Inkeles - 1969 - Making Men Modern

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1/19

Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six DevelopingCountriesAuthor(s): Alex InkelesSource: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 75, No. 2 (Sep., 1969), pp. 208-225Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2776103.

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2/19

MakingMen

Modern:On the Causes and

Consequences f

ndividual

Change

in Six DevelopingCountries'

Alex Inkeles

Harvard University

The Project on

the Social and Cultural

Aspects

of

EconomicDevelop-

ment t

Harvard's Centerfor nternational ffairs

nterviewed ,000

men

from

ix developing ountries o

study

the

impact

on

the in-

dividualof

his

exposure

o and

participation

n

theprocess

fnational

and economic

modernization.

o a

striking egree, the same syn-

dromeofattitudes, alues, and waysofacting-such as openness o

new experience,ndependence rom

arental uthority,

nd taking an

active part

in

civic affairs-defines he

modern

man

in

each

of

the

six countries nd

in all

the occupational

groups

of

cultivator, rafts-

man, and

industrialworker. ducation is the most

powerful actor n

making menmodern,but occupational

experience

n

large-scale r-

ganizations, nd especially

n

factorywork,makes a significanton-

tribution n

schooling

men

in

modern attitudes and

in

teaching

themto act like

modernmen. Those

who

come from

erytraditional

backgrounds nd

receive ittleformal chooling an, under

the right

circumstances, till become modern

n

adult

life.

Modern men

in

developing ountriesnot onlyhave modern ttitudes,but theycan

be shown to

behave differently.espite popular impressions o the

contrary, xposure

o the influence

f

migration

nd

modern nstitu-

tions

does

not lead to

psychic

distress.

Since

1962

a

group

of

my colleagues

nd

I

at

Harvard

University

ave

been

working

o

understand

he

mpact

on

the ndividual

f

his

participation

n

the

process

of

modernization.

n the

pursuit

f

this

goal

we

devised com-

1

This paper was presented t

the Dallas

meeting

f the American

ssociation or he

Advancementf Science n thesection n Comparative ociology nd ContemporarySocial Issues, December 9, 1968. My chief ollaboratorsrom heearlydaysofthe

projectwere Howard Schuman

nd Edward Ryan, who served,

espectively,s field

directors orPakistan nd

Nigeria,

nd

David

H.

Smith,

who

was my assistant

n

Chile

and laterwas assistant

irector f the project

n

Cambridge. he fieldwork

nd

later

analysisweregreatly acilitated y the work f our ocal collaboratorsn all

six

of the

countries.We owe particular ebt to Juan

C&sar nd

CarlottaGarcia,

Perla Gibaja,

and AmarSinghwho were

field irectors orChile,Argentina,

nd

India, respectively,

and to OlatudeOlokowhowasassistant ield irector

n

Nigeria.

n

its

differentspects,

stages,

nd

settings, he research

as been

supported y the Rockefeller

oundation,

the Ford

Foundation, he National

ScienceFoundation,

nd the

National nstitute f

Mental Health. The Cultural

Affairs ivision of the Department f State provided

local currencieso support ur

fieldwork n India, srael, nd Pakistan,

nd the Office

ofScientific esearch f the U.S. AirForce supported echnical xplorationn prob-

lems of translationnd

computer nalysis ndertakenn Cambridge.All

these organ-

zationsgave their upport

hrough he Center

for

nternational

ffairs

f Harvard

University, hich

s

the sponsor

nd institutionalomeof ourproject

n

the ocialand

cultural spects f economic

evelopment.

208

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3/19

Making Men

Modern

plex and comprehensive uestionnaire ouching n a wide variety of life

situations nd intended o measure substantial egment f the range of

attitudes,values, and behaviors we conceive as particularly elevant tounderstanding he individual's participation n the roles typical for a

modern ndustrial ociety.2This questionnairewe then administered o

some 6,000youngmen

n

six developing ountries:Argentina, hile, ndia,

Israel, Nigeria,and East Pakistan. All threeof the continents ontaining

the overwhelmingmajority of developingnations are represented. he

sampled

countries over he

range

from he

newestnationswhichhave only

recentlywon their ndependence o thosewith a long history f self-gover-

nance; from hose only now emerging rom ribal ife o thosewithancient

high cultures, nd from hose furthest emovedfrom, o those most inti-

mately inked o, the European cultural nd industrial ocial order. he men

interviewed ere selectedto represent ointson a presumed ontinuum f

exposure o modernizingnfluences,he main groupsbeing he cultivator f

the

and

still

rooted

n

his traditional

ural

community; he migrant

rom

the countrysideust

arrived

n

the

city

but not

yet integrated

nto urban

industrial ife;the urban

but

nonindustrial orker

till

pursuing moreor

less

traditional

ccupation,

uch

as

barber

r

carpenter,

ut now

doing

o

in

the urban

environmentven

though

utside he context f

a modem arge-

scale

organization;

nd the

experienced

ndustrial

worker

ngaged

n

pro-

ductionusing

nanimate

ower

nd

machinery

ithin he

context

f

a

more

or

less

modern

productiveenterprise.

o these we

have added sets

of

secondary chooland universitytudentswhoenjoythepresumed enefits

ofadvanced education.

Within nd

acrossthese

amplegroupswe

exercised

numerous ontrols

n

the

selection

of

subjects and

in

the analysis of

our

data,

both to understand he influence nd

to

prevent

the uncontrolled

effects

f

sociocultural

nd

biosocial factors uch as

age, sex, education,

social

origins,

thnic

membership,ast

ife

xperience,

nd the ike.

