Inequality, Discrimination and Social ... - BSL...

TIAS Final Project Report

Inequality, Discrimination and

Social Cohesion

Socio-Economic Mobility and Incorporation of Australian-born Lebanese and Turkish

Background Youth

by

Christine Inglis University of Sydney

2010

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables v Acknowledgements viii Executive Summary and Recommendations ix Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Background to the project 1

Australia’s contemporary Lebanese and Turkish background population 3 The history of migration from Lebanon and Turkey to Australia 5

The research focus on the second generation 7 Incorporation and the second generation 14 Sources of data 15 The outline of the report 16 Chapter 2 The Socio-Economic Status of Second Generation Lebanese

and Turks 17 The 2006 Census and the socio-economic incorporation of the second generation 17

The definition of ‘second generation’ and their ethnicity 17

Comparison of the two census analyses 18 The educational and labour market outcomes for second generation Lebanese and Turks using population data 19

Educational outcomes 19 Labour force participation 24

The educational and labour market outcomes for second generation Lebanese and Turks using sample data 28 The 2001 study 28 The replication of the 2001 study 30 Results from the 2006 Census 32

Human capital 33 Economic activity 37 Occupational class and unemployment 41 Avoidance of unemployment 46 Occupational attainment 48 Income 53

Conclusion 55

Chapter 3 TIAS Survey Design and Implementation 60 Background 60 Adaptation of the TIES project to Australia 60 The population and sample frame 62 Sample identification and contacts 64 Data collection and processing 66

iii

Chapter 4 The Interviewees and Their Family Backgrounds 67 The individual’s household 68 Contacts with relatives 71 Migration and citizenship 72 Parents’ education and language usage 75 Parents’ involvement in the labour market 78 Spouses, partners, and boyfriends or girlfriends 82 Conclusion 85 Chapter 5 Experiences of Education 88 The institutional context of Australian education 88 Educational participation and outcomes 89 Secondary schooling 89 Post-secondary education 90 Educational pathways and experiences 94 Types of school attended 95 Disruptions in schooling 96 Educational support mechanisms 97 The school’s social environment 99 Conclusion 100 Chapter 6 The World of Work 104 Labour market involvement 104 The employed 104 The unemployed 108 Experiences in the world of work 109

Perceptions of the relationship between human capital and current job 109

Career satisfaction and aspirations 110 Income 112 Discrimination and prejudice 114 Conclusion 117 Chapter 7 The Neighbourhood, Social Life and Discrimination 119 The neighbourhood 119 Social class 120 Ethnic diversity 120 Perceptions of their current neighbourhood 123 Friendship groups 124 Involvement in community organisations 127 Political participation 129 Discrimination and prejudice 130 Conclusion 136 Chapter 8 Language, Religion and Identity in a Multicultural Society 138 Language background and usage 138 Television and internet usage 139 Transnational linkages 143 The Role of religion 145

iv

Religious observance 147 The role of religion in personal identity 150 The role of religion in society 151 The wearing of the headscarf 153 Identities 156 The impact of diversity on life in the city 161 Approaches to integration 164 Conclusion 167 Chapter 9 Conclusion 169 Patterns of incorporation 170 Socio-economic incorporation 172 Identity and cultural incorporation 173 Inequality, discrimination and social cohesion 175 The Australian experience in international perspective 176 Differences between second generation groups 179 Differences within second generation groups 181 Implications of the TIAS Project for policy making

and service delivery 182 Bibliography 190 Appendix 1 Census Data Sources and Measures Used in the Report Appendix 2 TIAS Survey Questionnaire in CAPI format Appendix 3.1 Invitation to Participate in TIAS Survey Appendix 3.2 TIAS General Information Appendix 3.3 TIAS Participation Information Statement Appendix 3.4 TIAS Participant Consent Form

v

LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

Figure 1.1 Birthplace of Muslims in Australia, 2006 2 Table 1.1 The first ancestry of those born in Turkey and Lebanon, 2006 3 Table 1.2 The population with Lebanese or Turkish first ancestry, 2006 4 Table 1.3 The religious affiliation of those with Lebanese or Turkish first ancestry,

2006 4 Table 2.1 Student status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) by

sex, 2006 20 Table 2.2 Student status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) by

marital status, 2006 20 Table 2.3 Student status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) in

Sydney and Melbourne, 2006 21 Table 2.4 Educational institution attended by Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation

youth (18-35) by sex, 2006 21 Table 2.5 Educational institution attended by Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation

youth (18-35) in Sydney and Melbourne, 2006 22 Table 2.6 Qualifications of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) by

sex, 2006 22 Table 2.7 Qualifications of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) by

religion, 2006 23 Table 2.8 Qualifications of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) in

Sydney and Melbourne, 2006 24 Table 2.9 Labour force status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35)

by sex, 2006 25 Table 2.10 Labour force status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35)

by marital status, 2006 25 Table 2.11 Labour force status of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35)

by religion, 2006 26 Table 2.12 Income of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) by

sex, 2006 27 Table 2.13 Income of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ generation youth (18-35) in Sydney

and Melbourne, 2006 28 Table 2.14 Australian population (aged 18-59) from different origins

(table percentages) 33 Table 2.15A Highest educational qualification, by ancestry and generation: men

(row percentages) 34 Table 2.15B Highest educational qualification, by ancestry and generation: women

(row percentages) 36 Table 2.16A Economic activity, by ancestry and generation: men (row percentages) 38 Table 2.16B Economic activity, by ancestry and generation: women (row percentages) 40 Table 2.17A Current occupation by ancestry and generation: men (row percentages) 43 Table 2.17B Current occupation by ancestry and generation: women (row percentages) 44 Table 2.18 Logistic regression of employment and unemployment

(parameter estimates: contrasts with unemployment) 47 Table 2.19A Logistic regression of occupational class: men

(parameter estimates; contrasts with semi- and unskilled class) 50

vi

Table 2.19B Logistic regression of occupational class: women (parameter estimates; contrasts with semi- and unskilled class) 52

Table 2.20A Regression of income within occupational classes: men (parameter estimates) 54

Table 2.20B Regression of income within occupational classes: women (parameter estimates) 56

Table 3.1 Interview sample frame 62 Table 3.2 Australian born (18-35) with Lebanese or Turkish first ancestry: Sydney

Local Government Areas, 2006 63 Table 3.3 Australian born (18-35) with Lebanese or Turkish first ancestry:

Melbourne Local Government Areas, 2006 64 Table 4.1 Age and sex of interviewees 68 Table 4.2 Household characteristics 70 Table 4.3 Non-nuclear family members in household 71 Table 4.4 Age parents arrived in Australia 72 Table 4.5 Parents’ reasons for migrating 73 Table 4.6 Highest level of parents’ schooling 75 Table 4.7 Parents’ language experience 77 Table 4.8 Economic status of fathers 79 Table 4.9 Economic status of mothers 80 Table 4.10 Occupation of parents 81 Table 4.11 Birthplace of partners and boyfriends and girlfriends 82 Table 4.12 Where partners met 84 Table 4.13 Highest level of partners’ education 85 Table 4.14 Economic status of partner 85 Table 5.1 Post-secondary study after leaving school 91 Table 5.2 Highest qualification 93 Table 6.1 Economic status 105 Table 6.2 Current occupation 106 Table 6.3 Experience of unemployment after leaving school 108 Table 6.4 Job is below education 110 Table 6.5 Reasons for leaving first job 111 Table 6.6 Future career plans 112 Table 6.7 Weekly income 113 Table 6.8 Adequacy of present income 114 Table 6.9 Perceived discrimination involving Anglo-Celtic group 115 Table 6.10 Reasons for view on discrimination 116 Table 6.11 Personal experience of workplace discrimination 116 Table 7.1 Perceived social class of residential neighbourhood 120 Table 7.2 Perceived ethnic diversity of residential neighbourhood 122 Table 7.3 Preferred ethnic diversity of residential neighbourhood 123 Table 7.4 Assessment of current neighbourhood 124 Table 7.5 Backgrounds of school friends 125 Table 7.6 Current best friends 126 Table 7.7 Number of Anglo-Celtic friends 127 Table 7.8 Participation in community organisations 128 Table 7.9 Voting behaviour at 2007 federal elections 130 Table 7.10 Negative feelings towards other ethnic groups 131 Table 7.11 Experiences of hostility and unfair treatment 133 Table 7.12 Reasons for experiences of hostility and unfair treatment 135

vii

Table 8.1 Language background 139 Table 8.2 Language usage 141 Table 8.3 Language of television viewing 142 Table 8.4 Internet usage 142 Table 8.5 Transnational linkages 144 Table 8.6 Religious observance 146 Table 8.7 Religious practice as a child 148 Table 8.8 Current religious observance 149 Table 8.9 Personal importance of religious affiliation 151 Table 8.10 Views of the role of religion in society 153 Table 8.11 Three reasons for wearing headscarves 155 Table 8.12 Three reasons for not wearing headscarves 156 Table 8.13 Strength of identification with particular ethnic and social groups 158 Table 8.14 Views of diversity in Sydney & Melbourne 162 Table 8.15 Agreement with approaches to integration 165

viii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Central to this report was the survey of the second and third generation young people. The first acknowledgements must therefore include all those whose help made it possible. Without the participation of the young people who graciously agreed to be interviewed, the project would have lacked the depth which only has come from their willingness to share their experiences. Particular thanks must also go to Maurice Crul and the other members of the TIES (the Integration of the European Second Generation) project who readily shared their methodology and research findings based on their survey in Europe. This generosity has created the possibility of directly comparing the Australian findings with those from overseas. McNair Ingenuity Research who managed the whole survey process were extremely helpful, effective and patient in working through a variety of unanticipated challenges in getting the survey into the field. Thanks must also go to media, community organisations and individuals who assisted in publicising the project. These included SBS Arabic and Turkish radio, Muslim Community Radio 2MFM, Al-anwah and Turkish News Weekly. Organisations which helped provide publicity included Affinity Intercultural Foundation, Lebanese Muslim Association and Victorian Arabic Social Services. Among a wide range of individuals who also offered assistance are Maha Abdo, Trevor Batrouney, Wafa Chafic, Carmel Guerra and Nada Roude. Joy Elley, Nijmeh Hajjar and Ahmad Shboul provided an important source of assistance and advice in various stages of the survey. Also giving invaluable statistical assistance were Salvatore Babones and Robin Farabee-Siers while Umut Őzguc and Lindsay Rowan provided helped with clerical and administrative backup. Final thanks must go to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship which provided the funding which made this project possible.

ix

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Background

This project was funded under the National Action Plan to Build on Social Cohesion,

Harmony and Security (NAP). The NAP was “an initiative of Australian governments

to address issues of concern to the Australian community and to support Australian

Muslims to participate effectively in the broader community”. DIAC’s active role in

the NAP ceased as of 1 July 2010. DIAC continues to support culturally diverse

communities, including those facing significant pressures due to their culture or

religion, through its community engagement activities under the Diversity and Social

Cohesion Program (that incorporates the former Diverse Australia Program and the

NAP community grants administered by DIAC). Information on this program can be

found at http://www.harmony.gov.au.

Aims

In contrast to recent research which has focussed on individuals because they are

Muslims or from the Middle East, this project was concerned to understand the

experiences of a cross-section of young second generation Australians whose parents

were born in either Lebanon or Turkey. In particular it asked how they were

incorporated into Australian society on three main dimensions:-

Socio-economic Incorporation

• Their educational experiences and levels of attainment

• Their experiences in the world of work

Social Incorporation

• The extent to which their social networks brought them into contact with

other Australians from diverse backgrounds and whether these contacts

involved experiences of discrimination or prejudice

x

Identity and Cultural Incorporation

• The extent to which they were actively involved in linguistic and religious

activities linked to their family backgrounds and how these were related to the

way they identified with these groups and Australia.

Information to answer these questions was obtained from an analysis of the 2006

census data and from extensive hour-long interviews undertaken in Sydney and

Melbourne with 307 young people aged between 18 and 35. An important feature of

the study was to avoid presenting their experiences in isolation from those of other

young Australians. To allow this, the interviewees, who were selected randomly from

the telephone directory, were all Australian born with at least one parent born in either

Turkey, Lebanon or, in the case of the important third generation comparison group,

with both parents born in Australia. Consistent with patterns of immigration, the

majority of the third generation comparison group were from Anglo-Celtic

backgrounds. The interviewees with a parent born in Lebanon were further divided

between the two main groups of Lebanese born in Australia: those of Christian and

Muslim backgrounds.

Key Findings and Recommendations

While the study’s aim was not to undertake an evaluation of specific programs, the

findings do indicate the need to bring to greater public attention a number of issues.

These relate to many areas of particular importance under the National Action Plan

including:

• education

• reinforcing values and civics education

• informing Australians about religious and cultural diversity

• employment

• integrating communities

• participation in wider society

xi

Overcoming Stereotypes

A key finding is that one cannot make simple assumptions about the extent or form of

an individual’s or a group’s incorporation on the basis of their religious or national

background. As the study found there is considerable diversity in the patterns of

incorporation and their underlying dynamics between those such as Lebanese from

Christian or Muslim backgrounds who share the same national background. Similar

diversity in the patterns of incorporation and the dynamics underlying them exists

among Muslims from Turkish and Lebanese background respectively. The reliance on

stereotypes can lead to negative reactions destructive of social cohesion and harmony.

This is particularly important relevant as this study found that, when shown a range of

diverse ethno-religious groups, both third and second generation youth expressed

greatest negativity towards ‘Lebanese’ and ‘Muslims’.

Recommendation 1: Emphasise Diversity and Avoid Stereotypes

The most important implication from the present research data for policy-makers and

those involved in service delivery is the importance of moving beyond the use of

simplistic categories such as ‘Lebanese’ or ‘Muslims’. Both terms cover a very wide

range of experiences and modes of incorporation resulting from divergent social

dynamics and processes affecting incorporation. The diversity in other ethnic groups

such as those from Great Britain or of Chinese background is already widely

acknowledged. Now it is necessary to extend this recognition to those of Lebanese,

Turkish or Muslim background.

Recommendation 2: Publicise Positive Achievements Towards Incorporation

Policy makers and those who deliver specific programs should make a concerted

effort to break down the simplistic stereotypes which characterise so much of current

negative public discourse and thinking about second generation groups such as the

Lebanese and the Turks. In particular, it is important to develop programs which

make the general public aware of the extent to which the majority of individuals

involved in each group are becoming successfully incorporated into Australian society

as outlined in the specific sections below. In fact, the level of identification and

commitment to Australia of the second generation groups was impressive given the

xii

extent to which their loyalty, values and culture have been called into question in

recent public discourse. Publicity of this progress is particularly important given the

widely held negative stereotypes of the young people which results from the tendency

for sections of the media and public debate to focus on an anti-social minority in the

communities while ignoring the achievements and positive experiences of the vast

majority within each group. Coupled with this is a tendency to view young people

from Lebanese, Turkish or Muslim backgrounds as passive victims. Failure to

acknowledge their diversity and achievements can lead to a negative reaction which is

destructive of social cohesion and harmony. Even when individuals such as the

prominent ARL footballer and practising Muslim, Hazem El Masri, are held in high

respect in their community, it is rare that their achievements, apart from his sporting

prowess in El Masri’s case, are widely publicised outside their immediate community.

Recommendation 3: Disseminate Information about Muslim Diversity and Practices

This project also identified the need to foster a more sophisticated public

understanding of the diverse forms of Islamic beliefs and practices. One of the areas

which attracts most public attention is the wearing by some Muslim women of the

hijab or head scarf. Often, these women are depicted as passive victims of male

control. Yet, as the young women in this study indicated, their main reason for

wearing the headscarf relates to a personal choice. This is not a new finding but it is

often overlooked by those criticising Islam in what is purported to be the interests of

young women.

This study has identified that among young people, internet usage and participation in

sporting events, especially among young men, are extremely popular. Both lend

themselves to being used as mechanisms for contacting the wider public. A particular

advantage of the internet is that it can reach those who are not active in organised

community, sporting or religious organisations.

Socio-Economic Incorporation

When the parents of the Lebanese and Turkish second generation came to Australia

between the 1960s and 1980s they were seen as experiencing particular difficulties in

succeeding in education and employment since they frequently lacked fluency in

xiii

English and often had only limited education. Although there was diversity in the

family backgrounds of the interviewees, the majority of them reported much lower

levels of education and occupational attainment than did the third generation

interviewees. When compared with their parents, the second generation, particularly

the Turkish and Christian Lebanese women, have achieved very high levels of

intergenerational educational and employment mobility with increasing numbers now

gaining university and post-secondary qualifications. These achievements are all the

more noteworthy given the extremely low educational and occupational levels in their

parents’ generation. They co-exist with a strong sense of the value of education as

indicated by the numbers of individuals who spoke of plans to continue their studies

in the near future.

The majority of the second generation indicate that they are satisfied with their

careers and financial situation. But it is also apparent that highly educated Turkish

women and Muslim Lebanese men feel that their careers have not been as satisfying

as they had anticipated. Why this is so is an area worthy of further study. In addition,

there are some areas where there is scope to provide support since not all members of

the second generation groups are achieving on equal terms with their third generation

peers. For example, the levels of unemployment and non-participation in either the

workforce or education remain above average and are in part associated with a lack of

post-school qualifications among some young men of Turkish background as well as

some Muslim Lebanese women. While self-employment is a popular objective among

the Lebanese, it often seems to be associated with high levels of failure or receipt of a

relatively low income.

Recommendation 4: Encourage the Development of Further Education Courses

Consideration should be given by TAFE or other educational providers to developing

courses in small business management to be offered in areas where there is a

concentration of Lebanese men and women.

Recommendation 5: Develop Mentoring Programs

The second generation group with the highest level of tertiary qualifications were the

Christian Lebanese who also more frequently reported that they had elder siblings

xiv

with university degrees. Role models and mentors for post-secondary and tertiary

students from ‘non-traditional’ university backgrounds can be extremely important in

supporting students. This is especially so where parents who, while they may be

ambitious for their child, have very low levels of education which makes it difficult

for them to provide relevant advice and support. As part of the focus on equity

following the Bradley Report, Universities and TAFE colleges should be encouraged

to work with student ethno-religious organisations to offer assistance both at the

school, pre-university and TAFE or university level to students from the same ethnic

background. The value of working with such groups is that their members understand

the issues involved in making the successful transition from school to further study

and can communicate this, where necessary, to parents.

Social Incorporation a) patterns of social contacts

By comparison with the third generation, the second generation had much closer

contacts with family members, most of whom lived in the same city whereas the third

generation’s relatives were scattered more widely around Australia. Another contrast

with the third generation was that the second generation also lived in much more

ethnically diverse neighbourhoods and had a more diverse range of friends than did

the third generation. If one of the markers of incorporation in a multicultural society

such as Australia is having friends from different ethnic groups, then the second

generation can be viewed as being more extensively incorporated into Australian

society than the third generation, most of whose friends were from Anglo-Celtic

backgrounds. Two-thirds of young people from all backgrounds have contacts with

community organisations. The organisations and activities in which they most

actively participated were concerned with sport, cultural and artistic activities and

religion. Apart from the religious organisations, the sporting and cultural

organisations often catered to ethnically very diverse population groups which

provided opportunities for inter-ethnic contacts.

Recommendation 6: Involve Sporting and Other Community Organisations

The popularity of sporting and cultural activities and organisations can be used as a

means of bringing together people from diverse backgrounds in a range of practical

activities akin to inter-faith dialogue but adapted to the specific objectives of each

xv

organisation. As an example, activities can be organised with teams or clubs that,

although from different parts of the city or with an ethno-specific membership,

nevertheless share a common interest. Use can also be made of the many occasions

when parents take their children to sporting events or cultural activities to structure

opportunities to meet with parents from different backgrounds. The program

undertaken by Surf Lifesaving Australia after the Cronulla riots to involve more

diverse groups in the surf lifesaving movement provides an example of such

programs.

Social Incorporation b) prejudice and discrimination

When asked about their experiences of prejudice and discrimination large numbers

reported that they had not suffered such experiences. Nevertheless there was a core of

individuals in all the groups who referred to having experienced frequent problems of

discrimination and prejudice. Young men were particularly likely to report problems

when they went out to restaurants or night clubs and other entertainment. Women who

wore headscarves were most likely to report problems in the workplace. Interviewees

from all four groups reported experiencing hostility and unfair treatment in school.

While fellow students were most likely to be the perpetrators, teachers were also often

identified.

Recommendation 7: Teacher Development Programs

The continuing significance of school based discrimination indicates the need to

develop in-service and pre-service programs to prepare teachers so that they are aware

of issues involving discrimination in working with students and have the skills to

overcome this. While the web-based Racism No Way project has been developed for

use with students, there remains a need for programs targeting teachers which would

require their active participation in a series of workshops so that they are equipped

with the skills as well as the knowledge necessary to overcome hostility in the

schools.

xvi

Recommendation 8: Programs for Security Personnel

Given the incidence of hostile experiences associated with social and leisure

activities, especially evening entertainment, programs which address specific issues

related to dealing with discrimination and prejudice should be developed for those

working in the security industry as well as those already available for police.


There were differences between the Turkish, Christian Lebanese and Muslim

Lebanese in the extent to which they maintained Turkish or Arabic and used these

languages in their daily lives. While there were variations in each of these groups, the

patterns of language usage were related to variations in the use of English when they

were growing up, visits to Lebanon or Turkey and the likelihood of marrying a

partner from the parents’ homeland. The Turkish young people were the ones most

likely to have contacts with that homeland, while the Christian Lebanese had the least.

Among the three groups, the Christian Lebanese were the most religiously observant.

In contrast, the third generation while they might describe themselves as Christian

were rarely so religiously observant. Similar differences were found between the

Muslim Lebanese and the Turks with the latter being far less observant of Muslim

religious practices. In fact, in all groups there was a disjuncture between the extent to

which individuals identified with either Islam or Christianity and their actual religious

practices. As the survey findings showed, it is important to note that because an

individual is from a country which has a predominantly Muslim population, or says he

or she is Muslim (or Christian) it does not necessarily follow that they are actively

practising that religion.

Even where individuals were religiously observant and strongly identified with Islam

(or Christianity) the study showed that this was compatible with them still strongly

identifying themselves as Australians. Similarly, identification with a Turkish or

Lebanese identity was also compatible with identifying as Australian. While data

from a parallel survey undertaken in a number of European countries has shown some

similar tendencies among Turks living in the Netherlands and other European

countries, they are much weaker. Since the background of the Turks who went to

xvii

Europe in the 1960s and 1970s was very similar to those who came to Australia at the

same time, it appears that an important factor in this different outcome is the extent to

which Australia has, through its multicultural approach, created an environment in

which individuals feel they can follow their religious and other preferences without

being socially penalised. This appears to explain the high level of identification with

Australia found in the study among the Muslim Lebanese.

The survey revealed that there was widespread acceptance of diversity in the life of

the city and in the local neighbourhood by all the interviewees. Indeed the strength of

identification with Australia was matched by agreement about the place of diversity in

society in both the private and public arena.

Incorporation as an Ongoing Process

Incorporation is a dynamic and complex process involving several dimensions. It is

also affected by influences at the family, community, national and international level.

As events over the last decade have highlighted, those identified as belonging to

groups viewed as constituting a threat to the physical or moral security of a nation or

society can very rapidly find themselves the target of direct and indirect hostility. In

such circumstances progress towards incorporation, especially involving the social

and identity dimensions of incorporation, may be subjected to pressures which result

in a reversal or downward shift in the level of incorporation previously achieved.

Recommendation 9: Ongoing Monitoring of Patterns of Incorporation

Ongoing monitoring of the nature and extent of incorporation among minority groups

such as the second generation with parents born in Lebanon and Turkey is desirable to

ensure that any changes in the level of incorporation are positive rather than negative.

Given the extensive focus of attention on these groups in recent years it is, however,

important to ensure that the monitoring is seen as part of a wider program with

beneficial intent.


1

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION

Background of the Project

‘The funding for the present research project was provided by the Department of

Immigration and Citizenship under the National Action Plan to Build on Social Cohesion,

Harmony and Security (NAP). The NAP was “an initiative of Australian governments to

address issues of concern to the Australian community and to support Australian Muslims

to participate effectively in the broader community.”

DIAC’s active role in the NAP ceased as of 1 July 2010. DIAC continues to support

culturally diverse communities, including those under significant pressure due to their

culture or religion, through its community engagement activities under the Diversity and

Social Cohesion Program (that incorporates the former Diverse Australia Program and the

NAP community grants). Information on this program can be found at

http://www.harmony.gov.au.

Among the areas identified as being of particular importance under the Plan were:

• education

• reinforcing values and civics education

• informing Australians about religious and cultural diversity

• employment

• integrating communities

• participation in wider society

These areas are of general concern in relation to the participation of all Australians in

their society. The purpose of this project was, however, to provide information which

could assist in addressing initiatives in these areas, particularly as they related to the

second generation of Australian born young people who had at least one parent born in

either Lebanon or Turkey, hence the title of the project: Inequality, Discrimination and

Social Cohesion: Socio-economic Mobility and Incorporation of Australian-born

Lebanese and Turkish Background Youth. By focussing on the parents’ birthplace this

project provides an alternative perspective for considering the second generation youth.


2

This is because much of the recent related research has focussed on groups defined on

either religious (Hassan, 2008; Saeed, 2003; Saeed & Akbarzadeh, 2001) or linguistic

criteria (Hage, 2002; Mansouri & Makhoul, 2004).

The two major groups of overseas born Muslims in Australia are those from Lebanon

(10%) and Turkey (7%) ( Figure 1.1). In addition, many of the 41% of Muslims born in

Australia are their children. This makes them an important group when discussing the

situation of Muslims in Australia. Not all those born in Lebanon or Turkey are necessarily

Muslims, or even would identify themselves as ‘Lebanese’ or ‘Turkish’. Both countries in

fact have diverse populations. In Lebanon, where the confessional or religious differences

are enshrined in the constitution, major religious groups include various Christian

denominations and Druse apart from Muslims belonging to different religious traditions.

Turkey as the inheritor of the former Ottoman empire also has a population rich in ethnic

and religious diversity. Apart from Kurds, estimated to be some 20% of the population,

other groups include Armenians, Greeks and Jews as well as Alevis and various Christian

religious groups (Altinay, 2006).

Source: Census CData2006

Figure 1.1 Birthplace of Muslims in Australia, 2006

Not stated4%

Australia41%

Fiji2%Iran

2%Iraq3%

Lebanon10%

Turkey7%

Indonesia3%

Bangladesh4%

Pakistan4%

Afghanistan5%

Other13%

Bosnia and Herzegovina2%

Not statedAustraliaFijiBosnia and HerzegovinaIranIraqLebanonTurkeyIndonesiaBangladeshPakistanAfghanistanOther


3

It is rare for emigrants from a particular country to be a completely representative cross

section of the population. The major ancestries of the Australian population born in

Lebanon and Turkey are shown in Table 1.1. Among those born in these two countries

and their descendants there is sometimes sensitivity about how they are referred to. Since

the group of particular interest in this study are their Australian born children, they will be

referred to as “Lebanese” or “Turks/ Turkish” but these terms should be understood as

referring to their parents’ countries of birth rather than their own ethnicities. This they

may variously describe as Lebanese, Turkish, Kurdish, Armenian or, indeed, a

combination of these and other ethnic reference groups.

Table 1.1 The First Ancestry of Those Born in Turkey and Lebanon, 2006 Birthplace

Ancestry Lebanon Turkey % %

Not stated 5.18 4.51Australian 3.14 1.75English 1.99 1.52Greek 0.16 2.19Arab not further defined 2.89 0.05Lebanese 82.22 0.08Kurdish 0.02 3.65Turkish 0.09 78.85Armenian 1.66 3.18Other 2.66 4.22Total Number 74,850 30,489

Source: Census CData 2006

Australia’s Contemporary Lebanese and Turkish Background Population.

By 2006 as Table 1.1 shows, the Australian population born in Lebanon was slightly over

double the numbers born in Turkey. The Lebanon born were concentrated in Sydney with

a smaller number living in Melbourne. In contrast, Melbourne had a larger proportion

than Sydney of those born in Turkey. In fact, the Melbourne population of those born in

Lebanon and Turkey was quite similar. When we look at all those who give their first

ancestry as Lebanese or Turkish (regardless of whether they were born overseas or in

Australia) we can see the same pattern (Table 1.2). Those of Turkish ancestry were about

one-third the number of those who were Lebanese. Nearly three-quarters of all Lebanese

lived in Sydney with almost another 20% in Melbourne. In contrast to the Lebanese, half

of those with Turkish ancestry lived in Melbourne and one-third lived in Sydney. In both


4

the Lebanese and Turkish groups, those aged 18-25 were about one-third of the total

ancestry group.

