 2, Suzuki (1998) and Kato (2007) also note that the -tte

marked utterance is adopted by the speaker to avoid potential face-threatening acts. These

authors agree with their arguments to some degree in that the function of -tte can be

explained in terms of face-threatening acts (FTAs). However, in previous research of -tte,

this function has not been fully described, in particular with regard to the socio-cultural

contexts, despite the fact that its use is crucial to a deeper understanding of Japanese culture

as well as Japanese language. In what follows, I will discuss the function of -tte as a face-

saving marker, but first, I will briefly recap the concept of ‘face’ (Brown and Levinson

1978 and revised in 1987).

According to Brown and Levinson (1978), all competent adult members of society

have ‘face’: the public self-image that every member wants to claim for him or herself.

Brown and Levinson (1978: 66-67) remark that ‘face’ consists of two aspects, by defining

negative face as ‘the want of every “competent adult member” that his action be unimpeded

by others’, and positive face as ‘the want of every member that his wants be desirable to at

least some others’. The authors state that certain illocutionary acts such as orders, requests,

advice, offers, promises, expressions of hatred, criticism, disagreement, etc., can be ‘face-

threatening acts’. These acts have the potential to damage the hearer’s positive face, or the

hearer’s negative face, or the illocutionary act may potentially damage the speaker’s own

positive face. In order to reduce the possibility of damage to the hearer’s face or to the

speaker’s own face, he or she may adopt certain strategies.2

2 Many researchers have argued that the concept of face by Brown and Levinson is western-biased (Doi 1971, 1973; Sugiyama Lebra 1976; Tannen 1984; Matusmoto 1988; Wierzbicka 2003). Citing Nakane (1967, 1972), Doi (1971, 1973), Sugiyama Lebra (1976) and others, Matsumoto (1988: 405) points out that such a notion cannot be considered as basic to human relations in Japanese culture and society; the important concern to a person in Japanese culture is not his/her own territory, but the position in relation to the others in the group and his/her acceptance by those others. Further discussion will be provided in Chapter 7. Despite Brown and Levinson’s distinction between positive and negative face, and the associated debate regarding the cultural

159

Moving now to discuss the function of -tte in conjunction with the concept ‘face’,

let us examine the following excerpt from data of the telephone conversations. Prior to this

conversation, speaker A has been talking about Robin, who is a friend of speaker A and

working in the same company. Speaker A has said that she feels uncomfortable with

Robin’s unpleasant behaviour, which resulted in distrust.


1 A: Sorede atsu deetotoka-tte it-tara-sa, iyana

so EXC date.like-QT say-CD-SFP unpleasant

2 kaosuru wake.

face.do reason

‘So, ah, if I talk about a date like, then he makes an unpleasant face.’

3 B: Nande?

why

‘Why?’

4 A: Dooshite jibun-ga shiawase-no tokini-ne,

why oneself-SUB happiness-LK time.at-SFP

5 tomodachini sore-o-ne, ie-nai-no-tte.

friend.to it-OBJ-SFP can.say-NEG-SFP-TTE

6 Kurushii tokidake-no tomodachi-janai-deshoo-tte.

painful time.only-LK friend-NEG-CJR-TTE

‘Why, can’t you say that you are happy to your friends when you are happy?

(We) are not friends only for painful times, are we?’

7 B: Un. Sooyo-ne.

yes that.is.right-SFP

‘Yes, that’s right.’

8 A: Jibun-ga shiawase-nara shiawase-tte watashitachini-ne

variation/universalism of this distinction, it is a useful analytical concept to account for the pragmatic function in interaction.

160

oneself-SUB happy-CD happy-QT us.to-SFP

9 itte-yo-tte.

tell-SFP-TTE

‘If you are happy, then (you should) say to us that you are happy.’

In (11), speaker A continues revealing her thoughts about Robin who does not talk about

the relationship with his girlfriend and he makes an unpleasant face if speaker A asks about

it. It is noteworthy that speaker A’s use of -tte marked utterance is a self-quotation which is

used to express what she wanted to say to Robin, but she could not in reality. From line 4 to

line 5, speaker A says that Dooshite jibunga shiawaseno tokinine tomodachini soreone,

ienaino-tte ‘Why can’t you say that you are happy to your friend when you are happy?’

Also, in line 6, speaker A says that Kurushii tokidakeno tomodachijanaideshoo-tte ‘(We)

are not friends only for painful times, are we?’ And in lines 8 and 9, speaker A goes on to

say that Jibunga shiawasenara shiawasette watashitachinine itteyo-tte ‘If you are happy,

then (you should) say to us that you are happy’. All these utterances are used in a way that

A is talking with Robin in the current context, since the sentence-final particles no and yo

in lines 5 and 9 as well as the conjecture deshoo in line 6, deliver a flavor of direct speech.

These particles and deshoo bring up the effect of making it sound as if A were speaking

directly to Robin. The self-quotation used here seems to be related to the function of -tte in

Maynard’s study in which ‘the speaker plays different character roles’ with the use of self-

quotation (Maynard 1996). Maynard (1996) states that the speaker can perform different

characters in interaction according to a context, even if the quoted and the quoter are

physically the same person. The author asserts that speakers use self-quotation to

manipulate a broader range of expressiveness in interaction, facilitating discourse functions

such as dramatising and distancing.

161

The current study argues that speaker A’s use of -tte utterance is a strategy by

which she did not perform the speech act due to the possibility of damage to Robin’s ‘face’.

Here, the strategy of ‘Do not perform FTA’ is closely related to the usage of the example

presented above, which is adopted when something is potentially so face-threatening that

you don’t say it. In other words, the speaker decides to say nothing to Robin in the previous

context but she performs a different character as if it were someone else’s voice in the

current context.

In (11) above, it can be said that speaker A decides to say nothing directly to Robin

due to the possibility of damaging his negative face. Rather, by stating her own voice in the

form of -tte the speaker still wishes to achieve a similar effect which the speech act, i.e.

expressing her unpleasant feeling towards Robin, would have achieved if it had been

uttered directly towards him (Robin). In this regard, the -tte marked utterance functions as a

face-saving marker here: It is employed by speaker A as a strategy not to damage Robin’s

negative face, and at the same time it is used to save the speaker’s own positive face

through interaction with speaker B. Due to the nature of the information conveyed by

speaker A, which is negative information about Robin, it can damage the speaker’s positive

face. Further, the -tte marked utterance enunciated by speaker A has the effect of reducing

the level of the responsibility of condemning Robin directly.

Let us examine another example for the function of face-saving marker below. In

this case, the speaker uses -tte to convey the information from a third person. Prior to this

conversation speakers A and B have been talking about Rui and his friend Tekkun.


1 A: Yahari iru-n-da-yo, sooiu hito.

as.expected exist-NOM-BE-SFP such person

162

‘As expected, there is such a person.’

2 B: Sorede, nanka tomodachimo i-nai-shitoka it-te.

so something.like friend.also exist-NEG-and.or said-LINK

3 Sore kuwaete iu koto-ka-toka omo-tta.

that add say matter-QUE-or think-PAST

‘So, something like, (he said) something like, he has no friend and…(I)

thought, something like, is that the sort of matter to add and say?’

4 A: Tomodachimo inaishi. Rui-kun tomodachi-janai-no?

friend.also exist.and Rui-PAS friend-NEG-SFP

‘No friend and... isn’t Rui his friend?’

5 B: Tomodachi i-nai-shitoka-tte.

friend exist-NEG-and.or-TTE

6 Nanka shinyuu-rashii-yo. Kookoojidaikara-no.

something close.friend-PRESUM-SFP high.school.days.from-LK

‘(He said) something like, he has no friend. (They) seem the sort of close

friends from high school days.’

7 A: Yahari sono hito bakananda-yo.

after.all that person idiot-SFP

‘After all, that person is an idiot.’

8 B: Un. Henda-to omou.

Yes strange-QT think

‘Yes. I think he is weird.’

In (12), speaker A states his opinion that there exist genius people like Tekkun in line 1.

Upon hearing that, speaker B quotes Tekkun’s utterance in line 2 tomodachimo inaishitoka

itte ‘(he said) something like, he has no friend and…’ and shows his negative attitude

toward Tekkun’s utterance in line 3, by saying Sore kuwaete iu kotokatoka omotta. It

literally means that ‘I thought, something like, is that the sort of matter to add and say?’ but

in this situation it seems to be appropriate to translate as ‘There is no need to say that/ it

was not necessary to say that’. Then, A asks a confirmation from B if Rui is Tekkun’s

163

friend in line 4. In response to A’s request, B answers with the -tte marked utterance in line

5, by reminding A of Tekkun’s utterance, Tomodachi inaishitoka-tte ‘(He said) something

like, he has no friend’. Then, B adds that Rui and Tekkun appear to be sort of close friends

from high school days in line 6. From this statement, it is obvious that B’s answer with the

-tte marked utterance implies ‘Rui is Tekkun’s close friend, but he said he has no friend, I

wish you would understand what I am saying, you know’. Upon hearing that, speaker A

criticises Tekkun in line 7, by saying Yahari sono hito bakanandayo ‘After all, he is an

idiot’, and this is followed by B’s statement of his negative opinion on Tekkun in line 8,

Hendato omou ‘I think he is weird’.

As is the case with example (11), speaker B’s use of -tte utterance in (12) is adopted

as a particular strategy to save his face since his illocutionary acts such as expressions of

hatred and criticism of Tekkun have the potential to damage speaker B’s own positive face.

This is apparent if we consider speaker B’s approach of expressing negatives in relation to

Tekkun. In other words, speaker B employs Tekkun’s utterance to criticise his behaviour

before expressing his own opinion and thought. Moreover, speaker B’s way of expressing

his opinion is somewhat indirect compared to speaker A’s. For example, B’s criticism on

Tekkun in line 7 Hendato omou ‘I think he is weird’ is less explicit than A’s in line 6

Yahari sono hito bakanandayo ‘After all, that person is an idiot’. This is evidenced in the

verb omou ‘think’ in the Japanese language, which is used to express one’s opinions and

thoughts in an indirect way. In addition, B’s frequent use of the particle toka ‘or/something

like’ in lines 2, 3, 5 has the similar effect of softening one’s definite opinion. By using

the -tte marked utterance, speaker B avoids the responsibility of criticising Tekkun directly,

and at the same time he saves his positive face.

The speaker’s use of the -tte marked utterance in the function of face-saving marker

is interactional, since it is used by the speaker to express his/her negative attitudes, by

164

eliciting the interlocutor’s responses such as agreement and understanding, e.g. Sooyone

‘That’s right’ at line 7 in (11), and Yahari sono hito bakanandayo ‘After all, he is an idiot’

at line 7 in (12). In addition, the -tte marked utterance reflects multivoicedness, since

multiple voices including the speaker’s voice and a third person’s voice are merged

together in it, by sending implied metamessages to the hearer.

6.6 Summary

This chapter has discussed the interactional functions of -tte, which is used to convey the

speaker’s own utterance, namely, a self-quotation as well as a third person’s utterance.

Firstly, this chapter has presented the function of ‘recollection’, by noting that the speaker’s

use of -tte is motivated by a prior utterance by the hearer, the speaker, or an utterance

understood by both parties. The function of the self-quotation includes hearer-oriented

recollection, speaker-oriented recollection and mutually understood recollection. In these

functions, speakers reiterate their own utterances, by reminding interlocutors of their

previous utterances and by manifesting different attitudes through each function. This

chapter has also discussed the function of -tte as an evidence-leaking marker, a topic initial

elicitor and a context-detailing marker from a discourse-organisational dimension. In the

function of evidence-leaking marker, the speaker indicates his/her attitude toward the

information obtained from an external source, which is reliable and trustworthy. After the

discussion of -tte as an evidence-leaking marker, the discussions in this chapter also

presented how the -tte marked utterance is used as a strategy to introduce a new topic, in

order to create a new conversation and to invite the involvement of the hearer. Furthermore,

it was argued that speakers adopt the -tte marked utterance to tell a story, by providing a

detailed explanation about contexts from their perspectives, which plays a critical role in

hearers’ interpretation and understanding. Finally, this chapter discussed the function of -tte

165

as a face-saving marker with regard to FTAs. In this function, speakers use -tte marked

utterance to save speakers’ positive face.