Our

interview

ncluded

almost 300

entries.

ome 160

of

these elicited

attitudes, alues, opinions,

nd

reports

n

the behavior

of

others nd

one-

self, ouching

n

almost

everymajor aspect

of

daily

ife.The

questionnaire

included

various tests of verbal

ability, iteracy, olitical nformation,

n-

telligence,nd psychic djustment. n some cases it took fourhoursof n-

terviewingo complete-a demanding xperience orboth nterviewernd

interviewee.

We

completed

ur fieldworknear the end

of

1964,

and

since

that

time

have been engaged

n

processing nd then ater analyzingthe very sub-

stantial

body

of

data we

collected.

At this time our

analysis

s

sufficiently

far

advanced so

that we can

discern he

main

outlines

f

some of

the

con-

clusions

we

must

draw.

To

present

hese within he

rigorous

imits f the

time and

space currently

llotted

for

scholarly

ommunications

equires

2

Some sixty-eightfthe questions re isted,n abbreviatedorm,ntable1 of Smith

and Inkeles

1966.

A

complete opyofthe questionnaire ay be obtained

y ordering

Document

133from heChief, uxiliary

ublication roject, hotoduplicationervice,

Library fCongress,Washington, .C.

remitting13.50 formicrofilmr $117.50for

photocopies.

209



4/19

American

Journal f

Sociology

imposinga

telegraphic tyle and

forgoing he presentation f detailed

evidence

to

supportmy arguments.

ach of

my

conclusionswill

address

itself o one of he

main ssues

o

which

ur

researchwas directed.

ach issue

is presentednthe form f a question owhich will assay an answer.The

fourmain issues

dealt with

here shouldnot

be understood s being

he only

ones

to

whichwe

addressed urselves;

neither

hould

t

be assumed

hat our

data provide nswers

nly

to these

questions.

1.

How

far

s

there

n

empirically

dentifiable

odernman, nd

what re his

outstandingharacteristics?-Many

ocial

scientists

have

a conceptionof

the

modern

man,

but

fewhave submitted

his

conception

o

an empirical

test

to ascertainwhether his

typereally

xists

n

nature nd

to

determine

howoftenhe

appears

on

the

scene.

mportant xceptionsmay be

found n

the work

fKahl

(1968),

Dawson

(1967),

and Doob

(1967). We too

have our

modelofthemodernman,a complex ne ncludinghree omponents hich

we

refer

o

as the

analytic,

he

topical,

and

the

behavioral

models, ll of

which,

we

assumed,might

well

tap

one

generalunderlying

ommon

imen-

sion

of ndividual

modernity.'

We believe

our

evidence

presented

n

some detail

n

Smith nd

Inkeles

1966)

shows

unmistakably

hat

there s

a

set

of

personal

qualities which

reliably ohere s

a

syndrome

nd

which

dentify type

of man

who may

validly

be

described

s

fitting

reasonable

theoretical

onception

f

the

modernman.

Central

o

this

yndrome

re:

(1) openness

o

new

experience,

both withpeople

and withnew

ways

of

doingthings

uch as

attempting o

controlbirths; 2) the assertionof increasing ndependence rom he au-

thority

f

traditional

igures

ike

parents

nd

priests

nd a shift

f

llegiance

to

leaders

of

government,ublicaffairs,

rade

unions, ooperatives,

nd the

like; (3) belief

n

the efficacy

f

science nd

medicine,

nd a

general ban-

donment

f

passivity

nd fatalism

n

the face of ife's

difficulties;

nd

(4)

ambition

for

oneself nd

one's

children o

achieve

high occupational

nd

educational

goals.

Men who manifest hese

characteristics

5)

like

people

to

be

on time nd show

an interest

n

carefully lanning

heir

ffairs

n

ad-

vance.

It

is also

part

of

this

syndrome

o

(6)

show

strong

nterest nd

take

an

active

part

n

civic and

community

ffairs

nd

local

politics;

nd

(7)

to

striveenergeticallyo keep up with the news,and withinthis effort o

prefer ews

of

national and international

mport ver items dealing with

sports,

eligion,

r

purely

ocal

affairs.

This

syndrome

f

modernity

oheres

mpirically

o

meet the

generally

accepted

standards

for

scale constructionwith

reliabilities

anging

from

.754 to .873

n

the six countries.4

ooking

t

the

range

of

temswhich

nters

into the

scale,

one

can see

that it

has a

compelling

ace

validity.

n

addi-

tion,

the

empirical

outcome accords well

with our

original

theoretical

model and, indeed,withthose

of

numerous

ther tudents

f

theproblem.

8

This modelhas been ketchedna preliminaryay n nkeles 966.A fuller ccounts

presented

n

Inkeles, orthcoming

n

Faunce and Garfinkel.

4

References to the

reliabilities

f

the ong

form

fthe scale

(OM-2) containing59

items.Reliabilities or

ome of the various hort orms ere

ometimesower utwere

generally

n

the same

range.

ee

Smith

nd

Inkeles1966,p. 367.

210



5/19


6/19

American ournal

f

Sociology

come

utwith ix

totally

ifferent

yndromes,

nefor ach

country,

o

one

overlapping

n

the

eastwith

ny

other. he actual utcome f he

nalysis

wastotally ifferent.he probabilityhat ven ne temwould ome ut n

the top fifty

n

all

six countriess

approximately

ive

n a

thousand.We

actually

ad ten

temswhich

were

n the

op fifty

n all

six

countries,ix-

teenmore

n

the opfifty

n

five ountries,

hirteen ore

which ere

n

this

set

n

four f

the ix

countries.

he

probability

hat he

ame

thirty-nine

itemswould y chance e

in

the opfifty

n four fthe ix countriess so

infinitesimals to

make urresults otable ndeed.