ResidenceLebanese

(18-35)Turkish (18-35)

N % N N % NSydney 111,684 72.86 35,693 18,509 34.97 5,751Melbourne 28,677 18.71 9,224 26,800 50.63 8,098Rest of Australia 12,931 8.44 7,623 14.40Total Australia 153,292 52,932


Total Turkish

Table 1.2 The Population with Lebanese or Turkish First Ancestry, 2006

Total Lebanese

An important difference between those who describe their ancestry as either Lebanese or

Turkish concerns their religious affiliation. Among the Turkish, Islam is the religion of

the vast majority whereas among the Lebanese there is much greater religious diversity

and only 40% describe their religion as Islam. Table 1.3 The Religious Affiliation of Those with Lebanese or Turkish First Ancestry, 2006 Lebanese Turkish % % Not stated 3 5 Western Catholic 25 1 Maronite Catholic 16 0 Melkite Catholic 1 0 Antiochian Orthodox 4 0 Greek Orthodox 4 0 Islam 40 85 Druse 1 0 Other 6 9 Total Number 153,291 52,931


The History of Migration from Lebanon and Turkey to Australia

The migration histories of the contemporary Australian populations with their origins in

Lebanon and Turkey differ in ways which potentially have important implications for the

second generation. Modern day Lebanon and Turkey were, during the 19th and early 20th

centuries, both part of the Ottoman Empire. Whereas Lebanon was part of the province of

Syria, Turkey was the heartland of the empire. Following World War I Lebanon and

contemporary Syria were administered under a League of Nations Mandate by France


5

whereas a smaller and reconstructed Turkey retained its independence under the

leadership of Kemal Ataturk.

The earliest arrivals from Lebanon, who were referred to as Turks or Syrians in the

census and official documents, came to Australia in the late 19th century, especially after

the 1880s1. They were predominantly Christians and initially settled mainly in New South

Wales. Early in their settlement, the Lebanese became concentrated in shopkeeping and

hawking. This lead to some half of them living outside metropolitan areas as they

established themselves as retailers in country towns. The religious divisions in Lebanon

between the Orthodox and Catholic Christians were recreated in Australia between the

Melkite and Maronite Catholics (who became closely involved with the Catholic Church)

and the Antiochan Orthodox who were absorbed into Catholic but, more usually,

Protestant, especially Anglican congregations. These religious divisions, the absence of a

cohesive national identity and the assimilationist pressures of the time together worked

against the development of ethnic solidarity among this first group of Lebanese arrivals.

By World War II many of the second and third generation had experienced considerable

social mobility and were extensively assimilated into Australian society except for the

maintenance of certain Lebanese family traditions.

A second wave of immigration began from Lebanon after World War II. Between 1947

and 1976 some 43,000 Lebanese came to Australia, particularly after 1966. These arrivals

were mainly Christians and had received some formal education in Lebanon. In contrast

to the first wave, this group of arrivals found employment in the expanding

manufacturing industry. The ethnic Lebanese churches played an important role in their

settlement which in turn contributed to the rejuvenation of the churches. Among the

second wave arrivals were numbers of Druse, Alawi as well as Sunni and Shi’a Muslims

and these groups soon also established their own mosques and places of worship. In 1958,

civil war began in Lebanon which has continued with greater or lesser intensity ever since

pitting the various communal groups and factions against each other. In 1975 there was a

major intensification of fighting which was the precursor to the third wave of immigration

1 This section on the history of the Lebanese migration is drawn from The Australian People: An encyclopedia of the nation, its people and their origins (Batrouney, 2001; Hage, 2001; Humphrey, 2001; McKay & Batrouney, 2001)


6

from Lebanon. This wave included a majority of Muslim Lebanese who were often from

more disadvantaged regions in Lebanon but also, despite being mainly sponsored by

relatives in Australia, lacked the support of existing community institutions which were

available to the Christian Lebanese migrants.

In contrast to Lebanese migration, substantial migration from Turkey only began after the

signing of the 1967 bilateral migration agreement between the two countries. Prior to that,

migration from Turkey was extremely limited. Even after World War II, although there

was a small migration of Turks from Cyprus and from northern Greece, the number

actually born in Turkey was very small. The Australian decision to sign a bilateral

migration agreement with Turkey, which provided for assisted passage migration to

Australia, was motivated by a desire to recruit additional workers for the expanding

manufacturing sector in Sydney, Melbourne and Wollongong. In contrast to other

bilateral labour migration agreements which the Turkish government had already signed

with European countries, the Australian scheme provided for permanent, rather than

temporary, migration; a distinction which was not always appreciated by those recruited.

Although Australia had hoped to recruit skilled as well as unskilled migrants, Turkey was

reluctant to lose skilled workers as it embarked on its own economic modernisation and

industrialisation. Like the Lebanese migrants who arrived in the late 1960s and 1970s, the

majority of the Turkish migrants who often had limited education, were employed on the

assembly lines of factories in Sydney, Melbourne and Wollongong. The highest levels of

Turkish immigration took place between 1968 and the mid-1970s when the assisted

passage scheme was discontinued as the world recession impacted on Australian

manufacturing. Since then, the majority of Turkish immigrants have entered through

family reunion or, in a smaller number of cases, the skilled migration program.

When Australia signed the bilateral migration agreement with Turkey a major

government concern was that the Turks would be the first large group of Muslims to

migrate in the 20th century. While this overlooked the presence of Cypriot Turks and

those from Lebanon, nevertheless the first arrivals found themselves without a range of

either religious or secular organisations which could offer them support or assistance in

settling. What assistance there was, was provided by the existing Cypriot Turkish


7

community. Being predominantly Muslim, the migrants from Turkey lacked contacts with

Christian churches and a long-established community which, whatever its communal

divisions, was available to new immigrants from Lebanon who at least found fellow

Arabic language speakers, a resource not available to the first Turkish speaking migrants.

While the migrants from Turkey were not religiously divided in the same way as those

from Lebanon, other divisions existed in the community. A secular state, Turkey has been

divided by political differences and a number of army led coups which inevitably

influenced relations within the Australian community. Differences in political ideology

between secularists and religious groups become overlaid with other differences such as

those involving Alevi and Sunni Muslims and associated differences between Kurds and

other Turks. That said, the fault lines dividing the Turkish community do not appear as

sharp as those communal divisions existing within the Lebanese community.

As this brief history of migration from Lebanon and Turkey illustrates, there is

considerable similarity in the background of the second generation youth from both

countries who are the focus of this study. The Lebanese youth are the children of the post-

war second and third wave of migrants from Lebanon whose economic circumstances and

experiences of social disruption were very different from the pre-war arrivals. While,

especially in the case of the Christian Lebanese, there was an existing community which

could ease their settlement, this was not so accessible to the Muslims. Similar

disadvantaged family and community backgrounds also characterise the second

generation Turkish young people whose parents arrived under the assisted migration

scheme or were more recent arrivals in the 1980s when political unrest and dangers

following in the wake of the 1980 army coup encouraged emigration.

The Research Focus on the Second Generation

The issues confronting immigrants have long been the major focus of research in

countries of permanent immigration such as Australia, Canada and the USA where

immigration has been a key contributor to national development and included within the

nation building myths and ideologies. Until the last quarter of the 20th century, the policy

response, and expectations for the immigrants, was that they would assimilate into their

new society, lose their distinctiveness and, in effect, become invisible within Australian


8

society. Their children, the ‘second’ generation, would also be invisible. In fact, by the

1960s, following the massive expansion of immigration following World War II and the

diversification in the origins of the immigrants, interest was already beginning to focus on

the experiences of the second generation. Were they in fact merging into the society on an

equitable basis? If so, why were they being singled out by being referred to as ‘second

generation’? Did they experience particular problems as the bridge between their overseas

born parents and the locally born Australian population?

This emerging interest in the second generation coincided with a growing awareness that

the assimilation of the first generation was not necessarily proceeding as had been

anticipated. There was also increasing questioning about whether it was necessary, or

even desirable, to require immigrants to assimilate. By the 1970s, assimilation had been

replaced by multiculturalism as the official policy guiding settlement policy for migrants.

In 1989 it was extended in the National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia into a policy

for the whole population (Office of Multicultural Affairs, 1989). Despite the

abandonment of assimilation, the questions surrounding the experiences of the second

generation did not necessarily disappear, although the multicultural policies were

intended to remove many of the negative aspects of educational, work and social policies

based on an assimilationist approach.

Initially, the research on the second generation and immigrants who had come to

Australia as children (the so-called 1b or 1.5 generation) focussed on the educational

participation and attainment of those from non-English speaking migrant backgrounds.

Since they had grown up and been educated in Australia, they were expected to avoid the

problems facing children who came to Australia after they had commenced their

schooling. Yet, because of their linguistic differences which were taken as indicators of

other cultural differences, these young people were often depicted as being torn between

the two worlds variously described as ‘home’ and ‘school’; the culture of the ‘homeland’

and Australia; or traditional and modern values (Brotherhood of St Laurence, 1971;

Parker, 1973; Smolicz & Wiseman, 1971). These cultural differences were seen as

creating problems for them in adjusting to school and succeeding educationally.

Consequently they were more prone to become school “dropouts”. This was because their

problems at school were perceived to be exacerbated by conflict with their own, often

poorly educated, parents who brought different norms and expectations to Australia. A


9

somewhat different perspective however came from other research which concluded that

though tensions certainly existed they did not necessarily assume significant proportions

nor create ‘marginal men’ nor ‘delinquents’ (Bottomley, 1979; Chafic, 1994; Feather &

Wasyluk, 1973; Johnston, 1969).

From this starting point focussing on the school, youth research diverged in two

directions both of which reflected the more general tendency for research involving

Australian youth, and especially those of immigrant background, to be problem oriented.

In particular, it focussed on how young people are ‘at risk’ (Butcher & Thomas, 2003;

Sherington, 1995; White, 1999). One strand focussed on the extent of educational

inequality amongst ethnic minorities while the second was concerned with their identity

formation and how this was linked to their involvement in the home and wider Australian

society.

By the 1970s educational inequality was seen as a major policy issue which affected girls,

working class and rural students as well as those from ethnic minority backgrounds

(Interim Committee for the Australian Schools Commission, 1973). The particular

problems facing students from Non English Speaking Backgrounds (NESB) provided a

major impetus for the development of a range of migrant and multicultural education

policy innovations (Martin, 1978). The extent to which social class rather than ethnic

background was the major factor in the patterns of educational disadvantage involving

particular immigrant background children was never really resolved (Jakubowicz, 1985;

Poole, 1981). By the 1990s, the concerns about educational disadvantage for those of

ethnic minority backgrounds were less commonly heard, reflecting evidence that, as a

result of the various multicultural educational innovations as well as the increasing arrival

of skilled professional migrants with high levels of educational resources and educational

capital, there was decreasing evidence of clear patterns of ethnic inequality involving

those from non-Indigenous backgrounds

The first major collection of papers on ethnic minority youth which addressed the second

research focus involving identity covered a range of youth experiences with the majority of

papers exploring in detail the diverse experiences of young people (Guerra & White, 1995).

It also highlighted the limitations of the initial, overly simplistic conflict view of relations


10

between ethnic minority youth and their parents. This was based on an essentialist and

static model of socialisation and cultural diversity implicit in the “Between Two Worlds”

approach which ignored the extent of individual agency involved in identity construction.

Also focussing on the agency involved in ethnic minority youth’s daily lives, cultural

practices and identities was another collection of papers which addressed the way in which

the digital revolution linked to globalisation and transnationalism played a major role in the

life of young men and women from immigrant backgrounds (Butcher & Thomas, 2003).

Nevertheless, much of the recent research has focussed on the problems of transition into

the adult world within the older model of conflict between two worlds. In the case of young

women, especially those perceived to be from certain ‘traditional’ cultures, the focus has

been on conflicts between them and their families with regard to their future gendered roles

as wives and mothers as well as their inability to participate in social activities outside the

family and home with the same freedom as their brothers or friends from other

backgrounds. This has been described as the “being allowed to go out issue” (Tsolidis,

1986, p.59). In the case of young men, much of the focus has been on youth ‘gangs’. This

research has its origins in public concerns about the potential of young men from ethnic

minority backgrounds to form gangs which constitute potential threats to social harmony if

not violence, criminal activity or, more recently, even to national security. Encounters with

police have been seen as a particular source of tension and the media has also been

implicated in promoting the dangers associated with these gangs whose values are

portrayed as opposed to those of the wider society. In Australia, research on ethnic youth

gangs began in the 1990s (Pe-Pua, 1999; White, Perrone, Guerra, & Lampugnani, 1999b,

1999c). In fact, one of the main conclusions from the studies undertaken involving a

number of different ethnic groups, including those of Turkish background in Melbourne,

was that: “most often the ‘gang’ is simply a group of like-minded young people who enjoy

each other’s company, and who share support and life experiences in common” (White,

1999a, p.44).

Research in Sydney has been concentrated in the outer western suburbs and in particular on

young Lebanese. It coincides with extensive media reporting of a series of particularly

violent gang rapes linked to Lebanese youth in the late 1990s (Collins, Noble, Poynting, &

Tabar, 2000; Noble, Poynting, & Tabar, 1999a, 1999b; Poynting, 2000). Subsequently, the

events of 9/11, the commencement of the ‘War on Terror’ and the Cronulla Riots of 2005


11

have resulted in a targeting of Muslims by the media, public and government which have

led to a continuing research focus on Muslim, and in particular, Lebanese young men and

the way they have been depicted in the media and by police (Poynting & Morgan, 2007;

Poynting, Noble, Tabar, & Collins, 2004).

These recent studies involving young Lebanese men in western Sydney follow from

earlier research on young Lebanese and Turks which began in the 1970s soon after

migration from these countries peaked. Typical of the studies was that by Young and her

colleagues which examined the extremely poor educational and employment outcomes of

recently arrived young Lebanese and Turks (Young, Petty, & Faulkner, 1980). Indeed, at

this time, when speaking of migrant disadvantage it was common for reference to be

made to the Lebanese, Turks and Vietnamese, the three most recent large immigrant

communities (Humphrey & Mograby, 1984; Mackie, 1983). By the 1980s changes began

to appear in the outcomes as Turkish parents often had high educational aspirations for

their children. Within a decade there were already signs of major improvements in the

levels of educational aspirations and attainment in the two groups (Abu Duhou & Teese,

1992; Chafic, 1994; Inglis, Elley, & Manderson, 1992; Keceli & Cahill, 1998). In the case

of the Turkish this was widely seen as reflecting the families’ decisions to settle in

Australia rather than return to Turkey (Elley, 1985; Icduygu, 1991).

Although there were signs of improvement in the educational and occupational outcomes

compared with the parental generation, one of the on-going questions concerns the extent

to which these changes have resulted in consistent patterns of attainment and

incorporation within the group. Differences have been noted between the experiences of

young Turkish background women and men (Asaroglu, 2007; Elley & Inglis, 1995; Inglis

et al., 1992). Within the Lebanese group differences between those of Muslim and

Christian background have been explored (Betts & Healy, 2006). Certainly in a 2001

study of the education and labour market inequalities among second generation groups in

Australia it was evident that, within the Lebanese group, there was a bipolar outcome

(Inglis & Model, 2007). While some reported a high level of labour market disadvantage,

those who had gained employment had outcomes similar to the third generation of

Australians. One possibility is that religion may be associated with this outcome. If it is, it


12

is then necessary to explore how this occurs and whether it is related to the recent high

levels of negativity towards Muslims and Lebanese in particular since the events of 9/11.

Before considering the implications for the present study of this brief overview of the

Australian literature it is also necessary to take into account the growing interest in the

second generation immigrant youth in the USA and Europe. In the USA, a major research

focus on the second generation began in the 1990s with questions about their educational

and labour market outcomes which involved several multi-ethnic and multi-location

studies (Kasinitz, Mollenkopf, Waters, & Holdaway, 2009; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001,

2005). One of the major projects has involved Alejandro Portes and his associates who

have developed the concept of ‘segmented assimilation’ to account for differential

outcomes among the young people from different ethnic backgrounds (Portes, Fernandez-

Kelly, & Haller, 2005; Portes & Rumbaut, 2005; Zhou, 2005). While the approach has

been developed and modified in the face of considerable debate and critique (Waldinger

& Feliciano, 2004; Waldinger & Perlmann, 1998), the basic argument is that individuals

assimilate to the ‘local’ society and culture rather than to an abstract conception of the

national society. Hence, where that local society is characterised by social and economic

disadvantage then the outcomes for those of migrant background is likely to be similar. In

this version, the segmented assimilation model accounts for the downward social mobility

of particular groups. However, given that there are notable exceptions involving

particular groups of, for example, Asian background children, the model has been

modified to account for these examples of upward social mobility by referring to the part

played in this outcome by the existence of ethnic cohesion and community solidarity

which ‘shield’ the groups from the negative effects which otherwise lead to downward

mobility.

In Europe, one of the most ambitious studies of the second generation is the TIES (The

Integration of the European Second generation) project undertaken initially in eight

countries: Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and

Switzerland and then subsequently expanded to include Estonia (Crul & Heering, 2008;

Crul & Vermeulen, 2003). The project initially involved studying the situation of two

second generation groups and a third group consisting of the locally born children of


13

locally born parents in two cities in each country. This was done using a common,

extensive, interview schedule. Funding and other considerations led to a reduction in the

scope of the sample groups in France, Spain and Sweden. In all the countries except

Spain, Turks were included as one of the two groups alongside either Moroccans or those

from the Former Yugoslavian Republic, depending on the patterns of international

migration to each country (Butcher & Thomas, 2003; Crul & Heering, 2008). The TIES

project did not include those from Lebanese background as the focus was on the major

second generation groups in each country. However, the extension of the TIES project to

Estonia, where the second generation group studied is the Russians, shows it is possible to

modify the methodology to include other major second generation groups. The starting

point for the TIES project was to explore in considerable detail the experiences of major

second generation immigrant groups in each country.

Two considerations led to the theoretical framing of the TIES project: the first called the

‘citizenship’ approach takes account of the national immigration and integration (what in

Australia is referred to as ‘settlement’) policies which are identified as playing a major

role in the integration process. This approach is seen as particularly relevant for issues

such as ethnic and religious identity formation, transnationalism and family formation and

partner choice. The second, institutional, approach is seen to be particularly relevant for

examining ‘structural integration’. It takes account of variations in the institutional

structures of education and labour markets. These theoretical approaches have been used

in comparing the findings from the European and American studies of the second

generation (Holdaway, Crul, & Roberts, 2009; Thomson & Crul, 2007). Their usage has

facilitated comparison of cross-national research findings when, as is the case between

the US and European studies, different second generation groups are studied. These

groups differ in their parents’ countries of origin, the role of Islam and the importance of

migration based on guest-worker or colonial connections. The results of the TIES project

are only slowly becoming available but, where relevant, they will be referred to in

subsequent chapters since, as explained in more detail in Chapter 3, the present project

adapted the methodology and content of the TIES project to Australia. Through this

adaptation the opportunity exists to extend the comparative nature of the project to

include European and, to some extent, the American experience although the American

projects did not use the same methodology as the TIES project.


14

Incorporation and the Second Generation

Considerable debate exists among social scientists and policy makers about the most

appropriate manner of conceptualising how migrants and ethnic minorities become (or

should become) part of a nation. Assimilation, social cohesion, social inclusion and

integration are among the most common objectives. Each carries its own set of ambiguities

and theoretical baggage (Inglis, in press). To avoid these confusions, this report uses the

term ‘incorporation’ to refer to the processes and patterns observed in how the second

generation Lebanese and Turkish youth become part of Australian society. Despite the lack

of consensus as to the conceptual framework to privilege in evaluating the process of

incorporation, there is nevertheless considerable agreement concerning the types of

phenomena which are important dimensions in the settlement process. This is exemplified

in the way the actual dimensions identified in the detailed seven stage assimilation model

developed by Milton Gordon (Gordon, 1964) are still widely used as indicators, even if set

within a different theoretical framework (Kaya, 2009 p.35).

Three main dimensions of incorporation are examined here. The first, socio-economic

incorporation, concerns the extent of socio-economic disadvantage experienced by the

second generation. This involves exploring their education and labour market involvement.

These are the source of economic and educational capital which together can influence the

material circumstances of individuals and their ability to participate in society. Social

mobility is closely connected to socio-economic participation and takes several different

forms: career or intra-generational mobility over the course of an individual’s life;

intergenerational mobility involving changes in the social position of children and parents;

and structural mobility. This refers to more general changes across society in the patterns of

educational and labour market participation as occurs when there is a general rise in the

completed levels of education as has happened in Australia over the last 30 years. Even

where there is intergenerational mobility in minority groups, the differences between them

and the majority may not be entirely reduced if there is also structural mobility.

The second dimension, social incorporation, involves individuals’ social networks,

cultural practices and values. It addresses the extent to which individuals’ social relations

are constrained within their own ethnic group or extend outside to other groups. These


15

relations and cultural attributes also have the potential to provide social and cultural capital

which complement individuals’ material resources and economic capital. However,

whether such capital exists depends on the institutional structures of the wider society

which construct the capital ‘markets’. An important role in this construction is played by

the extent of prejudice and discrimination directed at specific groups.

The third dimension of incorporation, identity and cultural incorporation, examined here

involves citizenship, identification and other subjective aspects of belonging which are

affected by prejudice and discrimination in the wider society. Cultural attributes closely

linked to ethnic identity including language and religion potentially have an important role

to play as well. The impacts of globalisation and transnationalism are also potentially

important for the ways in which they foster and sustain linkages and attachments outside

Australia. They do this through the new technologies which have greatly enhanced

opportunities for immediate and cheap international contacts involving the internet and

international travel.

Sources of Data

To explore these dimensions of incorporation this study uses two main sources of data.

The first is the 2006 census of the Australian population. It provides the most recent

complete overview of the educational and labour market situation of second generation

Turkish and Lebanese background youth. It also allows their situation to be compared

with that of other young Australians. Two major analyses have been undertaken using this

census data. The first replicates an earlier analysis of the 2001 census data which used

census sample data to compare first, second and third generations of the major Australian

ancestry groups, including the Lebanese (Inglis & Model, 2007). In doing so, it extends

this earlier study by examining the relationship between Muslim religious affiliation and

various educational and economic measures. Unfortunately, in 2006, the sample micro-

data set from the census which was used in the earlier analysis only separately identified

the second generation Lebanese and not the Turks. For information on the Turks as well

as the Lebanese this study therefore also analysed available census population data.

A limitation of the census data is that it does not allow us to examine the social processes

which underlie the young people’s educational and labour market experiences. Nor does


16

it provide information concerning their family and social circumstances, their cultural

practices, values or identities. To obtain such information it was necessary to interview

young people. These interviews provide the second source of data used to examine the

incorporation of the second generation. In contrast to the census, which had to define the

second generation on the basis of ancestry because of the absence of precise information

on parents’ overseas birthplace, the interviews were able to use parents’ birthplace to

define the second generation group. The interview survey questions and methodology

used in this study replicates those used in the TIES project referred to above. An

important advantage of adopting the TIES methodology is that it provides a basis for

comparing the Australian findings with those from European countries.

The Outline of the Report

Chapter 2 outlines the findings about the educational and economic circumstances of the

second generation young people based on the analysis of the 2006 Australian census data.

The focus of this analysis is at the national level. It thus provides a context for the more

detailed exploration of the educational, economic, social, and cultural experiences of the

second generation which were obtained in the interview survey of Lebanese and Turkish

background youth. These survey findings are outlined in the remainder of this report.

Chapter 3 describes the methodology and organisation of the survey while Chapter 4

discusses the major social and demographic characteristics of the young interviewees and

their families. After examining their educational experiences in Chapter 5, the focus of

Chapter 6 is their experiences in the world of work. Chapter 7 then examines how they

are incorporated into the social life of Australian society, particularly in relation to their

friendship patterns and their involvement in community organisations. It also reports on

their local neighbourhoods and their experiences of discrimination and prejudice.

Together with the material dimensions of their incorporation these social experiences are

widely seen as having an important part to play in the subjective dimensions of

incorporation which are explored in Chapter 8. Chapter 9 brings together the diverse

findings from the Australian study and compares them with the preliminary findings from

the parallel European TIES project. Together these results provide a basis for evaluating

the contemporary situation of the young Lebanese and Turkish in Australia. They also

provide a basis for a number of recommendations designed to address issues associated

with social cohesion and the integration of these young people into Australian society.


17

CHAPTER 2. THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC STATUS OF SECOND GENERATION LEBANESE AND TURKS

Socio-economic status as indicated by educational and labour market participation is

widely acknowledged to be a key dimension in assessing the incorporation of migrant

groups in society. In Australia a major national source of information about socio-

economic incorporation is provided by the census. This chapter uses data from the most

recent 2006 census as a basis for examining inequality and social mobility among the

second generation Lebanese and Turkish youth. Two types of analysis are reported. The

first uses data for the whole population to compare the educational and labour market

outcomes for Lebanese and Turkish second generation youth aged between 18 and 35, the

age groups covered in the TIAS survey. The second analysis uses a 1% sample of the

population data contained in the Confidentialised Unit Record Files (CURF) data set. It

replicates and extends an earlier analysis using 2001 CURF data which examined the

labour market outcomes for first and second generation Australians, including those of

Lebanese ancestry (Inglis & Model, 2007). Before describing these analyses the next

section will outline the reasons for undertaking the two different types of analyses. In

particular it will address certain limitations in each analysis and how they provide

complementary sources of information.

The 2006 Census and the Socio-Economic Incorporation of the Second Generation The Definition of the ‘Second Generation’ and Their Ethnicity The standard demographic definition of the Australian second generation is that they are

born in Australia but have one or both of their parents born overseas. To go further and

specify their ethnic background is not possible. This is because the Census question in

2006 and for several earlier Censuses only asks if the parent was born in Australia or

overseas. Thus, the definition of second generation Lebanese and Turkish ethnicity used

in the TIAS survey where it is based on the overseas birthplace of their parents cannot be

precisely replicated with the Census data. Instead, the ethnic background of the second

generation is defined on the basis of responses to the question on their identity. In

answering this question individuals could give up to two responses. In the census analyses

provided in this chapter, the ethnic background of individuals is based on this ancestry

category rather than on the birthplace of their parents. As noted in Chapter 1 (Table 1.1),


18

21% of those born in Turkey and 18% of those born in Lebanon do not give their first

ancestry as being respectively either Turkish or Lebanese. Hence, a definition based on an

individual’s first ancestry as used in the following analyses does exclude them from

consideration as ‘Lebanese’ or ‘Turkish’.

In the analyses based on the 2006 population data, data limitations in the Cdata 2006

which was the data set available at the time the report was being finalised necessitated

using a very simple definition of second generation and ethnicity. Those described in the

population analysis below as being of either Lebanese or Turkish ancestry were selected

on the basis that they had been born in Australia and that they said their first ancestry was

either Lebanese or Turkish. Hence it is possible that their own parents may have both

been born in Australia (which is why the tables label them as 2+ generation). They may

also have had a second ancestry apart from Lebanese or Turkish. For the 2001 and 2006

analyses based on the CURF data set a more sophisticated definition of ethnicity was

possible. This definition took account of individuals’ second ancestry as well as the

birthplace of both parents. This meant it was possible to distinguish second from third and

later generations. It was also possible to confine analyses to those individuals who only

stated one ancestry. Full details of the definition are given in Appendix 1.

Comparison of the Two Census Analyses The obvious advantage of using population data is that there is no need to extrapolate

from a sample to a larger population which may introduce a margin of error into the

process. However, a limitation of working with population data is that, while it is possible

to be precise in identifying patterns of difference which may indicate social inequality, it

cannot easily provide information about what underlying factors may account for these

differences. This can only be compensated for to a limited extent by undertaking

progressively more detailed divisions of data on the basis of age, gender or other criteria.

In contrast, the value of using sample data is that a range of statistical techniques such as

regression analysis can be used to explore the effects of a range of factors. This process

leads to a more detailed assessment of whether the frequency patterns found can be

explained by differences in the level of qualifications held or whether there is evidence

that among some groups, even after taking these and other factors into account, there is an

above average, or below average level of for example, unemployment. With this type of


19

finding it is then possible to explore with greater confidence alternative explanations

which may include cultural preferences or discrimination

The reason why the present project did not rely solely on the CURF data is that, unlike at

the 2001 Census, Turkish ancestry was excluded from the ancestries available for

separate analysis. However, Lebanese ancestry was retained and the analysis has included

it as well as also expanding the 2001 analysis to distinguish between the Christian and

non-Christian Lebanese. Given that the intention of the project was to compare the

Turkish with the Lebanese Christians and Muslims, the population Cdata 2006 was used

to develop comparisons of the Lebanese and Turkish second generation. Because of

constraints built into the Cdata program only a certain number of variables could be

jointly analysed2. Also, the program only allowed for a certain set of variables to be

jointly analysed. This meant that it was not always possible to include religion in the

analysis. Nor was it possible to undertake an analysis in which occupation was related to

second generation ethnicity.

These limitations which affect the comparability of findings between the two census

analyses and the responses from the TIAS survey need to be kept in mind in reading this

report. However, it will be apparent that there is considerable consistency between the

different data sources as they relate to the findings on second generation educational and

labour market outcomes.

The Educational and Labour Market Outcomes for Second Generation Lebanese and Turks Using Population Data Educational Outcomes Three sets of educational information are available to compare the experiences of the

Lebanese and Turks. The first provides information on whether individuals are students, a

measure which is also used in the CURF analysis. The second set of information relates to

the type of educational institution individuals are attending. The third data set relates to

the highest post-school qualification an individual has received. This variable is also used

in the CURF analysis. The TIAS survey also obtains information on all three measures.

2 The recently released ABS Tablebuilder program has greater flexibility and apparently the capacity to undertake these more detailed analyses for the 2006 Census data.


20

An examination of the tables which provide information on the current student status of

individuals indicates that the second generation Turkish are more likely to still be

studying after 17 years of age than are the Lebanese, or the total Australian born

population as a whole. One possible explanation is that the Turks are markedly younger

than the Lebanese aged 18 to 35. Whereas 49% in the 18-35 age group are aged between

18 and 24, the comparable percentage for the Lebanese is 45%. However, whether this is

large enough to account for the difference in the percentages of students is unclear.