It has also been discussed that -tte indicates a broader function in interaction,

compared to -(ta) nikka and -tay in the Korean language. As is the case with -(ta) nikka and

-tay, different metamessages with the use of -tte are presented below, in order to show how

involvement and multivoicedness can be realised in a concrete way.

Table 6.1: Different metamessages with the use of -tte

The interactional functions of -tte Metamessages with the use of -tte

Recollection (hearer-oriented/speaker-

oriented/mutually understood

recollection)

I’m saying this repeatedly, why don’t you

understand?/Listen to me, I want you to know

what happened to me/I said this before, so

you should fully understand what I am saying

Evidence-leaking marker This is true, because someone also said this

Topic initial elicitor Listen. I heard this. Is it true?

Context-detailing marker I know something and I want to let you know

Face-saving marker I wish I said this/I wish you would

understand what I’m saying

What can be observed in these meatamessages is that speakers use -tte to express ego

involvement and/or invite the involvement of the hearer, in order to build and maintain

conversations, by representing their multiple voices according to different contexts.

166

Chapter 7

The use of -(ta) nikka/-tay and -tte with regard to aspects of Korean and Japanese

culture and society

7.0 Introduction

So far the present study has discussed the functions of Korean -(ta) nikka/-tay and Japanese

-tte in spoken discourse, by examining data from daily telephone conversations between

family and friends. Through the discussion, it has been demonstrated that each marker

represents particular functions according to contexts, with its primary property of echoing

self-voice and/or the other’s voice. Those functions can be summarised as follows (‘x’

indicates observed functions).

167

Table 7.1: The functions of Korean -(ta) nikka/-tay and Japanese -tte1

Indirect quotative markers

Functions

-(ta) nikka -tay -tte

Hearer-oriented recollection x x

Speaker-oriented recollection x x

Mutually understood recollection x x

Topic initial elicitor x x

Evidence-leaking marker x x

Context-detailing marker x x

Quote-like marker in a rhetorical question x

Face-saving marker x

As shown in this table, the three markers have their specific functions, sharing some

similarities and differences. For instance, Korean -(ta) nikka indicates the functions of

hearer-oriented recollection, speaker-oriented recollection, and mutually understood

recollection. These functions have also been observed in the use of -tte in the Japanese

language. Likewise, the functions of -tay such as topic initial elicitor, evidence-leaking

marker and context-detailing marker have been identified in the functions of -tte. However,

the function as a face-saving marker has been found in the use of -tte only. As briefly noted

in Chapter 6, the face-saving marker -tte is crucial to a deeper understanding of Japanese

culture as well as Japanese language, but it has not been fully described in the previous

studies, especially in relation to aspects of Japanese culture and society.

1 The present study does not deal with a ‘quote-like marker in a rhetorical question’ in Japanese and ‘face-saving marker’ in Korean. Indeed, it is worth noting that Yamazaki (1996) mentions the Japanese -tte as having a ‘quote-like function in a rhetorical question’ and it is assumed that the Korean -tay also has a face-saving function. In addition, there is a possibility that the function of -tte as a face-saving marker can be found in other Korean markers, i.g. -(ta) ko has a function of a self-quotation. However, for this study, these functions have not been found in telephone conversations and equivocal and ambiguous data has been excluded to avoid any confusion.

168

This chapter is organised in the following manner. Section 7.1 provides a

preliminary discussion of cultural values. Section 7.2 presents the speaker’s use of -tte with

regard to cultural values in Japan and Section 7.3 discusses the different values in Korea.

Section 7.4 summarises the chapter.

7.1 Different cultural values

In earlier chapters (see Chapters 3 and 6), it was briefly noted that the concept of ‘face’ in

politeness theory has been widely used in a variety of cultures, but there is controversy

among some scholars due to its western-biased perspective. For example, Wierzbicka

(2003) points out that the notion of ‘face’ has in fact a strong Anglocentric bias, by saying

that Brown and Levinson see two principles as the most important ones in human

interaction: ‘avoidance of imposition’ (‘negative face’) and ‘approval of the other person’.

Matsumoto (1988) also states that Brown and Levinson have overemphasised the notion of

individual freedom and autonomy, and have ignored the interpersonal or social perspective

on face (in Spencer-Oatey 2007). The author goes on to say that the notion of ‘face’ is

based on individuals and their rights that have long been acknowledged as playing an

increasingly dominant role in European and American culture. According to Matsumoto

(1988: 405), such a notion cannot be considered as basic to human relations in Japanese

culture and society, since the important concern to a person in Japanese culture is not

his/her own territory, but the position in relation to the others in the group and his/her

acceptance by those others. The author argues that the Japanese concepts of face are

qualitatively different from those defined as universals by Brown and Levinson.

S. Choi and K. Kim also state that the concept of ‘face’ in western culture is

somewhat different to that in Korea. According to S. Choi and K. Kim (2000: 202), while it

has been treated as having significance in the context of self-esteem or impression-

169

management in psychological literature in western culture, the chemyon (face) in Confucian

culture is directly linked to the very concept of a human being in Korea. In the Confucian

model of humanity, losing social face should induce or result in a sense of shame, which

differentiates human beings from non-human beings. Confucianism has greatly influenced

social life and culture in Korea, in particular, the forming of a significant concept of

chemyon, reflecting Korean culture. Traditionally, Korean people have observed cheymyen

when interacting with others. Cheymyen’s equivalents in English are ‘face’, ‘self-esteem’,

or ‘outside show’. According to M. Park (1979), Koreans are generally more concerned

with how others think of them than with how they regard themselves. This well reflects

how cheymyen is associated with people’s consciousness and behaviour in Korean society.

Quoting Crane (1978: 101), Koo provides a good example for cheymyen as follows:

If one wanted a loan security, he must locate a borrower with much cheymyen to be saved.

If a man’s cheymyen is involved in the loan and saving face is valued at more than the loan,

then he will repay it. If there were little cheymyen to be saved, then the loan might be

insecure, regardless of the borrower’s real assets (Koo 1989: 121).

According to these authors, the concept of ‘face’ needs to be considered in relation to

aspects of different culture and society. Regarding cultural differences in different societies,

the present study attempts to interpret the functions of the target markers in terms of

different cultural values that can affect and control interactions. In particular, this study will

discuss the speakers’ different motivations to use -tte in Japanese and -tay in Korean for the

functions of a face-saving marker and evidence-leaking marker, respectively.2

The effort to discover the differences between different societies and different

language communities in their ways of speaking is found in the study of cross-cultural

2The Korean marker -(ta) nikka is excluded for the discussion of cultural values, since the marker does not indicate the similar function to the Japanese -tte as a face-saving marker to convey the speaker’s own utterance.

170

pragmatics (Ochs 1976; Kochman 1981; Tannen 1981; Eades 1982; Hijirida & Sohn 1983;

Schiffrin 1984; Goddard 1985; Katriel 1986; Ameka 1987; Harkins 1988; Wierzbicka

1985a, 1985b, 2003). The main ideas of cross-cultural pragmatics in language studies are

well summarised in Wierzbicka (2003: 69) as follows:

(i) In different societies, and different communities, people speak differently.

(ii) These differences in ways of speaking are profound and systematic.

(iii) These differences reflect different cultural values, or at least different hierarchies

of values.

(iv) Different ways of speaking, different communicative styles, can be explained and

made sense of, in terms of independently established different cultural values and

cultural priorities.

These ideas are particularly important to understand culture-specific aspects in the use of

the target markers in Japanese and Korean cultures. For instance, the characteristic of -tte

as a face-saving marker can be attributed to Japanese culture, in other words, the expression

is constrained by Japanese cultural norms. More specifically, the speaker’s use of -tte

reflects his/her attitude of avoiding giving an opinion directly, since this direct opinion can

be viewed as socially and culturally unacceptable behaviour in a given situation.

Although -tte does not directly index this aspect, this study will show that the speaker’s use

of this marker can be influenced by the cultural values of Japan.

In the consecutive sections, the present study will discuss the possible differences

between the Japanese -tte and Korean -tay with regard to their cultural values, since these

values can affect speakers’ use of these markers by manifesting their different assumptions

and motivations.

171

7.2 The Japanese cultural values enryo, meiwaku and omoiyari

This section will focus on discussing the Japanese cultural values of enryo, meiwaku and

omoiyari in close relation to the use of the -tte marked utterance.

Let us first recall the example (11) in Chapter 6 that has been used for discussing

the function of -tte as a face-saving marker.


1 A: Sorede atsu deetotoka-tte it-tara-sa, iyana

so EXC date.like-QT say-CD-SFP unpleasant

2 kaosuru wake.

face.do reason

‘So, ah, if I talk about a date like, then he makes an unpleasant face.’

3 B: Nande?

why

‘Why?’

4 A: Dooshite jibun-ga shiawase-no tokini-ne,

why oneself-SUB happiness-LK time.at-SFP

5 tomodachini sore-o-ne, ie-nai-no-tte.

friend.to it-OBJ-SFP can.say-NEG-SFP-TTE

6 Kurushii tokidake-no tomodachi-janai-deshoo-tte.

painful time.only-LK friend-NEG-CJR-TTE

‘Why, can’t you say that you are happy to your friends when you are

happy? (We) are not friends only for painful times, are we?’

7 B: Un. Sooyo-ne.

yes that.is.right-SFP

‘Yes, that’s right.’

8 A: Jibun-ga shiawase-nara shiawase-tte watashitachini-ne

oneself-SUB happy-CD happy-QT us.to-SFP

9 itte-yo-tte.

tell-SFP-TTE

‘If you are happy, then (you should) say to us that you are happy.’

172

In the data, speaker A has been talking about her friend Robin, who does not express his

feelings clearly, and she feels uncomfortable with Robin’s distrustful behaviour. Using the

-tte utterance, speaker A says what she perhaps wanted to say directly toward Robin, but

she did not perform this speech act in reality. For instance, speaker A might want to

directly tell Robin that Dooshite jibunga shiawaseno tokinine tomodachini soreone,

ienaino-tte ‘Why can’t you say that you are happy to your friend (speaker A) when you are

happy?’, and Kurushii tokidakeno tomodachijanaideshoo-tte ‘(We) are not a friend only for

painful times, are we?’ Also, speaker A reveals her thought about Robin, by saying Jibunga

shiawasenara shiawasette watashitachinine itteyo-tte ‘If you are happy, then (you should)

say to us that you are happy’.

In Chapter 6, it was discussed that the speaker’s use of the -tte marked utterance

here is a strategy by which the speaker did not perform the speech act directly to the

intended person (Robin in this case), and as a result, could avoid possibly damaging

Robin’s face, while she could still achieve her goal (i.e. expressing her unpleasant feeling

towards Robin) in an indirect manner. What underlies the use of -tte in this case is the

Japanese cultural value of enryo, which is, according to Kodansha dictionary and

Wierzbicka (2003), normally translated as ‘reserve’, ‘modesty’, ‘hesitation’ and ‘restraint’.

Smith (1983: 44-45) gives insight into the concept of enryo, by stating that ‘Japanese are at

pains to avoid confrontation…much of the definition of a good person involves restraint in

the expression of personal desires and opinions’. Wierzbicka (2003: 74) remarks that this

restraint manifests as one of the most recognisable Japanese cultural values. By citing

Smith (1983: 83-84), she goes on to say that one way of describing enryo is ‘to avoid

giving opinions and to sidestep choices when they are offered’. Wierzbicka also notes that

what applies to the expression of one’s wants applies also the expression of one’s opinions.

This, too, comes under the value of enryo. According to these authors, the reason why

173

Japanese people tend to be reluctant to give their opinions in a direct way, and avoidance of

hurting others’ feelings by expressing unpleasant feeling toward other people is based on

their cultural concept of enryo. Wierzbicka asserts that the concept of enryo provides an

essential key to understanding Japanese culture, and it can only be understood if we

translate it into culture-independent, universal or near-universal concepts such as want,

think, say, good or bad, in the following way:

enryo

X thinks:

I can’t say to this person: I want this, I don’t want this

I think this, I don’t think this

Someone can feel something bad because of this

X doesn’t say it because of this

X doesn’t do some things because of this

If we consider the concept of enryo by Wierzbicka above, the reason why speaker A in the

example (11) in Chapter 6 did not perform the speech act in the face-to-face conversation

with Robin is explained as follows.