This

means hatwhatdefines an

s

modernn

one

countrylso defines

him s modern

n

another.t argues or

he

actualpsychic nity fman-

kind

n

a

structural

ense

nd

thepotential sychic nity

f

mankind

n

the

factual ense. n speaking f theunity fmankindn terms fpsychicstructure,mean hat henaturef hehuman

ersonality,

ts nnerrules

of

organization,

s

evidentlyasically

imilar

verywhere.

hat

s,

theas-

sociation

f

he

lements

r

components

f

personality

o

not-and I think

in

substantial

egree annot-vary andomly

r

even relatively reely.

There

s

evidently system

f

nner,

r what

might

e called

tructural,

constraints

n

the

rganization

f

hehuman

ersonality

hich

ncrease he

probability

hat

hose ndividuals-whatever

heir

ulture-who ave cer-

tain

personality

raitswill

lso

more

ikely

ave otherswhich

go

with

some

articular

asic

personalityystem.

o

far

s

thefutures

concerned,

moreover, believe

hat his

tructural

nity rovides

heessential

asis

forgreater actual sychic nity fmankind.ucha factual nity, ot

merely

f

tructure

utof

ontent,an

be

attainednsofar

s

the orces hich

tend

o

shape

men

n

syndromes

uch

s

that

defining

hemodernman

be-

come

more

widely

nd

uniformly

iffused

hroughout

heworld.

his

point

requireshatwe consider

he econd

ssue o

which

ur

researchddressed

itself.

2. What rethe

nfluences

hichmake

manmodern?

an any

ignificant

changes

e

brought

boutn men

who

re

lready ast

he

ormativearly ears

and

have

lready

eached

dulthood

s

relatively

raditional

en?-Education

has often

een

dentified

s perhaps

he

most

mportant

fthe

nfluences

movingmenawayfrom raditionalismowardmodernityn developing

countries.ur

vidence oes

not

hallenge

his

well-established

onclusion.

Both

n

zero-order

orrelations8nd

n

the

more

omplexmultivariate

e-

gressionnalysis,

he mount

f

formal

chooling

man

has

had emerges

as the

ingle

most

owerful

ariable

n

determining

is score

n

ourmea-

sures.

On

the

verage,

or

very

dditional

ear

man

pent

n

school e

gains

omewhere

etween wo

and three

dditional

oints

n

a

scale

of

modernity

cored rom ero

o

100.

Our

modernity

est

s

not

mainly

test

of

what s

usually

earned

n

school, uch s

geography

r

arithmetic,

ut

s

rather test

of

attitudes

8

The correlationPearsonian) etween ducation nd theoverallmeasure fmoderniza-

tion anges

rom .34 in

Pakistan

o

0.65

in India. The size of these

oefficients

s

sub-

stantially ffected y the educational spread

n

each

sample.

That

spread

s

largest

in ndia,with hecasesrather venly istributed

rom

ero

o thirteen ears

f

ducation.

212



7/19

Making

Men Modern

and values touching

n

basic aspects

of a

man's orientation o nature,

o

time, o fate, o politics, o women,

nd to God.

If

attending

chool

brings

about such substantial hanges nthesefundamental ersonal rientations,

the

school must

be teaching

a

good

deal more

than is

apparent

in

its

syllabus on reading,writing, rithmetic, nd even geography. he school

is evidently lso an important raining roundfor nculcating

alues.

It

teaches ways of orienting neself oward others, nd of conducting ne-

self,which ould have important earing n the performancef one's adult

roles in the structure f modern society. These effects f the school, I

believe, reside not mainly

n

its formal, xplicit, elf-conscious edagogic

activity,but rather are inherent

n

the school as an organization. he

modernizing ffects ollownot from he school's curriculum, ut rather

from ts nformal,mplicit, nd often nconscious rogram ordealingwith

its youngcharges.9 he properties f the rationalorganization s a hidden

pursuader-or,as I prefer o put it, as a silentand unobserved eacher-

becomemost pparentwhenwe consider he roleofoccupational xperience

in

shaping he modernman.

We selected

work

n

factories

s the

special

focus of our attention

n

seeking

to

assess the effects

f

occupational experience

n

reshaping

n-

dividuals ccording o the model

of the modernman.

Just s

we

view

the

school as communicatingessons beyond reading

and

arithmetic,

o

we

thought f the factory s trainingmen

n

more

than the minimal

essons

of

technology nd the skillsnecessary

o

industrial roduction.We conceived

ofthe factory s an organization erving s a general chool n attitudes,

values, and ways

of

behavingwhich re

more

daptive

for

ife

n

a modern

society.We reasoned hat work

n

a

factoryhould ncrease man's sense

of

efficacy,make

him

less fearful

f

innovation, nd impress n

him

the

value

of

education

s

a

general ualification

or

ompetence

nd advance-

ment. Furthermore, e assumed that

in

subtle ways work

n

a factory

might ven deepen

a

man's mastery

f

arithmetic

nd

broaden his

knowl-

edge

of

geography

without

he benefit

f

the formal essons usually pre-

sented

n

the classroom. ndeed,

the

slogan forour project became, The

factory an be a school-a school

for

modernization.

Although ur mostsanguinehopesfor he educational ffectsfthe fac-

torywere

not

wholly ulfilled,

he nature

f

a

man's

occupational xperience

does

emerge

s

one

of

the

strongest

f

the

many types

of

variables

we

tested and is a quite respectable ompetitor

o

education

n

explaining

person's modernity.

he correlation

etween time

spent

n

factories

nd

individualmodernization cores s generally bout 0.20.10Withthe effects

9

In much f hecurrent iscussion f heeffectiveness

nd neffectivenessfour chools,

this spect

of

the chool's

mpact

has been

generally

eglected.

or

an

importantxcep-

tion ee Dreeben

1968.

10However, n India it was only0.08. We believe histo be not a condition eculiar

to India, but to our

ndustrialample here. verywherelse we sampled rom iftyo

morethan 100

factories,ncluding

ll

types nd sizes

of industry, ut in India our

sample

was

limited o eleven

factories, ostly arge,

nd two of

thesewerenot truly

industrial;hey

rocessedminerals.