Table 2.1 Student Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Sex, 2006

Male Female Male Female Male Female% % % % % %

Not attending 78 78 77 70 79 77Full-time student 12 14 14 21 10 13Part-time student 8 6 7 7 8 8Institution & status not stated 2 2 1 1 2 2Total 15,746 16,243 4,385 4,260 1,746,261 1,766,906


Lebanese Turkish All Australian Born

Table 2.1 shows this tendency for the Turkish to be more likely to be still studying. What

is also interesting is that the Turkish women have a much higher rate of studying than

either Lebanese or all Australian born women. This pattern may well underlie the

observation in Table 2.2 that married, as well as never married Turks, are more likely to

be still studying than are the Lebanese second generation. Table 2.2

Never Married Never Married Never MarriedMarried Married Married

% % % % % %Not attending 68 93 63 90 73 90Full-time student 21 2 27 4 16 2Part-time student 9 3 9 5 9 6Institution & status not stated 2 2 1 1 2 1Total 18,971 11,604 5,331 2,752 2,443,176 933,510



Student Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Marital Status, 2006

When the geographical focus of the tables shifts from the whole of Australia to compare

the second generation in Sydney and Melbourne, Table 2.3 shows that a higher

percentage of Melbourne than Sydney residents are still studying. Since the length of


21

secondary schooling is the same in each city this points to the possibility that there is a

greater emphasis on continuing with study in Melbourne.

Table 2.3 Student Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) in Sydney & Melbourne, 2006 Lebanese Turkish All Australian Born Sydney Melb Sydney Melb Sydney Melb % % % % % % Not attending 78 77 75 72 78.97 76.74 Full-time student 12 16 15 20 10.48 13.34 Part-time student 8 5 9 6 7.99 8.26 Institution & status not stated 2 2 1 1 2.38 1.52 Total 23,687 5,760 3,042 4,606 1,746,261 1,766,906 Source: Census CData 2006

The next set of educational data relates to the type of educational institution which is

attended. As expected, given the age group, very few of the second generation are still

attending school (Table 2.4). Those women who are continuing with their education are

also more likely than men to be attending universities or other tertiary institutions. Again,

this is particularly marked among the Turkish women.

Table 2.4


Secondary-Government 1 1 2 1 1 1Secondary-Catholic 1 0 0 0 0 0Secondary-Other Non Government 0 0 0 0 0 0University or other Tertiary Institutions 9 12 10 17 10 13Other 1 1 1 1 1 2Not stated 3 3 2 2 3 2Not applicable 78 78 77 70 79 77Total 15,745 16,244 4,385 4,260 1,746,261 1,766,906



Educational Institution Attended by Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Sex, 2006

When the patterns of attendance in Sydney and Melbourne are compared the level of

university attendance is higher in Melbourne (Table 2.5). This pattern is evident for both

the second generation groups and all the Australian born population in the two cities.


22

Table 2.5

Sydney Melbourne Sydney Melbourne Sydney Melbourne% % % % % %

Secondary-Government 1 1 1 2 1 1Secondary-Catholic 0 1 0 0 0 0Secondary-Other Non Government 0 0 0 0 0 0University or other Tertiary Institutions 10 11 12 14 13 14Other 1 1 1 1 1 1Not stated 3 3 2 3 2 2Not applicable 78 77 75 72 75 75Total 23,686 5,759 3,042 4,608 657,802 637,255


Educational Institution Attended by Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) in Sydney & Melbourne, 2006


The possession of educational qualifications is increasingly important for labour market

participation both as to the type of job obtained and the security attached to the position.

Table 2.6 contains information about the actual educational qualifications held by the

second generation, rather than foreshadowed by educational participation as in the

previous two sets of tables. Gender differences are clear with women being more likely to

hold qualifications in all areas except that of Certificates which are awarded to TAFE

graduates who historically, were more often men than women. The Lebanese are more

qualified than the Turks but both groups report a lower level of qualifications than the

total Australian born population. The Turkish men tended to be least qualified even as the

Turkish women exceeded the level of tertiary qualifications amongst all the Lebanese and

approached the level of all Australian born women. Table 2.6


Not stated 5 5 5 5 4 3Inadequately described 1 2 1 1 1 1Postgraduate Degree Level 1 1 1 1 1 1Grad. Diploma and Grad. Cert. Level 0 1 0 1 1 2Bachelor Degree Level 12 15 8 16 12 18Advanced Diploma and Diploma Level 8 13 7 10 6 9Certificate Level 22 16 16 13 26 18Not applicable 51 47 62 52 49 47Total Numbers 15,747 16,242 4,384 4,261 1,746,263 1,766,904


Qualifications of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Sex, 2006



23

Given the importance of educational qualifications it is helpful that it is possible to look

at how religious affiliation is connected to ancestry. The particular interest in Table 2.7 is

the comparison between those second generation Lebanese whose religious affiliation is

with Christianity rather than Islam. Only these two religions have been shown in the table

since they include the majority of Lebanese. Among the Lebanese in this particular age

group the Christians are much more numerous than the Muslims. For comparison both

religious groups are included for all the Australian born and the Turkish even though the

number of Christians is very small indeed.

Among the Christians, the Lebanese have qualifications similar to, or slightly better than

the Australian born. Among the Muslims the Turks were slightly less likely to be

qualified than the Lebanese. The major finding from this table is that at every level of

educational qualifications a higher percentage of Christian Lebanese than Muslim

Lebanese holds them. Even so, the Muslim Lebanese are better qualified at the level of

pre-university certificates and diplomas than the totality of Australian born Muslims. The

situation is different in relation to university qualifications where the Turks are better

qualified than the Muslim Lebanese and, indeed, all Australian born Muslims.

Table 2.7

Christianity Islam Christianity Islam Christianity Islam% % % % % %

Not stated 5 5 5 5 3 6Inadequately described 2 1 2 1 1 1Postgraduate Degree Level 1 1 3 1 1 1Grad. Diploma and Grad. Cert. Level 1 0 0 1 1 0Bachelor Degree Level 16 9 8 12 15 10Advanced Diploma and Diploma Level 13 8 12 8 7 7Certificate Level 19 18 18 14 22 16Not applicable 43 57 53 58 48 57Total Numbers 18,163 11,827 159 7,311 2,199,160 35,540



Qualifications of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Religious Affiliation, 2006

An interesting finding when we compare Sydney and Melbourne on the level of

qualifications is that, although in the previous tables we saw that there was a higher level

of educational participation in Melbourne than Sydney, a slightly higher percentage of

people in Melbourne were without qualifications than those in Sydney (Table 2.8). On the

other hand, in Melbourne there was in all three groups a greater likelihood of having a


24

university qualification than in Sydney. The Turkish were the group least likely to have

qualifications at all levels. The Lebanese were between the Turks and the Australian born

group except at the Advanced Diploma group where they were more likely to be qualified

than the Australian born as a whole.

Table 2.8

Sydney Melb. Sydney Melb. Sydney Melb.% % % % % %5 5 4 5 4 32 1 1 1 1 11 1 1 1 2 21 1 0 1 1 2

13 14 12 13 18 2011 9 10 8 9 820 15 16 13 20 1848 54 55 57 44 45

23,687 5,760 3,041 4,607 657,800 637,257


Total Numbers

Bachelor Degree LevelAdvanced Diploma and Diploma LevelCertificate LevelNot applicable

All Australian Born

Not stated

Qualifications of Lebanese & Turkish 2+Generation Youth (18-35) in Sydney & Melbourne, 2006

Grad. Diploma and Grad. Cert. Level

nadequately describedPostgraduate Degree Level

Lebanese Turkish

Labour Force Participation Two sets of available data are relevant to the labour force participation of the second

generation. The first relates to their labour force status and whether or not they are

unemployed. The second relates to their incomes. Employment status, and in particular

evidence of unemployment are crucial elements in most discussions of labour market

inequality. Given the highly gendered nature of the Australian labour market, Table 2.9 is

relevant as it provides information relating to gender differences. In general it is apparent

that men are more likely to be unemployed than women. However, the women are more

likely to not be in the labour force. This raises the possibility that their being outside the

labour force is a way of avoiding unemployment. The Turkish men are most likely to be

not in the labour force and, also, unemployed when compared with the Lebanese and all

the Australian born who have the highest rate of participation and employment. Although

Turkish women also have very high rates of unemployment the Lebanese women are

more likely than the Turkish not to be in the labour force. Since the Lebanese women’s

level of educational participation is lower than that of the Turkish the reason for them

being more likely to be outside the labour force may be because they are more involved in

childcare and household duties. Some evidence for this explanation is evident in


25

Table 2.10 where there is a much greater disparity between the married and the never

married in the workforce among the Lebanese than among the Turkish or Australian born

groups.

Table 2.9


Employed, worked full-time 54 33 49 33 63 39Employed, worked part-time 14 19 12 19 14 28Employed, away from work 7 5 6 6 5 5Unemployed, looking for f/t work 7 3 10 5 4 2Unemployed, looking for p/t work 1 2 2 3 1 2Not in the labour force 16 36 19 33 11 23Not stated 2 1 2 1 1 1Total 15,746 16,243 4,383 4,262 1,746,262 1,766,905



Labour Force Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Sex, 2006

Table 2.10

Never Married Never Married Never MarriedMarried Married Married

% % % % % %Employed, worked full-time 45 42 38 49 50 53Employed, worked part-time 18 14 17 14 21 21Employed, away from work 7 5 6 5 5 6Unemployed, looking for f/t work 6 3 9 4 4 1Unemployed, looking for p/t work 2 1 3 1 2 1Not in the labour force 21 34 26 26 16 18Not stated 2 1 2 1 1 1Total 18,972 11,604 5,330 2,752 2,443,177 933,510



Labour Force Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Marital Status, 2006

Table 2.11 compares the labour force status of Christians and Muslims, an issue which is

at the heart of much debate about differences within the Lebanese community. A pattern

evident in the whole Australian born population for this critical youth age group is that

Christians are less likely to be unemployed or outside the labour market than are

Muslims. Since the Turkish and Lebanese are the largest component of the Muslim

population it is not surprising to find that their levels of unemployment resemble those of

the whole Australian born Muslim population. In contrast, the level of unemployment

among the Christian Lebanese is lower and equates with that of the general Australian


26

born Christian population of which they are a very small percentage. Among the Christian

Lebanese their non-participation in the labour force is, however, slightly higher than for

the whole Australian born group. Although the Turkish and Lebanese Muslims have very

similar levels of unemployment, the non-participation rate of the Muslim Lebanese in the

labour force is far higher. Given the patterns of gender differences already noted in labour

force participation and marital status one reason for this may be that the Turkish women

are less likely to leave the labour force than are Muslim Lebanese women.

Table 2.11

Christianity Islam Christianity Islam Christianity Islam% % % % % %

Employed, worked full-time 51 32 40 41 52 35Employed, worked part-time 18 14 19 15 22 15Employed, away from work 6 6 9 6 5 6Unemployed, looking for f/t work 3 7 4 7 3 7Unemployed, looking for p/t work 1 2 4 2 1 2Not in the labour force 19 38 24 27 16 33Not stated 1 2 0 2 1 2Not applicable 0 0 0 0 0 0Total Number 18,161 11,828 159 7,309 2,199,159 35,542



Labour Force Status of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Religious Affiliation, 2006

If unemployment is significant for the way it indicates that an individual or group is

marginalised from the labour market, income is important for the way in which it

provides an indication of the level of employment obtained both financially and often in

terms of social prestige. Given the role of gender in labour market participation it is not

surprising to find in Table 2.12 that the incomes of women are generally lower than men.

From the perspective of the second generation the lowest level of income is obtained by

the Turkish, although the pattern is more marked among the Turkish men than the

Turkish women whose levels of income are closer to those of the Lebanese women. The

pattern of incomes among the Lebanese men at the upper levels approaches that of all the

Australian born population, although there is a more substantial ‘tail’ who have either nil

or a negative income.


27

Table 2.12 Income of Lebanese and Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Sex, 2006


Negative income 1 1 1 1 0 0Nil income 8 9 10 10 4 5$1-$149 8 13 9 14 5 11$150-$249 10 15 13 15 9 13$250-$399 10 14 10 12 9 15$400-$599 16 17 17 18 16 19$600-$799 14 12 15 13 16 13$1,000-$1,299 9 5 6 4 11 7$1,300-$1,599 4 2 2 2 6 3$1,600-$1,999 3 1 1 1 3 1$2,000 or more 3 1 1 0 3 1Not stated 5 4 5 3 4 3Not applicable 0 0 0 0 0 0Total 15,745 16,244 4,384 4,261 1,746,264 1,766,903



The local economy can play an important role in the levels of income and this is apparent

from Table 2.13 which compares the second generation living in Sydney and Melbourne.

The pattern of higher incomes in Sydney can be seen by comparing the incomes of all

those born in Australia. The role of Sydney as a global city with a large financial services

sector in its economy is an important factor in this evidence of higher incomes in Sydney.

However a corollary also associated with a global city is that there is a demand for many

low skilled workers, potentially also low paid, to supply services for the elite groups.

Among the Turkish second generation there is certainly further evidence that, when

compared with the Lebanese, their incomes are generally lower. However, comparisons

between the Turks and Lebanese living in Sydney and Melbourne suggest that while in

both groups there are individuals in Sydney with higher incomes than in Melbourne, there

is still a substantial number in both groups with incomes well below the levels reported

for all those born in Australia.


28

Table 2.13

Sydney Melbourne Sydney Melbourne Sydney Melbourne% % % % % %

Negative income 1 1 1 1 0 0Nil income 9 8 11 9 6 5$1-$149 10 12 9 13 8 9$150-$249 12 15 12 15 8 10$250-$399 12 12 11 10 10 11$400-$599 17 17 17 18 15 16$600-$799 13 12 15 13 14 15$1,000-$1,299 7 6 6 5 11 10$1,300-$1,599 3 2 3 2 6 4$1,600-$1,999 2 1 1 1 3 2$2,000 or more 2 1 1 1 4 2Not stated 5 6 4 4 3 3Not applicable 0 0 0 0 0 0Total 23,687 5,759 3,041 4,608 657,801 637,256



Income of Lebanese & Turkish 2+ Generation Youth (18-35) by Sydney & Melbourne, 2006

The Educational and Labour Market Outcomes for Second Generation Lebanese and Turks Using Sample Data The 2001 study As part of an international comparative study examining the experiences of second

generation immigrants in Western labour markets an analysis was undertaken of the 2001

Australian census data (Heath & Cheung, 2007). This analysis involved a comparison of

the labour market outcomes across generations of the major ethnic groups in the

Australian population (Inglis & Model, 2007). It began by looking at the distribution of

these ancestry groups across educational outcomes, economic participation and

occupation to determine the extent of gross disadvantage which separated them.

Following this, three regression analyses were undertaken to determine (i) the likelihood

of avoiding unemployment, (ii) access to professional and managerial and avoidance of

semi- and unskilled employment and (iii) the relationship of earnings to occupation. The

purpose of these analyses was to determine the extent to which, after controlling for key

variables such as age, qualifications, marital status, proficiency in English, and residential

location there was evidence of unequal outcomes involving particular ethnic groups.

Where these outcomes were negative they were viewed as indicative of ethnic penalties

which pointed to the existence of factors such as the nature of the economy, social class

fluidity, racism and xenophobia, immigration and citizenship policies (Heath, 2007).


29

Because of the nature of the data used in the study it was not possible to explore in any

detail the reasons for the existence of the ethnic penalties. The key findings of the

comparative study were that Australia and Canada emerged as the two countries where

there was least evidence of the existence of ethnic penalties affecting second generation

immigrant minorities. However, both displayed patterns of ethnic penalties affecting their

indigenous minorities comparable to those characterising immigrant minorities in

continental Europe (Heath, 2007, p.661).

Against this background of lower levels of ethnic penalties being evident in Australia

among those of immigrant background, the findings relating to the Lebanese group in

2001 are particularly relevant to the present project. In particular, the regression analyses

showed that the markedly high levels of unemployment which were evident in the first

generation Lebanese continued into the second generation among both men and women.

However, an examination of the occupations of those employed showed that the Lebanese

second generation men were overrepresented in the professional and managerial

occupations as well as among the self-employed and employers. Among the Lebanese

women the first generation group were less likely to be employed in the routine non-

manual clerical type of occupations. In the case of the second generation women there

was no marked difference between their occupational patterns and that of the comparison

group who were the third generation ‘Australians’. These findings were interpreted as

pointing to the existence of a bipolar pattern of labour market involvement among the

second generation Lebanese. On the one had, there was a group who experienced high

levels of unemployment but, among those men who were employed, there was an above

average participation in the high status and well paying professional and managerial

occupations as well as in self-employment where there had been a long historical tradition

for Lebanese involvement. When the third analysis was undertaken examining the levels

of income among those employed in particular occupational classes the only significant

result involving the Lebanese was that the first generation men were likely to receive a

lower income. This suggests that they were working in the lower levels of the professions

and management. Evidence of such a pattern was not present among the second

generation men. The income of the Lebanese women did not differ significantly except

that the first generation working in skilled, manual occupations received higher incomes

than the norm among the third generation comparison group.


30

This analysis of the 2001 census data raises two questions which are directly pertinent to

the present project. One is whether the patterns found in the 2001 data were still evident

in the 2006 data. In the intervening five years a number of factors had changed. These

included the increasing numbers of second generation Lebanese youth entering the labour

market; the improving state of the Australian economy which underwent considerable job

expansion associated with economic growth; and, also, the impact of the events of 9/11

which led to a variety of local and international initiatives which effected local Australian

Muslim populations who were often depicted in the media and public discourse as closely

associated with Islamic fundamentalist terrorist groups.

The second question was, if the patterns did continue, how could the bipolar pattern be

explained? A common suggestion was that the bipolar pattern was associated with the

divisions which existed between the Christian and non-Christian, predominantly Muslim

Lebanese population (Betts & Healy, 2006). However, such studies, relying as they did

on frequency data which illustrated gross differences in outcomes, could not explain the

impact of other factors examined in the regression analyses described above. If there are

such divisions then there is a need to seek an explanation for them. Such explanations

might include the effects of religion or other cultural factors, the patterns of immigration

and settlement in Australia, or the educational and social capital brought from Lebanon.

The Replication of the 2001 Study

In order to answer these questions, the analysis of the 2001 census data was replicated

using the 2006 Australian census data. There were two stages in this replication process.

The first involved analysing the 2006 data using the same measures and population as had

been used in the earlier analysis. This provided the basis for determining whether the

patterns found in 2001 involving the Lebanese were also evident in 2006. The second

stage was to then re-analyse the 2006 census data distinguishing between the Christian

and non-Christian Lebanese to determine whether religious affiliation as stated on the

census was significantly related to the findings.

The first stage of the replication involved recreating precisely the categories used in the

international comparative study. Details of these categories and their construction are

contained in Appendix 1 of this report. As in 2001, the census data used for the 2006


31

analysis was derived from the 1% sample of the Confidentialised Unit Record Files

(CURF) prepared by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). This file includes the

responses to the questions individuals answered concerning their ancestry. Individuals

were assigned to particular ethnic groups based on their replies to the ancestry question

which allowed up to two responses. Not all ancestry groups were separately identified in

the CURF data which included several categories reflecting geographically based

ancestries. There were also several ancestry categories where the numbers of second

generation individuals were too small to be able to reliably include them in the analysis.

These included Filipinos and Vietnamese. For these reasons it was necessary to combine

certain ancestry categories to arrive at the ‘ethnic’ groups used in the analysis. Individuals

were included in an ethnic group such as Lebanese if they indicated that their only

ancestry was ‘Lebanese’. Individuals one of whose ancestries was ‘Australian’ would

have been included in the ‘Australian-Other’ ethnic group. The category of ‘Other’ was

used to combine together all those from the smaller ancestries. Thus it was highly diverse

including those with stated ancestries such as New Zealand, Canadian, Congolese,

Filipino and Indian. The distinction between Christian and non-Christian Lebanese was

based on their answers to the question on religious affiliation. Whereas 50 % of the

Lebanese indicated they belonged to a Christian religion, 40% indicated they were

affiliated to Islam and 10% indicated either that they belonged to another religion such as

Druse, or had no religion. All those who did not indicate a specific affiliation with a

Christian religion have been combined together to form the non-Christian Lebanese

ancestry group.

The sample population includes those aged between 18 and 59 because this was the age

group defined in the 2001 study as the major age group for labour market participation. In

the case of the second generation Lebanese we know that they are generally younger.

Thus, whereas 150 males and 169 females are aged between 18 to 59 in the CURF

sample, in fact, the majority of these men (77 %) and women (81%) are aged between 18-

34. The generation of individuals was based on their and their parents’ birthplaces. The

first generation were defined demographically as those born overseas. The second

generation were defined as Australian born with at least one parent born overseas. The

third generation were those born in Australia with both parents also born in Australia. As

the numbers of Lebanese who were third generation in the CURF data was very small

they were excluded from the analyses.


32

The definitions of educational level and economic activity remained unchanged between

2001 and 2006. However, the Australian Bureau of Statistics undertook a major revision

of its occupational classifications between the 2001 and 2006 census. Particularly affected

by this change was the category of Associate Professionals which was abolished with the

occupations which had been included in it distributed widely across other major

occupational groupings to the point where it was not possible to recreate precisely the

2001 category of the salariat. This had been based on all those who described themselves

as either Professionals, or Managers and Associate Professionals who were not self-

employed. For this reason care is needed in making comparisons between the

occupational categories between 2001 and 2006, particularly the salariat and petty

bourgeoisie as in 2006 it could have been expanded by the inclusion of self-employed

former Associate Professionals. In particular, the effects of the ABS reclassification

appear to be that the ‘salariat’ will now involve professional occupations with higher

levels of educational requirements.

Results from the 2006 Census

Table 2.14 shows the relative size of the ancestry groups used in the analysis by their

generational depth. In the case of the Lebanese they are 0.82% of the Australian

population aged between 18 to 59 years. The first generation (0.49%) is larger than the

second generation (0.32%) while the third generation is very small (0.01%). Within the

Lebanese group, the percentages of Christian Lebanese, who have a longer history of

migration, is higher than for the non-Christian Lebanese.


33

First Generation

Second Generation

Third Generation

Row Totals

Australian Only 0.09 1.02 22.41 23.52Oceanian 0.59 0.05 0.36 1.01British & Irish Only 7.53 4.30 17.86 29.69Dutch Only 0.37 0.46 0.04 0.87German Only 0.43 0.32 0.47 1.22Italian Only 0.72 1.86 0.19 2.77Maltese Only 0.20 0.35 0.02 0.58Greek Only 0.46 1.03 0.08 1.57Chinese Only 3.62 0.31 0.02 3.95Balkan 1.11 0.62 0.03 1.76Central & Eastern European 0.70 0.56 0.08 1.34Australian-Other 0.24 4.83 7.92 12.98Other 10.67 3.56 3.69 17.92Lebanese Total 0.49 0.32 0.01 0.82

Lebanese Christian 0.28 0.19 0.01 0.48Lebanese Non-Christian 0.21 0.13 0.00 0.34

Total percent 27.23 19.59 53.18 100.00Total Number 27,429 19,728 53,561 100,718

Source: Census 1% CURF, 2006

Table 2.14 Australian Population (aged 18-59) from different origins (table %), 2006

Human Capital Human capital as defined on the basis of level of completed education typically increases

from first to second generation. In the case of the Lebanese men, almost half of those

born overseas have not completed their secondary education (Table 2.15A). This is a

substantially poorer educational outcome than reported among the comparison group

which are those with third generation Australian ancestry (30.6%). It is also double the

figure for the population as a whole (25.3%). By the second generation, there has been a

substantial improvement in secondary completion rates so that those with incomplete

secondary education have declined to 19.2%. However, a substantial proportion of the

second generation Lebanese still only report having completed secondary education

(36.9%). Those with either vocational or tertiary qualifications in the second generation

are higher than among the first generation, at 30.8% for those with vocational and 13.1%

for those with tertiary qualifications, they are an improvement on those of the first

generation. When the differences between the Christian and non-Christian Lebanese men

is considered the educational levels of the non-Christian in both the first and second

generation are lower than those of the Christians with one important exception. That is

that, in the first generation, the non-Christians (12.5%) report a higher level of tertiary

qualifications than do the Christians (11.29%). By the second generation, the percentage


34

of non-Christians with tertiary qualifications is lower (10.87%). In contrast, the

percentage reported among the Christians (14.29%) is higher although still slightly below

the level found in the Australian third generation comparison group.

Incomplete Secondary

Completed Secondary

Post Secondary Vocational Tertiary

Sample Number

Third-generationAustralian 30.57 18.38 36.27 14.78 10,606

First generationBritish & Irish 20.60 14.28 41.33 23.80 3,719German 14.74 7.89 50.53 26.84 190Italian 37.26 9.59 35.62 17.53 365Dutch 24.71 8.82 41.76 24.71 170Maltese 42.00 12.00 38.00 8.00 100Greek 38.39 21.43 31.25 8.93 224Lebanese Total 48.25 17.11 22.81 11.84 228

Lebanese Christian 44.35 20.16 24.19 11.29 124Lebanese Non-Christian 52.88 13.46 21.15 12.50 104

Chinese 13.51 27.32 15.06 44.11 1,614Balkan 25.96 22.92 35.50 15.62 493Central & Eastern European 11.33 16.67 36.67 35.33 300Oceanian 42.06 23.41 30.16 4.37 252

Second generationAustralian 28.08 26.35 31.15 14.42 520British & Irish 26.11 19.38 37.84 16.67 2,064German 25.52 15.17 42.76 16.55 145Italian 17.78 18.97 45.91 17.35 928Dutch 19.34 13.99 48.56 18.11 243Maltese 29.07 14.53 48.26 8.14 172Greek 18.03 22.58 32.64 26.76 527Lebanese Total 19.23 36.92 30.77 13.08 130


Chinese 3.18 42.04 17.20 37.58 157Balkan 18.84 30.82 34.25 16.10 292Central & Eastern European 18.09 19.50 37.94 24.47 282Australian-Other 23.01 23.23 35.07 18.69 2,247

Third generationBritish & Irish 28.14 16.69 38.19 16.98 8,615German 35.71 17.65 36.55 10.08 238Italian 22.83 21.74 44.57 10.87 92Oceanian/Aboriginal 74.84 8.81 16.35 0.00 159Australian-Other 27.50 17.24 37.59 17.67 3,509

Other 18.73 21.91 30.82 28.53 8,124Total 25.28 19.06 35.37 20.17 47,063

Source: Census 1% CURF,

Table 2.15A. Highest educational qualification, by ancestry and generation: Men (row %), 2006


35

Among the Lebanese women, incomplete secondary education is even more common

than among the comparable generations of men although by the second generation there

has also been a decline from 53.7% to 21.8% which is better than either in the comparison

group or the population as a whole (Table 2.15B). As among the men the second

generation have a higher level of qualifications than the first, including at the tertiary

level where the rate of 14.1% is above that reported by the second generation Lebanese

men. Precisely the same pattern of differences between the Christian and the non-

Christian men is repeated among the women. At all levels of education, the performance

of the Christian is better than among the non-Christian. The one exception is that the first

generation non-Christian women are more likely to have a tertiary qualification than are

the Christian women. The difference disappears by the second generation which suggests

that it may be the result of the arrival of more highly qualified Lebanese non-Christian

immigrants.


36

Incomplete Secondary

Completed Secondary

Post Secondary Vocational Tertiary

Sample No.

Third-generationAustralian 37.22 19.10 24.66 19.02 10,886First generation

British & Irish 28.73 17.83 29.03 24.41 3,421German 27.27 15.66 31.82 25.25 198Italian 57.79 11.36 21.10 9.74 308Dutch 36.72 14.69 26.55 22.03 177Maltese 67.07 10.98 18.29 3.66 82Greek 53.74 17.29 18.22 10.75 214Lebanese Total 53.71 25.76 11.35 9.17 229


Chinese 17.04 25.08 17.04 40.83 1,854Balkan 33.14 23.95 25.86 17.05 522Central & Eastern European 12.36 18.10 29.89 39.66 348Oceanian 37.63 32.06 24.74 5.57 287

Second generationAustralian 34.31 26.41 22.12 17.16 443British & Irish 30.38 19.94 27.69 21.99 2,051German 35.00 13.13 21.25 30.63 160Italian 27.26 20.65 30.05 22.04 862Dutch 34.90 20.31 27.08 17.71 192Maltese 39.52 17.37 28.14 14.97 167Greek 15.62 22.34 31.24 30.80 461Lebanese Total 21.79 33.97 30.13 14.10 156


Chinese 2.19 31.39 16.79 49.64 137Balkan 20.27 26.25 27.57 25.91 301Central & Eastern European 25.97 18.22 22.09 33.72 258Australian-Other 26.44 22.42 27.48 23.66 2,413

Third generationBritish & Irish 35.66 18.02 25.25 21.07 8,345German 37.04 12.96 29.17 20.83 216Italian 31.63 25.51 26.53 16.33 98Oceanian/Aboriginal 72.35 10.00 14.12 3.53 170Australian-Other 31.81 18.41 27.01 22.77 4,080

Other 22.45 23.33 23.91 30.32 8,758Total 30.99 20.21 25.21 23.59 48,179

Table 2.15B. Highest educational qualification, by ancestry and generation: Women (row %), 2006


In the five years between 2001 and 2006 among the second generation Lebanese men

their level of human capital had improved, particularly at the tertiary level which had

increased from 9.2% to 13.1% and, to a lesser extent at the level of postsecondary


37

vocational qualifications (from 28.4% to 30.8%). A somewhat similar pattern of

improving human capital was evident also among the first generation where those with

tertiary qualifications had increased from 7.5% to 11.8%. However, there had been a

decline in those with post-secondary vocational qualifications from 25.4% down to 22.8%

as the percentage with incomplete secondary schooling increased from 46.7% to 48.2%.