Speaker A thinks:

I can’t say to Robin: I want this, I don’t want this

I think this, I don’t think this

Robin can feel something bad because of this

Speaker A doesn’t say it because of this

Speaker A doesn’t do some things because of this

174

The concept of enryo enables the hearer to interpret the use of -tte in the way that the

speaker intends: she has avoided giving her opinions directly to Robin, but instead she

adopts a strategy of performing the speech act as if it had been uttered.

Regarding the use of -tte, we can also consider the Japanese value of meiwaku along

with enryo. The meanings of meiwaku are defined as ‘trouble’, ‘annoyance’ and

‘inconvenience’ in Kodansha’s dictionary. According to Suzuki (1976), Japanese culture

can be seen as a ‘culture of anticipatory perception’ and a ‘culture of consideration’—a

culture bent on preventing displeasure. Lebra (1976: 41) also remarks that one should note

how often in speech the Japanese refer to the need not to cause meiwaku, ‘trouble’, for

another person, not to be in his way, and not to hurt his feelings. Their actual behaviour

tends to be circumspect and reserved, so as not to offend other people.

In addition, Wierzbicka (2003) proposes another concept of empathy whose

equivalent in Japanese is omoiyari. Japanese culture places very high value on omoiyari,

anticipating what other people might feel. Japanese people are highly sensitive to other

people’s (unexpressed) feelings that cause the Japanese to conceal their true feelings, in the

Japanese word tatemae. Wierzbicka asserts that this emphasis on empathy or omoiyari is

closely related to the Japanese reluctance to verbalise feelings at all, since they fear that

such behaviour may hurt or offend other people. In addition, for Japanese people, feelings

should be understood without words; in other words, feelings cannot be really expressed by

words. There is a proverb in Japan ‘Shitashii nakanimo reigiari’, it means that there exist

manners even between people who have an intimate relationship. This reflects how

Japanese people are conscious of enryo, meiwaku and omoiyari in their interpersonal

relationships.

While Japanese people, in general, tend to be reluctant to give their opinions

directly and verbalise their feelings, there are cases where Korean people express their

175

opinions and thoughts directly in informal situations. For instance, when someone meets

his/her acquaintance after a long interval, and he/she thinks his/her acquaintance looks

unhealthy, then he/she would say, Elkwuli manhi sanghayssney, which means ‘Your face

went bad a lot (your face has changed for the worse)’. This kind of expression can be a

face-threatening act but it is usually seen in everyday conversation in Korea. In addition,

many verbal expressions that can be a face-threatening act are allowed between in-group

members such as family and friends. Even insulting utterances as in Ne way kulehkey

musikkani?, which means ‘Why are you so ignorant?’ are possible between two close

friends (Sohn 1983: 109). Byon (2006) also presents the following ‘threatening remarks’

that are adopted in highly informal conversation.

An pillyecwu-myen mac-nun-ta.

NEG lend-CD beat-ATTR-DEC

‘If you don’t lend it to me, you will be beaten.’

Pillyecwu-cianh-umyen honna.

lend-NEG-CD scold

‘If you don’t lend it to me, you will be scolded.’ (Byon 2006: 183)

Byon remarks that these expressions are natural among intimate Korean friends, and he

suggests that the two instances above are seen as teasing expressions rather than genuine

negative threatening remarks that cause severe FTA effects.

As seen in the examples presented, expressing one’s opinions or thoughts directly in

everyday conversations, even if it could be a FTA, seems to be common between close

relationships in Korea, while it is less common in Japan. Dashdorj (2003: 356) describes

Korean people as not being able to conceal their emotions such as joy, anger, sadness, fear,

176

pleasure and displeasure, and they expose them directly. Ahn (2004: 26) compares Korean

people with Japanese people, by stating that Japanese are rather conscious of other people

and do not expose themselves easily. In contrast, Korean people are not as conscious of

other people and they express their emotions intensely.

So far, the Japanese cultural values enryo, meiwaku and omoiyari have been

discussed with respect to the speaker’s use of -tte as a face-saving marker. It is safe to say

that -tte may be used as a useful strategy to convey the cultural values, enryo, meiwaku and

omoiyari through which the speaker can save his/her own face by performing the speech

act as if it were someone else’s voice, as well as face of a referent.

It should be noted here that this does not mean that Korean does not have any

linguistic expressions to indicate the speaker’s unpleasant feeling about a third person. For

instance, -(ta) ko is used as a self-quotation to convey the speaker’s opinions or thoughts,

as below.

(1) A: Na-n ilehkey sayngkakha-y.

I-TOP like.this think-IE

2 I casik-tul cengmal mwuchaykimha-tako.

this jerk-PL really irresponsible-TAKO

‘I think like this. These jerks are really irresponsible.’

3 B: Nwukwu yayki?

who talk

‘Who’s talk?’

4 A: I chayk ssun salam-tul.

this book wrote people-PL

‘People who wrote this book.’ (Cho 2004: 95)

177

In (1), speakers A and B are talking about the writers who wrote a book. Using -(ta) ko in

line 2, A states his/her negative opinion about the writers, by saying I casiktul cengmal

mwuchaykimha-tako ‘These jerks are really irresponsible’, because they did not consider

future generations who will have to edit the book.

However, -(ta) nikka does not have this function, and this is the reason why this

marker has been excluded from the discussion of the Korean cultural values to compare

them with the Japanese -tte.

7.3 The Korean cultural values intimacy, affection and solidarity

In this section, I would like to say a few words reflecting the values of Korean culture, and

tentatively propose that the central place of cultural values in Korea is occupied by

intimacy, affection and solidarity.

Before discussing the Korean cultural values, let us compare the two examples

below. The first example (12) below was presented in Chapter 6 as an example of face-

saving Japanese -tte.


1 A: Yahari iru-n-da-yo, sooiu hito.

as.expected exist-NOM-BE-SFP such person

‘As expected, there is such a person.’

2 B: Sorede, nanka tomodachimo i-nai-shitoka it-te.

so something.like friend.also exist-NEG-and.or said-LINK

3 Sore kuwaete iu koto-ka-toka omo-tta.

that add say matter-QUE-or think-PAST

‘So, something like, (he said) something like, he has no friend and…(I)

thought, something like, is that the sort of matter to add and say?’

4 A: Tomodachimo inaishi. Rui-kun tomodachi-janai-no?

178

friend.also exist.and Rui-PAS friend-NEG-SFP

‘No friend and... isn’t Rui his friend?’

5 B: Tomodachi i-nai-shitoka-tte.

friend exist-NEG-and.or-TTE

6 Nanka shinyuu-rashii-yo. Kookoojidaikara-no.

something close.friend-PRESUM-SFP high.school.days.from-LK

‘(He said) something like, he has no friend. (They) seem the sort of close

friends from high school days.’

7 A: Yahari sono hito bakananda-yo.

after.all that person idiot-SFP

‘After all, that person is an idiot.’

8 B: Un. Henda-to omou.

Yes strange-QT think

‘Yes. I think he is weird.’

In this example, speakers A and B are talking about Tekkun who is known as a genius.

However, speaker B thinks Tekkun’s behavior is suspicious because it is different to what

he says. To show Tekkun’s negative aspect, B directly quotes Tekkun’s voice, by saying

Tomodachimo inaishitoka-tte ‘(He said) something like, he has no friend’ in line 5. As

discussed in Chapter 6, B expresses criticism indirectly by quoting the targeted person’s

utterance, and at the same time he saves his own positive face.

The second example is (6) in Chapter 5, which was presented in discussing the

evidence-leaking marker -tay in Korean, which indicates the reliability of the information

to suggest something, and can be used to inform knowledge and detach the speaker from

the responsibility for the knowledge.


1 A: E, eng, ung.

yes yes yes

179






‘But Gary’s classmates say that he is too different from what he looks like.’

4 A: Eng. Cengmal-i-ya?

yes really-COP-IE

‘Yes. Really?’

5 B: Salam-i ai kulenikka phyengsoeyn coh-tay. Kuntey,

person-SUB FIL in.other.words usually good-TAY but

‘(They say that) the person, well, in other words, usually he is good, but...’

6 A: Ung.

yes

‘Yes.’

7 B: Ttak enu swunkan-ey caki kipwun-ey kesulli-myen-un

just some point-TEMP oneself nerve-LOC jangle-CD-TOP

8 kipwunnappaha-nun key nwun-ey poi-n-tay-n-ta.

feel.bad-ATTR NOM eyes-LOC seen-ATTR-TAY-ATTR-DEC

‘(They say that) his bad feeling is obvious to them if something jangles

his nerves just at some point.’

9 A: Cengmal-i-ya?

really-COP-IE

‘Really?’

10 B: Ku thi-ka nal cengtolo phak ku

FIL mark-SUB visible degree completely FIL

11 phyoceng-i pyenha-n-tay.

facial.expression-SUB change-ATTR-TAY

‘(They say that) his facial expression is completely changed and becomes

visible.’

12 A: He. Eme weynil-i-ya.

EXC EXC what.on.earth-COP-IE

‘Huh, oh, what on earth is it.’

180

13 B: Kuttaypwuthe mak isanghayci-n-tay, salam-i.

then.from FIL become.weird-ATTR-TAY person-SUB

‘(They say that) he becomes weird from then.’

14 A: Ememe, ememe. Cengmal?

EXC EXC really

‘Oh my gosh, oh my gosh. Really?’

15 B: Ne-n acik kulen ke eps-ess-e?

you-TOP yet such thing no.exist-PAST-IE

‘Didn’t you have such a thing yet?’

16 A: Wuli-n kulen ke eps-ess-e.

we-TOP such thing no.exist-PAST-IE

‘We had no such a thing.’

17 B: E, kulayse nay-ka pokieynun salam kwaynchanh-un kes

yes so I-SUB view.in person nice-ATTR NOM

18 kath-untey, aytul-i kule-tela-ko.

PRESUM-CN they-SUB say-RET-QT

‘Yes, so, in my view he looks like a nice person, but they said that.’

In the example above, speakers A and B are talking about Gary, who is a student learning

English at the same college. While speaker A has said that Gary seems to be a very nice

guy, speaker B provides negative information about Gary with the use of -tay, based on the

information gained from Gary’s classmates. Although speaker B did not have the

experience of observing Gary’s bad side, she is leaking the negative evaluation of Gary

through her report and avoiding responsibility for criticising him directly.

The two examples presented above share something in common, that is, the target

markers -tte and -tay are used by speakers to avoid responsibility and to criticise a referent

indirectly. However, the Japanese example has a different pragmatic implication from the

Korean example, since the values of two cultures differ. As discussed in Section 7.2, the

Japanese people in general tend to be reluctant to verbalise feelings and give their opinions

181

in a direct way, so as not to offend other people. This is based on their cultural values enryo,

meiwaku and omoiyari.

Yet, if the cultural values in Korea are considered in this interaction, it can be

interpreted in a different way. Regarding this conversation, five Korean people out of six3

provided the answer that the reason speaker B gave speaker A the negative information

about Gary is for the sake of speaker A. This means that speaker B is concerned about

speaker A, as they are friends and have an intimate relationship. With respect to intimacy,

Wierzbicka (2003: 105) defines it as ‘readiness to reveal to some particular persons some

aspects of one’s personality and of one’s inner world that one conceals from other people; a

readiness based on personal trust and on personal good feelings’. Wierzbicka presents

‘intimacy’ as follows:

Intimacy

X thinks: I feel something

I want to say it to someone

I can say it to Y

I feel something good towards Y

Y feels something good towards me

I can say it to Y because of this

I can’t say it to other people

X says it to Y because of this

3 I give thanks to six native speakers of Korean (friends and family members) who contributed to the confirmation of this interpretation of -tay.

182

If we consider ‘intimacy’ between speaker A and B in example (6) of Chapter 5, speaker

B’s inner thoughts can be represented as follows:

B thinks: I feel something about Gary

I want to say it to someone

I can say it to A

I feel something good towards A

A feels something good towards me

I can say it to A because of this

I can’t say it to other people

B says it to A because of this

If there is no intimacy between speaker A and B, it would be unnecessary for B to give

negative information about Gary to A, because this can damage speaker B’s positive face

or cheymyen which is exercised to save one’s public self-image. In spite of such a potential

risk, speaker B conveys the information about Gary to inform speaker A of his personality

and B’s act is based on the intimate relationship with A. However, Japanese speakers

would not interpret the Japanese example in a similar way to the Korean.