213



8/19

AmericanJournal

f

Sociology

of education controlled, he factoryworkersgenerally core eight to ten

pointshigher

n the

modernizationcale

than

do the cultivators.'1 here s

little reason to interpret his differences due to selectioneffects ince

separate controls how

that new

workers re not self-

r

preselected rom

thevillageon grounds f lreadybeing modern

n

personality r attitude.

Nevertheless,we can apply a really tringent

est

by making

ur

compari-

sons exclusivelywithin

the

industrial

abor

force,pittingmen with few

years,

of

industrial xperience gainstthose

with

many,forexample,five

or more. When

this is

done, factory xperience ontinues o show a sub-

stantial mpact

on

individual

modernization,

he

gain generally eing bout

one

point per year

on the

overall

measureof

modernization

OM).

It

is notable

that

even when we

restrict urselves to

tests

of

verbal

fluencynd to testsofgeographicalnd political nformation,hemore x-

perienced

workers

how

comparable dvantages

over the

less

experienced.

To choose

but

one of

many

available

examples,

n

Chile

among men

of

ruralorigin nd low education one

to

fiveyears)-and thereforeuffering

a double

disadvantage

n

background-the proportion

ho

could

correctly

locate Moscow

as

being

the

Soviet

Russian

capital

rose from

mere 8

percent mong

the

newly

recruitedndustrialworkers o 39

percent mong

those

with middle

experience

nd

to

52 percent mong

the

men who had

eightyears

or

more

n

the

factory.

ven

among

those

with

the double ad-

vantage

of

higher

ducation

(six

to

seven

years)

and urban

origins,

he

proportion orrectly dentifying

Moscow

decidedly

rose

along

with in-

creasingndustrial xperience,hepercentages eing 68, 81, and 92 for he

three evels

of ndustrial

xperience, espectively. ummary vidence

from

all

six

countries

s

presented

n

table

1.

It

should be

clear

from

hese data

that

the

factory

s

serving

s a

schooleven

n those

subjects

generally

on-

sidered

he exclusive

preserve

f

the

classroom.12

To cite thesemodernizing

ffects

f

the

factory

s not

to

minimize he

greater

bsolute

mpact

of

chooling.Using gross ccupational ategoriza-

tionwhich its

cultivators

gainst

ndustrial

workers,

e

find hat

the

class-

room

still

eads

the

workshop

s a

school

of

modernization

n

the ratio of

3:2. Using

the

stricter est whichutilizes

factory

workers

nly,

groupedby

lengthofindustrial xperience,t turnsout thateveryadditionalyear in

11

Keep in mind hatthetesthas

a

theoreticalange

rom

eroto

100,

nd an

observed

range

n

our samples

lmost

s

great.

With

amples

f

our

size,

differenceso

large re

significant

t wellabove the 01 level. This test of significancend

many

of theother

statistics

resented

n

this

report equire

hat one meet certain

onditions,

uch

as

randomampling,

hich ur data do not meet.

Nevertheless,

e

present

uch

tatistics

in order o provide

rough uide

or

standard

f

udgment,

n

the belief

hat o

do

so is

preferableo eaving

hereader

without

ny

criterion

y

which

o

evaluate

ne

figures

against

nother. he reader

mustbe

cautioned, owever,

ot

to

interpretny single

statistic

oo

iterally.

onclusionshouldbe drawnnotfrom

ingle

igures

ut from

he

whole rray

f

evidence

cross he six countries.

12

It willbe noted hat hepatternmanifestednthe other ive ountriessnot hownn

Israel.

There he newworkers

re as well nformeds the

experienced.

e

attribute

his

not so much o the qualities

f

sraeli

ndustry

s

to the nature

f

sraeli

society.

n

that small,mobile,

nd

urbanized

nvironment,

nformation

ends

to be

rapidly nd

more r ess evenly

iffusedhroughouthe nation nd to

all

classes.

214



9/19

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10/19

American

Journal f Sociology

school produces

three times as much

incrementn one's modernization

score s does

a year n the factory,hat s, the

ratio

goes

to 3: 1. The

school

seems learly o be themore fficientraining round or ndividualmodern-

ization.Nevertheless,

e shouldkeep

n mindthat theschoolhas

the pupil

fulltime, nd it produces

no incidental

y-products ther han its

pupils.

By contrast,

he

main

business of the

factory s to manufacture

oods,

and thechanges t brings

bout n men-not insubstantial,

s we have

seen-

are produced t virtually

ero marginal ost. These

personality hanges

n

men are therefore

kind of windfall

profit o a society undergoing

he

modernization

rocess. ndeed, on this

basis we

may quite legitimately

reverse he

thrust f the argument,

o longer sking

why the schooldoes

so

much

better han the

factory, ut ratherdemanding

o knowwhy the

school,with tsfulltime control ver the pupil's formalearning, oes not

perform

lot betterhan

t does

relative

o

the

factory.

TABLE

2

VARIANCE

IN

SCORES

OF INDIVIDUAL MODERNIZATION

(OM-3) ACCOUNTED

FOR

BY EARLY

AND

LATE

SOCIALIZATION

INFLUENCES

IN

Six

DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

(%)

Variable Argentina

Chile

India

Israel

Nigeria

Pakistan

Early

ocialization.... 28.8 26.0 52.4 22.1 23.0 22.2

Late Socialization.....