Among the women there was a slightly stronger trend for the human capital of both the

first and second generations to have improved. In the first generation the level of those

with incomplete secondary had dropped while there had been increases in the percentages

with post-secondary vocational education (from 8.3% to 11.4%) and tertiary

qualifications (from 5.7% to 9.2%). The same trends were evident among second

generation women with comparable increases in the vocational qualifications from 27.9%

up to 30.1% and tertiary levels improving from 11.8% to 14.1%.

Economic Activity

Participation in the labour market is a key indicator of labour market status. Using the

Australian data it was possible to group individuals as being either ‘economically active’,

‘full-time students’ or ‘other’. It was not possible to determine reasons why the ‘other’

category were not participating in the labour market although it might be because of

retirement, home duties or some other explanation such as disability and ill health. Those

who described themselves as being ‘unemployed’ were included in the category of

‘economically active’. The first point to note when examining the status of the Lebanese

men is that both the first generation (75%) and the second generation (82.8%) reported a

level of activity below that of the third generation Australian comparison group (88.4%)

and the average for the population (87.9%) (Table 2.16A). The explanation for this in the

first generation was not related to there being a substantial percentage of men studying

full-time. The figure of full-time students in the first generation was only 1.3%, although

by the second there was a substantial increase to 7.6% which was only exceeded in the

second generation by the figure for Chinese (14.63%). Nearly a quarter of the first

generation men (23.8%) were not economically active but by the second generation the

figure of 9.7% was closer to that for the comparison group and the general population.

When we turn to examine the differences between the Christian and non-Christian

Lebanese groups in the first generation the participation in the labour market is much


38

higher among the Christians although still below that of the comparison and national

average. By the second generation the situation is reversed with the difference related to

the larger percentage of Christian Lebanese who are full-time students (9.68%) compared

with the non-Christians (3.85%).

Active OtherFull-time Student

Sample No.

Third-generation % % %Australian 88.44 9.74 1.82 10,986

First generationBritish & Irish 89.88 9.19 0.93 3,875German 85.29 12.75 1.96 204Italian 84.87 14.62 0.51 390Dutch 89.27 8.47 2.26 177Maltese 83.50 15.53 0.97 103Greek 81.82 18.18 0.00 231Lebanese Total 75.00 23.75 1.25 240

Lebanese Christian 82.09 16.42 1.49 134Lebanese Non-Christian 66.04 33.02 0.94 106

Chinese 75.87 7.19 16.95 1,670Balkan 77.07 19.92 3.01 532Central & Eastern European 84.16 12.42 3.42 322Oceanian 88.52 9.26 2.22 270

Second generationAustralian 82.79 12.68 4.53 552British & Irish 89.28 8.80 1.92 2,136German 91.61 7.74 0.65 155Italian 92.41 6.32 1.26 949Dutch 93.25 6.35 0.40 252Maltese 95.53 4.47 0.00 179Greek 90.74 7.99 1.27 551Lebanese Total 82.76 9.66 7.59 145


Chinese 76.22 9.15 14.63 164Balkan 90.13 7.24 2.63 304Central & Eastern European 87.89 8.30 3.81 289Australian-Other 89.32 7.75 2.93 2,322

Third generationBritish & Irish 89.29 9.56 1.15 8,993German 91.50 8.10 0.40 247Italian 89.25 4.30 6.45 93Oceanian/Aboriginal 66.87 32.52 0.61 163Australian-Other 89.59 8.38 2.03 3,651

Other 87.04 8.11 4.84 8,528Total 87.90 9.28 2.82 49,058

Source: Census 1% CURF 2006

Table 2.16A. Economic activity, by ancestry and generation: Men (row %), 2006


39

The situation of the women reflected extremely low levels of economic activity with only

one-third (33.1%) being economically active in the first generation although by the

second generation the participation rate had doubled to 67.5% (Table 2.16B). Even so, the

quarter of the women who remained in the ‘other’ category of participation in the second

generation was higher than the comparison group or the national average. Among the first

generation women the percentage of full-time students (1.7%) was slightly higher than

among the men. When the distinction between the Christian and non-Christian groups is

examined, the Christian women are far more likely to be economically active than are the

non-Christian among both the first and second generation. The one area where the non-

Christian do better than the Christian is that they have a higher percentage of the second

generation studying full-time, the reverse of the pattern among the second generation

non-Christian men.


40

Active OtherFull-time Student

Sample No.

Third-generation % % %Australian 75.50 22.56 1.94 11,352

First generationBritish & Irish 77.06 21.78 1.15 3,645German 74.19 23.96 1.84 217Italian 63.50 36.20 0.31 326Dutch 68.95 30.00 1.05 190Maltese 56.04 43.96 0.00 91Greek 59.36 39.27 1.37 219Lebanese Total 33.05 65.27 1.67 239


Chinese 63.81 22.56 13.63 1,937Balkan 66.31 30.84 2.85 561Central & Eastern European 67.03 28.38 4.59 370Oceanian 64.44 29.84 5.71 315

Second generationAustralian 75.70 20.82 3.47 461British & Irish 76.41 21.27 2.33 2,149German 71.17 26.38 2.45 163Italian 79.56 19.44 1.00 900Dutch 73.66 24.88 1.46 205Maltese 80.11 18.75 1.14 176Greek 78.91 18.79 2.30 479Lebanese Total 67.48 25.77 6.75 163


Chinese 81.38 8.28 10.34 145Balkan 79.38 17.19 3.44 320Central & Eastern European 80.44 18.08 1.48 271Australian-Other 77.69 19.93 2.38 2,519

Third generationBritish & Irish 76.81 21.46 1.73 8,810German 79.37 20.18 0.45 223Italian 72.73 25.25 2.02 99Oceanian/Aboriginal 52.22 45.00 2.78 180Australian-Other 75.99 22.08 1.93 4,253

Other 70.75 24.29 4.97 9,284Total 74.13 22.91 2.96 50,664

Source: Census 1% CURF 2006

Table 2.16B. Economic activity, by ancestry and generation: Women (row %),2006

When compared with 2001, the patterns of economic participation among the first

generation men have only increased slightly (from 72.6% to 75%). But this has been

accompanied by a fall in the proportion of full-time students from 2.8% in 2001 to 1.3%

in 2006. A similar fall in the percentage of students among the second generation men

from 11% to 7.6% was associated with a fall in those not involved in economic activity

and, also, an increase in those who were economically active, from 75.3% up to 82.8% in

the five years from 2001 to 2006. As this was a period of economic growth and


41

population growth it raises the possibility that some of the men chose to go into the labour

force rather than continue to study and improve their human capital. In the case of the

first generation women the most noticeable change between 2001 and 2006 was an

increase in those who were neither studying full-time nor economically active (from

61.5% up to 65.3%). Much of this change was at the expense of the number of full-time

students. Among the second generation women the most evident change was the

increasing percentage who were economically active (from 59.9% up to 67.5%) which

went along with a decline of those who were neither active nor full-time students (from

8.6% down to 6.7%).

Occupational Class and Unemployment

The occupational groups used in the 2001 study were based on the Erikson/ Goldthorpe

classification model widely used in comparative studies (Heath, 2007, p.29). One

occupation of particular interest in this classification is the ‘Salariat’, a term used to refer

to participation in professional and managerial occupations which carry both prestige and

privilege associated with good earnings and a degree of security. A second term of special

interest is the ‘Petty Bourgeoisie’ which refers to the self-employed and employers. Its

interest in the study of minority groups is that it has been noted that certain minorities use

self-employment to avoid unemployment. Hence it provides a way of exploring if there is

evidence for this over the more general trends for a growing number of individuals to

become self-employed. This has been noted as a way of avoiding the effects of changing

labour market structures involving the reduction of ‘jobs for life’ and permanent

employment. The changing occupational classification adopted by the ABS between 2001

and 2006 as noted above makes a direct replication of the previous individual

‘occupational classes’ impossible. A comparison of the individual percentages in each

occupational class between the 2001 and 2006 categories indicates that, as was

anticipated, the class which has suffered greatest decline at a national level is the

‘Salariat’ which is not surprising given that it was the Associate Professionals group of

occupations which had been part of it which was most affected by the ABS

reclassification. For this reason it is not possible to make a direct comparison between the

findings in 2001 and those in 2006. However, it does remain possible to make

comparisons between groups included in the 2006 analysis.


42

Labour market outcomes have two main ways of being assessed in occupational terms.

The first is whether individuals can obtain employment. The second is the type of

employment which they do obtain. This includes in its simplest form the actual job. More

complex matters include whether those in employment are able to use their skills or

whether they are effectively ‘underemployed’. Here the focus is on the first two

dimensions: employment/unemployment and the type of occupation among those who are

employed. In the case of the Lebanese men it is clear that there is a decline in the actual

level of unemployment between the first and second generation from 12.6% to 9.3%,

although these are still high levels well above the figure for the third generation

comparative group and the national average of 5.08% (Table 2.17A). These levels of

unemployment have also declined since 2001 when the figure for the first generation

Lebanese men was 19% and 15.8% for the second generation. However, the intervening

five years were a period of economic growth and over that period the national average of

unemployment based on census data declined 63.5% from a figure of 8.0% in 2001 to

5.08% in 2006. While the decline over the same period for the first generation Lebanese

was slightly less at 65.7%, the comparable figure for the second generation was slightly

better at 58.9%.


43

Salariat Routine non-manual

Petty bourgeoisie

Skilled manual

Semi- and unskilled Unemployed Sample

No.

Third-generation % % % % % %Australian 24.44 11.53 15.60 18.18 25.81 4.45 9,533

First generationBritish & Irish 33.40 10.04 17.93 15.23 19.31 4.08 3,407German 33.93 5.36 19.05 16.67 16.67 8.33 168Italian 22.46 8.92 31.38 14.46 19.38 3.38 325Dutch 30.77 9.62 23.72 14.74 16.67 4.49 156Maltese 22.50 3.75 17.50 21.25 28.75 6.25 80Greek 19.02 7.61 33.15 13.59 19.57 7.07 184Lebanese Total 14.29 7.43 36.57 8.57 20.57 12.57 175

Lebanese Christian 13.08 7.48 41.12 7.48 19.63 11.21 107Lebanese Non-Christian 16.18 7.35 29.41 10.29 22.06 14.71 68

Chinese 31.12 11.38 16.63 14.17 18.18 8.52 1,221Balkan 18.37 4.85 24.23 16.84 28.57 7.14 392Central & Eastern European 31.32 4.91 23.02 16.23 20.00 4.53 265Oceanian 9.52 4.76 5.63 12.99 61.04 6.06 231

Second generationAustralian 23.60 14.16 11.01 16.18 26.74 8.31 445British & Irish 25.70 11.94 13.44 19.52 24.62 4.78 1,860German 25.90 12.23 20.14 19.42 18.71 3.60 139Italian 23.37 13.37 26.16 18.49 15.47 3.14 860Dutch 24.57 11.21 22.41 19.83 18.97 3.02 232Maltese 20.48 9.64 19.88 19.88 28.31 1.81 166Greek 30.86 14.20 21.40 10.08 17.90 5.56 486Lebanese Total 20.34 13.56 24.58 16.95 15.25 9.32 118


Chinese 40.98 27.05 7.38 7.38 9.84 7.38 122Balkan 27.88 11.52 20.07 16.36 20.45 3.72 269Central & Eastern European 39.52 10.89 18.55 17.74 10.89 2.42 248Australian-Other 26.43 12.97 13.71 18.60 23.30 4.99 2,043

Third generationBritish & Irish 26.13 11.73 18.06 16.55 23.07 4.45 7,841German 20.00 10.91 20.45 17.27 29.09 2.27 220Italian 16.25 11.25 22.50 27.50 16.25 6.25 80Oceanian/Aboriginal 17.00 6.00 3.00 6.00 57.00 11.00 100Australian-Other 28.33 11.36 14.71 16.82 23.89 4.90 3,223

Other 29.26 12.05 14.32 14.72 23.13 6.52 7,255Total 26.98 11.48 16.57 16.58 23.30 5.08 42,137

Table 2.17A. Current occupation, by ancestry and generation: Men (row %), 2006


Among the Lebanese women, the decline in unemployment between the first generation

(12.8%) and second generation (8.5%) in 2006 was slightly better than among their

menfolk (Table 2.17B). But, for the first generation, this figure of unemployment was

actually an increase on the 2001 figure of 12.3%. In the case of the second generation the


44

2006 figure was only 68% of their 2001 level, which was a better outcome than evident in

the national rate of decline by 75% from 6.7% in 2001 to 5.03% in 2006.

Salariat Routine non-manual

Petty bourgeoisie

Skilled manual

Semi- and unskilled Unemployed Sample

No.

Third-generation % % % % % %Australian 26.99 33.70 10.09 3.64 21.17 4.41 8,441

First generationBritish & Irish 33.09 30.01 11.26 3.37 18.83 3.44 2,762German 31.68 29.81 13.04 5.59 18.63 1.24 161Italian 18.91 32.34 18.41 2.49 23.38 4.48 201Dutch 25.78 27.34 19.53 3.91 18.75 4.69 128Maltese 10.20 34.69 10.20 2.04 36.73 6.12 49Greek 14.84 32.03 21.88 3.13 20.31 7.81 128Lebanese Total 17.95 33.33 19.23 2.56 14.10 12.82 78


Chinese 33.16 25.84 11.03 3.20 17.09 9.68 1,188Balkan 19.78 22.01 13.09 4.18 34.82 6.13 359Central & Eastern European 37.19 22.31 9.50 7.02 19.01 4.96 242Oceanian 15.66 25.25 3.03 2.53 43.94 9.60 198

Second generationAustralian 25.22 39.47 4.75 2.37 21.66 6.53 337British & Irish 29.26 33.13 9.79 3.93 18.71 5.18 1,603German 36.61 23.21 12.50 7.14 16.07 4.46 112Italian 28.85 39.75 11.03 3.25 14.14 2.97 707Dutch 27.21 31.29 10.88 1.36 25.85 3.40 147Maltese 23.91 42.03 16.67 3.62 13.04 0.72 138Greek 34.69 36.86 10.30 2.98 10.57 4.61 369Lebanese Total 26.42 36.79 10.38 4.72 13.21 8.49 106


Chinese 47.01 29.06 2.56 4.27 10.26 6.84 117Balkan 26.10 42.57 8.03 3.21 14.06 6.02 249Central & Eastern European 36.79 31.13 8.96 4.25 16.51 2.36 212Australian-Other 29.56 34.99 7.65 3.67 19.22 4.91 1,935

Third generationBritish & Irish 29.36 33.10 9.83 3.35 20.07 4.28 6,631German 32.37 31.79 10.98 3.47 18.50 2.89 173Italian 20.83 47.22 5.56 6.94 16.67 2.78 72Oceanian/Aboriginal 8.99 24.72 2.25 0.00 49.44 14.61 89Australian-Other 31.22 33.64 8.17 3.26 19.20 4.51 3,193

Other 29.72 30.18 9.05 3.85 20.49 6.70 6,461Total 29.19 32.41 9.75 3.57 20.05 5.03 36,770

Table 2.17B. Current occupation, by ancestry and generation: Women (row %), 2006



45

The most striking feature of the occupational patterns among the Lebanese men was the

way in which their major activity involved them participating in the petty bourgeoisie

where over one-third of the first generation and a quarter of the second generation were

employed. This was far in excess of the rates for the third generation comparison group

(15.6%) and the national average (16.57%). In the first generation the next most

important occupational grouping involved semi-and un-skilled jobs followed by working

in the salariat. In the second generation, participation in the salariat ranked behind

working as a petty bourgeoisie. There had also been a decline in participation in semi-

and unskilled occupations. Religious differences were evident among both generations,

although the patterns differed. In the first generation Christian Lebanese were more

prominent among the petty bourgeoisie while the non-Christian had a higher presence in

the Salariat and, at the other end of the scale, in semi- and unskilled jobs. By the second

generation the Christian Lebanese still dominated the petty bourgeoisie, but were now

also more prominent than the non-Christians in the Salariat and semi-and unskilled jobs.

Routine non-manual and skilled manual jobs had become more the preserve of the non-

Christians in what appears as a complex intergenerational shift in occupational

preferences. While in the first generation the non-Christians are divided between the most

prestigious salariat jobs and the semi-or unskilled jobs. In the second generation it is the

Christian Lebanese who are characterised by this bipolarity.

Among the Lebanese women of both generations their major type of work was in non-

manual routine occupations at a level similar to that for the third generation Australians.

Participation in the petty bourgeoisie was the next most important area for the first

generation followed by jobs in the salariat and semi-or unskilled work. By the second

generation, a quarter of all employed Lebanese women had moved into the salariat, at a

rate in excess of their menfolk, with smaller numbers employed in semi-or unskilled

occupations and the petty bourgeoisie. Again, religious differences exist among the

women. Just as among the men, the non-Christian women are less likely to be petty

bourgeoisie. In the first generation, but also the second generation, they are also more

likely to be employed in the salariat than are Christian women. The other main difference

is their absence from skilled manual occupations.


46

Avoidance of Unemployment

Now that the patterns of actual differences in the levels of human capital, economic

activity and occupation, have been outlined and discussed particularly in relation to the

Lebanese, the next sections of this chapter will consider the extent to which they continue

to be evident after controlling for factors such as age, education and marital status. The

analysis will begin by considering the extent to which employment, or, its opposite,

unemployment, is more or less likely among individual groups after possible differences

in these three factors. The analysis begins with unemployment since it is widely seen as

the clearest sign of exclusion from the labour market. The values which are significant are

indicated in bold (Table 2.18). Where the values are positive it indicates that those with

that characteristic are more likely to be employed i.e. avoiding unemployment. This is the

case for both men and women with tertiary education. Conversely, where the boldened

value is negative, it indicates that it is counter indicative of employment. Thus,

incomplete secondary education is shown to be unhelpful in gaining employment and

avoiding unemployment. Married or formerly married men are also shown as more likely

to avoid unemployment but in the case of women it is only those who are married who

are ‘protected’ from unemployment.


47

Note: Emboldened coefficiants indicate significance at the 0.05 level or better, standard errors are given in parentheses

The patterns of significance involving the different ancestry groups show that both the

first and second generation Lebanese men are more likely to experience unemployment

Intercept -11.30 (4.48) 13.28 (5.00)Ancestry

Australian 3 0.00 0.00British & Irish 1 -0.18 (0.11) 0.00 (0.12)German 1 -1.11 (0.30) 0.82 (0.72)Italian 1 -0.11 (0.33) -0.28 (0.37)Dutch 1 -0.52 (0.40) -0.62 (0.43)Maltese 1 -0.73 (0.47) -0.68 (0.61)Greek 1 -0.87 (0.30) -0.73 (0.37)Chinese 1 -1.22 (0.12) -1.26 (0.12)Balkan 1 -1.01 (0.21) -0.60 (0.24)Central and Eastern European 1 -0.59 (0.30) -0.70 (0.31)Oceanian 1 -0.17 (0.29) -0.85 (0.25)Australian 2 -0.51 (0.19) -0.29 (0.23)British & Irish 2 -0.01 (0.12) -0.20 (0.13)German 2 0.20 (0.52) -0.22 (0.47)Italian 2 0.10 (0.21) 0.30 (0.24)Dutch 2 0.06 (0.39) 0.03 (0.46)Maltese 2 0.77 (0.59) 1.72 (1.01)Greek 2 -0.43 (0.22) -0.33 (0.26)Chinese 2 -0.65 (0.36) -0.38 (0.40)Balkan 2 0.17 (0.35) -0.42 (0.28)Central and Eastern European 2 0.29 (0.42) 0.56 (0.51)Australian-Other 2 -0.03 (0.12) -0.04 (0.12)British & Irish 3 -0.04 (0.08) -0.03 (0.08)German 3 0.89 (0.51) 0.28 (0.46)Italian 3 -0.39 (0.47) 0.75 (0.72)Aboriginal, Indigenous 3 -0.57 (0.35) -0.98 (0.31)Australian Other 3 -0.07 (0.10) -0.05 (0.10)Other -0.61 (0.07) -0.61 (0.08)Lebanese Total 1 -1.52 (0.25) -1.26 (0.37)

Lebanese Christian 1 -1.35 (0.33) -1.01 (0.48)Lebanese Non-Christian 1 -1.74 (0.36) -1.69 (0.58)

Lebanese Total 2 -0.74 (0.35) -0.65 (0.36)Lebanese Christian 2 -0.65 (0.48) -0.55 (0.47)Lebanese Non-Christian 2 -0.84 (0.49) -0.80 (0.55)

Age -0.49 (0.18) 0.61 (0.20)Age-squared 5.25 (1.80) -5.14 (2.01)Qualifications

Incomplete secondary -0.74 (0.07) -0.74 (0.07)Completed secondary 0.00 0.00Post-secondary vocational 0.14 (0.07) 0.00 (0.07)Tertiary 0.58 (0.09) 0.54 (0.09)

Marital Status Single 0.00 0.00Married 1.15 (0.07) 0.50 (0.07)Formerly Married 0.20 (0.08) -0.13 (0.09)

Chi-squared (d.f.) N

Table 2.18. Logistic regression of employment and unemployment (parameter estimates: contrasts with unemployment),2006

Model A Model A

Men Women

1,255.84 (38)40,329 34,850

802.70 (38)


48

than the comparison group of third generation Australians. While several first generation

ancestry groups also have the same experience, the only other second generation group

reporting a significantly greater inability to avoid unemployment is the relatively small

second generation Australian ancestry group. It, along with first generation Greeks, was

the only ancestry group to experience significant unemployment in 2006 but not in 2001.

Indeed, between 2001 and 2006 there was a decline in the number of groups which

experienced significant levels of unemployment suggestive of ethnic penalties. This may

suggest that in a tightening labour market as occurred over this period employers were

less likely to discriminate against particular groups of workers.

When we examine the situation of women we note that it again is mainly first generation

groups, including the Lebanese, whose ancestry is associated with an above average

likelihood of experiencing unemployment after controlling for age, education and marital

status. By the second generation, neither the Lebanese women nor those from other

ancestry groups are more prone to experience unemployment. This suggests that, among

women in particular, longer residence in Australia is likely to be associated with declining

penalties associated with ethnic background. The exception is found in the case of the

third generation of the Aboriginal, Indigenous population where aboriginality is clearly

linked to a greater likelihood of unemployment. When we examine the significance of

religious differences among the Lebanese it is apparent that regardless of whether they

are Christian or non-Christian, it makes no difference to the way in which they experience

a greater likelihood of being unemployed over and above that expected on the basis of

their age, education or marital status. Interestingly, when the male Lebanese second

generation is divided on the basis of religion their above average tendency to experience

unemployment disappears.

Occupational Attainment

For those who succeed in gaining employment the next step is to gain a job

commensurate with their skill and experience. In the regression analysis of the 2006

census data the focus is on comparing employment in the salariat and the petty

bourgeoisie against the likelihood of being employed semi-or unskilled manual work. The

analysis of the likelihood of being employed in the salariat or the petty bourgeoisie was

assessed by considering the extent of participation after controlling for age, education and


49

marital status. Tertiary qualifications and post-secondary vocational qualifications were

positively associated for men with being employed in all the four occupational classes

with the exception of the routine non-manual occupations (Table 2.19A). In this instance,

the possession of post-secondary vocational qualifications was negatively associated with

employment in a range of occupations which would place less weight on such

qualifications. Married men also were more likely not to be employed in semi- or

unskilled occupations. In the case of men who had formerly been married there was a

positive relationship with being in the petty bourgeoisie but the relationship was reversed

in skilled manual occupations.

Not surprisingly given the extensive concentration noted among the Lebanese for

employment in the petty bourgeoisie we find that for both the first and second generation

Lebanese men there is a positive relationship between their ethnicity and their

employment in the petty bourgeoisie where, by definition, they are self-employed or

employers. In none of their other occupations is there a significant relationship, either

positive or negative, with being Lebanese. When religious differences within the

Lebanese are considered we find that both first and second generation, Christian and non-

Christian, are significantly overrepresented in the petty bourgeoisie. The Lebanese non-

Christian second generation are also significantly overrepresented in routine non-manual

and skilled manual occupations. In contrast, the first generation and the second generation

Christians are underrepresented in the skilled manual occupations. This new pattern

compared with 2001 may be connected with the removal of the Associate Professional

occupational grouping and reflect the way some of these occupations are now classed as

routine non-manual. This could also account for the increased number of ancestry groups

which, between 2001 and 2006 have become significantly overrepresented in the petty

bourgeoisie. New ‘entrants’ include first generation Italians and Greeks and second

generation Dutch, Chinese, Balkan, Central and Eastern European and Australian and

Other ancestry groups as well as third generation Italians.


50

Intercept -23.49 (4.19) 11.90 (3.65) -52.74 (6.16) 12.12 (3.39)

AncestryAustralian 3 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00British & Irish 1 0.17 (0.07) 0.08 (0.08) 0.06 (0.07) 0.06 (0.07)

German 1 0.17 (0.28) -0.60 (0.43) 0.21 (0.28) 0.25 (0.29)

Italian 1 -0.05 (0.21) 0.14 (0.24) 0.61 (0.18) 0.27 (0.21)

Dutch 1 0.18 (0.28) 0.22 (0.34) 0.25 (0.27) 0.32 (0.30)

Maltese 1 -0.21 (0.37) -1.04 (0.62) -0.51 (0.37) 0.37 (0.34)

Greek 1 -0.07 (0.27) -0.07 (0.32) 0.62 (0.22) 0.27 (0.27)

Chinese 1 -0.77 (0.10) -0.15 (0.12) 0.16 (0.11) 0.21 (0.11)

Balkan 1 -1.04 (0.19) -1.11 (0.26) -0.08 (0.15) -0.15 (0.17)

Central and Eastern European 1 -0.39 (0.22) -0.77 (0.32) 0.25 (0.21) 0.24 (0.22)

Oceanian 1 -1.42 (0.26) -1.55 (0.32) -1.82 (0.31) -1.00 (0.22)

Australian 2 -0.05 (0.16) 0.08 (0.17) -0.19 (0.19) -0.17 (0.16)

British & Irish 2 0.11 (0.08) 0.09 (0.09) 0.03 (0.09) 0.11 (0.08)

German 2 0.05 (0.30) 0.31 (0.32) 0.33 (0.28) 0.22 (0.29)

Italian 2 0.21 (0.13) 0.56 (0.14) 0.87 (0.12) 0.38 (0.13)

Dutch 2 0.06 (0.23) 0.28 (0.26) 0.48 (0.22) 0.22 (0.23)

Maltese 2 -0.07 (0.26) -0.31 (0.31) 0.10 (0.24) -0.12 (0.24)

Greek 2 0.08 (0.16) 0.42 (0.17) 0.58 (0.16) -0.27 (0.19)

Chinese 2 1.05 (0.40) 1.59 (0.38) 1.03 (0.49) 0.03 (0.48)

Balkan 2 0.29 (0.21) 0.17 (0.23) 0.65 (0.21) 0.11 (0.22)

Central and Eastern European 2 1.01 (0.24) 0.70 (0.28) 0.77 (0.25) 0.89 (0.26)

Australian-Other 2 0.14 (0.08) 0.13 (0.09) 0.19 (0.09) 0.05 (0.08)

British & Irish 3 0.13 (0.05) 0.17 (0.06) 0.23 (0.05) 0.05 (0.05)

German 3 -0.04 (0.23) -0.07 (0.25) 0.22 (0.21) -0.05 (0.22)

Italian 3 0.16 (0.43) 0.32 (0.44) 0.88 (0.38) 0.72 (0.37)

Aboriginal, Indigenous 3 -0.19 (0.32) -0.96 (0.44) -2.04 (0.60) -1.42 (0.45)

Australian Other 3 0.19 (0.07) 0.08 (0.08) 0.06 (0.07) -0.04 (0.07)

Other -0.26 (0.05) -0.03 (0.06) -0.04 (0.05) -0.16 (0.05)

Lebanese Christian 1 -0.58 (0.40) -0.15 (0.43) 1.02 (0.28) -0.39 (0.45)

Lebanese Non-Christian 1 -0.39 (0.48) -0.15 (0.53) 0.79 (0.37) -0.26 (0.52)

Lebanese Christian 2 0.51 (0.43) 0.06 (0.51) 1.20 (0.41) -0.02 (0.46)

Lebanese Non-Christian 2 0.55 (0.73) 1.25 (0.62) 1.99 (0.66) 1.14 (0.61)

Age -0.69 (0.16) 0.43 (0.14) -1.51 (0.22) 0.33 (0.13)

Age-squared 7.99 (1.63) -4.62 (1.45) 17.77 (2.34) -4.27 (1.35)

QualificationsIncomplete secondary -1.44 (0.06) -1.03 (0.05) -0.47 (0.05) -0.27 (0.05)

Completed secondary 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00Post-secondary vocational 0.11 (0.05) -0.35 (0.05) 0.54 (0.05) 1.49 (0.05)

Tertiary 2.58 (0.06) 0.70 (0.07) 0.45 (0.07) 0.43 (0.08)

Marital StatusSingle 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00Married 0.55 (0.04) 0.26 (0.05) 0.75 (0.05) 0.18 (0.04)

Formerly Married 0.02 (0.07) -0.02 (0.07) 0.25 (0.06) -0.16 (0.07)

Chi-squared (d.f.)Number

17,700 (152)38,295

Table 2.19A. Logistic regression of occupational class: Men (parameter estimates; contrasts with semi- and unskilled class)

Salariat Routine non-manual Petty bourgeoisie Skilled manual

Note: Reference category is unskilled manual work. Emboldened coefficients indicate significance at the 0.05 level or better; standard errors are given in parentheses


51

Those women with tertiary qualifications are more likely to be employed outside the

semi-or unskilled occupations (Table 2.19 B). Among those who have post-secondary

qualifications, the direction of the significant relationships vary. Such qualifications are

positively related to being over-represented in the salariat or skilled manual occupations

but they are negatively related to employment in either routine non-manual occupations

or the petty bourgeoisie. Incomplete secondary education also is significantly related to

underrepresentation in all except skilled manual occupations. Married and formerly

married women are overrepresented in both the petty bourgeoisie and routine non-manual

occupations but in the salariat it is only the married women who are overrepresented.