Intimacy is highly regarded in Korean society and ceng can be a source of linguistic

evidence for the claim that Korean people are particularly sensitive to intimacy. Korean

people are known as people with warmth and affection, which is connoted in the Korean

word ceng which can be translated in English as affection, emotion, feeling, love and

sympathy. Korean people describe themselves as Cengi manhun mincok, which means

‘people with a rich affection’. Imagine that you are invited to a Korean family home and

offered food by the host. The host would say ‘Take some more rice! You must, otherwise

183

there is no affection’. From a Japanese speaker’s point of view, this Korean way of

speaking may appear to reflect lack of consideration for other people, a tendency to be

bossy and so on.

A variety of expressions are used in daily conversations with regard to ceng, and

some examples are listed quoting from Sohn.

Hanpen cwu-myen ceng eps-ta.

once give-CD affection no.exist-DEC

‘Affection cannot be had by giving only once.’

Ceng tun-ta.

love get.to-DEC

‘Get to love…’

Ceng tteleci-l soli ha-cima-sey-yo.

affection seperate-ATTR talk do-NEG-HON-POL

‘Don’t talk about anything that may hurt our affectionate relationship.’

(Sohn 1983: 129)

Ceng is regarded as essential to building intimate and warm relationships among Korean

people. Ceng is the foundation of relationships and is found in every relationship of Korean

people (Lim 1995). Sohn also refers to the significance of the role of ceng, affection in

interaction in Korean society, as below:

The Korean people may be characterised largely as emotional or affective, owing probably

to their collectivistic consciousness. In most social interactions among Koreans, emotion

plays a major role. Without personalisation, human relationships can hardly proceed

smoothly in Korea (Sohn 1983: 128).

184

Generally, it is said that Korean people like giving and receiving, and there is a proverb

Onun cengi isseya kanun cengi issta, which means ‘to give as one gets’ or ‘you scratch my

back and I will scratch yours’. While Japanese people regard receiving a present from

someone as a kind of debt that should be returned, Korean people tend to view the

exchange of a present as sharing affection.

Together with intimacy and affection (ceng), solidarity can also be considered as a

possible cultural value of Korean in interpreting the example (6) of Chapter 5. That is, the

speaker’s use of -tay is motivated by solidarity. Korean people show strong solidarity

between family members and close friends and their solidarity is often discussed in relation

to ‘groupness’ and/or ‘collectivism’. In general, ‘groupness’ and/or ‘collectivism’ are most

widely used among scholars (Brandt and Chang 1980; Sohn 1983; Koo 1989; Byon 2006)

to refer to Koreans’ cultural values. For instance, ‘groupness’ can be observed in the word

wuli, which means ‘we’ in English. Wuli is frequently used in conversations, and it is used

even to refer to one’s family members such as wuli emma (our mum), wuli appa (our dad)

and wuli enni (our older sister), instead of using my mum, my dad and my older sister,

respectively. This illustrates that solidarity, in particular among family members and close

friends, is valued in Korean culture.

In a study comparing Koreans with Americans in cognitive values, Sohn (1983)

states that there exists a number of terms including ‘wuli’ to represent the sense of deep

human interrelatedness and interdependence due to collectivism in Korean society as

follows:

hyoto ‘filial duty’, unhyey ‘gracious favour’, inyen ‘connection’, yemlye, simlye ‘concern’,

cheymyen ‘face’, inceng ‘feeling, love’, kyemson ‘modesty’, toli ‘morality’, nwunchi

‘reading other’s mind’

185

These terms are frequently used in daily conversations and also they shed light on

Confucianism, which has had a great influence on constructing cultural values in Korea, as

mentioned earlier. From the Yi dynasty (1392-1910) to the present, Confucianism has

provided a strong basis for the ideas and interpersonal relationships of Korean people.

According to Sohn (1983), there are five relationships in Confucianism: loyalty between

king and subject, filial piety between parents and child, distinction between husband and

wife, precedence between senior and junior (in terms of age, sex, generation or social

status), and confidence between friends (cited from Chang 1977: 154). For Korean people,

the relationship between parents and their children includes the virtues of loyalty,

obedience, service and sacrifice, as well as sincerity and respect (Sohn 1983: 104). The

term ‘friend’ also involves people who have deep and long lasting friendships and interact

using extremely intimate speech style. Regarding this cultural value, it is possible to say

that the speaker’ motivation to use -tay in (6) results from the solidarity of her friendship.

7.4 Summary

This chapter discussed the use of the Japanese -tte with respect to aspects of culture and

society. It was shown that the function of -tte as a face-saving marker can be reinterpreted

in terms of the cultural values in Japan such as enryo, meiwaku and omoiyari that can affect

and control the use of this marker. To compare with the Japanese cultural values, the

Korean equivalents such as intimacy, affection and solidarity, were discussed. In Korea,

these cultural values can also have an influence on interaction, manifesting different

motivations and attitudes of the speaker from those of Japanese.

186

Chapter 8

Conclusion

8.0 Introduction

This thesis has investigated three discourse markers -(ta) nikka and -tay in the Korean

language and -tte in the Japanese language with respect to their interactional functions

in spoken discourse. Further, this thesis has explored the functional differences between

-(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte, by comparing the socio-cultural aspects of Korean and

Japanese.

This chapter presents a conclusion, by summarising the answers to the research

questions established for this thesis, which were:

(i) What are the functions of each marker in spoken conversation?

(ii) Why are these markers mainly used in spoken conversation while rarely used

in written texts?

(iii) Why are these markers used in informal speech rather than in formal speech?

(iv) What are the similarities and differences between the functions of -(ta)

nikka/-tay and -tte?

(v) How are the similarities and differences culturally characterised?

187

The target markers have similar properties in some aspects. For example, they are used

as indirect quotation markers in casual speech, despite the fact that they indicate

different functions in interaction with respect to the contexts in which they occur.

Through Chapters 4 to 6, analyses of -(ta) nikka and -tay in Korean and -tte in Japanese

have been provided in order to illustrate particular functions for each marker, which is

significant from a contrastive analysis perspective. In Chapter 7, their similarities and

differences were discussed based on the findings from previous chapters. This helped

shed light on our understanding of the target markers within their respective languages

and across the languages.

In this chapter, Section 8.1 presents summaries of this thesis’ findings on -(ta)

nikka, -tay and -tte and Section 8.2 discusses their similarities and differences. In

Section 8.3, linguistic implications will be provided. Section 8.4 provides suggestions

for further studies and Section 8.5 presents concluding remarks.

8.1 A summary of the main findings on -(ta) nikka/-tay and -tte

Throughout this thesis, it has been demonstrated that the Korean -(ta) nikka/-tay and the

Japanese -tte are used by speakers as a particular linguistic strategy to create

interpersonal involvement from hearers in spoken conversations. It has also been

discussed how speakers express their feelings and attitudes with the use of these

markers, transferring different metamessages. In addition, it has been shown that the

different functions of the target markers emerge depending on the different social,

interactional and dialogic contexts in which they are used, by reflecting multivoicedness.

Chapters 1 and 2 provided the aims and background and a literature review for

this thesis. After outlining a scope of the study, Chapter 1 presented methodology and

data. Chapter 2 provided a literature review for the target markers, showing that the

interactive nature of these markers has not been sufficiently investigated in an integrated

188

way, and that the focus of previous studies has been only on partial aspects of these

markers. The present study proposed that the notion of involvement and

multivoicedness provide a comprehensive account of the issues with respect to the use

of -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte, such as their frequent use in spoken language, and their

various functions in interaction. In Chapter 3, key concepts for the subsequent chapters

were outlined, such as involvement, attitude, repetition and multivoicedness. It was

proposed that speakers use quoting strategy, by inviting the involvement of the hearer in

interaction and by echoing multiple voices. The present study also illustrated the

concept of ‘face’ and Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM) to discuss a face-saving

marker and cultural values.

Chapters 4, 5 and 6 then analysed the functions of -(ta) nikka and -tay in the

Korean language and -tte in the Japanese language. Chapter 4 presented three functions

of -(ta) nikka in interaction: hearer-oriented, speaker-oriented and mutually understood

recollection. For the hearer-oriented recollection, it was discussed how this function is

triggered by the hearer’s incomprehension, indicating the speaker’s negative attitude of

rebuke towards the hearer who did not pay attention to the speaker’s previous utterances.

In addition, the case in which the speaker repeats his/her utterance, in order to invite the

involvement of the hearer and share his/her feelings was discussed.

In the second function of the -(ta) nikka marked utterance, it was discussed how

the speaker uses -(ta) nikka based on his/her own knowledge about what happened

before, in order to invite the involvement of the hearer. In this function, the -(ta) nikka

marked utterance is not used to repeat the previous utterance of the speaker, which is a

distinctive feature of this function. In contrast to the other functions of -(ta) nikka, the

information conveyed by the speaker is not shared with the hearer. Instead, the reason

why the speaker uses the -(ta) nikka utterance is to draw the hearer’s attention to what

189

the speaker has experienced. By using -(ta) nikka, the speaker stimulates the hearer’s

interest and anticipates a certain reaction from the hearer.

In a mutually understood recollection, ‘presupposition’ plays an important role

in connecting the speaker’s utterance with the hearer. In other words, the speaker’s -(ta)

nikka utterance is based on what he/she said before, and this implies that the hearer

would already know the previous utterance of the speaker. What can be observed in the

function of mutually understood recollection is the involvement of the hearer in

interaction, by the speaker eliciting a response from the hearer and by recollecting the

speaker’s previous utterances or thoughts.

Chapter 5 was devoted to the function of -tay, by presenting its interactional

functions such as a topic initial elicitor, evidence-leaking marker, context-detailing

marker and the quote-like marker in a rhetorical question. It was shown that the -tay

marked utterance is used to introduce a new topic in conversation, in order to evaluate

the topic with the hearer. The case where a speaker forms ‘dialogic relations’ with

participants by inserting multiple voices in conversations was discussed. The function

of -tay as an evidence-leaking marker was presented. In this function, the speaker

expresses his/her attitude toward information which is reliable and trustworthy. In

addition, the case in which the speaker expresses his/her attitude to shift the

responsibility for knowledge to others was discussed.

Further, it was illustrated that -tay as a context-detailing marker signals contexts

by providing the hearer with detailed information. This function is crucial to

maintaining interpersonal involvement, as the hearer decides how to interpret

information on the basis of the cue provided by the speaker. Finally, the rhetorical

expression of the -tay marked utterance was discussed. Due to the nature of this marker,

which is used to quote a third person’s utterance only, the speaker pretends to quote

someone else’s voice to convey his/her own utterance. By doing so, the speaker refers

190

to his/own action as a conveyer of information, and expresses his/her attitude of strong

denial.

In Chapter 6, the interactional functions of -tte were discussed. This marker is

used to convey the speaker’s own utterance, namely, self-quotation, as well as the third

person’s utterance. The function of the self-quotation includes hearer-oriented, speaker-

oriented and mutually understood recollection. In these functions, speakers reiterate

their own utterances, by reminding interlocutors of their previous utterances and by

manifesting different attitudes through each function.

The chapter also discussed the function of -tte as an evidence-leaking marker

with which the speaker indicates his/her attitude toward the information obtained from

an external source, which is reliable and trustworthy. After the discussion of -tte as an

evidence-leaking marker, the chapter presented how the -tte marked utterance is used as

a strategy by the speaker to introduce a new topic, in order to create a new conversation

and to invite the involvement of the hearer. It then presented how the speaker adopts the

-tte marked utterance to tell a story by providing a detailed explanation about contexts

that play a critical role in the hearer’s interpretation, and discussed the function of -tte as

a face-saving marker with regard to face-threatening acts (FTAs). In this function, the

speaker uses the -tte marked utterance to save the hearer’s negative and/or the speaker’s

own positive face. In addition, this function reflects unique cultural aspects in Japanese

interaction.

The use of the Korean -(ta) nikka/-tay and Japanese -tte with respect to aspects

of Korean and Japanese culture was discussed in Chapter 7. Through the discussion, it

was shown that these target markers share some similarities and some differences. It

discussed how the concept of ‘face’ has been criticised as western-biased, and that

cultural variations should be considered. Regarding this point, it was presented how

191

cultural values in Japan such as enryo, meiwaku and omoiyari affect and control the use

of -tte, by comparing them with their Korean counterparts.