31.6 34.4 31.4

22.4 28.2

28.3

Our

experience

with he

factory

nables

us to answer he

secondary

ues-

tion

posed

for his ection.

ince

men

generally

nter

he

factory

s more

r

less

matured

dults,

the effects bserved

o follow

upon

work

n

it

clearly

are

late

socialization

ffects. ur results ndicate

that substantial

hanges

can

be

made

in

a

man's

personality

r

character,

t least in thesense of

at-

titudes,values,

and

basic

orientations,ong

after what are

usually

con-

sideredthe most important ormativeyears. The experienceof factory

work

s,

of

course,

not the

only

formwhich his ate socialization akes.

It

may

come

n

the form

f

travel

or

migration, y exposure

o

the media

of

mass

communication,

r

through

ater

ife

n

the

city

for

men who

grewup

in

the countryside. 3

e therefore ombined

our

explanatory

variables

into

two main

sets,

one representingarly ocialization

xperience-as

in

formal

chooling-and

the

other

eflecting

ate ocialization

xperiences-as

in

one's

adult

occupation.

We may observe from

able 2) that

the late

socialization xperiences

take

out a

very respectable

lace

for hemselves

in the competition o account forthe observedvariance in individual

13

The distinctive ffectivenessf each of these potentiallymodernizingxperiences,

and others, illbe assessed

n

thegeneral eport

f

ourproject

n

preparationnder he

authorshipfAlex nkeles nd David

H.

Smith, o be titledBecoming

odern.

216



11/19

Making

Men Modern

modernization cores.'4

n

five

countries he set of late socializationvari-

ables explained s much or moreof the variance

n

modernization

cores

s

did the combined arly ocialization ariables, ach set explaining etween

one-fourthnd one-third f the

variance.

In

India the early ocialization

ariablesweredecidedlymorepowerful-

accounting or52 percent s against

31 percent f the variance

explained

by

the late socialization

variables.

But

in

absolute terms,

he late

experi-

ences

are still doing very well. 5

All in all, we take this

to

be

impressive

evidence for the possibility f

bringing bout substantial and

extensive

changes

n

the postadolescent

personality s a result of socialization

n

adult

roles.

3. Are therenybehavioralonsequencesrising rom he ttitudinal

odern-

izationof the ndividual?Do modernmen actdifferentlyrom he raditional

man?-Many people who hear of our research nto ndividualmoderniza-

tion

respondto it by acknowledging

hat we may have discovered

what

modernman says,but theyare

more nterested n knowingwhat

he does.

This view overlooks he factthat taking stand on a value question

s also

an

action, nd one

which

s often very ignificantne for he respondent.18

Our

critics' omment lso tends

mplicitly

o underestimatehe

mportance

of

a climate of expressed pinion

as an influence n the action ofothers.

And it probably ssumes oo arbitrarily

hat men use speechmainly o mis-

lead rather han to express heir

rue ntentions. evertheless, he

question

14

In thisregressionnalysiswe utilized s thedependent ariable longform fthe

modernitycaleOM-3,

not s describedn

Smith

nd nkeles 966.

Using even

rincipal

predictor

ariables elected n

theoreticalnd

empirical

rounds, e obtained

multiple

correlationoefficientsf

from bout

57 to .76

in

our six

countries.We

couldthus

c-

count

for

between 2.5

percent nd

59.0 percent f

variance

n

the

modernity

cale

scores.

We

then roupedhepredictor

ariables

n

two ets.The

set

of

arly

ocialization

variables ncluded

thnicity,

ather'sducation, nd

own

formal

ducation. ate social-

ization

ariablesncluded

ccupational

ype, onsumer

oodspossessed as a

measure f

standard

f

iving),

measure

f

mass

media

xposure,

nd

age.

Each

set

was

then

sed

aloneto

ascertain hatportion

fthe

variancet could

xplain, s

indicated

n

table

2.

A

discussion

ftherationale

or

electing hese

particularariables nd

grouping

hem

so,as

well s details f

he inear

multiple egression

nalysis, ill

be

presented

n

a

later

publicationy David H. Smith ndAlex nkeles.

15

An

alternativepproach o

estimatinghe

relative

ontributionf

the twosets of

variables

s to consider

hedecrement

n

the total

variance

xplainedwhen ither

et s

withdrawn

rom

hetotalpool of

predictors.

hen his

was done, he ate

socialization

variables

gain

emerged

s

more

owerful

verywhere

xcept

n

ndia.

The

following

et

of

figures

resents,irst, he

decrement

n

the

total

variance xplained

esulting

rom

withdrawalf he

arly ocialization

ariables,

ndsecond, he

decrement

esultingrom

withdrawalf

the ate

socializationariables

rom hetotal

predictor

ool: Argentina

.127/.155;Chile

100/.184;

ndia

.276/.066;

srael 101/.104;

Nigeria

068/.120; ast

Pakistan

070/.131. he fact

hat hese

ecrementsre so

much maller

han he

propor-

tion

of

variance

xplained

y

each

set alone

ndicates hat o

some xtenthe sets

over-

lap,

and when

ne set s

dropped heother

takesover

for t nexplaining

ome

partof

thevariance.

16

For

example,t is an

act of

ubstantial ivic

ourage

or youngman n

a traditional

village

o tellour

nterviewer

e wouldbe more

nclined

o followhe ocal

coop eader

than

the

village

lders,

r

that he

considers imself

more

Nigerian han an

Ife, or

whatever

s

the

ocal

tribal asis of

olidarity.

217



12/19

American

Journal f Sociology

is a legitimate ne, and we

addressed ourselves o it in our

research.Al-

though his

part of

our

analysis s least advanced, we can

offerome tenta-

tive conclusions n the basis ofpreliminarynalysis.