52

Intercept -39.67 (4.60) -8.12 (3.14) -57.60 (8.16) -18.35 (6.53)

AncestryAustralian 3 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00British & Irish 1 0.07 (0.08) 0.03 (0.07) -0.02 (0.09) 0.10 (0.13)

German 1 0.12 (0.28) 0.21 (0.26) 0.20 (0.32) 0.82 (0.40)

Italian 1 -0.35 (0.26) -0.09 (0.20) 0.09 (0.23) -0.18 (0.48)

Dutch 1 -0.43 (0.32) -0.01 (0.28) 0.35 (0.31) 0.41 (0.50)

Maltese 1 -0.89 (0.58) -0.26 (0.37) -0.89 (0.57) -0.70 (1.04)

Greek 1 -0.58 (0.34) -0.12 (0.26) 0.35 (0.29) 0.08 (0.54)

Chinese 1 -0.65 (0.11) -0.18 (0.10) 0.06 (0.13) -0.04 (0.20)

Balkan 1 -1.07 (0.18) -0.96 (0.15) -0.55 (0.19) -0.37 (0.30)

Central and Eastern European 1 -0.62 (0.22) -0.42 (0.21) -0.31 (0.27) 0.63 (0.31)

Oceanian 1 -0.86 (0.24) -1.00 (0.19) -1.82 (0.43) -1.14 (0.52)

Australian 2 0.09 (0.20) 0.16 (0.16) -0.47 (0.30) -0.40 (0.38)

British & Irish 2 0.14 (0.09) 0.12 (0.08) 0.13 (0.11) 0.15 (0.16)

German 2 0.32 (0.33) -0.07 (0.31) 0.27 (0.38) 1.02 (0.44)

Italian 2 0.28 (0.14) 0.52 (0.12) 0.33 (0.16) 0.20 (0.25)

Dutch 2 -0.17 (0.27) -0.20 (0.23) -0.42 (0.34) -1.75 (1.02)

Maltese 2 0.58 (0.34) 0.76 (0.29) 0.94 (0.34) 0.37 (0.56)

Greek 2 0.71 (0.22) 0.91 (0.20) 0.79 (0.25) 0.58 (0.36)

Chinese 2 0.73 (0.39) 0.53 (0.37) 0.27 (0.68) 0.80 (0.55)

Balkan 2 -0.05 (0.25) 0.59 (0.21) 0.21 (0.30) 0.23 (0.40)

Central and Eastern European 2 0.16 (0.24) 0.11 (0.22) -0.12 (0.30) 0.34 (0.40)

Australian-Other 2 0.10 (0.09) 0.10 (0.07) 0.09 (0.11) 0.03 (0.15)

British & Irish 3 0.06 (0.06) 0.05 (0.05) -0.05 (0.07) 0.01 (0.10)

German 3 0.19 (0.26) 0.09 (0.23) -0.02 (0.30) 0.09 (0.45)

Italian 3 0.18 (0.44) 0.54 (0.34) 0.08 (0.60) 0.77 (0.54)

Aboriginal, Indigenous 3 -1.32 (0.45) -1.11 (0.27) -2.69 (1.02) -19.46 (6649.29)

Australian Other 3 0.12 (0.07) 0.09 (0.06) -0.14 (0.09) -0.02 (0.12)

Other -0.38 (0.06) -0.14 (0.05) -0.13 (0.07) 0.01 (0.10)

Lebanese Christian 1 -0.12 (0.55) 0.09 (0.44) 0.81 (0.48) 0.52 (0.80)

Lebanese Non-Christian 1 0.61 (0.92) 0.69 (0.80) 0.68 (1.01) -17.38 (0.00)

Lebanese Christian 2 0.74 (0.49) 0.73 (0.43) 1.06 (0.55) 0.91 (0.63)

Lebanese Non-Christian 2 0.87 (0.64) 0.31 (0.54) 1.15 (0.77) -17.70 (7563.35)

Age -1.29 (0.17) -0.40 (0.12) -1.76 (0.29) -0.71 (0.26)

Age-squared 14.28 (1.79) 3.75 (1.25) 19.95 (3.09) 6.83 (2.60)

QualificationsIncomplete secondary -1.04 (0.06) -0.38 (0.04) -0.31 (0.06) 0.05 (0.11)

Completed secondary 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

Post-secondary vocational 0.23 (0.05) -0.46 (0.04) -0.24 (0.06) 0.83 (0.09)

Tertiary 2.84 (0.06) 0.15 (0.06) 0.34 (0.08) 0.85 (0.12)

Marital StatusSingle 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

Married 0.12 (0.05) 0.23 (0.04) 1.25 (0.07) -0.15 (0.08)

Formerly Married 0.05 (0.06) 0.16 (0.06) 0.30 (0.09) -0.18 (0.11)

Chi-squared (d.f.)Number

13,660 (152)33,092

Table 2.19B. Logistic regression of occupational class: Women (parameter estimates; contrasts with semi- and unskilled class)


Note: Reference category is unskilled manual work. Emboldened coefficients indicate significance at the 0.05 level or better; standard errors are given in parentheses.


53

When we examine the role of ancestry in occupational class it is only among the second

generation Lebanese women that we note a significant relationship. This involves their

overrepresentation in the petty bourgeoisie. This was a new development since 2001 and

is similar to the significant emergence in the petty bourgeoisie also of the second

generation Maltese and Greek women. When we divide the Lebanese into Christian and

non-Christian their participation in the petty bourgeoisie however loses its significance.

One of the features of women’s employment patterns in general is that, in contrast to

men, there is very little evidence of the various ancestry groups departing significantly

from the patterns of employment found among the third generation Australians. One

explanation for this is that women in Australia tend to be part of a segmented labour

market in which women have fewer occupational choices, regardless of ancestry.

Income

In contrast to occupation which provides an indicator of social class linked primarily to

status rather than economic position or power, income constitutes a direct measure of the

material rewards individuals have attained in the labour market and whether they are

experiencing material disadvantage. Furthermore, it can point to the existence of glass

ceilings or similar barriers which transfer discrimination from hiring to promotion

practices. It also directly affects life chances and opportunities for consumption related to

participation in diverse cultural and status oriented groups. The present regression

analysis on income differences within each of the five broad occupational classes is

intended to show whether ethnic minorities secure the same levels of income as the

members of the third generation Australian comparison group within the same social

class.

In this analysis, the factors controlling for difference have been extended to also include

two additional factors which are often suggested as directly affecting income potential.

The first is knowledge and fluency in English since, in Australia’s very diverse society, it

is rare to find self-contained ethnic niche economies where individuals can advance

significantly without using English in their day to day work. In the analysis presented in

Tables 2.20A and 2.20B, two measures of English proficiency are used. The first

compares individuals who only speak English in their homes thus approximating a

measure of ‘native speaker’, with individuals who speak languages other than English in


54

their homes and report they either speak ‘no English’ or ‘do not speak it well’. The

second measure compares those who speak languages other than English in the home, and

also indicate they speak English either ‘well’ or ‘very well’ with the same comparison

group as those who have either limited or no English.

Intercept -1.17 (0.21) -0.62 (0.15) 0.60 (0.48) -1.31 (0.21) -0.20 (0.23)

AncestryOceanian/Aboriginal 3 -0.32 (0.14) -0.17 (0.08) -0.21 (0.23) -0.27 (0.19) -0.25 (0.20)

Italian 1 -0.10 (0.13) -0.08 (0.04) -0.26 (0.15) -0.28 (0.18) -0.09 (0.20)

Maltese 1 -0.19 (0.14) -0.10 (0.11) -0.36 (0.17) -0.27 (0.19) -0.16 (0.21)

Chinese 1 -0.12 (0.13) -0.14 (0.02) -0.37 (0.15) -0.28 (0.18) -0.12 (0.20)

Other 1 -0.09 (0.13) -0.05 (0.01) -0.24 (0.15) -0.25 (0.18) -0.12 (0.20)

Lebanese Total 1 -0.06 (0.04) 0.05 (0.06) -0.11 (0.05) 0.01 (0.05) -0.11 -(0.04)

Lebanese Christian 1 -0.15 (0.14) 0.00 (0.07) -0.36 (0.16) -0.24 (0.19) -0.20 (0.20)

Lebanese Non-Christian 1 -0.13 (0.14) 0.14 (0.10) -0.40 (0.17) -0.23 (0.19) -0.21 (0.21)

Australian 1 -0.09 (0.15) 0.03 (0.11) -0.43 (0.19) -0.23 (0.19) -0.12 (0.21)

Age/10 1.64 (0.12) 1.25 (0.11) 0.53 (0.32) 1.83 (0.09) 1.03 (0.09)

(Age/10)² -0.26 (0.02) -0.20 (0.02) -0.09 (0.06) -0.31 (0.02) -0.18 (0.02)

Qualif icationsIncomplete secondary -0.07 (0.01) -0.05 (0.01) -0.02 (0.01) -0.01 (0.01) -0.02 (0.01)

Completed secondaryPost-secondary vocational -0.01 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.03 (0.01) 0.06 (0.01) 0.03 (0.01)

Tertiary 0.07 (0.01) 0.07 (0.01) 0.08 (0.02) 0.10 (0.01) 0.04 (0.01)

Marital StatusSingle 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00Married 0.05 (0.00) 0.06 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.05 (0.01) 0.06 (0.01)

Formerly Married 0.02 (0.01) 0.02 (0.01) 0.02 (0.02) 0.02 (0.01) 0.03 (0.01)

English-speakingEnglish at home 0.09 (0.03) -0.01 (0.04) 0.10 (0.03) 0.12 (0.02) 0.07 (0.02)

Different language at home, English spoken w ell

0.06 (0.03) -0.03 (0.04) 0.04 (0.03) 0.10 (0.02) 0.04 (0.02)

Different language at home, English not spoken w ell 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

ResidenceNon-urban 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00Other large city 0.04 (0.00) 0.04 (0.01) 0.08 (0.01) -0.01 (0.01) 0.00 (0.01)

Sydney 0.06 (0.01) 0.06 (0.01) 0.10 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.00 (0.01)

Melbourne 0.04 (0.01) 0.04 (0.01) 0.04 (0.01) -0.02 (0.01) -0.01 (0.01)

Adjusted R-squaredNumber

Unskilled manualTable 2.20A. Regression of Income within Occupational Classes: Men (parameter estimates), 2006


0.185 0.2416,283 8,43710,421 4,364 6,040

0.042 0.323 0.106

Note: Reference category is unskilled manual work. Emboldened coefficients indicate significance at the 0.05 level or better; standard errors are given in parentheses. Only ancestries with significant results are shown.

The second type of variable which is used in analysing the income data is geographical

residence. This allows us to explore the potential influence on income of differences


55

related to the operation of regional labour markets. Australia’s population is concentrated

in a small number of major cities, the largest of which are Sydney and Melbourne, with

populations in 2006 of respectively 4.1 million and 3.6 million out of a total population of

19.9 million. These are also the two cities which have the largest number of individuals

speaking a language other then English in the home. Using non-urban residence as the

comparison, the analysis examines the effects of living respectively in Sydney,

Melbourne and other urban areas.

The impact of the factors is in the direction expected. For men residence in Sydney,

Melbourne and other state capitals, is associated with an above average income in the

salariat, non-manual routine occupations and the petty bourgeoisie. However, for those in

the skilled manual area residence in Melbourne has a negative effect on income. Being

from a home in which only English is spoken has a positive impact on incomes in all

occupations except, interestingly, in routine non-manual occupations which have a largely

clerical component. Marital status has a varied relationship to income across occupations.

However, tertiary qualifications and, to a lesser extent post-secondary vocational

qualifications have a positive impact whereas for those with incomplete secondary the

impact is generally negative.

The impact of ancestry on income is only to a limited extent significant. One of the

groups where the relationship is significant involves the Lebanese first generation

working in the petty bourgeoisie. Here the relationship is in a negative direction which

means that for this group, involvement in the petty bourgeoisie is associated with lower

levels of income. When we relate this to religious differences within those of Lebanese

ancestry the effects hold for both Christian and non-Christian. By the second generation,

however, the relationship is not significant. Another interesting relationship involving the

Lebanese is that in the first generation there is a significant negative relationship between

working in an unskilled manual occupation and income. However, when religious

differences are taken into account the relationship is no longer significant.


56

Intercept -1.85 (0.29) -0.63 0.23 -1.05 0.79 -1.58 0.35 -0.50 0.16Ancestry

Australian 3 0.53 (0.21) -0.27 (0.21)German 3 0.49 (0.21) -0.30 (0.21) 0.02 (0.10) 0.02 (0.09) 0.00 (0.04)Italian 3 0.57 (0.22) -0.28 (0.21) -0.39 (0.19) -0.06 (0.11) -0.13 (0.07)Chinese 3 0.58 (0.26) -0.21 (0.25) 0.13 (0.16)Central & Eastern European 3 0.57 (0.22) -0.21 (0.22) 0.07 (0.22) 0.36 (0.12) 0.10 (0.12)Australian-Other 3 0.53 (0.21) -0.27 (0.21) 0.04 (0.03) -0.01 (0.03) 0.00 (0.01)British & Irish 2 0.53 (0.21) -0.26 (0.21) 0.07 (0.04) -0.01 (0.03) 0.01 (0.02)Dutch 2 0.42 (0.21) -0.30 (0.21) -0.14 (0.12) 0.49 (0.21) 0.07 (0.04)German 2 0.51 (0.21) -0.38 (0.21) 0.31 (0.11) -0.02 (0.08) 0.10 (0.06)Italian 2 0.52 (0.21) -0.24 (0.21) 0.02 (0.05) -0.07 (0.05) 0.01 (0.03)Maltese 2 0.52 (0.22) -0.28 (0.21) -0.02 (0.09) -0.15 (0.12) 0.11 (0.06)Greek 2 0.55 (0.21) -0.26 (0.21) 0.02 (0.07) 0.05 (0.07) -0.02 (0.05)Chinese 2 0.51 (0.21) -0.24 (0.21) -0.24 (0.22) 0.05 (0.10) -0.14 (0.08)Balkan 2 0.54 (0.21) -0.26 (0.21) 0.08 (0.09) 0.03 (0.08) 0.02 (0.04)Central & Eastern European 2 0.50 (0.21) -0.29 (0.21) -0.07 (0.10) -0.06 (0.08) 0.03 (0.04)Australian-Other 2 0.51 (0.21) -0.26 (0.21) 0.02 (0.04) 0.05 (0.03) 0.02 (0.01)British & Irish 1 0.53 (0.21) -0.26 (0.21) -0.01 (0.03) 0.03 (0.03) 0.01 (0.01)Dutch 1 0.56 (0.22) -0.31 (0.21) 0.11 (0.08) 0.04 (0.10) 0.05 (0.05)German 1 0.55 (0.21) -0.25 (0.21) 0.09 (0.10) -0.10 (0.07) -0.03 (0.05)Italian 1 0.48 (0.21) -0.26 (0.21) -0.03 (0.07) 0.03 (0.11) 0.05 (0.04)Greek 1 0.50 (0.22) -0.26 (0.21) -0.02 (0.10) -0.10 (0.11) 0.00 (0.05)Chinese 1 0.51 (0.21) -0.31 (0.21) -0.11 (0.05) 0.03 (0.05) -0.06 (0.02)Balkan 1 0.50 (0.21) -0.27 (0.21) 0.05 (0.07) 0.03 (0.07) 0.00 (0.03)Central & Eastern European 1 0.47 (0.21) -0.24 (0.21) 0.01 (0.09) -0.03 (0.06) 0.01 (0.04)Australian-Other 1 0.50 (0.22) -0.28 (0.21) 0.02 (0.13) -0.01 (0.15) -0.01 (0.06)Oceanian/Aboriginal 1 0.46 (0.22) -0.25 (0.21) -0.47 (0.16) -0.09 (0.11) 0.01 (0.03)Other 3 0.54 (0.21) -0.27 (0.21) 0.04 (0.04) 0.04 (0.03) 0.01 (0.02)Other 2 0.53 (0.21) -0.26 (0.21) 0.09 (0.04) 0.02 (0.03) 0.02 (0.02)Other 1 0.51 (0.21) -0.26 (0.21) -0.06 (0.03) -0.03 (0.03) -0.04 (0.01)Lebanese Total 1 -0.06 (0.06) -0.01 (0.05) -0.25 (0.11) 0.08 (0.15) 0.13 (0.08) Lebanese Christian 1 0.50 (0.22) -0.25 (0.21) -0.33 (0.12) 0.08 (0.15) 0.10 (0.09) Lebanese Christian 2 0.60 (0.22) -0.21 (0.21) -0.14 (0.16) 0.01 (0.13) 0.15 (0.10) Lebanese Non-Christian 2 0.55 (0.22) -0.24 (0.22) -0.13 (0.23) 0.02 (0.12)British & Irish 3 0.52 (0.21) -0.27 (0.21) -0.01 (0.02) 0.02 (0.02) 0.02 (0.01)Greek 3 0.61 (0.22) -0.37 (0.23) -0.03 (0.27) -0.13 (0.21) -0.05 (0.12)Balkan 3 0.54 (0.24) -0.50 (0.25) 0.14 (0.21)Australian 1 0.43 (0.23) -0.29 (0.25) -0.07 (0.22) 0.15 (0.07)Oceanian/Aboriginal 2 0.55 (0.24) -0.25 (0.23) -0.05 (0.10)

Age/10 1.75 (0.14) 1.47 (0.08) 1.47 (0.56) 1.85 (0.27) 1.24 (0.12)(Age/10)² -0.29 (0.03) -0.25 (0.02) -0.25 (0.10) -0.31 (0.05) -0.22 (0.02)Qualifications

Incomplete secondary -0.07 (0.01) -0.03 (0.01) -0.01 (0.02) -0.03 (0.02) -0.02 (0.01)Completed secondary 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00Post-secondary vocational 0.02 (0.01) 0.00 (0.01) -0.02 (0.02) 0.03 (0.02) 0.01 (0.01)Tertiary 0.10 (0.01) 0.06 (0.01) 0.05 (0.03) 0.09 (0.02) 0.07 (0.01)

Marital StatusSingle 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00Married 0.03 (0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.05 (0.03) 0.02 (0.02) -0.02 (0.01)Formerly Married 0.03 (0.01) 0.03 (0.01) 0.03 (0.03) 0.02 (0.02) 0.04 (0.01)

English-speakingEnglish at home 0.02 (0.04) 0.05 (0.03) 0.12 (0.05) 0.10 (0.05) 0.02 (0.02)Different language at home, 0.00 (0.04) 0.01 (0.03) 0.07 (0.05) 0.07 (0.05) 0.00 (0.02)Different language at home, 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00

ResidenceNon-urban 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00Other large city 0.03 (0.01) 0.03 (0.01) 0.11 (0.02) 0.04 (0.02) 0.00 (0.01)Sydney 0.06 (0.01) 0.04 (0.01) 0.13 (0.02) 0.06 (0.02) 0.01 (0.01)Melbourne 0.01 (0.01) 0.03 (0.01) 0.03 (0.02) 0.02 (0.02) 0.00 (0.01)

Adjusted R-squaredNumber

0.0559,588 10,569 2,950 1,173 6,314

No data No data

0.126 0.118 0.036 0.185

No data

No data No dataNo data

No data No data

No data No data No data

Table 2.20 B. Regression of Income within Occupational Classes: Women (parameter estimates).Salariat Routine non-manua Petty bourgeoisie Skilled manual Unskilled manual

Note: Reference category is unskilled manual work. Emboldened coefficients indicate significance at the 0.05 level or better; standard errors are given in parentheses. Only ancestries with significant results are shown.


57

Among women, the effects of the various control factors are similar to those noted among

men. With regard to geographical residence the advantages of living in Melbourne are

less than among men. Also, the effects of language background are restricted only to

those from an English-speaking home who are employed in the petty bourgeoisie. Marital

status also retains some of its significance as do tertiary qualifications. But the effects of

post-secondary and incomplete secondary education are less evident. Taken together

these findings point to a flattening out in the relationship between women’s occupations

and these various control factors. As among men the effects of ancestry are extremely

limited and suggest that, once employment is gained, the variation and existence of ethnic

penalties or advantages is non-significant. One of the most interesting observations is the

positive relationship between employment in the salariat and income for women from

virtually all the ancestry groups. In the case of the Lebanese although involvement in the

salariat is not significant for all Lebanese women, in the second generation there is a

significant positive effect among both Christian and non-Christian women as well, also,

as among Christian first generation women. There is also a negative relationship between

income and employment in the petty bourgeoisie among first generation Lebanese

women. This appears to be directly affecting those of Christian background.

The prominence of the Lebanese, especially the men, in the petty bourgeoisie is evident

from the regression analyses. What is particularly interesting about this pattern which was

also evident in 2001 is that it continues although, for the first generation men in

particular, it is associated with a statistically significant lower level of income. This trend

was apparent, although not statistically significant in 2001. However, it does raise the

question about their involvement in the petty bourgeoisie if it is not financially

particularly rewarding. As noted in Chapter 1 there is a long tradition for the Lebanese to

be self-employed in Australia, albeit in retail industries such as textiles which are not

necessarily so common now. Another possibility is that individuals, particularly men,

enter the petty bourgeoisie as a means of avoiding unemployment because of

discrimination, real or anticipated, elsewhere in the labour market.


58

Conclusion

The purpose in using two complementary analyses of the 2006 census data was to explore

both the differences over time in the experiences of the second generation Lebanese

group and to ascertain what differences there might be between the three second

generation groups consisting of Christian Lebanese, Muslim Lebanese and Turks. The

analysis of population data for those aged 18-35, the age groups included in the TIAS

survey demonstrated several broad patterns. On the one hand, all three groups tended to

do less well when compared with all those born in Australia of the same age. However,

the patterns were not consistent. The Christian Lebanese were more likely to have post-

school qualifications, particularly at the level of diplomas and certificates than the

Australian born but not at the tertiary level. The Muslim Lebanese and Turks were less

likely to have post-school qualifications. The Turks were more likely to have tertiary

qualifications than the Lebanese Muslims (and indeed all Australian born Muslims)

although less than the Christian Lebanese. From other evidence it appeared that this might

reflect the extent to which Turkish women had much higher levels of tertiary

qualifications than the Turkish men who were far less likely to have post-school

qualifications.

The participation of the second generation in the labour force also revealed a pattern in

the population data where their level of participation in the labour force was below that

for the total Australian born. The difference between both the Muslim Lebanese and the

Christian Lebanese and Turks appeared as though it was related to the much higher rates

of non-participation among Muslim Lebanese women than in other groups, including the

Turks. However, for those in the labour force, the Christian Lebanese levels of

employment and unemployment were comparable to those among the total Australian

born. In contrast, the Muslim Lebanese and Turks had much higher levels of

unemployment than the Christian Lebanese and total Australian born.

The income levels reflected a typical gender based pattern in which women had lower

incomes than men. The Turkish group had the lowest levels of income although the

differences between the Turkish men and other men were much greater than between the

Turkish women and the Lebanese women. The question this raises is the extent to which


59

this pattern can be explained by differences between Christian and Muslim Lebanese

women which were subsequently revealed when analysing the sample census data.

The census sample data allows a more detailed comparison between the Lebanese and

other second generation groups. The regression analyses showed that although first

generation Lebanese men and women from both religious backgrounds were significantly

more likely to be unemployed than others, this did not hold for the individual second

generation groups. This could be a reflection of the way in which between 2001 and 2006

the second generation had reduced their levels of unemployment more substantially than

the comparison groups. The most striking feature of the occupational attainment of all the

first and second generation Lebanese men and the second generation women was their

over representation in the petty bourgeoisie. What was more concerning about this over

representation was that, for the first generation, except for the non-Christian women, it

was characterised by markedly lower incomes than received by most other groups

employed in that occupational area. One more positive finding however was that those

second generation Muslim and Christian women and the first generation Lebanese

Christian women who were employed in the salariat actually received above average

levels of income.

While the census data has identified these patterns characterising the second generation, it

cannot provide definitive explanations for them. To assist in gaining an understanding of

these outcomes, it is necessary to turn to the TIAS survey.


60

CHAPTER 3. TIAS SURVEY DESIGN AND IMPLEMENTATION

Background

The second part of the TIAS (The Integration of the Australian Second Generation)

project involves the replication of the TIES (The Integration of the European Second

Generation) survey in Australia. The opportunity to replicate the TIES survey provides a

valuable opportunity to directly compare the Australian findings with those from a

number of European countries. The content of the TIES survey is extremely

comprehensive as it uses 12 modules to examine diverse aspects of the young people’s

experiences. In Europe, the TIES survey was designed to examine the experiences of two

second generation immigrant groups in two cities in each country and to compare their

experiences with those of their ‘native’ peers. The survey design thus allows for

comparison within each country of cities, as well as of ethnic background defined

demographically on the basis of parents’ birthplace. The TIES study has been undertaken

in 15 cities in eight European countries. In seven of the eight European countries in which

the study has been conducted one of the two second generation groups has been youth

(18-35 years old) of Turkish background which is one of the groups examined in

Australia. The second group has been either of Moroccan or “Yugoslavian” background.

The survey was also undertaken in Estonia where the comparison was made between

Russian and Estonian background youth (Crul & Heering, 2008).

Adaptation of the TIES Project to Australia

The two sample second generation groups interviewed in the Australian TIAS project are

Australian born Turkish and Lebanese (both Christian and Muslim) background young

people (18-35 years). The definition of Turkish or Lebanese was based on them having at

least one parent born in either Lebanon or Turkey3. The comparison group has been

identified as those born in Australia with both parents born in Australia. Thus they are at

3 The terms ‘Lebanese’ and ‘Turkish’ are used here to refer to individuals with at least one parent born in either Lebanon or Turkey. As indicated in Chapter 1 these terms are demographically defined and are not meant to imply that these individuals necessarily identify as belonging to a Lebanese or Turkish ethnic group. In both countries, there are numerous minorities as ‘ethnically’ Lebanese or Turkish. This includes groups such as Kurds and Armenians small numbers of whom appear in the second generation sample groups.


61

least third generation in Australia. As anticipated given the long-standing preference for

Anglo-Celtic immigrants the majority of the third generation group are from this

background. All except one (who spoke Chinese as a child) grew up speaking English at

home. Another member of the third generation group also indicated in a response that she

had a Dutch heritage.

The selection of Sydney and Melbourne for the survey is because they are the major

residential centres for those of Lebanese and Turkish background in Australia. In contrast

to the European studies which aimed to sample a total of 1500 young people (250 young

people from the 3 ethnic groups in each of 2 cities), the Australian sample was limited to

300 young people (150 in each of Sydney and Melbourne). The Lebanese group was also

evenly divided between Christian and Muslim background youth given an interest in

examining the extent to which there are similarities and differences in these two major

groups within the Lebanese population.

Ten TIES modules were selected for adaptation to reflect Australia’s different

institutional and social circumstances and issues of particular relevance. These were:-

• Personal details of the individual and their household

• School career and educational attainment

• Labour market experiences

• Partner’s background and educational and labour market experiences

• Parents’ migration history, educational and labour market experiences

• Social relations and political participation

• Identity, language and transnationalism

• Religion and religiosity

• Income

• Additional material concerning perceptions and values

Examples of the modification of the content of these modules included changes relating

to the structures of education in Australia, the terminology used in reference to ethnic

groups and legal differences. These legal differences related to the existence of

compulsory voting in Australia and the fact that Australian nationality is automatically


62

available to all those born in Australia to legally resident parents as is dual citizenship.

The full survey questionnaire is contained in Appendix 2.

The Population and Sample Frame

The sample frame was developed using a quota sampling model designed to ensure

adequate representation by gender, age group, city and ethnic group (Table 3.1). The final

sample outcomes included a slightly larger than planned participation by the Lebanese

background group. This was because the religious group to which the respondents

belonged was not always clear prior to the commencement of interviews. However, the

additional interviews were retained since it was considered useful to have a slightly larger

sample size among these groups which were otherwise half the size of the samples from

the two other ‘ethnic’ groups included in the survey4.