Thus far a summary of the main findings of -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte has been

provided. This summary shows the interactional functions of each marker in spoken

conversation, and at the same time it provides the answer to the research question (i),

(ii) and (iii). The next section presents the similarities and differences between the

functions of -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte, in order to answer the research questions (iv) and

(v).

8.2 Similarities and differences between the functions of -(ta) nikka/-tay and -tte

This thesis discussed the similarities and differences between Korean -(ta) nikka

and -tay and Japanese -tte in Chapter 7. The table below was used to show the

similarities and differences between the functions of -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte. X in

Table 8.1 indicates observed functions.

Table 8.1: Summary of the possible functions associated with -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte

Indirect quotative markers

Functions

-(ta) nikka -tay -tte

Hearer-oriented recollection x x

Speaker-oriented recollection x x

Mutually-understood recollection x x

Topic initial elicitor x x

Evidence-leaking marker x x

Context-detailing marker x x

Quote-like marker in a rhetorical question x

Face-saving marker x

As seen in the table, the functions of Korean -(ta) nikka and -tay largely overlap with

those of Japanese -tte. For instance, the functions of Korean -(ta) nikka such as hearer-

192

oriented, speaker-oriented and mutually understood recollection have been found in

Japanese -tte. Korean -tay also shares similar functions with Japanese -tte such as a

topic initial elicitor, evidence-leaking marker and context-detailing marker. However,

the function of face-saving marker for -tte has not been identified in -(ta) nikka and -tay.

This shows that the function of -tte as a face-saving marker is unique to the Japanese

context, reflecting the socio-cultural differences between Korean and Japanese markers.

Between people from different cultures, the resulting lack of pragmatic use of the target

markers may lead to different expectations and serious misunderstandings in

communications.

In Chapter 6, the function of the face-saving marker for -tte in the Japanese

language was discussed with respect to certain illocutionary acts which can be ‘face-

threatening acts’ and have the potential to damage the hearer’s positive face, or enhance

the hearer’s negative face, or the illocutionary act may potentially damage the speaker’s

own positive face. To reduce the possibility of damage to the hearer’s face or to the

speaker’s own face, he or she may adopt certain strategies such as ‘Do not perform

FTAs’, which is closely related to the usage of the -tte marked utterance when

something is potentially so face-threatening that he/she does not say it. In addition, it

was discussed that the speaker adopts the -tte marked utterance to reduce the level of

responsibility in criticising a referent, by saving his/her positive face.

In Chapter 7, it was discussed how the concept of ‘face’ has been controversial

among scholars due to its anglocentric perspective. Regarding this point, the cultural

values in Japanese society of enryo, meiwaku and omoiyari were considered in contrast

to expressing one’s feelings and attitudes, which is not so much restricted by cultural

values in Korea. For instance, Japanese culture highly regards enryo as the value of

refraining from expressing disagreement with the majority opinion, and meiwaku, not to

hurt another person’s feelings and offend other people. Omoiyari, which is high

193

sensitivity to other people’s (unexpressed) feelings, anticipating what other people

might feel, is also an important cultural value in interacting with people.

Given this point, it can be suggested that when a marker is used in Japan but its

Korean counterpart is not, this testifies to culturally different ways of discourse

organisation which are associated with the nature of the social order and norms. Such

orders and norms are produced by communities of language users who gain common

ways of viewing the world through their interaction, and their uses of language reflect

their attitudes and values. In this regard, this thesis gives insight into the importance of

contrastive analyses through the cross-cultural comparison of the two different

languages.

This section has provided a brief discussion of the similarities and differences

between the Korean -(ta) nikka and -tay and the Japanese -tte, by answering the research

question (iv). In addition, it discussed that different cultural values can affect the use of

language between interactants, by answering the research question (v).

8.3 Linguistic implications

This research has attempted to account for linguistic phenomena in terms of the

behaviour of speakers who are engaged in verbal communication, by examining the

three markers -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte. From an interactional linguistic point of view,

this study has provided a discussion of how languages are shaped by interaction and

how interactional functions are realised by particular linguistic forms and ways of using

them.

With respect to the use of the target markers -(ta) nikka, -tay and -tte in spoken

interaction, one of the implications that can be drawn from the interactional perspective

is that language forms and functions have to be considered in a more situated context

rather than an abstract system. According to Couper-Kuhlen and Selting (2001: 4), ‘an

194

interactional perspective on language entails a radical re-thinking of notions such as

competence—the abstract knowledge of linguistic structure and their well-

formedness—which has been thought to provide the wherewithal for performance’. This

underscores the point that was made in investigating the interactional functions of the

target markers. As Goodwin (1981) points out, it is not possible to conceptualise

linguistic productions as the product of a single speaker any longer. He goes on to claim

that sentence, clause production and speech production in general must be considered as

interactional achievements.

As shown in Chapters 4, 5 and 6, the three interactive markers, -(ta) nikka, -tay

and -tte, were adopted by speakers as a linguistic strategy to invite the involvement of

interlocutors in interaction, by indicating that they are interactional and dialogical. The

meanings and functions of the target markers are realised differently according to

contexts, reflecting that their use is context-sensitive.

For instance, it was shown in previous chapters that speakers’ different attitudes

in the use of -(ta) nikka were determined by hearers with whom they interacted and

contexts in which they were placed. In a hearer-oriented recollection, speakers showed a

negative attitude towards hearers who did not pay attention to the speakers’ previous

utterances. In a speaker-oriented recollection, the -(ta) nikka marked utterance was used

by speakers who intended to draw the hearers’ attention to what speakers had

experienced. By using -(ta) nikka, speakers stimulate hearers’ interest and experience a

certain reaction from the hearer. In a mutually understood recollection, speakers used

the -(ta) nikka marked utterance on the basis of ‘presupposition’ in order to involve

hearers in interaction, by expecting a response from them and recollecting the previous

utterances. As can be seen in the interactional functions of -(ta) nikka, more situated

contexts play an important role in providing much broader functions than those in

isolated sentences.

195

Similarly, it was demonstrated that speakers employed -tay to invite the

involvement of hearers in interaction, and functions of this marker were identified

according to interlocutors and different contexts. For instance, -tay was used to

introduce a new topic in conversation, by indicating the speaker’s metamessage that

‘Listen. I want to talk about this topic with you now’. In the function of -tay as an

evidence-leaking marker, the speaker expressed his/her attitudes toward information

which is reliable and trustworthy. The -tay marked utterance was also used as a context-

detailing marker, by signalling contexts which played an important role in hearers’

interpretation and maintenance of interpersonal involvement. In the rhetorical

expression of the -tay marked utterance, speakers pretended to quote someone else’s

voice for a strong denial. Examining discourse markers in interactions in a variety of

contexts is crucial to understanding the interactive nature of language and the

characteristics of spoken discourse.

A further implication drawn from this thesis with regards to the interactional

approaches to the analysis of expressive meaning is associated with ‘humanistic

linguistics’. The central idea of this thesis is that people use particular linguistic

strategies to build and maintain interactions. In the analysis of the target markers,

Korean -(ta) nikka /-tay and Japanese -tte, the prerequisite for this thesis was that people

use a quoting strategy not only to merely convey messages and content but also to

exchange expressive meanings of language.

With respect to the use of the target markers, speakers represented their feelings

and attitudes in a given situation. Such emotive aspects are the property of human

beings, but orthodox linguistics focuses on referential meanings for its inquiry, and non-

referential meanings such as social and expressive meanings tend to be neglected as an

unexplainable aspect of linguistic behaviour unsuited for scientific investigation, as

pointed out by some scholars (Besnier 1990; Caffi and Janney 1994). However, human

196

emotions are omnipresent in linguistic form on many different levels of structure in

many different ways. For instance, somatic metaphors in many speech communities are

used to express emotions (e.g. ‘the heart is sick’ in Korea or ‘the liver is angry’ in

Japanese). In addition, emotions are represented in the use of onomatopoeias,

interjections, exclamations, insults and expletives (Anttila 1975; Goffman 1978; Tannen

1988). A quoting strategy is also used to convey the speaker’s own utterance or others’

utterance, by marking ‘the speaker’s or writer’s emotional involvement’, and enhancing

‘the heteroglossic nature of discourse’, and subtly leaking ‘the reporter’s stance on the

replayed situation’ (Besnier 1990: 426). Emotions can be expressed in a different way

from the literal meaning. Besnier (1990: 430) quotes Bateson (1972)’s work on double-

binding and schizophrenia, in which I love you can be enunciated with an aggressive

tone of voice, implying sarcasm and irony and have affective functions in interaction.

As such, emotions are never absent from discourse and interactions and they can

be displayed in a variety of ways across different contexts. In this regard, linguistic

inquiry has to pay equal attention to non-referential meanings of discourse with respect

to emotive aspects, since these are interwoven and related in a complex manner. These

emotive aspects of language especially play an important role in verbal communication.

Tannen (1989: 196) emphasises that individuals interact with each other in their natural

environments, so ‘the scientific study of language must include the close analysis of

particular instances of discourses as they naturally occur in human and linguistic

context’. This implies that equal emphasis should be placed on the discourse study that

needs to be investigated in terms of both referential and non-referential meanings.

197

8.4 Suggestions for further studies

This thesis provides a contrastive study by comparing similarities and differences

between the two languages, Korean and Japanese. Below are some suggestions for

further studies.

Firstly, it would be meaningful to compare other markers used in sentence-final

position in the Korean language with those in the Japanese language. It is known that

there are rich systems of sentence-final endings in the Korean language and they

contribute to expressing a variety of emotions, feelings and attitudes in interaction. It is

estimated that there are more than seventy different inflectional morphemes which have

different functions and meanings (Lee and Ramsey 2000). Yet, a number of studies in

Korean linguistic literature show that those morphemes have been examined largely

under the category of sentence-final endings from morpho-syntactic points of view.

However, if each morpheme is investigated in a wide range, it would be beneficial to

identify its various functions and expressivities, and further it would contribute to

clarifying unique characteristics of the Korean language.

Secondly, research on language with respect to second language education and

culture from an interactional perspective would be helpful for teaching and learning

Korean and Japanese as a foreign language. As mentioned earlier, more people are

learning the Korean language as a foreign language worldwide. However, the research

on the Korean language has not been done rigorously in comparison with other second

or foreign languages. Thus, further research on the Korean language, comparing its

interactional function with those of other languages, will contribute to delineating the

characteristics of the Korean language as well as understanding sociocultural norms in

relation to language use by members of society. Kramsch (1993) notes:

If…language is seen as social practice, culture becomes the very core of language

teaching. Cultural awareness must then be viewed both as enabling language proficiency

and as being the outcome of reflection on language proficiency (Kramsch 1993: 89).

198

As discussed for the function of -tte as a face-saving marker in the Japanese cultural

context, expressing one’s feelings and attitudes can be affected by sociocultural norms.

Bolinger (1982: 530) remarks that culture restrains or encourages the display of affect,

and all conceivable patterns of verbal nonverbal vocal and kinesic expression are

influenced. Culture-specific differences in expressing feelings and attitudes can lead to

misunderstanding in encounters between foreigners (Arndt and Janney 1985). This

reflects that it is important to understand cultural norms in teaching and learning other

languages and that it needs to be encouraged based not only on abstract systems of

language, but also on the understanding of other cultures in real communication.

Thirdly, the findings in this study underscore the need to incorporate other areas

of the linguistics field such as cognitive and emotive activities for a deeper

understanding of human linguistic interaction. Emotion and cognition in emotive

communication are inextricably connected together. Russell (1961: 227) states that real

emotions may not exist without appropriate cognitions. According to Buck (1984: 58),

emotional experiences are interconnected with some type of direct ‘cognitive readout’.

To achieve this incorporation of other areas of linguistics, it would be useful to

begin with developing a systematic conceptual framework. For instance, Arndt and

Janney (1991) attempt to establish a conceptual framework for an unified approach to

research on emotive communication in pragmatics, by providing the concepts of

emotional, cognitive and emotive communication, as discussed earlier. In addition,

research on non-propositional verbal, prosodic and kinesic signals would be beneficial

for the unified approach, as they are cognitively mediated to express feelings and

attitudes in face-to-face settings (Stankiewicz 1964). Such non-propositional signals

have not been dealt in the current study due to the nature of data from telephone

conversations and drama scripts. Using data such as video recordings would be

199

practical to observe prosodic and kinesic signals for cognitive and emotive

communication.