We

have

the definite

mpression hatthe menwe delineate

s modern ot

only

talk

differently,hey act

differently.o explorethis

relationshipwe

constructed scale

of

modernization

ased exclusively n

attitudinal ues-

tions,rigorously xcluding hose

dealingwith action rather

han beliefor

feeling. 7his measureof attitudinal

modernity e then

related o the be-

havioralmeasures

n

our survey. n

all six countrieswe

found ction nti-

mately elated o attitude.At any

given ducational evel, heman whowas

rated as modern n the attitudinal

measurewas also more ikely o have

joined

voluntary rganizations,

o

receive

news

from

ewspapers veryday,

to have talked to orwritten o an official bout some public ssue, and to

have discussedpoliticswith his

wife. n many cases the

proportionwho

claimed

to

have taken

those

ctions

was twice

nd even

three

imes

greater

among

those

at

the

top

as

compared

with

thoseat

the

bottom

of the scale

of

ttitudinal

modernity.

able 3

presents

he

relevant

vidence.We

should

note,furthermore,hat the items

ncluded

n

table 3 are illustrative f a

larger roup

f bout

thirtyndividual

uestions nd a dozen

scales selected

on

theoretical

rounds

s

appropriate

ests

f

herelation etween

xpressed

attitudes

nd

reported ehavior.

The

items used for

llustration

were not

arbitrarily

elected

s

the

only

ones

supporting

ur

assumptions. 8

The

particular

behaviors we cited

above

are all

self-reported.

he

question nevitablyrises s towhether henwe are notmerely esting tti-

tudinal

consistency-or merely

onsistency

n

response-rather

than

any

17

n

the

project dentificationystem

his

scale

is

designated

M-1.

It includes nly

seventy-nine

tems

elected

rom

he

larger ool by

a

panel

of

expertudges

on

the

grounds

hat

a) they

dealt

only

with

ttitudes,

ot

nformation,olitical

rientation,

or

action,

nd

(b) they learly ere ppropriateo

test

heoriginalheoretical

onception

of

modernity

s

more

r ess

officially efined

y

the

project

taff.

18

This

assertions supported y

consideration

f

the relevant amma tatistics n the

relationship

f

attitudinalmodernityOM scores)

nd information

ests.

For

this

pur-

pose low-

and

high-educationroupswere tested

separately except

n

Pakistan),

hencethenumber fgamma statistics btained s twicethe number f itemsused.

The average

gamma tatistics hown

below

are

based on

three-partables

which

n-

cluded

middle s

well

s low

and

high

OM.

Separate

esults re

given

or

tems

nd

for

scales,

ince

he

scales

show

he

combined

ffects

f

groups

f tems nd

hence re

not

truly

independent

dditional

ests

f

the

hypothesis

nder

crutiny.

COUNTRY

TESTS

Argentina Chile India Israel

Nigeria

Pakistan

Based

on items:

Average gamma

. 201 232 342 244

205 303

Number oftests. 60 62 58 52 46 29

Based on scales:

Average gamma

.

.

305 296 449 313

276

339

Number

of

tests

......

24 24 24

28

24

10

218



13/19

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14/19

American

ournalfSociology

strict

orrespondenceetweenmodernityf attitudend

modernityf be-

havior.

he

answer

s partly iven y consideringherelation f

ttitudinal

modernityo our everal ests f nformation.hesequestions idnotdeal

with mere ttitudes, ut

obliged he respondento proveobjectively

whether e

really

new

omething.uiteconsistentlyhe men

whowere

moremodern

nthe

ttitudemeasuresalidated heir

tatus s

modern en

by more ften orrectlydentifying

movie amera, aming

heofficeeld

by

Nehru, nd ocating

he

ity

f

Moscow.

Men

with he

ame ducation

but with

unequalmodernitycores

erformederydifferentlyn these

tests,

with hosemore

modern

n

attitude coring igh

n

thetests f n-

formation

wo

or

more imes s

often

s those

lassified

s

traditionaln

attitude.

he

details

re summarized

n

the

ower

art

of

table

3, which

presentsummarycaleresults.

We

conducted furthernd

more

xactcheck

n

the

extent o

which

self-reportedehaviors fact ather

han

antasy y comparing hatmen

claimed o do with

bjective

ests f heir ctual

performance.

or

example,

we

asked

everyone hether

r not

he could read.

ndividuals

ertainly

might avebeen emptedo

exaggerateheir ualifications.ut ater

n

the

interview

e administeredsimple

iteracyest, sking urrespondentso

read few ines

rom

ocal newspaper

tories e had

graded

or

ifficulty.

In most

ettings

ess han

percent

f hemen

who

had

claimed

hey

ould

read ailed he iteracyest.They

roved bjectivelyo havebeen ccurate-

ly

and

honestlyeporting

heir

eadingbility. imilarly,

enwho

laimed

touse themassmediaregularlyere-as they houldhavebeen-better

able to

correctlydentify

ndividualsnd

places figuring

rominently

n

world

ews.

n

Nigeria,

or

xample,mong xperienced

orkersf ow

du-

cation, he

proportion

ho

ould

orrectlydentify

e

Gaulle

s

the

presi-

dent

f

theFrench

epublic

was 57

percent mong

hose

who

claimed o

pay only

modest

ttention

o the

mass

media,

3

percent

mong

hose

who

asserted

hey istened

rread

more

ften,

nd 93

percent

mong

hose

who

claimed

o read

newspaper

r isten o theradio lmost

very ay.Many

additional

xamples hich

est he

nternal

onsistency

f

ttitude nd

be-

havior

re

summarized

n

table

.19

Clearly,

he

men

who laim o havethe

attributesescore s modernive better ccount f hemselvesnobjec-

19

For lack

of space, table 4 shows he percentage

hosebehavior

alidated heir ral

claim only

n

the

case of

those falling

t the extremes

f the continuum n

each

claim, nd the t-tests re

based

on

these

ame extremes.o leave

no

doubt hatthis

outcome as not fortuitous

esult

f

consideringnly heextremes,

e note

hegamma

statistics

or he full ross-tabulationsncluding

ll steps

nboth heoralclaim nd the

behavioral est.