GroupMale Female Male Female Proposed Final

3+ Generation 24 25 25 26 100 1002nd Generation Christian Lebanese 17 10 14 11 50 52 Muslim Lebanese 9 16 17 13 50 55 Turkish 25 24 26 25 100 100Total 75 75 82 75 300 307

Melbourne

Table 3.1. Interview Sample Frame

TotalSydney

In 2006, the Census reports that 23,687 Australian born with Lebanese as their first

ancestry aged 18-35 years old lived in Sydney with another 5760 in Melbourne. Among

the Turks the census showed that 3042 of the same second generation group lived in

Sydney and 4606 in Melbourne. On the basis of this ancestry data the sample

approximately represents 1 in 456; 1 in 105; 1 in 62 and 1 in 90 respectively of each of

the 2nd generation groups5.

4 The term ‘ethnic groups’ will be used in this project for brevity in referring to the four sample groups: the third generation group and the three second generation groups. 5 More precise estimation is not possible since the census does not collect information on the actual overseas birthplace of parents. It only collects information on whether the parents were born in Australia or overseas. In the absence of information about parents’ birthplace it was thus necessary to use ancestry information which, as already indicated in Chapter 1, excludes 18% of those born in Lebanon and 21% of those born in Turkey. However, it includes those of Lebanese or Turkish ancestry whose parents were born overseas but not in Lebanon or Turkey.


63

Table 3.2

TurkishChristian Muslim Total Total

Local Government Area % % % %1.2 0.1 0.8 0.62.3 8.5 4.7 22.5

15.2 30.3 21.1 2.94.4 0.4 2.8 1.74.5 2.1 3.5 12.40.5 0.3 0.4 3.32.1 0.3 1.4 0.30.4 0.2 0.3 0.21.2 2.8 1.8 1.22.1 0.3 1.4 1.4

12.6 11.4 12.0 3.53.0 4.6 3.6 7.3

12.2 3.4 8.5 9.32.2 0.2 1.5 0.40.2 0.0 0.1 0.11.4 2.3 1.8 0.7

Kogarah (A) 1.2 2.0 1.5 0.50.4 0.2 0.3 0.00.1 0.1 0.1 0.20.3 0.0 0.2 0.53.1 8.2 5.2 7.10.1 0.0 0.0 0.32.0 1.5 1.9 2.40.0 0.0 0.0 0.10.2 0.0 0.2 0.0

15.1 8.0 12.1 8.01.5 0.9 1.3 4.20.1 0.0 0.1 0.02.0 8.4 4.6 2.12.4 0.6 1.6 1.02.0 0.9 1.6 0.71.7 0.9 1.4 1.01.3 0.3 1.0 2.60.3 0.1 0.3 0.40.2 0.0 0.2 0.60.4 0.5 0.4 0.30.3 0.0 0.2 0.2

Total Sydney 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0


Parramatta (C)Penrith (C)Pittwater (A)Rockdale (C)

Waverley (A)Willoughby (C)Woollahra (A)

Ryde (C)Strathfield (A)Sutherland Shire (A)Sydney (C)Warringah (A)

Hurstville (C)

Mosman (A)North Sydney (A)

Ku-ring-gai (A)Lane Cove (A)Leichhardt (A)Liverpool (C)Manly (A)Marrickville (A)

Fairfield (C)Holroyd (C)Hornsby (A)Hunter's Hill (A)

Camden (A)Campbelltown (C)Canada Bay (A)Canterbury (C)

Baulkham Hills (A)Blacktown (C)Botany Bay (C)Burwood (A)

Australian Born (18-35) with Lebanese or Turkish 1st Ancestry Sydney Local Government Areas

Ashfield (A)Auburn (A)Bankstown (C)

Lebanese

Although there are certain local government areas such as Parramatta in Sydney and

Moreland and Hume in Melbourne where all three second generation groups tend to be


64

located, Tables 3.2 and 3.3 indicate how in Sydney and Melbourne the three groups are

widely dispersed across both cities, often involving different population concentrations.

Table 3.3

TurkishChristian Muslim Total Total

Local Government Area % % % %Banyule (C) 4.5 1.6 3.1 0.6Bayside (C) 1.0 0.3 0.7 0.3Boroondara (C) 1.8 0.3 1.2 0.5Brimbank (C) 4.6 6.2 5.0 11.9Cardinia (S) 0.1 0.0 0.1 0.1Casey (C) 3.5 1.3 3.0 4.6Darebin (C) 12.5 8.2 10.3 1.8Frankston (C) 1.3 0.1 0.9 0.5Glen Eira (C) 1.4 0.6 1.1 0.4Greater Dandenong (C) 2.5 2.5 2.9 5.4Hobsons Bay (C) 3.3 12.4 7.0 0.4Hume (C) 10.0 22.2 14.9 39.4Kingston (C) 2.4 1.0 2.0 3.1Knox (C) 1.2 0.7 1.2 0.7Manningham (C) 6.2 1.2 3.7 1.0Maribyrnong (C) 1.6 0.5 1.1 1.5Maroondah (C) 0.7 0.5 0.7 0.3Melbourne (C) 0.7 0.4 0.7 0.5Melton (S) 1.7 1.6 1.8 3.4Monash (C) 2.2 0.1 1.5 0.9Moonee Valley (C) 4.6 0.7 2.8 1.8Moreland (C) 19.0 23.5 20.1 9.3Mornington Peninsula (S) 0.4 0.0 0.3 0.1Nillumbik (S) 0.8 0.1 0.5 0.4Port Phillip (C) 0.9 0.3 0.7 1.1Stonnington (C) 1.0 0.2 0.7 0.9Whitehorse (C) 1.2 0.2 0.8 0.4Whittlesea (C) 6.0 9.8 8.0 5.7Wyndham (C) 1.5 2.9 2.0 1.6Yarra (C) 1.0 0.3 0.8 1.0Yarra Ranges (S) 0.3 0.0 0.4 0.2

Total Melbourne 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Source: Census Cdata 2006

Australian Born (18-35) with Lebanese or Turkish 1st Ancestry Melbourne Local Government Areas, 2006

Lebanese

Sample Identification and Contacts

In Australia, unlike in many European countries, there are no detailed household registers

which can be used to identify the sample (Crul & Heering, 2008). In their absence the


65

Australian sample was obtained by using surname recognition methodology for the

second generation groups. This methodology was applied to the publically available

telephone directories and complemented by random sampling from within the households

identified as potentially including appropriate second generation participants. For the

third generation comparison groups in both Sydney and Melbourne names were also

chosen at random from the publicly available metropolitan telephone directories. The

whole metropolitan area rather than specific suburbs with a concentration of the second

generation populations thus constituted the population frame.

Once the sample was drawn all households were sent a letter indicating the details of the

study and inviting them to indicate if they were willing to participate should they fit the

criteria (see Appendix 3). This letter was then followed up by a telephone contact which

determined the presence in the household of an individual who fitted the study criteria

and, if there was, his/her willingness to participate in the study. Arrangements were then

made for the interview at a time and place convenient to the sample member. Participants

were also able to identify if they wished to be interviewed by a male or female

interviewer. The sample member was also offered the opportunity to identify other

individuals who might wish to be included in the study. However, less than 10% of the

sample was obtained through this ‘snow ball’ methodology. The study was also

publicised on Lebanese and Turkish radio and in newspapers as well as through

community organisations.

These procedures were undertaken in accordance with the requirements of the University

of Sydney Human Ethics Research Committee which involved additional requirements

being met after contacts had commenced with the potential sample6. Thus interviewing

for the study was delayed from February until May 2008. Interviews were concluded by

November 2008. This period was slightly longer than had been anticipated in part because

it overlapped with Ramadan/Ramzan when there are many family and community

activities in the evening which make organising interviews more difficult. Over the

duration of the interview period there were no significant social, political or economic

6 As part of the requirements all participants were provided with a range of information and required to sign a form that they consented to participate in the study. Copies of these documents are contained in Appendix 3.


66

events which might have affected individual’s responses. In particular, the effects of the

global financial crisis had not been felt to any great extent during this period.

Data Collection and Processing

Following the selection of Mc Nair Ingenuity Research as the social survey consultant to

undertake the interviews, the interview questions were piloted using Computer Assisted

Personal Interviewing (CAPI). The CAPI methodology involves the responses of the

interviewees being directly typed into the pre-existing questionnaire schedule. It was

particularly valuable given the complex nature of the questionnaire. As anticipated from

the European study the interviews took approximately one hour. Following the pilot

survey minor modifications were made to the content and computer programming to

allow for the correct flow of questions.

After the completion of the interviews McNair Ingenuity was able to supply preliminary

data counts and, also, cleaned data files which are the basis for the statistical analysis

reported in the remainder of this Report.


67

CHAPTER 4. THE INTERVIEWEES AND THEIR FAMILY

BACKGROUNDS

Earlier chapters have provided a brief overview of the Lebanese and Turkish migration to

Australia and the size of the populations in Sydney and Melbourne. The focus now shifts

to information gathered from the TIAS survey. Given the important role played by

families in individuals’ lives, especially in the case of migrants who are separated from

their existing communities and friends, it begins by describing the household and family

backgrounds of the participants who were interviewed for the survey. This overview sets

the context for later chapters which focus on the individuals’ own experiences. After

considering their age and their household arrangements, this chapter will provide more

information about the residential location of other relatives and contacts with them. How

the family came to Australia and their educational and economic experiences and

resources are then discussed. Not all the interviewees are married or living with a partner.

However, for those who are, the chapter then concludes by describing their family

backgrounds and personal experiences.

The sample design of the study discussed in Chapter 3 established the criteria for the

selection of participants including gender, age, ethnic background and city of residence.

Table 4.1 provides information on the actual ages of the interviewees who were selected

within these sampling quotas. It shows that the actual distribution of ages across each of

the four groups varies with the third generation having a larger proportion of older

interviewees. This age disparity should be borne in mind when considering other areas

which are often affected by age. These include family formation, education and

involvement in the labour market.


68

Table 4.1 Age and Sex of Interviewees

Male Female Male Female Male Female Male FemaleAge % % % % % % % %18-19 21 15 13 17 18 26 420-24 27 38 35 37 40 20 20 2025-29 12 15 35 27 22 28 30 2830-35 42 34 17 15 22 24 36 44Total sample 34 21 23 29 51 49 49 51

Note: Because of rounding the percentages in this and subsequent tables may not always equal 100

Christian Lebanese Muslim Lebanese Turkish 3+ Generation

The Individual’s Household

The interviewees’ households vary in size and composition. Three-quarters of the third

generation have left the parental home compared with half of the Turks and Muslim

Lebanese and only a third of the Christian Lebanese. By comparison with the second

generation groups the third generation are also much more likely to live either alone or

with another person, usually their partner. Their greater likelihood of leaving home than

that of the second generation fits the common perception that the second generation

groups are more likely to remain in their parents’ household until they marry. Certainly

marriage or living with a partner was the reason more than half of all the second

generation, especially the women, gave for leaving the family home (71% of the Muslim

Lebanese, 63% of the Christian Lebanese and 51% of the Turks). In contrast, less than a

quarter of the third generation gave this reason. More important for their departure was

that they wanted to live on their own (29%) or because of work or study (31%). Wanting

to live on their own was also mentioned by the Christian Lebanese (21%) and Turks

(14%) but rarely by the Muslim Lebanese (4%).

The larger numbers of the third generation who left the parental home because of work or

study is linked to their apparently higher levels of internal geographical mobility. A

quarter of them attended secondary schools outside Sydney or Melbourne which is much

higher than among the second generation groups. They are also more likely to have

relatives living in another part of Australia than in the same city. This internal mobility

indicates how the major Australian cities, because of their more extensive range of higher


69

education and job opportunities, attract young people from the smaller cities and country

areas where the third generation often grew up.

Although in all the groups less than 10% of all the mothers and fathers have died, another

factor affecting the household composition of the third generation is that one-third of

them are from families where the parents have either divorced or separated. This is far

higher than among the second generation groups (15% for the Turkish, 12% for the

Muslim Lebanese and 7% for the Christian Lebanese).

There is variation between the second generation groups. Lebanese second generation are

more likely to live in large households, especially the Muslim Lebanese where the largest

household consisted of 10 persons. This tendency is associated with the particularly large

number of children in some Muslim Lebanese families (Table 4.2). A majority of the

household members in all four groups were born in Australia, except in the second

generation Turkish households where less than half (44%) were Australian born. Among

the Lebanese and Turks a sizable percentage of all the household members were born in

the parents’ countries of origin which, in the case of the Turkish families, also included

individuals from the Turkish diaspora in Cyprus and Bulgaria. Even in these second

generation households there were individuals born in third countries, although not to the

same extent as in the third generation households where 11% of all household members

were also unrelated.


70

Table 4.2 Household Characteristics

Christian Muslim Turkish 3+Lebanese Lebanese Generation

Size of Household % % % %Single person 4 1 9Two persons 13 13 9 33Three person 13 15 21 18Four persons 24 23 34 20Five persons 31 19 20 14Six + person 17 30 13 6

Birthplace of Household MembersAustralia 58 58 44 90Lebanon or Turkey/Cyprus/Bulgaria 40 39 52Other 2 3 5 11

Number of Interviewee's SiblingsNone 47 27 42 41One 25 35 33 28Two 18 17 17 21Three 5 8 5 6Four to 12 4 14 3 4

Total sample size 55 52 100 100

A partial explanation for the size of some households is that they include members apart

from the nuclear family consisting of parents and unmarried children (Table 4.3). Among

the married interviewees in all four groups were several who were living with either their

own or their partners’ parents. Siblings and other relatives also lived in some households

as did a few unrelated individuals. The diverse composition of households was

particularly evident among the unmarried interviewees living with their parents. In

addition to three generation family households and those involving other relatives, both

the Turkish and the third generation groups also included unrelated individuals. Among

the third generation this reflects the common practice of a group of young unmarried and

unrelated people sharing a house or apartment. Among the Turkish households it may

also involve cases where housing is provided to family friends and associates. This was a

practice that was very common in the early days of Turkish immigration while

individuals were getting established in Australia. The inclusion of unrelated individuals in

households highlights the social ties between them and other family members which

extend beyond the financial relationship involved in renting a room.


71

Table 4.3 Non-Nuclear Family Members in Household

Christian Muslim Turkish 3+Lebanese Lebanese Generation

Married Interviewee's No No No No Brother/Sister 2 1 5 Brother/sister-in-law 2 Mother/Father 1 6 1 Mother/Father-in-law 1 2 Grandparent Other Related 1 Unrelated 4 1 Total Persons 3 7 12 5


Unmarried Interviewee's Brother/sister-in-law 1 Mother/Father-in-law 1 5 2 Grandparent 4 1 2 3 Other Related 7 2 8 2 Unrelated 1 1 14 44 Total Persons 12 5 30 51


Contacts with Relatives

One of the findings of the study was that the second generation groups were not only

more likely to be living in the same household as their parents (two-thirds compared with

a quarter of the third generation); they were also more likely to maintain close contacts

with their relatives. Whereas over a half of the second generation group, particularly the

women, reported having daily or weekly contacts with relatives who did not live with

them, only a quarter of the third generation group had such frequent contacts with

relatives. This was not necessarily related to the location of these relatives since the

majority of the interviewees had relatives living elsewhere in the same city. Most third

generation and Christian Lebanese also had relatives living elsewhere in Australia unlike

two-thirds of the Muslim Lebanese and less than half of the Turks for whom their

Australian kinship ‘base’ was centred on either Melbourne or Sydney. At the same time,

between 80 and 95% of the second generation interviewees had relatives living overseas.

This was more than double the percentage of the third generation with relatives overseas

and reflects their families’ more recent history of migration.


72

Migration and Citizenship

The second generation group all had at least one parent born overseas. Given the criteria

for participation in the survey it is not surprising to find that the majority of fathers were

born in either Lebanon or Turkey. However, a small number of Christian Lebanese (7%)

and Turks (3%) had a father born in Australia. Among the Turks, some fathers were born

in former parts of the Ottoman Empire in either Cyprus (6%) or Bulgaria (3%). Among

the Lebanese 4% of both Christian and Muslim fathers were born in countries other than

Lebanon or Australia. A somewhat similar pattern of birthplace is found among the

mothers the majority of whom were born in either Lebanon or Turkey. Another 8% of the

Turkish mothers were born in Cyprus. In addition, as with the fathers, a small number of

the Christian Lebanese (5%) and Turkish ( 3%) mothers were born in Australia. Other

countries accounted for the birthplaces of 6% to 7% of the Lebanese and 1% of the

Turkish mothers.

The majority of parents arrived as young adults aged between 16 and 25 (Table 4.4). As

compulsory schooling ended in Australia at 15 few would have continued with their

education. However, there were also a number of parents who had arrived when babies or

when young enough to attend either primary school (up to the age of 11 or 12) or

secondary school (11 or 12 to 18 years). There was a tendency for the fathers to have

been slightly older than the mothers on arrival in Australia. The oldest mother arrived at

40 and the oldest father at 46.

Table 4.4 Age Parents Arrived in Australia

Father Mother Father Mother Father MotherAge % % % % % %1 to 5 6 6 2 2 7 56 to 11 6 2 6 8 6 912 to 15 9 4 10 4 616 to 25 62 68 45 71 45 6926 to 35 16 8 38 10 28 936+ 2 6 2 4 0Australian born 5 5 0 0 2 1Don't know 4 4 0 0 4 1

Total sample size 55 55 52 52 100 100

Christian Lebanese Muslim Lebanese Turkish


73

Since a number of parents migrated to Australia as young children, the percentages

growing up to the age of 15 in either Lebanon or Turkey and Cyprus were slightly below

that for those born outside Australia. Half of the Turkish mothers and fathers grew up in

large cities with fathers slightly more likely than mothers (29%:23%) to have grown up in

villages rather than big cities or towns. Much higher percentages of the Lebanese had

grown up in villages, especially those from Christian Lebanese backgrounds (58% of the

fathers and 60% of the mothers). The comparable figure for the Muslim Lebanese was

42% for the fathers and 40% for the mothers. Indicative of the highly urbanised nature of

Australian society is the way in which three-quarters of the Australian born parents of the

third generation comparison group grew up in big cities.

A variety of reasons were given for migrating to Australia (Table 4.5). The most common

reason for the fathers to migrate was related to work. In contrast, for the mothers it was

related to marriage. However, this does not necessarily mean that the mothers had come

to Australia to get married. It may simply mean that as their husband was migrating they

came with him, a common pattern in countries such as Australia which encourage family

migration. Not surprisingly as some parents migrated as children, a number of

interviewees indicated their parents had come to Australia with their own parents. The

Lebanese parents were more likely than the Turkish to have migrated as refugees or

seeking asylum. This relates to the extensive and prolonged civil war in Lebanon which

had a more extensive impact than did the political coup and other causes of civil unrest in

Turkey at the time the parents migrated in the late 1960s to the 1980s.

Table 4.5 Parents' Reasons for Migrating

Father Mother Father Mother Father MotherReason % % % % % %Marriage 4 38 2 44 17 44Family Reunion 8 10 10 4 3 4Partner Reunion 0 6 6 8 0 2Work 44 18 52 12 45 20Study 0 0 0 2 1 1Seeking Asylum/Refugee 22 12 21 13 6 2Came with Parents 14 12 4 12 15 23Better Life 2 0 2 0 2 0Other 2 4 2 4 7 3Don't Know 4 2 2 2 3 0

Total sample size 50 55 52 52 94 100

TurkishMuslim LebaneseChristian Lebanese


74

In conjunction with the objective of Australia’s immigration program to attract and retain

migrants, access to Australian citizenship through naturalisation has always been

relatively easy by comparison with other countries. Since the 1960s, there have been

some changes as the citizenship laws vary the length of residence necessary before the

overseas born can apply for naturalisation as an Australian citizen. The period has varied

between two and three years and most recently has increased to four years (Klapdor,

Coombs, & Bohm, 2009). While Australia grants citizenship to those overseas born who

meet eligibility requirements it also allows these individuals to retain their former

nationality. Whether they do this may depend on whether these other countries allow their

citizens to have dual nationality. An indication of the attractiveness and accessibility of

Australian citizenship is indicated by the way almost all the overseas born parents of the

interviewees have acquired Australian citizenship. The only exceptions are 4% of Turkish

fathers and 1% of Turkish mothers. As Australia allows dual citizenship it is not

surprising to find that a very high percentage of parents also retain the citizenship of their

country of origin. The highest levels are among the Muslim Lebanese (98% of both

mothers and fathers), followed by the Turkish (94% of mothers and 91% of fathers) and

the Christian Lebanese (87% of mothers and 85% of fathers)

The Australian born children of legal residents are automatically given Australian

citizenship. Many of them have also taken advantage of the opportunities which exist to

acquire additional citizenship. The highest rate was amongst those holding Turkish

citizenship (70%) which was slightly higher among the women (76%) than men (65%)

for whom military service is a requirement. Half of the Muslim Lebanese held Lebanese

citizenship as did one-third of the Christian Lebanese. Among the Lebanese, individuals

also held, respectively, French, Romanian and Syrian citizenship. For the second

generation who had not acquired dual citizenship, between 73% to 86% said this was

because they were not interested and another 4% to 10% said it was unnecessary. These

views were weakest among the Lebanese Muslims, 12% of whom either had, or were in

the process of acquiring, Lebanese citizenship.


75

Parents’ Education and Language Usage

When the parents of the second generation groups are compared with those of the third

generation it is clear that the latter are far more highly educated (Table 4.6). Two-thirds

of the men and almost half of the women have either university or post-school vocational

qualifications. Among the second generation fathers, the Muslim Lebanese men have the

highest level of university qualifications and a somewhat higher level of education than

either the Turkish or Christian Lebanese men for whom the modal level of education is

primary school. Among the mothers of the second generation, there is greater diversity.

The Turkish mothers have much lower levels of educational attainment with 45% either

having no or only primary school education. The mothers of Christian Lebanese are most

likely to have university education but, at the same time, there are also over a quarter with

no more than primary education.

Table 4.6 Highest Level of Parents' Schooling

Turkish 3+Christian Muslim Generation

Highest Level of Schooling % % % %No schooling 0 2 2 0Primary or religious school 28 12 28 2Lower secondary 24 29 16 6Upper secondary 16 15 27 23Post-school vocational 11 6 12 30University 9 19 9 34Don’t know 13 15 6 5


Lebanese Lebanese Turkish 3+Christian Muslim Generation

Highest Level of Schooling % % % %No schooling 4 12 4 0Primary or religious school 25 14 41 1Lower secondary 22 21 20 8Upper secondary 20 37 21 39Post-school vocational 4 4 6 18University 16 4 6 30Don’t know 9 10 2 4


Fathers

Mothers

Lebanese

Among the Christian Lebanese half of both parents are reported as speaking English in

the home as they were growing up compared with a third of the Muslim Lebanese and


76

quarter of the Turkish parents (Table 4.7). Their level of English usage is obviously

connected to the way a number of the parents arrived in Australia as children. Turkish and

Arabic were more extensively used in the homes than English although in the case of the

Christian Lebanese this only involved four-fifths of the families. Apart from these

languages only a small number of other languages were spoken in the parents’ homes as

they were growing up.

Given the level of English usage in the parents’ childhood homes, between a half (in the

case of Turkish parents) and two-thirds of the Lebanese parents are said to speak English

either ‘well’ or ‘very well’. But, again, there is also a group of parents with more limited

knowledge of spoken English and, as is clear, ability to read and write English. This

inability to read and write English is also associated with levels of general illiteracy.

Again, this is more marked among the mothers, who also had lower levels of educational

attainment which clearly affects literacy.


77

Table 4.7 Parents' Language ExperienceTurkish 3+

Fathers Christian Muslim GenerationHome Language(s) Growing Up % % % %English 49 33 24 97Turkish/ Arabic 82 98 94 0Kurdish 0 0 2 0French 4 6 0 0Chinese 0 0 0 1Other 0 0 3 0Don't know 5 2 3 2

Inability to Read and Write 5 10 0 0

Spoken English AbilityVery well 44 37 25 96Well 25 25 22 3Reasonably 18 23 30 1A little bit 11 13 18 0Hardly 2 2 3 0Don't know 0 0 2 0

Ability to Read and Write EnglishOnly read 16 0 4 3Only write 0 0 1 0Read and write 97 87 73 97Neither 5 13 20 0Don't know 0 0 2 0

MothersHome Language(s) Growing Up % % % %English 51 31 28 99Turkish/ Arabic 80 96 92 0Kurdish 0 0 1 0French 2 8 0 0Chinese 0 0 0 0Other 1 0 1 0Don't know 0 0 2 1

Inability to Read and Write 12 22 12 0

Spoken English AbilityVery well 42 35 32 99Well 31 19 15 0Reasonably 18 23 31 1A little bit 9 13 16 0Hardly 0 10 5 0Don't know 0 0 1 0

Ability to Read and Write EnglishOnly read 4 10 12 0Only write 0 2 0 0Read and write 89 69 67 100Neither 7 19 21 0Don't know 0 0 0 0Total sample size 55 52 100 100

Lebanese


78

Parents’ Involvement in the Labour Market

The involvement of parents in the labour market has varied considerably over time. When

the interviewees were 15 their parents, who were then younger, were more likely to be

working as either employees or in their own businesses than at the present time (Table

4.8). The second generation fathers, especially those of the Muslim Lebanese, were more

likely to be self-employed and employers than the third generation fathers which may be

related to their ownership of small businesses. This pattern of business ownership and

self-employment replicates the above average involvement of the first generation

Lebanese noted in the 2006 census analysis reported in Chapter 2. The parents of the

second generation, particularly the mothers, were less likely to be working than the

comparison, third generation parents. A particularly noticeable pattern was the greater

likelihood that the mothers of the second generation, especially the Muslim Lebanese,

remained at home looking after their families. Again, this replicates the pattern found in

the census analysis in Chapter 2. By the time of the interviews a large percentage of all

parents had entered retirement. Among the Turkish and Muslim Lebanese mothers this

meant that they were also less likely to be described as staying at home to mind their

families.


79

Table 4.8


Current Economic Status of Parents % % % %Has one or more jobs 41 18 32 53Own business or self-employed 22 18 25 15Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice 0 2 0 2Unpaid family workRetired 31 35 32 24Unemployed 0 6 5 1Takes care of children, family, home 1 0 0 0Sick or disabled and unable to work 2 16 4 4Full-time student without a jobOn unemployment benefits 2 2 1 0Don't know 0 1 0 1


Economic Status When Child Was 15Has one or more jobs 56 42 48 63Own business or self-employed 23 34 27 17Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice 0 0 2 1Did unpaid family work 0 0 2 0Retired 5 4 5 1Unemployed 2 6 0 2Takes care of children, family, home 0 6 0 0Sick or disabled and unable to work 2 4 5 0Full-time student without a job 7 2 8 7On unemployment benefits 0 0 1 0Had already died 0 0 0 4Don't know 4 2 2 5


Economic Status of Fathers


80

Table 4.9


Current Economic Status of Parents % % % %Has one or more jobs 19 9 29 65Own business or self-employed 4 4 5 5Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice 0 0 1 0Unpaid family work 4 2 4 1Retired 26 23 27 18Unemployed 2 10 2 3Takes care of children, family, home 41 43 25 5Sick or disabled and unable to work 2 6 5 2Full-time student without a job 2 0 0 1On unemployment benefits 0 1 2 0Don't know 0 0 0 0


Economic Status When Child Was 15Has one or more jobs 29 25 36 66Own business or self-employed 8 12 5 6Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice 1 2 1 1Did unpaid family work 9 2 6 2Retired 5 0 6 0Unemployed 7 6 1 0Takes care of children, family, home 31 50 35 14Sick or disabled and unable to work 0 2 1 1Full-time student without a job 9 0 7 9On unemployment benefits 0 0 1 0Had already died 0 0 0 1Don't know 0 2 0 0


Economic Status of Mothers

As many of the parents of the second generation came to Australia as children, this

limited the opportunities for them to have worked prior to emigration. Only a few

mothers, especially among the Lebanese, had been in paid work. Among the fathers, there

was little difference in their participation rate which involved at least half of them and

was highest amongst the Turkish fathers. For the fathers, the modal occupations were

those involving skilled technical and trade work.7 Those mothers who had been in paid

employment were more likely to have worked as professionals than was the general

situation in Australia among other second generation parents when their Australian born

children were 15 (Table 4.10). Indeed, at this time in their children’s growing up, the

second generation parents, both fathers and mothers, were significantly underrepresented

7 These occupational groupings are based on the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations (ANZSCO), First Edition used in the 2006 census analysis in Chapter 2.


81

Table 4.10 Occupation of Parents

Lebanese Lebanese Turkish 3+Father Christian Muslim GenerationOccupation When Child was 15 % % % %Managers 20 29 20 19Professionals 9 3 6 31Technical & Trade Workers 39 34 26 23Community Professional Service Workers 5 3 0 9Clerical & Administrative Workers 0 0 0 3Sales 4 3 0 6Machinery Operators & Processors 18 8 24 0Labourers 5 27 21 5


Paid Work Before Migration 54 54 59

Occupation of Father Before MigrationManagers 15 15 11Professionals 8 12 15Technical & Trade Workers 37 29 26Community Professional Service Workers 7 4 14Clerical & Administrative Workers 0 0 0Sales 11 8 6Machinery Operators & Processors 0 8 11Labourers 4 18 16

Total sample size 27 28 55

MothersOccupation When Child was 15 % % % %Managers 15 10 11 8Professionals 5 5 5 34Technical & Trade Workers 25 20 22 3Community Professional Service Workers 15 10 6 11Clerical & Administrative Workers 5 10 12 19Sales 15 15 4 7Machinery Operators & Processors 0 5 12 1Labourers 15 20 24 8


Paid Work Before Migration 14 8 23

Occupation of Mother Before MigrationManagers 0 0 4Professionals 29 25 27Technical & Trade Workers 43 0 4Community Professional Service Workers 0 0 4Clerical & Administrative Workers 14 50 12Sales 0 25 0Machinery Operators & Processors 0 0 4Labourers 14 0 38



82

in the professions and overrepresented in unskilled and semi-skilled occupations when

compared to the parents of the third generation group.