8.5 Summary

In conclusion, this thesis demonstrated that indirect quotative markers can convey not

only self-utterance and/or the other’s utterance but also the speaker’s particular attitudes

beyond quotations, by investigating the interactional functions of Korean -(ta) nikka and

-tay and Japanese -tte in spoken discourse. They are interactive markers and they are

inherently interactional and dialogical, thereby their meanings are realised by

interactions and contexts. Moreover, these markers constitute a social reality, reflecting

sociocultural norms and variables in their use by speakers. I hope that the findings in

this study contribute to interactional studies that must be an integral part of linguistic

theory and practice. I also hope that this study sheds light on cross-linguistic

examination of interaction across different cultures.

200

Bibliography

Ahn, Joo Hoh. 2004. Mwunhwacek chaiey kunkehan hankwukewa ilponeuy sangtaycek

eneyuhyeng [A relative linguistic typology of Korean and Japanese based on cultural differences]. Ilpone Kyoyuk [Journal of Japanese Language Education Association] 29: 17-43.

Ahn, Joo Hoh. 2006. Hyentaykwuke yenkyelemi ‘nikka’uy mwunpepcek thuksengkwa

hyengsengkwaceng [The grammatical characteristics and formation process of connecting ending nikka in contemporary Korean]. Enekwahak Yenkwu [Journal of Language Studies] 38: 71-91.

Ameka, Felix K. 1987. A comparative analysis of conversational routines in two language:

English and Ewe. Journal of Pragmatics 11: 299-326. Anttila, Raimo. 1975. Affective vocabulary in Finnish: An (other) invitation. Ural-

Altaische Jahrb 47: 10-19. Arndt, Horst and Richard Wayne Janney. 1985. Improving emotive communication. Per

Linguam 1: 21-30. Arndt, Horst and Richard Wayne Janney. 1987. InterGrammar: Toward an intergrated

model of verbal, prosodic and kinesic choices in speech. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Arndt, Horst and Richard Wayne Janney. 1991. Verbal, prosodic and kinesic emotive

contrasts in speech. Journal of Pragmatics 15: 521-549. Bae, Eunna. 2010. Hyentaykwuke thonghaphyeng congkyelemi yenkwu [A study on the

final compound ending in contemporary Korean—in the case of the fused form of quotation constructions and conjunctive endings]. Masters thesis. Seokang University, Seoul.

Bakhtin, M. M. 1971. Discourse typology in prose. In Ladislav Mateika and Krystyna

Pomorska (eds.) Reading in Russian Poetics. Cambridge: MIT Press, 176-196. Bakhtin, M. M. 1981. The dialogic imagination. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Bakhtin, M. M. 1986. Speech genres and other late essays. TX: University of Texas Press.

201

Baek, Bong-ja. 1999. Oykwukeloseuy hankwuke mwunpep sacen [Dictionary of Korean grammar as foreign language]. Seoul: Yeonsei University.

Bang, Un-kyu. 1995. Kancep inyong matiuy ‘-ko ha-’ kusengey tayhaye [On indirect

quotative construction -ko ha-]. Hanmal Yenkwu [Korean Language Research] 1: 139-154.

Besnier, Niko. 1990. Language and affect. Annual Review of Anthropology 19: 419-451. Besnier, Niko. 1994. Involvement in linguistic practice: An ethnographic appraisal. Journal

of Pragmatics 22: 279-299. Besnier, Niko. 1998. Involvement. In Jacob. L. Mey (ed.) Concise Enclyclopedia of

Pragmatics. Amsterdam: Elsevier Science, 407-409. Bateson, Gregory. 1972. Steps to an ecology of mind. New York: Ballantine. Bolinger, Dwight. 1982. Intonation and its parts. Language 58: 505-533. Bolinger, Dwight. 1986. Intonation and its parts. Stanford, CA: Stanford University

Press. Brandt, Vincent and Yun Shik Chang. 1980. People, family and society. In Han-Kyo Kim

(ed.) Studies on Korea: A Scholar’s Guide. Hawaii: The University Hawaii Press, 249-273.

Brown, Penelope and Stephen C. Levinson. 1978. Politeness: Some universals in language

usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brown, Penelope and Stephen C. Levinson. 1987. Politeness: Some universals in language

usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brown, Gillian and George Yule. 1983. Discourse analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press. Buck, Ross. 1984. The communication of emotion. New York: Guildford Press. Button, Graham and Neil Casey. 1984. Generating topic: The use of topic initial elicitors.

In Atkinson J. Maxwell and John Heritage (eds.) Structures of Social Action: Studies in Conversation Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 167-190.

202

Byon, Andrew S. 2006. Korean cultural values in request behaviours. In Ho-min Sohn (ed.) Korean Language in Culture and Society. Hawaii: University of Hawai‘i Press, 174-188.

Cameron, Deborah. 2001. Working with spoken discourse. London, Thousand Oaks and

New Delhi: SAGE. Chafe, Wallace L. 1972. Discourse structure and human knowledge. In Roy O. Freedle and

John B. Carroll (eds.) Language Comprehension and the Acquisition of Knowledge. Washington D.C.: John Wiley & Sons, 41-69.

Chafe, Wallace L. 1982. Integration and involvement in speaking, writing, and oral

literature. In Deborah Tannen (ed.) Spoken and Written Language: Exploring Orality and Literacy. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing Corporation, 35-53.

Chafe, Wallace L. 1985. Linguistic differences produced by differences between speaking

and writing. In David R. Olson, Nancy Torrance and Angela Hildyard (eds.) Literacy, Language, and Learning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 105-121.

Chafe, Wallace L. 1987. Cognitive constrains on information flow. In Russell. S. Tomlin

(ed.) Coherence and Grounding in Discourse. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 21-51.

Chafe, Wallace L. 1994. Discourse, consciousness, and time. Chicago: University of

Chicago Press. Chafe, Wallace L. 2001. The analysis of discourse flow. In Deborah Schiffrin, Deborah

Tannen and Heidi E. Hamilton (eds.) The Handbook of Discourse Analysis. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 673-687.

Chang, Suk-Jin. 1996. Korean. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing

Company. Chang, Yun-Shik. 1977. The urban Korean as individual. Korea Journal 17(5): 49-57. Caffi, Claudia and Richard Janney. 1994. Toward a pragmatics of emotive communication.

Journal of Pragmatics 22: 325-373. Chen, Yiyin and Yoshiko Matsumura. 2012. Nihongono inyookuni okeru jendaahyoogen:

Daigakuseino shizenkaiwao chuushinni [Gender-markers in Japanese quotations: An analysis of naturally-occurring conversations of college students]. Gengobunka Ronkyuu [Studies in Languages and Cultures] 28: 23-36.

203

Cho, Eunjung. 2004. ‘Tte’wa ‘lako/lani’uy tayco yenkwu—tayyeksoseluy hoyhwamwunul thonghay [A contrastive study of tte and lako/lani—through conversations from translated novels]. Ilpone Kyoyuk [Journal of Japanese Language Education] 28: 87-105.

Cho, Young-mee, Hyo Sang Lee, Carol Schulz, Ho-min Sohn and Sung-Ock Sohn. 2010.

Integrated Korean: Beginning 1, Second edition. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawai’i Press.

Choi, Hyun-bae. 1982. Wulimalpon [Korean grammar]. Seoul: Cengumsa. Choi, Sang-Chin and Kibum Kim. 2000. Cheymyenuy simlicek kwuco [The internal

structure of the Korean social face]. Hankwuk Simlihakhoyci [Korean Journal of Psychology] 14(1): 185-202.

Choi, Soonja. 1991. Early acquisition of epistemic meanings in Korean: A study of

sentence-ending suffixes in the spontaneous speech of three children. First Language 11: 93-119.

Coulmas, Florian. 1986. Direct and indirect speech. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Couper-Kuhlen, Elizabeth and Margret Selting. (eds.) 2001. Studies in interactional

linguistics. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Couper-Kuhlen, Elizabeth. 1986. An introduction to English prosody. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Crane, Paul S. 1978. Korean patterns. Seoul: The Royal Asiatic Society [Korea Branch]. Daneš, František. 1994. Involvement with language and in language. Journal of Pragmatics

22: 251-264. Dashdorj, Sainbiligt. 2003. Han Mong ene mwunhwacek thukseng pikyo yenkwu [A

comparative study of Korean and Mongol—linguistic and cultural features]. Kwukekyoyuk Yenkwu [The Education of Korean Language] 12: 351-384.

Davidson, Richard J. 1984. Affect, cognition and hemispheric specialisation. In Carroll E.

Izard, Jerome Kagan and Robert B. Zajonc (eds.) Emotions, Cognition, and Behaviour. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 320-365.

Doi, Takeo. 1971. Amaeno koozoo [The anatomy of dependence]. Tokyo: Koobundoo. Doi, Takeo. 1973. The anatomy of dependence. Tokyo: Kodansha.

204

Eades, Diana. 1982. You gotta know how to talk…: information seeking in South-East Queensland Aboriginal society. Australian Journal of Linguistics 2: 61-82.

Frellesvig, Bjarke. 2010. A history of the Japanese language. New York: Cambridge

Univeristy Press. Fujita, Yasuyuki. 2000. Kokugo inyoo koobunno kenkyuu [A study of syntax in Japanese

reportive speech]. Tokyo: Izumi Shoin. Fujita, Yasuyuki. 2001. Inyoono shintakusu [Syntax of quotation]. Kokubungaku [Studies

in the Japanese Language] 46(2): 74-81. Goddard, Cliff. 1985. A grammar of Yankunytjatjara. Alice Springs: Institute for

Aboriginal Development. Goddard, Cliff and Anna Wierzbicka. (eds.) 2002. Meaning and universal grammar—

theory and empirical findings, Volume 2. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Goddard, Cliff. 2011. Semantic analysis second edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Goffman, Erving. 1967. Interaction ritual: Essays on face-to-face behaviour. Garden City,

New York: Anchor Books. Goffman, Erving. 1974. Frame analysis. New York: Harper and Row Publishers. Goffman, Erving. 1978. Response cries. Language 54: 787-781. Goffman, Erving. 1981. Forms of Talk. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Goodwin, Charles. 1981. Conversational organisation: Interaction between speakers and

hearers. New York: Academic Press. Goodwin, Charles and Alessandro Duranti. 1992. Rethinking context: Language as an

interactive phenomenon. In Charles Goodwin and Alessandro Duranti (eds.) Rethinking Context. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1-42.

Gumperz, John J. 1982. Discourse strategies. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Gumperz, John J. 2001. Interactional sociolinguistics: A personal perspective. In Deborah

Schiffrin, Deborah Tannen and Heidi E. Hamilton (eds.) The Handbook of Discourse Analysis. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers, 215-228.

205

Ha, Jeesun. 2006. Hankwukekyoyukul wihan congkyelkinung yenkyelemi yenkwu [A study of the connective ending functioning as final ending for teaching the learners of Korean as a second language]. Masters thesis. Hanyang University, Seoul, Korea.

Han, Kil. 1986. Hyentaykwuke panmaley kwanhan yenkwu—panmal congkyelcepmisalul

cwungsimulo [A study on the plain speech in Korean—with special reference to the closing suffixes of plain speech]. Ph.D. Dissertation. Yonsei University, Seoul.

Han, Kil. 2004. Hyentay wulimaluy machimssikkuth yenkwu [A study on final endings of

contemporary Korean]. Seoul, Korea: Youkrack. Han, Kil. 2009. Hyentay wulimaluy toyphwulipep yenkwu [A research on repetition of

contemporary Korean]. Seoul, Korea: Youkrack. Harkins, Jean. 1988. English as a ‘two-way’ language in Alice Springs. Masters thesis.

Australian National University, Canberra. Hijirida, Kyoko and Ho-min Sohn. 1983. Commonality and relativity in address-reference

term usages. Language Research 19(2): 139-168. Horie, Kaoru and Yuko Sassa. 2002. Where Korean and Japanese differ: Modality vs.

discourse modality. In Noriko Akatsuka and Susan Strauss (eds.) Japanese/Korean Linguistics 12. Stanford: CSLI Publications, 178-191.