The five estsofthe relation etween

laim and behavior

pplied

n

six

countries

ield potentialhirtyests, ut

omewere napplicable

n

certainnstances.

The procedure as repeated

eparately or he low and

high educated,

ivided t

themedian

n each

country.

or

the

ow

educated,

where wenty-sevenfthe

testswere

applicable,

he association f claim

and

behavior

was in the

expected irection

n

all

cases, ndthe gammas anged orm .011to 0.877,with meanof 0.351 and a median

of 0.334.For the high educated,

he hypothesis

ould be tested

n

twenty-three

ull

cross-tabulations.

ll

but two

of the associationswere

n

the expected

irection,

he

gammas anging rom 0.123

to

0.690,

nd

over hisrange he meangamma

was 0.309

and the median

.276.

220



15/19

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16/19


17/19

Making Men Modern

tivetests

f

performance.

e

may

conclude

not

only

that

modern s

as

mod-

ern

does,

butalso that moderndoes as modern

peaks.

4. Is the onsequencefthendividualmodernizationnevitablyersonal is-

organization

nd psychic train;

or

can mengo throughhis

process f rapid

sociocultural

hange

without eleteriousonsequences?-Few

deas have been

morepopular

mong he social philosophers fthe nineteenthnd twentieth

centuries han the belief hat ndustrialization

s a kind of

plague

which

dis-

rupts social

organization, estroys ultural cohesion, nd uniformly ro-

duces personal

demoralizationnd

even disintegration.

uch

the

same dea

has been expressed

by many anthropologists ho

fear-and oftenhave

witnessed-the destruction

f

indigenous ultures

under the massive

im-

pact

of their

ontact

withthe

colossus

represented y

the

European-based

colonial

mpires.

ut

neither he establishment

f

European ndustry

n

the

nineteenth entury, or the culture risis f smallpreliterate eoples over-

whelmed y the tidal wave of colonial expansionmay be

adequate

models

for

understandinghe

personal

ffects

f

ndustrializationnd urbanization

in

developing

ations.

To

test the impact

on

personal djustment

esulting

rom

ontact

with

modernizing

nfluences

n

our

six

developing ountries, e administered he

Psychosomatic

ymptoms

Test

as

part

of

our

regular

uestionnaire.

his

test s widely cknowledged

o

be thebest available

instrument orcross-

cultural ssessment

f

psychic

tress.20

sing groupscarefullymatched

on

all other

variables,

we successively

ested he

effect

f

education,migration

fromhecountrysideo the city, actory mployment,rbanresidence, nd

contact

with

he mass media as

thesemodernizingxperiences

might

ffect

scores

on

the

Psychosomatic ymptoms

est.

No

one of

these presumably

deleterious nfluences

onsistently roduced

statistically ignificant vi-

dence

of

psychic tress s

judged by the

test.

Those

who

moved to the

city

as

against

those who

continued

n

the

village,

those with

many years

as

compared

o

those

with

few

years

of

experience

n

the

factory,

hose with

much

contactwiththe mass

media

as

against those with ittle

xposure

o

radio, newspaper, nd movies, how about the same

number f psychoso-

matic symptoms.

In each of six countries,we tested fourteen ifferent atched groups,

comparing

hose who

migrated

with those who

did

not;

men with

more

years

in

the

factory

with

those with

fewer, tc.

Because

some of

these

matchesdid not

apply

in

certain ountries,we were eftwith eventy-four

more r ess

ndependent ests

of

theproposition hatbeingmore xposed o

the

experiencesdentified ith he

process

of

modernization roducesmore

psychosomatic

ymptoms. isregarding

he size

of

thedifferencend con-

sidering nly

the

sign

of

thecorrelation etween

xposure o modernization

20

Variants f

the test

wereused with he

Yoruba as reported y

Leighton t al.

1963,

and the Zulu

as reportedy Scotch

nd Geiger

963-64.Details on the form

f hetest

as we used t and theresults four nvestigationerepresented yAlex nkeles nd

David Smith

o the

EighthCongress f the

nternational

nthropological

ssociation

at

Tokyo-Kyoto

n

September 968under he

itle TheFate ofPersonal

Adjustment

n

the Process

f

Modernization, nd will

appear

n

the

Internationalournal f

Com-

parative

ociology,970.

223



18/19

AmericanJournal f Sociology

and psychosomatic ymptoms s

(+) or (-), it turnsout that in thirty-

four nstances he results re in accord

with he theory hat modernization

is psychologically psetting, ut in forty thermatches he results re op-

posed to the theory.Veryfewof the differencesn either irection, urther-

more,were tatisticallyignificant.

ndeed,thefrequency f uch tatistical-

ly significantorrelations as about

what you would expectby chance.

Of

these significantifferences,urthermore,

nlytwo supported he hypothe-

sis while wocontradictedt. This

again suggests hat only hance s at work

here.We mustconclude, herefore,

hat the theorywhich dentifiesontact

withmodernizingnstitutionsnd geographical nd social mobility s cer-

tainlydeleterious o psychic djustment s not supported y the evidence.

Indeed,

t is

cast

in

seriousdoubt.

Whatever

s

producing he symptoms-

and the test does everywhere ielda wide rangeof scores-it is something

other han

differentialontact

with the sourcesof modernization hich s

responsible.

Lifedoes exact

ts

toll. Those

who

have been ong

n

the city nd

in

ndus-

try

but

who

have failed

o rise

n

skill nd

earnings

re

somewhat

moredis-

tressed.But

thisoutcome an hardly

e

charged

o the

deleterious ffects

f

contactwith he

modern

world.