Spouses, Partners and Boyfriend or Girlfriends

At the time of the interviews just over one-third of the interviewees were either married

or living with a partner. European researchers such as Akgonűl have noted a trend for

European born Turks to be extensively involved in marriage migration, to the point where

they question whether it is feasible to speak of the second generation in social, as opposed

to demographic, terms. Among the interviewees only a quarter of the Turks and half of

the Lebanese had partners born in Australia compared with four-fifths of the third

generation (Table 4.11). Among the second generation the overseas born partners were

typically born in Turkey or Lebanon. Even where the partners were Australian born,

many of them had parents born overseas. This was particularly evident among the Turks

where two-thirds of the parents were born in either Turkey or Cyprus and only a third had

ever lived in Australia. The comparable figure was half for the Muslim and nearly two-

thirds for the Christian background Lebanese. Second generation Turks, both men and

women, were very similar in the extent to which they had Turkish born partners. The

majority (88%) of these overseas born partners arrived in Australia as young adults. This

suggests that ‘marriage migration’ also plays an important role in the local Australian

Turkish community.

Table 4.11

Christian Muslim Turkish 3+ Christian Muslim Turkish 3+Lebanese Lebanese Generation Lebanese Lebanese Generation

Country % % % % % % % %Australia 56 47 26 81 71 72 63 83Turkey 58 14Lebanon 33 47 3 17New Zealand 6 5 3 5England 3 7Other 5 13 7 18 11 18 12Don't know 6 6 4

Total sample 18 19 31 43 34 18 51 42

Birthplace of Partners and Boyfriends or Girlfriends

Spouses or Partners Boyfriend or Girlfriend

Among the second generation who were not yet married many reported having a

boyfriend or girlfriend. While a number of these friends had been born in their parents’


83

home countries, and a few of them were living there at the time of the interviews, these

friends were more likely than the spouses to be Australian born and were not always from

Lebanese or Turkish backgrounds. Whether these friendships will lead to permanent

relationships is uncertain. However, it is frequently noted that when the issue of marriage

arises then both the Lebanese and Turkish communities have a preference for partners

from their own background.

In Turkey and other parts of the Middle East there has been a strong traditional preference

in rural areas for marriage between cousins, although the Turkish government has sought

to discourage the practice for medical reasons. Despite this the practice still occurs.

However, among the second generation groups this practice is far less common among

the Turks (4%), despite their strong preference for overseas born spouses, than the

Muslim (29%) or Christian (12.5%) Lebanese. These patterns of foreign born marriage

preferences are consistent with other studies of inter-marriage patterns in Australia

(Khoo, Birrell, & Heard, 2009). Despite the traditional social preferences which exist for

such marriages, within the Australian Turkish community there is also awareness that

difficulties of social adjustment involving language, employment and social customs can

occur for the newly arrived spouse. These difficulties can exist even in marriages between

cousins. Among the very small number of cases where relationships had broken down

those involving overseas born were as common as those with Australian born spouses and

there were instances where the former partner was a cousin.

Although there was evidence that those with a partner who was a relative were often

introduced by relatives and at family events, the most frequent way in which individuals

met their partners was through the intervention of friends. Family introductions were

more important for the second than the third generation for whom public venues played a

larger role. For all the groups, the workplace was an important location for meeting their

partners (Table 4.12).


84

Table 4.12Christian Muslim Turkish 3+Lebanese Lebanese Generation

Location % % % %School, TAFE, University 11 6 9Workplace 11 16 10 19Through friends 33 16 48 33At an organisation 6 Public venue 17 11 21Family party or parents 6 27 10 2Holiday in parents' country 11 5 10Holiday elsewhere 11 10 2My neighbourhood 2Other 11 5 6 12


Where Partners Were Met

Although educational locations were rarely reported as being where individuals met their

partner, this is not because the young people did not attend university or post-school

training institutions. As Table 4.13 shows, especially for the Turks and Lebanese

Muslims, compared with the third generation and Christian Lebanese, their partners (male

and female) are highly educated, with over 40% having university qualifications.

However, there are also a number of second generation spouses, especially among the

Christian Lebanese, who have not completed secondary school which suggests the

existence of different levels of educational capital existing within the second generation

groups. The relationship between partners’ country of birth and their educational

qualifications is not a simple one. Certainly among all the second generation groups those

partners with the lowest levels of education were more likely to have been born overseas.

Among the Muslim Lebanese and especially among the Turks, those partners with tertiary

education were as likely to have come from Turkey as to be born in Australia. Hence,

while these two groups may find their marriage partners in their parents’ birthplace, it is

not necessarily the case that their partners are poorly educated or from rural areas. Instead

in some cases it appears that the partner is from a more urban and elite educational

background. This is in contrast to Europe, where part of the argument concerning Turkish

‘marriage migration’ is that the spouses brought from the homeland are from the rural

areas of origin of the parents.


85

Table 4.13


Highest Level of Schooling % % % %Primary or religious school 5 6Lower secondary 17 5 6 9Upper secondary 33 26 29 19Post-school vocational 23 21 16 42University 22 42 42 28Don’t know


Highest Level of Partners' Education

The involvement of the partners in economic activity resembles that of the interviewees’

parents with the third generation more likely to be employees and active in the workforce

than the second generation (Table 4.14). However, perhaps reflecting their youth, a larger

percentage of the partners of the Muslim Lebanese and Turks are studying.

Table 4.14 Economic Status of Partners


Current Economic Status of Partners % % % %Has one or more jobs 61 42 58 84Own business or self-employed 17 10 3Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice 16 13Unpaid family work 1Unemployed 5 3Takes care of children, family, home 11 5 19 9Sick or disabled and unable to work 2Full-time student without a job 16 2Other 6 5 2Don't know 6


Conclusion

As the early 1970s were the high point of migration from both Turkey and Lebanon it is

not surprising to find that not only the second generation from these backgrounds but,

also, some of their parents have grown up in Australia. This pattern has clearly

contributed to the number of parents who are judged by their children to be competent in

English. It is especially evident among the Christian Lebanese where there has been on-

going migration for over a century. In fact there is evidence of a division within the


86

second generation groups in terms of the educational and economic capital of the parents.

While a majority have only limited education and low levels of literacy a smaller, but

nevertheless important, group are highly educated and work in professional occupations.

Among the Christian Lebanese the numbers working in unskilled and semi-skilled

occupations is lower than for the other groups and suggests that they have been able to

benefit from the traditions of self-employment existing within the longer established

community. Despite this internal diversity, it is clear that, in general, the parents’ levels of

educational and economic capital are more limited than those of the third generation

comparison group. This is particularly the case among the mothers as evident in the much

lower proportion who worked prior to migration. They also are now far more likely than

the third generation mothers to work in unskilled and semi-skilled occupations. Even

taking into account the possible effects of discrimination, their limited education would

have prevented them seeking jobs requiring more extensive qualifications and fluency in

English.

The interview data indicates that to a greater extent than among the third generation the

second generation have close connections with their immediate families in Sydney and

Melbourne, both through living in the same households and neighbourhoods. This spatial

proximity has the potential to constitute a form of social capital, even while it may

sometimes limit the individuals’ ability to move outside the family’s social orbit.

Certainly it is interesting to note how the Lebanese households in particular have a much

more homogenous composition consisting as they do almost entirely of those born in

Lebanon or Australia. Among the Turks there is the highest level of household members

coming from Turkey and its diaspora. This contrasts with the households of the third

generation which include individuals from many more birthplace groups. The parental

background of the second generation appears to influence them to the extent that their

partners typically come from the same ethnic backgrounds whether or not they are born in

Australia. While this pattern is strongest among the Turks, it does not necessarily extend

to the continuation of more traditional marriage patterns involving cousin marriages

which are more evident among the Lebanese. While these household and family patterns

speak to the importance of family and sustaining links with Lebanon and Turkey, it is

noteworthy that both parents and children typically have acquired Australian citizenship

even while they also take advantage of the opportunity to retain dual citizenship based on

their parents’ birthplace.


87

The implications of the disparities in educational and economic capital available to the

second generation will be considered in the following chapters which examine their

educational and economic outcomes. Also relevant to these discussions are the patterns of

social networks and socio-cultural capital linked to the household and family ties. Do

they, as sometimes suggested, constitute a basis for social isolation which is counter-

productive in terms of extensive incorporation? Alternatively, do they provide a support

framework for the second generation youth? In addressing these questions it will also be

important to take account of the indications of socio-economic differences between the

second generation groups. This is a complex task as the divisions within the second

generation groups are not as sharp as those which differentiate them from the families of

the third generation comparison group.


88

CHAPTER 5. EXPERIENCES OF EDUCATION

The defining characteristic of the second generation of immigrant background is that they

have been born and grown up in their country of residence. A significant part of their

experience which differentiates them from the majority of their overseas born peers is that

they have been locally educated. In Australia, as in many other countries, schooling is

viewed as a primary means by which the society not only provides skills and knowledge

to young people but, also, draws them into the larger nation and extends their horizons

beyond their families to those of the wider community. In doing so it contributes to the

on-going task of nation building. This role is especially significant in instances where the

family has migrated from another country with its own, often different, sets of

knowledge, understandings, cultures and values. While society assigns these tasks to

education, for individuals and their families education’s importance may be more

instrumental; the school provides the skills and tools needed for the child’s intellectual

growth and ability to access a wider adult world, albeit within a framework of moral

development. Given that in many cases the desire to provide a better future for their

children has spurred family migration, their children’s educational experiences become an

important concern for immigrant families. Before examining the educational outcomes

and experiences of the second and third generation youth the next section of this chapter

provides a brief summary of the institutional framework setting the parameters for their

educational participation. This is because, as the TIES project has identified, the

institutional framework of education and training plays an important role in setting the

parameters affecting educational outcomes and experiences.

The Institutional Context of Australian Education

School education in Australia is still controlled by the individual States despite moves to

establish a common curriculum and institutional framework. While government schools

remain the main providers of school education they co-exist with an established system of

relatively inexpensive Catholic diocesan systemic schools as well as an increasingly

diverse range of other fee-paying private schools, many of which enjoy high academic


89

and social status8. Differences between government schools in Sydney (New South

Wales) and Melbourne (Victoria) include the greater number of single sex and selective

government high schools in NSW. Although both states offer comprehensive schooling,

entry to the selective schools, which are widely seen as fostering academic success, is

based on entry examinations at the end of primary school. Primary school lasts for seven

years followed by six years of secondary schooling ending in Year 12. An increasing

number of children attend pre-school before continuing to primary school. School

attendance is compulsory between the ages of 5 and 15 years.

Entrance to university is competitive and based on marks obtained in state-wide

examinations and assessments held at the end of secondary schooling which is normally

at age 17 or 18. This differs from the non-competitive entry requirements for TAFE

(Technical and Further Education) colleges which, despite the growth of private

providers, remain the major suppliers of technical and vocational training. Originally

developed to provide apprenticeship training for the trades, TAFE now offers a much

wider range of courses for accountancy, IT and other white collar occupations. Alongside

this expansion, an increasing number of women now also attend TAFE courses. TAFE

qualifications progress from certificates to diplomas and in some areas these

qualifications are accepted as providing credits towards university degrees.

Educational Participation and Outcomes

Secondary Schooling

As the young people interviewed were aged between 18 and 35 only 2% are still

attending secondary school. Of those who had left school, the majority of the

interviewees (85%) had completed their secondary schooling and gained either a NSW

HSC or Victorian VCE certificate. As the estimation on the retention rate of students in

all Australian secondary schools until Year 12 was 74% in 2007, this indicates that the

sample were performing slightly above the national average9. A further 10% had received

8 In 2007, 66.4% of Australian students were studying in Government schools, 20.2% in Catholic systemic schools and 13.4% in Independent private schools. Over the previous decade there has been an increase in enrolments in non-Government schools.(Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008) 9 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2008). School retention rates have been rising in Australia for several decades.


90

a certificate for completing lower secondary school. Thus only 5% of the interviewees

had left school without gaining some type of qualification. This level of completion is

consistent with the increasing levels of school participation and completion over three

decades in Australia. The lowest rate of completion and of leaving without obtaining a

secondary qualification was found among the third generation group, 7% of whom had

not received any qualification. The group most likely to have received a secondary school

qualification were the Muslim Lebanese (98%). Together with the Christian Lebanese

they were also most likely to have gained the important Year 12 certificate (89%)

followed by the Turks (84%) and the third generation (82%). Apart from the Year 12

certificate opening the door to university studies it is also widely used by employers when

selecting staff.

Among the small number of interviewees who left school before completing year 12, the

major reasons given by all groups were that they wanted to do another type of education

such as a vocational course (26%) or that they wanted to get a job (20%). Dislike of the

school or teachers came third as a reason for early school leaving.

Post-Secondary Education

As the majority of Australian students now complete secondary school, post-secondary

educational participation decisions are increasingly important in determining future

labour market opportunities. School teachers and careers counsellors are an important

source of information about the opportunities available after leaving school. They are

particularly important for families with limited knowledge of the job market which has

become more complex as technological developments affect job opportunities in IT and

other areas and as the Australian economy has become increasingly reliant on the tertiary

sector for jobs. Those who were least likely to receive continuing educational advice from

their schools were the Christian Lebanese (64%) while the most likely were the Muslim

Lebanese (78%). Three-quarters of this advice related to attendance at University while

participation in TAFE was less frequently the focus of advice. The highest level of TAFE

advice was given to Turks (45%), followed by the third generation (42%), Muslim (33%)

and Christian (24%) Lebanese. Whether advice about TAFE was requested by students or


91

provided by teachers encouraging students towards vocational rather than university

education is unclear10.

While the precise content of the advice is not known, only 15% of the young people did

not continue with their education after leaving secondary school with the highest non-

continuation rate (29%) being among the third generation (Table 5.1). In all the second

generation groups women were equally or more likely than men to continue studying

after leaving school, a reverse of the pattern among the third generation where women

were less likely to continue with their studies. Nearly half of the interviewees (45%)

continued on to University and one third (33%) to TAFE. A notably lower level of

university education was reported among the Muslim Lebanese (35%), more of whom

studied at TAFE.

Table 5.1

Male Female Male Female Male Female Male FemaleQualification % % % % % % % %None 16 24 9 10 18 14 20 4TAFE 35 22 39 30 23 48 42 29Private vocational 2 3 5 14 10 2 6University 47 50 45 50 45 28 34 59Adult/community college 1 2 1 2 1Don't remember 1

Total sample size 49 50 33 20 22 29 50 49

Post-Secondary Study After Leaving School

LebaneseChristian Muslim

Turkish3+ Generation

In Australia women are now more likely to enrol in University courses then men. This

pattern is found among the interviewees, except in the case of the Muslim Lebanese

women. Historically, TAFE courses have more often attracted men than women because

of their focus on the trade areas dominated by men. This pattern is replicated among the

interviewees with the exception of the Muslim Lebanese where women were more likely

than men to study at TAFE. Among Turkish women there appears to be a particular

commitment to further education. Only 4% of them did not continue with studies after

leaving school and they have enrolled at University (59%) at a rate nearly double that of 10 Previous research has found this tendency (Inglis et al., 1992). Also noted below is the high rate of TAFE qualifications among Turkish men.


92

the Turkish men (34%). Indeed, they have the highest rate of university enrolment of all

groups and double that of the Muslim Lebanese women.

At the time of the interviews 40% of interviewees were still studying in post-secondary

courses. There are variations between groups with the highest continuation (48%)

reported by the Muslim Lebanese and the lowest by the third generation who are also

older. Younger interviewees and women were more likely to be continuing with their

studies. The gender disparity within groups is greatest between third generation women

(40%) and men (17%) and least between second generation Turkish women (47%) and

men (44%).

Enrolment in courses does not necessarily lead to completion. Among the interviewees

some had enrolled in as many as 6 different post-secondary courses with completion rates

and the award of credentials ranging from 61% to 83%. The reasons for non-completion

were similar to those reported at the school level with the major reason being the desire to

change to another type of education. This was followed by a desire to earn more money

through working. What was different, however, was the desire to spend less time

studying, an option given that post-secondary education is not compulsory.

During the interviews we asked the young people what was their highest qualification.

Their answers (Table 5.2) tend to follow the patterns of current enrolments in post-

secondary education. The group most likely to lack post-secondary qualifications are the

Turks while the third generation are least likely. Gender differences are observable with

the third generation and Turkish men more likely to have TAFE qualifications than are

Turkish women, although this pattern is reversed among the Muslim Lebanese.

Completion of a university degree was most widely reported by the third generation and

the Christian Lebanese (37% and 35%) respectively with somewhat lower figures for the

Muslim Lebanese (25%) and Turkish (27%). These outcomes are of interest in so far as

the Christian Lebanese were least likely to report receiving advice on post-secondary

education while the Muslim Lebanese were most likely to have done so. This suggests

that, while advice may be important, it is only part of the story about factors affecting

completion of tertiary studies. These figures for the whole group conceal gender

differences. Except among the Muslim Lebanese, women were more likely than men to

have university degrees. This is similar to the findings on educational outcomes which


93

was obtained from the census analysis undertaken in Chapter 2. This gender disparity was

least among the third generation.

Table 5.2 Highest Qualification

Male Female Male Female Male Female Male FemaleQualification % % % % % % % %Incomplete secondary 2 8 15 4 7 6 8Completed secondary 24 20 18 24 13 28 39 33TAFE certificate 31 18 24 14 17 21 24 16TAFE diploma 6 8 9 19 13 24 10 4University undergraduate 20 14 12 33 13 14 6 16Univ. graduate & post-grad 14 26 18 10 26 12 20Still studying 4 3 1Other 2 8 6 9 3 4


Christian Muslim Lebanese Turkish3+ Generation

Taken in conjunction with the enrolment patterns of those still studying the third

generation and Christian Lebanese appear to be closest in their levels of educational

participation and outcomes. The educational outcomes for the Muslim Lebanese and the

Turks contrast in several ways. In both groups, there are major gender differences.

Among the Turks, the women are better qualified than the men, particularly at the

university level. The opposite is the case among the Muslim Lebanese where the men

have high rates of tertiary qualifications and are participating in tertiary studies on a par

with all except the Turkish men whose participation rate is much lower. The Muslim

Lebanese women, however, are more likely to have received further education in the

technical and vocational colleges than at University.

These varied outcomes in post-secondary education enrolments and qualifications

indicate that for large numbers of the second generation tertiary study and the gaining of

post-school qualifications are an important and achievable objective. To the extent that

class, ethnic and religious differences play a part in these outcomes, they preclude easy

generalisations about the educational outcomes of the second generation group when

compared with those from third generation backgrounds. These findings are positive for

those who are succeeding in gaining educational qualifications. But for the Turkish men


94

and Muslim Lebanese women, in particular, there is evidence of a potentially growing

division between the well-educated and those whose educational qualifications are not

keeping up with the structural changes associated with the rising level of educational

credentials and qualifications which is affecting structural mobility.

In contrast to earlier periods, young people are now growing up at a time when the old

concept of a job for life is disappearing. The emergence of new occupations alongside the

decline of others and the potential for job losses gives individuals a particular motivation

to undertake additional studies and retraining. Giving a particular impetus to this

awareness for many of the second generation is that they have seen their own parents lose

their jobs as the factories where they worked were closed as the Australian economy

underwent major restructuring involving the shift to the tertiary sector in the 1980s. An

indication of an awareness that educational requirements are changing is evident in the

way nearly half of all respondents (48%) said that they were considering doing further

study with reasons including “It will help me in my career” (54%), “I am now ready to do

this” (33%) and dissatisfaction with their current level of education (13%). Most planned

to undertake university studies but TAFE courses were mentioned by a quarter of all

students. These plans to continue studying were most evident among the second

generation, particularly the women. This is particularly interesting in view of the way

one-in-five of these women also reported that at some stage they had curtailed their

educational plans for a variety of family related reasons such as: “I got married”, “my

parents made me stop” and “I had to take care of the children or family”. Another

commitment to further education is also indicated by the way nearly half those

interviewed had undertaken more than one educational course since leaving school. This

finding suggests that, whatever may have been their earlier school experiences and the

often limited educational experiences of their parents, many in the second generation

have a substantial appreciation of the practical importance of education for their future.

Educational Pathways and Experiences

Many of the young people interviewed have spent more than half of their lives in schools

and other educational institutions. The pathways they have followed and their

experiences, especially as this relates to the support and advice they have received on

their journey, are the focus of this section.


95

Type of School Attended

At primary level, most of the interviewees studied in government schools. This was

especially the case for the Turkish (89%) and Muslim Lebanese (81%), only a small

proportion of whom attended Muslim or other private schools. Those who had done so

were mostly younger which reflects the more recent availability of these schools. The

highest level of private, religious education was reported by the Christian Lebanese

(80%), who far exceeded the third generation whose enrolment of 22% was somewhat

below the national average of 30% at the primary level (Australian Bureau of Statistics,

2008).

At secondary level in Australia there is a tendency for parents to move their children into

private schools as they think this will provide them with more rigorous academic

education. With their already high levels of participation in Christian schools, usually run

by Catholic or Lebanese Christian groups, the Christian Lebanese maintained their

enrolment levels in these schools at 78%. The third generation did, however, almost

double their enrolment in the private school system to 39% which matched exactly the

2007 national enrolment pattern for secondary schooling (Australian Bureau of Statistics,

2008). Lower participation rates in private Christian schools were reported by Muslim

Lebanese (13%) and Turks (4%). Their attendance in Christian schools reflects the

influence on parents of the popular perception that these schools provide academic rigour

and success while emphasising discipline and homework in a manner absent from the

public schools, especially those in disadvantaged areas where many migrants live. A

similar percentage (12%) of Lebanese Muslims also attended Islamic schools. Although

only 6% of the Turks have done so, another 7% attend other private non-Christian schools

with a strong Turkish, and sometimes Muslim, orientation. These are schools such as Sule

in Sydney and Işik in Melbourne which have stressed their commitment to ensuring their

graduates can enter university. As they have developed only since the mid-1990s it is the

younger interviewees who are more likely to have attended these schools.


96

Disruptions in Schooling

Educational qualifications provide information on only one aspect of individuals’

educational experiences. The type of educational institution attended and experiences

during schooling play an important role in children’s socialisation. They are often also

cited as important factors affecting children’s commitment to schooling and their

educational success. One common factor referred to as contributing to poorer educational

outcomes and indicating that children are ‘at risk’ is attendance at a number of schools.

Among those interviewed there was limited evidence of instability. Four out of five

children had attended one or, at the most, two primary schools. At secondary level two

thirds had attended only one secondary school.

While the growing popularity of school-organised international exchange programs

indicates a perception that they can providing an enriching learning and cultural

experience, another more negative discourse also surrounds overseas schooling. Here, the

attendance of young people from immigrant backgrounds at overseas schools is perceived

to have negative effects on their learning outcomes. This is because of the perceived

disruption associated with changing schools to new learning environments involving

linguistic and cultural differences. Actually, only a very small number of interviewees

had attended primary or secondary school in Turkey (3%), Lebanon (2%) or other

countries (1%). In the case of the Turks this in marked contrast to the 1970s and early

1980s when many families sent their children back to Turkey to be raised by relatives.

The reason for this practice was that the parents who initially planned only a short stay in

Australia, struggled to find adequate and affordable child care (Inglis et al., 1992; Inglis

& Manderson, 1984). As families decided to remain in Australia and recognised the

disruption caused to family life associated with re-incorporating the overseas reared

children, the practice of sending young Turkish children overseas to stay with relatives

was discontinued.

If overseas education is now unusual, many children still have their schooling interrupted

by going overseas for periods longer than three months. The practice is particularly

common among the Turks. At the primary level, only 8% of the third generation had gone

overseas compared with a quarter of the Lebanese and nearly half of the Turkish second

generation. At secondary level when examinations become more important, the same


97

patterns of travel are evident although at reduced levels. A quarter (24%) of the Turkish

group had gone overseas during secondary school, followed by the Lebanese (Muslims

19% and Christians 13%) and the third generation (7%). Year 10, which marks the end of

lower secondary schooling and where the end of school year often is often filled with a

range of non-academic work including job experience programs, was the most popular

time for these interruptions to schooling.

Educational Support Mechanisms

Despite such travel interruptions, there is little evidence that they are associated with

major problems in educational performance. Only 7% reported having to repeat a grade.

Similarly, only 7% had attended special ESL (English as a Second Language) classes or

received special educational support. However, the special coaching classes which have

become extremely popular among Australian parents concerned or ambitious for their

child’s educational success in the competitive examination system, were attended by a

third of the Turkish (36%) and third generation (34%) interviewees. Participation in such

classes was lowest among the Christian (24%) and Muslim Lebanese (21%). As there is a

very high enrolment of the Christian Lebanese students in private schools their parents

may feel that the schools are providing them with sufficient academic support. However,

this is less satisfactory for explaining the lower attendance at private coaching classes by

the Muslim Lebanese. Tuition fees in the colleges are expensive but there is little to

suggest that the Muslim Lebanese families are less well off than their Turkish

counterparts who make extensive use of such assistance.

Supplementing the potential contribution of special classes to educational success is the

home environment. On two common measures of a supportive home environment: the

presence of a quiet space for doing homework and the availability of a collection of

reading material, the third generation students fare better than the second. 94% lived in

homes with a quiet space for homework compared with 85% of the Turks and three-

quarters of the Lebanese. Similarly over half of the third generation (55%) came from

houses with over 100 books compared with a quarter of the Turks (24%) and even smaller

numbers of Lebanese (18% of the Christians and 12% of the Muslims).


98

On a more personal note, parents, siblings, school teachers and friends can also play an

important part in encouraging and helping students. When asked about the source of

educational support, teachers and mothers were rated as most important (72%) followed

by fathers (59%), peers (48%) and older siblings (28%). One reason for the limited

support reported from older siblings was that over a third of the young people lacked

older siblings. When this is taken into account the importance of the siblings (45%) is

much closer to that of peers. Because many of the parents themselves had only limited

levels of education, they were rarely able to provide practical assistance with homework

or in making decisions about subject choices and further study. Instead, their support was

expressed in the way they talked with their children about their studies and in speaking

with teachers. Another important area of support where the Turkish mothers were

particularly active was controlling the time children spent on homework. Interestingly,

and contrary to many stereotypes of migrant parents, the third generation mothers were

much more likely to ask their children to do household tasks or help with minding

children than were the overseas born mothers of the second generation. The involvement

of older siblings appeared to be most common among the Turks where they quite often

helped with homework and talked about school studies with the interviewees.

Even if siblings do not play an active role in assisting their brothers or sisters with their

schooling, they can play an important part as role models. At the beginning of this chapter

it was noted that the third generation had a lower level of secondary school completion

than the second generation. It is thus interesting to note that they are also more likely to

have a higher proportion of older siblings who have not completed secondary school

(22%) compared with the Turkish (17%) and Muslim Lebanese (18%). An even lower

level of non-completion of secondary school (7%) was reported for the older siblings of

the Christian Lebanese. They also had a substantial number of both older and younger

siblings who after completing secondary school continued to further studies. Incomplete

secondary schooling was more common among the brothers than the sisters of all the

interviewees with one exception. This was among the third generation women, who were

more likely to have younger sisters who had left school without completing Year 12.

Women, rather than men, in all the families were thus more likely to provide a role model

and to have higher basic levels of educational capital than did their brothers.


99

When the criterion for a positive role model shifts to be completion of university, the

situation of the groups change. The highest level of qualifications among older siblings

was reported by the Muslim Lebanese men who reported that three quarters (74%) had a

university degree. At the other end of the spectrum Turkish men were the least likely to

have had siblings who had completed university (42%). Interestingly in the case of

women the numbers with siblings who had completed university was reversed with the

highest levels among Turkish women (59%) and the lowest among the Muslim Lebanese

women (50%). These findings reinforce a picture of substantial, but opposing, gender

differences within the two predominantly Muslim background groups reinforced by

family differences in educational capital.

When asked whether they had close friends who had left school without completing

Year 12, half the women reported this was the case. Higher levels were reported by the

young men. These ranged from 75% among Turkish men down to 56% among the

Christian Lebanese with the third generation reporting 71% and the Muslim Lebanese

(65%). In general, it appears that while their families may have provided our interviewees

with role models for continuing with their education, their immediate peers were less

likely to do so.

The School’s Social Environment

Frequently heard references about ‘disadvantaged’ or ‘failing’ schools highlights the way

the school culture is widely seen as playing an important role in educational outcomes.

Many factors contribute to the culture of the school ranging from the background of the

student population to the part played by teachers in setting the tone for the school. When

asked about how they got along with teachers and students during their school days, 80%

to 90% agreed that they got along very well with them. They were not quite so likely to

feel that teachers had really listened to what they had to say or that they would give them

extra help when they needed it. The group most likely to indicate reservations about the

support and interest received from teachers were the Turks (12%) compared with 8% for

the other second and third generation groups.