Horie, Kaoru. 2002. A comparative typological account of Japanese and Korean morpho-

syntactic contrasts. Eoneohag [Journal of the linguistic society of Korea] 32: 9-37. Horiguchi, Sumiko. 1995. Kaiwani okeru inyoono ‘tte’ni yoru shuuketsuni tsuite [On the

ending with the quotation tte in conversation]. Nihongo Kyooiku [Journal of Japanese Language Teaching] 85(3): 12-24.

Huh, Hayoung. 1999. Bummatsuno ‘tte’no imito danwa kinoo [The meaning and discourse

function of tte in sentence-final position]. Nihongo Kyooiku [Journal of Japanese Language Teaching] 101: 81-90.

Huh, Woong. 1995. 20 seyki wulimaluy hyengthaylon [20th century Korean morphology].

Seoul: Saym Mwunhwasa. Iwao, Takanori. 2003. Inyoobunno seishitsukara mita hatsuwa ‘tte’ni tsuite [On the

utterance tte: From the point of view of quoted sentence]. Nihongo Bunpoo [The Society of Japanese Grammar] 3(2): 146-162.

206

Iwao, Takanori. 2005. Nihongo inyoo keishikino shoso—‘tte’o chuushinni [Aspects of Japanese quotation form—around tte]. Ph.D. Dissertation. Oosaka University, Oosaka, Japan.

Jaworski, Adam and Nikolas Coupland. (eds.) 1999. The discourse reader. New York:

Routledge. Jeon, Youngjin. 2002. Kwuke yenkyelemiuy congkyelemihwa yenkwu [A study on the

becoming conclusive ending of connective ending]. Masters thesis. Kyungsung University, Busan, Korea.

Jeong, Yeonhee. 2001. Hankwuke yenkyelemiuy mwunpephwa [The grammaticalisation of

Korean connectives]. Ph.D. Dissertation. Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul.

Jorden, Eleanor Harz and Hamako Ito Chaplin. 1962. Beginning Japanese. New Haven,

CT: Yale University Press. Jun, Sun-Ah and Mira Oh. 1996. A prosodic analysis of three types of wh-phrases in

Korean. Language and Speech 39 (1): 37-61. Jun, Sun-Ah. 2000. K-ToBI [Korean ToBI] labelling conventions [version 3.0]. Speech

Sciences 7(3): 143-169. Kagan, Jerome. 1978. On emotion and its development: A working paper. In Michael

Lewis and Leonard A. Rosenblum (eds.) The Development of Affect. New York: Plenum, 11-42.

Kamada, Osamu. 1987. Discourse analysis and second language pedagogy: A study of

reported speech in Japanese as a first and a second language. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Massachusetts, Massachusetts, U.S.

Kamada, Osamu. 1988. Nihongono dentatsu hyoogen [Reportive expressions in Japanese].

Nihongogaku [Japanese linguistics] 7(9): 59-72. Kamada, Osamu. 2000. Nihongono inyoo [Japanese quotation]. Tokyo, Japan: Hitsuji

Shoboo. Kamio, Akio. 1990. Joohoono nawabari riron [Theory of territory of information]. Tokyo,

Japan: Taishuukan.

207

Kamio, Akio. 1994. The theory of territory of information: The case of Japanese. Journal of Pragmatics 21: 67-100.

Kamio, Akio. 1997. Territory of information. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins

Publishing Company. Kamio, Yoko. 1994. Hanayori dango 8 [Boys over flowers 8]. Tokyo: Shuueisha. Kasper, Gabriele. 1998. Politeness. In Jacob L. Mey (ed.) Concise Encyclopedia of

Pragmatics. Amsterdam: Elsevier Science, 677-684. Katriel, Tarmar. 1986. Talking straight: Dugri speech in Israeli Sabra culture. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press. Kato, Yoko. 2007. Hanashigotobani okeru inyoohyooshikino hatsuwamatsuyoohoono

kinoo [The function of the ending usage of an utterance by a quotative marker in spoken discourse]. America/Canada Daigaku Rengoo Nihon Kenkyuu Sentaa Kiyoo [Bulletin of the Inter-University Centre for Japanese Language Studies] 30: 1-29.

Kato, Yoko. 2008. Hanashikotobano danwani okeru inyoono tokuchootekina kata [The

peculiar type of quotation in spoken conversation]. America/Canada Daigaku Rengoo Nihon Kenkyuu Sentaa Kiyoo [Bulletin of the Inter-University Centre for Japanese Language Studies] 31: 20-43.

Kato, Yoko. 2010. Hanashigotobani okeru inyoo hyoogen [The expression of quotation in

spoken discourse]. Tokyo, Japan: Kuroshio Shuppan. Kim, Angela A-Jeoung. 2005. A cross-linguistic analysis of discourse markers in Japanese

and Korean: -janai and -canh-. Ph.D. Dissertation. The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia.

Kim, Eugene. 2008. Hankwuke mwunpephangmok payyel yenkwu [A study of the selection

and arrangement of grammatical elements as a foreign language]. Masters thesis. Kyunghee University, Seoul, Korea.

Kim, Gary. 2004. Mikhail Bakhtin: The philosopher of human communication. Totem: The

University of Western Ontario Journal of Anthropology 12(1): 53-62. Kim, Hong Beom. 1987. ‘Tamyense’, ‘tako’, ‘tani’uy kwucowa uymi [The structure and

meanings of tamyense, tako, and tani]. Mal [Language] 12: 71-91.

208

Kim, Heejin. 1995. Kancep inyong kwumwunuy ‘nokapwuthun kkol’ yenkwu [A study on the fused-forms of indirect quotations]. Masters thesis. Yonsei University, Seoul, Korea.

Kim, Hyunsu. 2015. Self-voice ‘-nikka’ in the Korean language. Journal of Pragmatics 88:

73-87. Kim, Kyu-Hyun and Kyung-Hee Suh. 1994. The discourse connective ‘nikka’ in Korean

conversation. In Noriko Akatsuka (ed.) Japanese/Korean Linguistics 4. Stanford: CSLI Publications, 113-129.

Kim, Tae-yop. 1994. Mwunmalsepepuy cheykyeywa kancep inyongmwunuy haysek [The

mood system of sentence-endings and the interpretation of indirect quotations]. Emwunlonchong [Korean language and literature] 12: 81-100.

Kim, Tae-yop. 1998. Kwuke picongkyelemiuy congkyelemihwaey tayhaye [The functional

shift of endings from non-final to final]. Enehak [Journal of the linguistic society of Korea] 22: 171-189.

Kitazawa, Takashi. 2003. Bunmatsukeishiki ‘te’ ‘tte’ ‘tteba’no suiini tsuite [A diachronic

study on sentence particles te, tte and tteba]. Tokyo Gakugei Daigaku Kiyoo [Bulletin of Tokyo Gakugei University] 54: 235-245.

Kochman, Thomas. 1981. Black and white styles in conflict. Chicago: University of

Chicago Press. Koo, John H. 1989. Some Korean cultural values seen through the language. Hankwuke

Kyoyuk [Journal of Korean Language Education] 1: 115-125. Kuriyama, Masako. 2002. Nihongono denbun keishikito wahoo: Nihongo gakushuushano

shuutoku shigatai ten [The Japanese hearsay form and discourse: Difficulty in learning for Japanese learners]. Fukuoka Jogakuin Daigaku Jinbungaku Kenkyuujo Kiyoo [Bulletin of Centre for the Studies in Humanities, Fukuoka Jogakuin university] 5: 107-140.

Kramsch, Claire. 1993. Language and Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kwon, Jae-Il. 1983. Hyentay kwukeuy kangcopep yenkwu [A research on emphasis in

modern Korean language]. Wulimalkul [Korean Language and Literature Society] 1: 23-47.

209

Kwon, Jae-Il. 1998. Hankwuke inyong kwumwun yuheynguy pyenhwawa inyong phyociuy sayngseng [The change of pattern of Korean quotation sentence and formation of Korean quotation marker]. Enehak [Journal of the Linguistic Society of Korea] 22: 59-79.

Lakoff, Robin. 1980. How to look as if you aren’t doing anything with words: Speech act

qualification. In U. Eco (ed.) Versus 2. Milan: Bompiani, 29-47. Lebra, Takie Sugiyama. 1976. Japanese patterns of behaviour. Honolulu, HI: The

University Press of Hawaii. Lee, Chungmin. 1988. Speech act terms and mood indicators. Acta Linguistica Hungarica

38: 127-141. Lee, Chungmin. 2012. Evidentials and modals: What makes them unique. International

Journal of Language Data Processing 35-36: 71-98. Lee, Iksop. 2005. Hankwuke mwunpep [Korean grammar]. Seoul: The University Press of

Seoul. Lee, Iksop and Robert Ramsey. 2000. The Korean language. Albany: State University of

New York Press. Lee, Duck-Young. 2002. The function of the zero particle with special reference to spoken

Japanese. Journal of Pragmatics 34: 645-682. Lee, Duck-Young. 2007. Involvement and the Japanese interactive particles ne and yo.

Journal of Pragmatics 39: 363-388. Lee, Hyeon-Hie. 1982. Kwuke congkyelemiuy paltaley tayhan kwankyen [The viewpoints

on the development of Korean final endings]. Kwukehak [The Society of Korean Linguistics] 11: 143-163.

Lee, Heeja and Jonghee Lee. 1999. Sacensik theyksuthu pwunsekcek kwuke emiuy yenkwu

[The text analytical dictionary of Korean sentence-final endings]. Seoul: Hankwuk Munhwasa.

Lee, Jong-Hee. 2004. Kwuke congkyelemiuy uymi cheykyey yenkwu [A study on meaning

system of Korean sentence-enders]. Ph.D. Dissertation. Yonsei University, Seoul, Korea.

210

Lee, Keum-Hee. 2005. Inyongmwun hyengsikeyse mwunpephwatoyn emi cosa yenkwu [A study of the grammaticalised endings and particles on quotation constructions]. Ph.D. Dissertation. Sungkyunkwan University, Seoul, Korea.

Lee, Kwanghee. 2010. Bunmatsuno ‘tte’ ‘ndatte’ to taioosuru kankokugoni tsuite [On the

counterpart of tte and ndatte in sentence-final position in the Korean language]. Kinki Daigaku Kyooyoo Gaigokugo Kyooiku Sentaa Kiyoo [Journal of Kinki University Centre for Liberal Arts and Foreign Language Education] 1(1): 1-20.

Lee, Pil-Young. 1995. Kwukeui inyongkwumwun yenkwu [A study of Korean quotation].

Seoul, Korea: Thap Chwulphansa. Lee, Sang Bok. 1981. Yenkyelemi ‘ase’, ‘nikka’, ‘nulako’, ‘mulo’ey tayhaye [On

connective endings ase, nikka, nulako and mulo]. Paytalmal [Korean language and literature society] 5: 81-101.

Levinson, Stephen C. 1983. Pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lim, Taesop. 1995. Ceng, cheymyen, yencwul kuliko hankwukinuy inkankwankyey [Ceng,

cheymyen, yencwul and human relations of Korean people]. Seoul: Hannalay. Lyons, John. 1977. Semantics, Volume 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lyons, John. 1981. Language, meaning and context. London: Fontana. Makino, Michiko. 1992. Sorayorimo setsunaku [More sentimental than the sky]. Tokyo:

Koodansha. Matthews, Peter H. 1997. Concise dictionary of linguistics. Oxford/New York: Oxford

University Press. Matsumoto, Yoshiko. 1988. Reexamination of the universality of face. Journal of

Pragmatics 12: 403-426. Maynard, Senko K. 1989. Japanese conversation: Self-contextualisation through structure

and interactional management. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Maynard, Senko K. 1993. Discourse modality: Subjectivity, emotion and voice in the

Japanese language. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Maynard, Senko K. 1996. Multivoicedness in speech and thought representation: The case

of self-quotation in Japanese. Journal of Pragmatics 25: 207-226.

211

Maynard, Senko K. 1997a. Japanese communication: Language and thought in context. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Maynard, Senko K. 1997b. Danwabunsekino kanoosei: Riron, hoohoo, nihongono

hyoogensei [Possibility of discourse analysis: Theory, methods and expressivity of Japanese]. Tokyo: Kuroshio Shuppan.