Perhaps

f

we

had

studied

he

unemployed

who

came

to

the city

with

highhopes

but

failed

o find

work,we might ave

found

hem

o

have morepsychosomatic

ymptoms.f we werefaced with

this

finding, owever,

t would

still

be

questionable

whether he observed

condition hould

be

attributed

o the

effects

f modernization. he

fault

would seemto lie equallyin theinability f traditional gricultureo pro-

vide men

with

conomic

ustenance ufficient

o

hold

them

n

the and.

We

conclude, hen,

hat

modernizingnstitutions, er se,

do not

ead

to

greater sychic tress.We leave

openthe question

whether

heprocessof

societal

modernization

n

general

ncreases ocial

disorganization

nd then

increasespsychic ensionforthose

experiencinguch disorganization. ut

we

are

quite ready

to

affirmhat

extensive

ontact

with he

nstitutions

n-

troduced

by

modernization-such

s the

school,

he

city,

he

factory,

nd

the mass media-is

not

in

itself onducive

o

greater sychic

tress.

Men

change

their ocieties.

But the

new

social

structures

hey

have

de-

visedmay nturn hapethemen who ivewithin he new social order.The

idea that social structuresnfluence

hepersonalqualities

of

those

who

par-

ticipate

n

them s,

of

course, s old

as

social

science

nd

may

be

found

n

the

writings

fthe

earliest

ocial

philosophers.

ts

most

dramatic

xpression,

relevant ous, was

in

thework

of

Marx,

who

enunciated

he

principle

hat

men'sconsciousnesssmerely reflection

f their elation

o the

system

f

ownership

f

the

means

of

production.

he

rigidity

f

Marx's

determinism,

and

the

counterdetermination

f

manypeople

to

preserve

n

image

of

man's

spiritual ndependence

nd

of

the

personal utonomy

nd

integrity

f

the

individual,generatedprofound esistance

o these ideas.

The

idea

that

ownership r nonownershipf the means of productiondetermines on-

sciousness

s

today

not

verycompelling.

o focus

n

ownership, owever,

s

to

concentrate

n

the

mpact

of

macrostructural

orces

n

shaping

men'sat-

titudes nd values at the

expense

f

tudying

he

significance

f

microstruc-

224



19/19

Making Men Modern

tural

factors.

et

it

may

be that thesemicrostructural

eatures,

uch as

are

embedded

n

the locale and

the nature of

work,

re

prime

sources

of

in-

fluences nmen's attitudes nd behavior.

In

reviewing

he results f our research n

modernization,

ne must be

struckby the

exceptional tability

with

which

variables

such as educa-

tion,factory

xperience,

nd urbanismmaintain he absolute

and relative

strength

f

their

mpact

on individualmodernization

espite

he

greatvari-

ation

n

theculture f

hemenundergoing

he

experience

nd

in

the

evelsof

development

haracterizing

he countries

n

which

hey

ive.2 his

is notto

deny

he

ability

f the

macrostructural

lements f the social

order o exert

a

determiningnfluence n

men's ife ondition nd their

esponse

o

it.

But

such macrostructuralorces

an accountfor

nly

one

part

ofthe

variance

n

individual ocial

behavior, part whose relativeweightwe have not yet

measuredwiththe requiredprecision.When we attain that precisionwe

may find ome confirmationf popular theories,

ut we are also certain o

discover ome of

themto be

contradicted

y

the

data-just

as

we

have

in

our

study

of microstructural

actors.

he

resolution f the

competition

e-

tween hesetwo

theoretical

erspectives

annot

be

attained

by rhetoric.

t

requires ystematicmeasurement nd the confrontationf facts

however

far

they

re marshalled

n

the

service

of deas.

The

facts

we

have

gathered

leave us

in

no doubt

that microstructuralorces

ave greatpower o shape

attitudes,values, and behavior

n

regularways

at

standard or constant

rates within wide

varietyof macrostructuralettings.

REFERENCES

Dawson, J.

L. M.

1967. Traditional

ersusWesternAttitudes

n

Africa:The Con-

struction, alidation nd Application

f a

Measuring

evice. British

Journal

f

Social and

Clinical

sychology(2):81-96.

Doob,

L. W.

1967.

Scales for

AssayingPsychological

Modernization

n

Africa.

Public

OpinionQuarterly1:414-21.

Dreeben,

R.

1968. On What s Learned

n School.

Reading,

Mass.:

Addison-Wesley.

Inkeles,

A.

1960.

Industrial

Man:

The

Relation

of

Status,Experience nd

Value.

American

ournal fSociology

6:1-31.

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1966. The

Modernization

f Man.

In

Modernization,dited by

M.

Weiner.

NewYork:Basic Books.

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Forthcoming.

A

Model of the

Modern

Man.

In Cross-Cultural

esearchn

Developing reas,

dited y WilliamA.

Faunce andHerbert

arfinkel.

ast Lansing,

Mich.: Social

Science

Research ureauand

New York:Free

Press.

Inkeles,A.,

and David

H.

Smith.

orthcoming.The Fate of

Personal

Adjustment

n

the Process

f

Modernization. nternational

ournal

fComparative

ociology.

Kahl, J.

A.

1968.TheMeasurement

f

Modernism,Study fValues

n Braziland Mexico.

Austin

nd London:University

f Texas

Press.

Leighton, lexander .,

T. A.

Lambo, C. G.

Hughes,

D.

C.

Leighton,

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Murphy,

and

D. B.

Macklon.

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mong

he

Yoruba.

thaca, N.Y.:

CornellUniversity

ress.

Scotch,

Norman

A.,

and H.

J.

Geiger.

963-64. An

Index

of

Symptom

nd

Disease

in

ZuluCulture. HumanOrganization2(4):304-11.

Smith,

David

H.,

and Alex

Inkeles.

1966. The

OM

Scale:

A

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ndividualModernity.

ociometry

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21

This dea is

more ully

laborated

n

Inkeles

1960.

225

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