Maynard, Senko K. 2005. Another conversation: Expressivity of mitaina and inserted

speech in Japanese discourse. Journal of Pragmatics 37(6): 837-869. Morishige, Satoshi. 1954. ‘Te/tte’, ‘teba/tteba’, ‘tara/ttara’ni tsuite [On te/tte, teba/tteba and

tara/ttara]. Kokugo Kokubun [Japanese Language and Literature] 23(11): 579-590. Moritoki, Nagisa. 1994. Hanashi kotobani okeru bunmatsu hyoogen ‘tte’ni tsuite [On tte in

sentence-final position in spoken discourse]. Tsukuba Ooyoo Gengogaku Kenkyuu [Tsukuba Journal of Applied Linguistics] 1: 87-99.

Müller-Gotama, Franz. 1993. Grammatical relatios, A cross-linguistic perspective on their

syntax and semantics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Mushin, Ilana. 2001. Japanese reportive evidentiality and the pragmatics of retelling.

Journal of Pragmatics 33: 1361-1390. Nakane, Chie. 1967. Tatesyakai no ningenkankei: Tanitsu syakaino riron [Personal

relations in a vertical society: A theory of a homogeneous society]. Tokyo: Kodansha. Nakane, Chie. 1970. Japanese society. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. Nakane, Chie. 1972. Tekioono zyooken [Conditions of adaptation]. Tokyo: Kodansha. Nam, Mi-jeong. 2010. The formation and meaning of an ending tako and its kind. Hanmal

Yenkwu [Korean Language Research] 26: 109-131. Niwa, Tetsuya. 1994. Shudaiteijino ‘tte’to inyoo [Tte as presenting a topic and quotation].

Oosaka Shiritsu Daigaku Bungaku Kiyoo [Bulletin of Centre for Literature and Human Sciences, Osaka City University] 46(2): 79-109.

Nomura, Shinichi. 1999. S ‘tte’ bunno bunseki: Inyoohyooshiki tteo mochiitta sutoratejii

[The analysis of the sentence S tte: A strategy of using the quotative marker tte]. Kanezawa Daigaku Gogaku/Bungaku Kenkyuu [Studies of Japanese Language and Literature, Kanezawa University] 27: 34-44.

212

Nomura, Shinichi. 2000. S ‘tte’ bun denbunyoohoono bunseki [The analysis of the usage of the sentence S tte as hearsay]. Kanezawa Daigaku Gogaku/Bungaku Kenkyuu [Studies of Japanese Language and Literature, Kanezawa University] 28: 21-30.

Ochs-Keenan, E. 1976. The universality of conversational postulates. Language in Society

5: 67-80. Ogi, Naomi. In press. Involvement and attitudes in Japanese discourse: Interactive markers.

John Benjamins. Oh, Mira and Hae-Yeong Lee. 1994. Oykwukeloseuy hankwuke ekyang kyoyuk [Teaching

Korean intonation as a foreign language]. Hankwukmal Kyoyuk [Journal of Korean Language Education] 5: 109-125.

Park, Myung-Seok. 1979. Communication styles in two different cultures: Korean and

American. Seoul: Hanshin Publishing Co. Park, Jin-Wan. 2000. Hyentay kwuke congkyelemiuy pyenchen [The transition of final

endings in contemporary Korean]. In J. Hong (ed.) Hyentay Kwukeuy Hyengsengkwa Pyenchen [The Formation and Transition of Contemporary Korean]. Seoul: Pakiceng, 237-308.

Park, Jae-Yŏn. 1998. Hyentaykwuke panmalchey congkyelemi yenkwu [A study on

sentence-final endings of panmal style in contemporary Korean]. Master’s thesis. Seoul University, Seoul, Korea.

Park, Seokyung. 2008. ‘Tte’no hiteitekina jutsugotono kyokini kanshite: uchito sotono

kantenkarano kosatsu [On co-occurrence of tte with negative predicate: Contemplation from the perspective of inside and outside]. Nichigo Kyooiku [Journal of Japanese Language Teaching] 43: 57-66.

Plutchik, Robert and Henry Kellerman. (eds.) 1980. Emotion, theory, research and

experience: Emotions in early development. New York: Academic Press. Russell, Bertrand. 1961. An outline of philosophy. Cleveland: World. Saegusa, Reiko. 1997. ‘Tte’no taikei [A system of tte]. Gengo Bunka [Journal of Language

and Culture] 34: 21-38. Schiffrin, Deborah. 1984. Jewish argument as sociability. Language in Society 13: 311-335. Schiffrin, Deborah. 1994. Approaches to discourse. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers.

213

Selting, Margret. 1994. Emphatic speech style—with special focus on the prosodic signalling of heightened emotive involvement in conversation. Journal of Pragmatics 22: 375-408.

Shimizu, Mamoru and Shigehisa Narita. 1984. Kodansha Japanese-English Dictionary.

Tokyo: Kodansha Amer Inc. Simpson, Paul W. 1998. Discourse analysis and literature. In Jacob L. Mey (ed.) Concise

Encyclopedia of Pragmatics. Amsterdam: Elsevier Science, 236-241. Smith, Robert J. 1983. Japanese society: Tradition, self and the social order. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press. Sohn, Ho-min. 1983. Intercultural communication in cognitive values: Americans and

Koreans. Enewa Enehak [Language and Linguistics] 9: 93-136. Sohn, Okhyun. 2009. Hankwuke kyoyukul wihan congkyelkinung yenkyelemi yangsang

yenkwu [A study on the aspect of connective endings functioning as final endings for Korean language education for foreigners]. Masters thesis. Kyung Hee University, Seoul.

Sohn, Okhyun and Youngjoo Kim. 2009. Hankwuke kwueey nathanan

congkyelemihwatoyn yenkyelemi yangsang yenkwu [A study of connective endings functioning as final endings in Korean spoken language]. Hankwuke Uymihak [Korean Semantics] 28: 49-71.

Sohn, Sung-Ock. 2003. On the emergence of intersubjectivity: An analysis of the sentence-

final ‘nikka’ in Korean. In William McClure (ed.) Japanese/Korean Linguistics 12. Stanford: CSLI Publications, 52-63.

Sohn, Sung-Ock and Mee-Jeong Park. 2003. Indirect quotations in Korean conversations.

In Hajime Hoji (ed.) Japanese/Korean Linguistics. U.S.: Centre for the Study of Language and Information Stanford University, 105-118.

Song, Jae Jung. 2005. The Korean language: structure, use and context. London; New

York: Routledge. Spencer-Oatey, Helen. 2007. Theories of identity and the analysis of face. Journal of

Pragmatics 39: 639-656.

214

Stankiewicz, Edward. 1964. Problems of emotive language, In Thomas A. Sebeok, Alfred S. Hayes and Mary Catherine Bateson (eds.) Approaches to Semiotics. The Hague: Mouton, 239-276.

Sternberg, Meir. 1982. Proteus in quotation-land: Mimesis and the forms of reported

discourse. Poetics Today 3: 107-156. Suh, Sung-Kyo. 1998. A cognitive pragmatic approach to discourse connective ‘wu nikka’

in Korean. Linguistics 6(2): 183-201.

Sunakawa, Yuriko. 1988a. Inyoobunni okeru bano nijuuseini tsuite [On the duality of

‘place’ in quotation]. Nihongogaku [Japanese Linguistics] 7: 14-29. Sunakawa, Yuriko. 1988b. Inyoobunno koozooto kinoo [Sono 2], Inyookuto meishikuo

megutte [The structure and function of a quotative clause: With respect to quotative clause and noun clause]. Bungeigengo Kenkyuu [Research on Literature and Linguistics] 14: 75-91.

Sunakawa, Yuriko. 1989. Inyooto wahoo [Quotation and reportive speech]. In Yasuo.

Kitahara (ed.) Kooza Nihongoto Nihongo Kyooiku, Volume 4. Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 355-387.

Suzuki, Junko. 2000. Gendai nihongono inyoo hyogenni tsuite [On the expression of

quotation of contemporary Japanese]. Aoyama Gobun [Aoyama Journal of Japanese and Japanese Literature] 30: 1-12.

Suzuki, Takao. 1976. Language and behaviour in Japan. Japan Quarterly 23(3): 255-266. Suzuki, Satoko. 1998. Tte and nante: Markers of psychological distance in Japanese

conversation. Journal of Pragmatics 29: 429-462. Suzuki, Satoko. 1999. Marker of unexpected statements: An analysis of the quotative

Particle datte. The Journal of the Association of Teachers of Japanese 33(1): 44-67. Tanaka, Akio. 1977. Iwanamikooza, Nihongo 7, Bunpoo II [Iwanami lectures, Japanese 7,

Grammar II]. Tokyo, Japan: Iwanami Shoten. Tanaka, Noriko. 1993. The pragmatics of uncertainty: Its realisation and interpretation in

English and Japanese. Ph.D. Dissertation. Lancaster University, Lancaster, United Kingdom.

215

Tannen, Deborah. 1981. New York Jewish conversational style. International Journal of the Sociology of Language 30: 133-149.

Tannen, Deborah. 1984. Conversational style: Analysing talk among friends. Norwood, NJ:

Ablex Publishing Corporation. Tannen, Deborah. 1985. Relative focus on involvement in oral and written discourse. In

David R. Olson, Nancy Torrance and Angela Hildyard (eds.) Literacy, Language and Learning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 124-145.

Tannen, Deborah. (ed.) 1988. Linguistics in context: Connecting observation and

understanding. Norwood: Ablex. Tannen, Deborah. 1989. Talking voices: Repetition, dialogue, and imagery in

conversational discourse. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. The Macquarie Dictionary, Fourth Edition. 2005. Sydney: The Macquarie Library. Thomas, Jenny. 1995. Meaning in interaction. London; New York: Longman. van Dijk, Teun A. 1997. Discourse as interaction in society. In Teun A. van Dijk (ed.)

Discourse as social interaction- Discourse studies: A multidisciplinary introduction, Volume 2. London: Sage Publications, 1-37.

Vance, Timothy J. 2001. Kodansha’s Romanised Japanese-English Dictionary. Hawaii:

University of Hawaii. Watanabe, Shinji. 1997. Nihongono inyoosetsuni tsuite: Kansetsu wahoo, chokusetsu

wahoo, soshite shiten [On Japanese quotative clause: Indirect speech, direct speech, and perspective]. Gengobunka Genkyuu [Research on Language and Culture] 23: 251-269.

Wertsch, James V. 1991. Voice of the mind: A sociocultural approach to mediated action.

Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Wierzbicka, Anna. 1985a. A semantic metalanguage for a cross-cultural comparison of

speech acts and speech genres. Language in Society 14: 491-514. Wierzbicka, Anna. 1985b. Different cultures, different languages, different speech acts:

Polish vs. English. Journal of Pragmatics 9: 145-178.

216

Wierzbicka, Anna. 2003. Cross-cultural pragmatics. Retrieved from http://web.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=df341757-1682-4cf3-b0d0-2c74f2963133%40sessionmgr4003&vid=1&hid=4214&bdata=JnNpdGU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db=e000xww&AN=390986.

Wierzbicka, Anna. 2008. A conceptual basis for intercultural pragmatics and word-wide

understanding. In Martin Pütz and JoAnne Neff-van Aertselaer (eds.) Developing Contrastive Pragmatics: Interlanguage and Cross-cultural Perspectives. New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 3-45.

Yamauchi, Hiroyuki. 2001. Nihongono inyookuni okeru daikushisuto modariteino

kakawarini tsuite [On the relations of deixis and modality in Japanese quotative clause]. Jissen Joshi Daigaku Bungakubu Kiyoo [Jissen Women’s University Annual Bulletin for the Faculty of Letters] 44: 1-10.

Yamazaki, Makoto. 1996. Inyoo, denbunno ‘tte’no yoohoo [A descriptive study of the

quotative particle tte]. Kokuritsu Kokugo Kenkyuujo Kenkyuu Hookokushuu [Report of National Institute of Japanese Language Research] 17: 1-22.

Yoo, Hyun-Kyung. 2003. Yenkyelemiuy congkyelemicek ssuimey tayhaye [The study on

the functional shift of endings from connective to final]. Hankul [Journal of the Korean Language Society] 261: 123-148.

http://web.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=df341757-1682-4cf3-b0d0-

http://web.a.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?sid=df341757-1682-4cf3-b0d0-

Interactional use of quotation markers -(ta nikka/-tay in ...... · found in Japanese -tte as well....

Documents

Transcript of Interactional use of quotation markers -(ta nikka/-tay in ...... · found in Japanese -tte as well....