When we asked the interviewees about the ethnic composition of the other students in

their schools we found considerable variation between the groups. The third generation


100

group, a quarter of whom had lived outside Sydney and Melbourne during their secondary

schooling, had attended more ethnically homogeneous schools at primary (63%) and,

particularly at secondary level than had the second generation groups. At the secondary

level, nearly three-quarters of the third generation (70%) had attended schools with no

more than a quarter of the other students being from non-English speaking backgrounds.

A factor in this increase in the homogeneity of their school’s student population at

secondary level is their shift into private schools. These schools which do not restrict

enrolments to students from the local neighbourhood typically attract students with

comparable social backgrounds from across a wider geographical area.

But private schooling was not always associated with homogeneity and the absence of

NESB students. While 78% of the Christian Lebanese attended private schools these were

often the less expensive Catholic systemic schools rather than the elite private schools

attended by some of the third generation. Consequently it is not surprising to find that, as

among other second generation groups, only a quarter of the Christian Lebanese attended

schools where a quarter, or less, of the school population was of NESB background.

Often their schools had an ethnically very mixed enrolment. Whereas only 9% of the third

generation attended schools where more than three-quarters of students came from an

NESB background, the figure increased to 31% for the Christian Lebanese and was

higher for the Muslim Lebanese (44%) and rose to over half for the Turkish students

(54%) who were least likely to attend private schools.

Despite the prominence of NESB students in many of the schools attended by the second

generation, not all found the school environment to be supportive. Certainly 80% reported

that non-Anglo-Celtic students felt just as welcome in their schools. Furthermore, half of

the second generation groups reported never experiencing hostility or discrimination

because of their origins or background. From the opposite perspective 20% felt less

welcome and half did experience hostility and discrimination. The absence of such

discrimination and hostility was more likely to be reported by the third generation group

who were also were most likely to be in ethnically homogeneous schools. When hostility

was reported the source was particularly likely to be other students. But among the

second generation a substantial number also reported experiencing hostility and

discrimination from teachers. In contrast to the 14% of the third generation who reported

them as being the source of hostility and unfair treatment, the figures more than doubled


101

among the second generation (28% for the Christian Lebanese, 36% for the Turkish and

46% for the Muslim Lebanese).

Given these negative experiences it is not altogether surprising that the Muslim Lebanese

(34%) were most likely to disagree with the statement that the Australian school system

provides equal opportunity. They were followed by the third generation (whom it will be

remembered had the highest level of incomplete secondary schooling), the Turkish and

the Christian Lebanese. Within the groups there were also marked gender differences.

Thus Muslim Lebanese men felt strongest of all groups about the lack of equality (45% vs

31% of women) whereas among the Turkish, the feeling was strongest amongst the

women (32% vs 20%). In both cases, the group most likely to disagree were the ones who

actually had higher levels of educational attainment. This raises the possibility that on the

path to educational success they had had to overcome many difficulties.

When asked to reflect on their level of education, 60% reported they were satisfied while

21% were largely dissatisfied. The highest rate of dissatisfaction was reported by the

Lebanese (32% of the Muslims and 27% of the Christians) with lower rates among the

Turkish (17%) and third generation (15%). Given that the Christian Lebanese have the

highest second generation rate of university completion this pattern of dissatisfaction

points to a need to explore the extent of diversity within, as well as between, the four

ethnic groups in terms of educational aspirations.

Conclusion

The most obvious conclusion to draw from this examination of educational experiences

and outcomes is that the second generation group as a whole have demonstrated

extremely high levels of intergenerational educational mobility. Whereas many parents

had not even completed primary school, let alone secondary school or university (see

Table 4.6), all the interviewees had received some secondary education which most had

completed. Even more impressive were the numbers with university degrees or studying

for university. With the exception of Muslim Lebanese women and Turkish men, the

second generation were well on track to equal the educational levels of the third

generation.


102

This finding contrasts with the educational outcomes of the first generation Lebanese and

Turkish entering Australian schools in the 1970s but is consistent with the results from

the analysis of census data contained in Chapter 2. Before examining the more specific

explanatory models which focus on the educational, social and cultural capital of the

family, the role of peers or the culture of the school, one other area to consider is the

institutional structure of Australian education. In contrast to certain European countries

where students are often streamed into relatively inflexible educational pathways based

on assessment of their educational ability in primary schooling, the Australian school

system is less rigid. Its comprehensive schools rarely require students to choose, or be

placed into, an academic or vocational stream in secondary school which can then

constrain their subsequent educational career. Even in the post-secondary levels, the

pathways between vocational and university education are more fluid. Although entrance

to university is based on competitive examinations at the end of secondary school, options

also exist for ‘mature age’ entry which is usually available for those aged over 20 who

show satisfactory performance in special ‘pre-university’ courses. While examinations are

important in the final years of schooling, assessment is rarely used as a reason for

requiring students to repeat a class. This may mean that students do progress through

school with certain important gaps in their educational knowledge and skills. On the other

hand, they do not get significantly behind their age cohort which can lead to educational

discouragement and discontinuation.

Explanations of unequal educational outcomes are diverse and involve different foci: the

individual, the school, the family and community, or the whole society. While concepts of

individual ‘ability’, ‘intelligence’ or ‘aptitude’ play a major part in popular discussions of

educational outcomes, educators highlight how school careers and educational outcomes

are influenced by a range of social influences. Among these are the cultural and

educational capital acquired from the families and local social environment and

experiences in school involving teachers and fellow students. With regard to the latter

variations exist among the interviewees in the extent to which the school’s culture was

perceived as supportive and encouraged further study. However, among those who

reported high levels of hostility and unfair treatment or who expressed dissatisfaction

with their education the majority have still obtained post-secondary qualifications, albeit


103

in the vocational rather than tertiary sector. This suggests other factors may come into

play which relate to their family and social networks.

While educational and cultural capital has often been defined in terms of completed levels

of education and familiarity with the cultural norms of the society, an important

dimension can be the commitment to education attainment as a way to a better life.

Within migrant families including those of Lebanese and Turkish background such

capital is often higher than is commonly appreciated (Chafic, 1994; Inglis et al., 1992).

This may help account for the way in which young people have overcome more negative

experiences in the school.

Nevertheless, the evidence of continuing differences within all groups in educational

attainment is a concern. Young people who lack post-school qualifications may be more

vulnerable to unemployment or low incomes and other measures of disadvantage. In the

case of the Muslim Lebanese it is the women who are more likely to be unqualified while

among the Turks it is the men. These findings highlight that it is overly simplistic to seek

explanations in differences linked to a single factor such as religious background.

While education has a particularly important role to play in gaining employment in

Australia, the next chapter will explore the experiences of the young people in the world

of work in more detail with a view to exploring the interrelationships between education

and labour market outcomes.


104

CHAPTER 6. THE WORLD OF WORK

This chapter examines the extent of inequality and economic disadvantage in the labour

market outcomes and experiences of the second and third generation young people.

Explanations for labour market inequality vary depending on whether the focus is on the

individual’s human resources such as educational and social capital or on the existence of

personal or institutional discrimination affecting particular social groups. Hence, after

considering the labour market involvement of the young people, this chapter will examine

in more detail their job and work experiences for information relevant to understanding

their current economic circumstances. This will include the experiences of those who are

unemployed or not currently active in the work force. Included in this discussion will be

information on their occupations, sector of employment, and financial circumstances as

well as such issues as job satisfaction, experiences of hostility and unfair treatment and

plans for the future.

Labour Market Involvement The Employed Australia’s labour market like that in many other countries is extensively segmented by

gender. This is evident from Table 6.1 which outlines the patterns of economic

participation which show, in particular, the extent to which it is women who are most

likely to be involved in home care duties. Their involvement in these duties is at the

expense of employment. Another factor affecting their employment is that they are more

likely than men to be studying either full-time or while working. Only a very small

number of individuals (2%) were unemployed at the time of the interviews which took

place in 2008 before the major impact of the global financial crisis on the Australian

economy and labour market. Most people were employees except among the Muslim

Lebanese men, one in five of whom were either self-employed or employers. Christian

Lebanese, both men and women, were the ethnic group most likely to be employees. A

quarter of Turkish men and women were studying, slightly ahead of the third generation

women. An even larger percentage of Muslim Lebanese women were studying. One in

five of them were also involved in home duties like the third generation women.


105

Table 6.1 Economic Status

Turkish 3+ Turkish 3+

Christian Muslim Gen'n Christian Muslim Gen'n

Current Economic Status % % % % % % % %

Has one or more jobs 85 61 69 80 62 34 53 55

Own business or self-employed 6 21 4 8 5 3 2

Has a job & studies/ is an apprentice 3 9 12 6 14 21 14 22

Unpaid family work 7 4

Unemployed and not looking for work 2 5

Unemployed and looking for work 1 3 4

Takes care of children, family, home 2 5 21 10 22

Sick or disabled and unable to work 2 2

Full-time student without a job 6 9 12 2 10 10 12


Male Female

Lebanese Lebanese

Among those who are employed, over 80% in all groups work in the private sector. Most

of the remainder work in the public sector where the Turks are most prominent. Only a

handful of individuals are employed in the not-for-profit sector. There is considerable

diversity in the occupations of those who are employed. The current occupations of those

who are employed are characterised by gender differences which cross ethnic groups.

There is a tendency for men to be overrepresented among managers, technical and trade

occupations as well as machinery operators and labourers. Women are prominent in the

professions, community and professional services and particularly in the white collar

clerical and sales occupations. The third generation men are relatively overrepresented in

the professions and underrepresented in the technical and trades occupations. Muslim

Lebanese men and women are more likely than other groups, particularly the Christian

Lebanese, to work as managers, which is linked to the self-employed status of Muslim

Lebanese men. Whereas Turkish and third generation women are prominent in clerical

positions, the Lebanese women are prominent in sales occupations. With professional and

managerial occupations widely recognised as well paid and carrying significant social

status, the main indicator that the second generation lack equality in the labour market is

that the second generation men are underrepresented in these areas, especially in the

professions. However, this disparity is not evident among the women.


106

Table 6.2 Current Occupation



Main Occupation % % % % % % % %

Managers 12 25 21 19 12 18 15 15

Professionals 24 15 21 31 24 24 24 21

Technical & Trade Workers 34 25 25 13 12 6 3 12

Community Professional Service Workers 15 4 10 12 18 9 18

Clerical & Administrative Workers 6 5 4 8 12 33 24

Sales 3 10 16 4 24 35 15 11

Machinery Operators & Processors 9 2

Labourers 9 10 7 11 6 3

Don't know 1


Males Females

Lebanese Lebanese

By comparison with their parents there is also evidence of intergenerational mobility (see

Table 4.9) among the second generation. When their current occupations are compared

with those of their parents when they were 15, the major changes are the much lower

numbers of the second generation who are now employed in unskilled and semi-skilled

manual occupations and, conversely, the larger number now employed as professionals.

Among the men there has been a decline in the number employed as managers even while

their involvement in the professions has increased.

Casual employment carries with it the potential for financial precariousness. One fifth of

the interviewees are employed as casual workers with the highest rates occurring among

the Christian Lebanese (31%), where 59% of the women are concentrated and the lowest

rates among the Muslim Lebanese (16%), where it is the men who have a notably low

rate of casual employment. A major factor accounting for the high level of casualisation

is that those who are studying are particularly likely to be employed in casual, rather than

permanent, jobs. This trend in student employment is now widely entrenched in

Australian society where it is the norm for university students to have at least one, if not

more, casual jobs while they are studying. Among the Christian Lebanese for example

half of all those studying have casual jobs. In these circumstances the concerns about

financial insecurity are minimised since the employment is not necessarily needed to

cover all living expenses and is viewed as a short-term arrangement. However, among the

Turks and the Muslim Lebanese half of all those in casual employment are not studying

which may create potential financial problems. Certainly most of them are earning less

than $550 per week. This was at a time when, in June 2008, the estimated ‘poverty line’


107

in Australia was set at $714.27 per week for a household consisting of a couple with two

children and one wage earner, and $508.71 where the household consisted of a couple

(Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research, 2008).

In contrast to those in permanent employment whose major method for finding their

present job had been using advertisements, followed by a private job agency, a colleague

or friend and then the internet, almost half of those in casual employment had found their

work through a colleague or friend, followed by responding to an advertisement (24%)

and only then using relatives. The third generation was far less likely than the second

generation groups to have made use of relatives, or, indeed of friends and colleagues in

finding their current job. However, in the case of their first job which was much more

likely to involve casual employment, one fifth of them had used relatives, which was a far

larger percentage than among the second generation. These variations in the importance

of different methods of finding jobs highlight how, in the contemporary labour market,

the social capital inherent in a social network of relatives, friends or colleagues has more

or less currency depending on the type of employment which is being sort and the supply

of labour. Among professionals, educational qualifications are particularly important

whereas, among managers, the cultural capital associated with networks of colleagues,

friends and relatives can be more important. At the lower end of the labour market where

low level skills are in greater supply relatives and friends can play a more important role

in finding jobs.

As the ages of the interviewees ranged from 18 to 35, over this 18 year period a number

of them would have finished their studies at a time when there was relatively high

unemployment in Australia. Nevertheless, 45% said that they had found work

immediately upon finishing their studies and 19% were either still studying or had

worked during their studies. Others either went on holidays or took up odd jobs or

assisted in the family business in the case of a few second generation. Only 15% said they

were unemployed and actively looking for a job in this period. Women were slightly

more likely to describe their situation in this way with a quarter of the Muslim Lebanese

women describing their situation in this way.

Over half of all the currently employed interviewees said they had never been

unemployed since leaving school. The highest experience of unemployment was among


108

the third generation and the lowest among the Christian Lebanese (Table 6.3). This

pattern was largely consistent across men and women except that slightly more Turkish

women had never experienced unemployment of this kind than the Lebanese. Women in

general were also less likely to report being unemployed for more than one month.

Table 6.3 Experience of Unemployment After Leaving School



% % % % % % % %

None 65 48 53 43 59 59 62 54Yes, but less than one month 16 10 7 17 24 12 9 18

Yes, more than one month 19 43 40 39 18 29 29 28


Male Female

Lebanese Lebanese

The Unemployed In addition to the small number of individuals who described themselves as unemployed,

the interviewees included a number who were currently outside the labour market. In

total, 19% of the interviewees were not currently in paid employment. This was for a

variety of reasons, the chief of which was that they were involved in home care duties.

This is not surprising since three-quarters of those not currently in paid employment were

women. However, only 16% of the women and 33% of the unemployed men had never

had a paid job. The men were, however, less likely to be currently looking for work then

the women, 30% of whom said they were looking for paid work. None of the third

generation men or women was looking for paid work. Among the second generation, a

quarter of the Turkish men, a third of the Muslim Lebanese women and a half of the

Christian Lebanese and the Turkish women were looking for work

In their last paid work the majority had been employed in the private sector and half of

them had been working as casuals; a figure which is higher than the 20% reported among

those currently in paid work. Only 15% of the group had worked as managers or

professionals and, given the high proportion of women, it is not surprising that the

majority had worked in clerical positions. Given this work profile it is interesting that the

internet was the major method used by three-quarters of the interviewees in their current

search for work. Much less common was the use of advertisements or a direct approach to

potential employers. None was using personal relationships involving family and social


109

networks as their success is often greater when individuals are seeking less skilled jobs or

have employers within their social network.

Experiences in the World of Work

The workplace is not only a source of income. As the place where individuals spend a

significant part of their daily lives, it is also an important part of workers’ social life and

can be an important source of self esteem, personal satisfaction and friendship.

Alternatively, it can be perceived more negatively as a place whose major value is that it

provides the income necessary for other activities. The TIAS project collected a variety of

information about perceptions of the workplace. These provide information relating to its

role as a social setting as well as factors pertinent to assessing the extent to which there

are barriers to occupational mobility facing the Lebanese and Turkish second generation.

Perceptions of the Relationship Between Human Capital and Current Job

An important factor in assessing and accounting for labour market inequality is whether

occupations reflect the individuals’ human capital. A key component of this is their

educational capital consisting of their educational qualifications and skills. Among all

those employed, three-quarters felt that their job corresponded well with their education

and skill level. The Turks (23%) were most likely to disagree compared with the third

generation (16%), the Christian Lebanese (15%) and the Muslim Lebanese (11%). When

level of satisfaction was compared with the individuals’ highest educational qualification,

those with university qualifications were found to be the least satisfied that their present

job made use of their education and skills and this trend existed among the four ethnic

groups (Table 6.4). However, there was also considerable dissatisfaction among those

who had completed secondary school as well as TAFE. Contributing to this

dissatisfaction is likely to be the impact of ‘credential inflation’ where increased

educational qualifications are being required for many occupations.


110

Table 6.4 Job is Below Education

3+ TurkishGeneration Christian Muslim

Highest Qualfication % % % %Completed secondary 28 22 20 29TAFE 10 31 14 38University 44 34 33 37


Lebanese

Career Satisfaction and Aspirations One indication of the characteristics that individuals are looking for in their careers comes

from the reasons they give for leaving their previous job. Given the youth of the

interviewees and the way many of them are still studying, the TIAS survey asked them

only about the reasons why they left their first job. Although these reasons may not

provide information relevant to later on in their lives when they have established more

clearly the type of career path they wish to follow, they nevertheless provide a picture of

their thinking at a very significant point in their working lives. This is because their first

job provides them, and future employers, with a framework against which to evaluate

future job options. The major reasons why the interviewees left their first job was because

they found a better paid or more interesting one or had gone back to study (Table 6.5).

These reasons point to the importance of work being part of a larger set of objectives

which include a level of personal satisfaction as well as fitting with longer term career

objectives. The second generation, especially the men, were most likely to say simply that

“I didn’t like the job”. The third generation and a quarter of the second generation men

were likely to indicate that they had actively sought a better paid or more interesting job.

In a small number of cases the second generation also had left to start their own business

or to work in the family business. Some indication of the constraints in women’s working

is provided by the way only they indicated that they had changed jobs because they had

found one closer to home. Similarly it was almost entirely women who spoke of

experiencing personal conflict as the reason why they left their first job. Particularly

among the women there was little evidence of major differences between the ethnic

groups in terms of why they left their first job.


111

Table 6.5 Reasons for Leaving First Job



Reasons for Leaving First Job % % % % % % % %

I didn't like it 38 25 29 8 22 26 13

I thought I was not really suited to it 4 6 6 11 8 6

I had a personal conflict 5 11 15 3 8

I found a better or more interesting job 25 30 29 47 11 31 19 34

I found a job closer to home 11 10 18

I went back to study 8 20 13 17 11 8 13 11

Change in family situation or illness 4 6

I sold my business; business closed 4 5 6 8 3

Job was temporary; I was laid off 4 10 6 14 16 3 8

Boss was dissatisfied with my work 5 3 8

Other 13 13 3 22 8 13 5


Male Female

Lebanese Lebanese

When asked to assess whether their careers had lived up to their expectations, one-fifth of

the third generation and the Muslim Lebanese and Turks indicated it had been worse than

their expectation, although Christian Lebanese were slightly more positive with only 16%

saying this. Among the second generation, women were less likely to say their career had

been worse than expected although in the third generation the women were far more

negative about this (26% compared to 15% among the men). Interestingly there was not a

clear correlation between the extent to which their career aspirations were met and

whether or not they felt their educational skills were being used in their present job. This

indicates that a variety of other factors contribute to job satisfaction. Among the

unemployed the men were far more sanguine with the majority saying it had been as

expected. Among the women it was only among the Christian Lebanese and Turkish

women that such positive views were expressed.

An indication of aspirations was gained by asking about future career plans. The replies

of the currently employed that slightly over a third indicated that they were planning to

continue with their current job and another third indicated that they were looking for

promotion or a more challenging job. The idea of changing jobs or seeking promotion

was stronger among the second generation women than their menfolk. A slightly lower

proportion was almost equally divided between starting their own business (favoured by

the men) or returning to further study (a stronger preference among the women). (Table

6.6). The third generation were the group most likely to indicate they planned to continue

with their current job, although this option was most frequently mentioned by the


112

Christian Lebanese men. Among the unemployed interviewees, almost half indicated they

planned to look for a job, while a quarter of the women indicated they planned to

undertake further study. Among the Turkish women nearly half (47%) identified this as

their major plan for their future. Another one-in five planned to start their own business.

The choice of starting their own business was particularly strong among the Muslim

Lebanese men and women 43% of whom mentioned it.

Table 6.6 Future Career Plans



% % % % % % % %

Continue current work 47 33 28 39 24 12 32 44

Seek promotion or a more challenging job 28 33 35 39 47 41 38 28

Work shorter hours 6 6

Start own business 13 14 21 13 6 6 6 8

Extra education 6 10 12 9 18 29 18 18

Become full-time homemaker 3 5

Expand business 3 2 6

Other 5 2 3


Male Female

Lebanese Lebanese

Income Given the importance of income as a factor in the career planning and job changes of

individuals it is useful to consider how income is distributed across the four ethnic

groups. Questions about income are often quite sensitive and this seems more likely to be

the case for the Lebanese. In June 2008, the poverty level established for a single wage-

earner in a four person household was $714.27 (Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic

and Social Research, 2008). From October 2008, the minimum weekly wage set by the

Australian Fair Pay Commission was $543.78. Two-thirds of the Turkish and third

generation men reported weekly incomes below $1000 but the percentage of all women

earning in this range was much higher (Table 6.7). The Lebanese second generation men,

especially the Christians, were most likely to report incomes above $1500. Information on

partners’ incomes was less complete but it appeared that the partners of third generation

and Turkish women had higher incomes than those of the Lebanese women. The men’s

partners were all lower which is consistent with the pattern for women to receive lower

incomes.


113

Table 6.7 Weekly Income


Christian Muslim Generation Christian Muslim Generation

Individual's Income % % % % % % % %

Less than $ 550 AUD 25 10 16 28 47 24 35 31

$550 to $999 AUD 13 24 49 37 24 53 41 46

$1000 to $1499 AUD 19 19 16 24 6 6 9 10

$1500 to $1999 AUD 6 10 5 4 6 3 8

$2000+AUD 14 2

Don’t know, not stated 22 36 14 4 18 18 12 5


Partner's Income

Less than $ 550 AUD 71 25 8 22 18 13

$550 to $999 AUD 14 25 33 50 57 44 29 50

$1000 to $1499 AUD 17 33 29 8

$1500 to $1999 AUD 14 17 17 14 6 8

$2000+AUD 6 4

Don’t know, not stated 50 50 8 28 12 16


Males Females

Lebanese Lebanese

While no one in the study admitted to receiving any investment income, about one-in-five

did receive some form of social benefit income, although the figure for Muslim Lebanese

women was much higher at 45%, which was related to the way they received a diverse set

of social benefit payments. Social welfare payments (58%) were the most usual type of

benefit received followed by disability payments (14%), student scholarships and

unemployment benefits (12% in each case). Alimony and insurance payments accounted

for only a small proportion of the benefits received.

The major financial commitment for the interviewees were home loans. The highest level

was reported by the third generation (37%) and the lowest by the Turks (22%). In

between were the Christian Lebanese (35%) and the Muslim Lebanese (29%). While

many of those with home loans were married, there were also a number of single

individuals who also had taken out loans to purchase property. Car loans were less

common among the interviewees but, again, they were more common among the third

generation (22%) than the second. The lowest levels existed among the Christian

Lebanese followed by the Turks (12%) and Muslim Lebanese (15%). Since there are

many options for funding the cost of a motor vehicle including leasing and having them

as part of a salary package it is difficult to interpret the significance of this information.

The use made by the third generation of loans was also evident in the way they were the


114

group most likely to have organised a loan for other purposes (17%), slightly above the

Turks and Christian Lebanese (13%) and Muslim Lebanese (10%).

Given the use the third generation make of loans it is not altogether surprising that a

number of them report that they find difficulty in managing on their income (Table 6.8).

Of all the groups, the third generation men were least likely to say that they were living

comfortably on their present income. This contrasted with the Lebanese men and the

Turks. There was less difference between the various groups of women although fewer

women in general reported they were comfortable. Men, particularly the third generation

and the Muslim Lebanese, perhaps because of their domestic responsibilities, were more

likely to report some difficulty in living on their present incomes. What is more difficult

to assess is whether the difficulties are related to actual variation in income or, instead, to

different patterns of consumption and saving.

Table 6.8 Adequacy of Present Income



% % % % % % % %Living comfortably on present income 68 52 47 35 38 48 41 41I am coping with presen income 24 22 39 41 43 21 37 31Sometimes I have difficulty with present income 3 17 8 16 19 28 10 18I am regularly having difficulties with present income 3 9 6 8 3 8 10I am having great difficulty with present income 3 4


Male Female

Lebanese Lebanese

Discrimination and Prejudice One of the most obvious factors which can affect job satisfaction is the existence of

prejudice and discrimination. These can manifest themselves or be perceived in different

situations. Especially in circumstances where they affect job recruitment they constitute a

major barrier to equality. To explore different dimensions of these issues the TIAS survey

began by asking about the difficulty facing someone from non-Anglo-Celtic background

in finding a good job when compared with people of Anglo-Celtic background and

similar age and qualifications. As might be expected the second generation men were

more likely than the third generation men to say it was ‘more’ or ‘much more’ difficult

for the non-Anglo-Celtic job seekers (Table 6.9). However in the case of the Christian

Lebanese 19% actually said it was less difficult. The women had, however, a different


115

perception of the difficulty. A small percentage of the Lebanese women said it was less

difficult but, in general, the women were more likely than the men to say the non-Anglo-

Celtic job seekers faced ‘more’ or ‘much more’ difficulty. What was particularly

interesting was that the group saying this most strongly were the third generation women

over half of whom held this view. A similar finding involving the third generation was

also found in the Dutch TIES project survey data (Crul & Heering, 2008, p.102). Whether

this was because they were actually involved in such practices or had heard about them

from the media or other sources is an interesting issue which receives some partial

support from responses to other parts of the interview. When the unemployed were asked

for their views there was a slight trend towards emphasising the difficulty facing those of

non-Anglo-Celtic background except among the Muslim Lebanese women.

Table 6.9 Perceived Discrimination Involving Anglo-Celtic Group



% % % % % % % %

Less/much less difficult 19 2 6 12 3

As difficult 50 57 65 74 59 41 68 46More/much more difficult 31 43 35 24 35 47 32 51


Male Female

Lebanese Lebanese

The explanations which were given for these views were quite varied and only a small

number of individuals said they ‘don’t know’ (Table 6.10). The two most common

negative explanations referred to language and communication barriers and cultural or

religious differences. Language skills were particularly favoured by the third generation.

Muslim Lebanese and Turks particularly emphasised cultural or religious differences as

also did the third generation men. Interestingly, the Christian and to a slightly lesser

extent the Muslim Lebanese placed little emphasis on such differences. Instead, they

referred to equal opportunity and the importance of ‘merit’ in recruitment. The second

generation groups were also more likely than the third generation to say that there was no

problem.


116

Table 6.10 Reasons for View on Discrimination

3+ Turkish 3+ Turkish

Gen'n Christian Muslim Gen'n Christian Muslim

% % % % % % % %

Language/communication skills 38 16 13 15 40 14 16

Cultural/ religious differences 31 3 13 22 11 8 18 18

Employers prefer Anglo-Celtic 5 3 4 2 6 5

Negative media/stereotypes 2 3 13 5 9 11

Differing qualifications/skills 2 3 5 8 9

Equal opportunity in Australia 5 22 22 10 9 14 11

Experience & skills are more important 5 16 13 9 15 9 16

Through personal experience 7 6 4 5 9 3

Depends on type of work/industry 5 3 4 2 3 8 3

None, No problems 7 16 9 17 3 23 9 11

Other 14 19 9 24 14 38 18 21Don't know 9 9 3


Note: more than one response was possible

Male Female

Lebanese Lebanese

When the interviewees were asked about their own experiences in job seeking and in the

workplace, a majority of all groups, except for the Muslim Lebanese women, said they

had ‘never’ experienced discrimination in job seeking (Table 6.11). While for some the

level of discrimination based on their ethnic background or national origins declined

when they were actually in the workplace it was also evident that, for a small, but

significant, minority of Muslim Lebanese women there were frequent experiences

involving hostility and unfair treatment. This was also evident in the responses of the

unemployed Muslim Lebanese women.

Table 6.11 Personal Experience of Workplace Discrimination



In Job Seeking % % % % % % % %

Never 63 71 74 89 76 47 85 90

Rarely 19 5 19 9 12 18 3 8

Occasionally 19 24 2 2 6 24 12

Regularly 2 6Frequently 2 6 6 3

In the Workplace

Never 81 52 79 87 82 59 76 87

Rarely 13 19 19 7 12 12 21 8

Occasionally 6 19 7 6 12 3 5

Regularly 5 2 6Frequently 5 12


Male Female

Lebanese Lebanese


117

The general impression is that the second generation group who are most positive about

the absence of discrimination in the workplace are the Christian Lebanese, followed by

the Turks and then the Muslim Lebanese. Even in the last group there are, however, a

substantial number with less problematic experiences.

Conclusion

The Australian labour market has undergone major changes in recent decades. The

decline of old and the emergence of new occupations continually leads to changes in the

type of qualifications needed to gain employment. Together with increasing casualisation

in the workforce, the idea of a job for life is gone. Young people are particularly aware of

these changes. Already the second generation have exceeded the occupational level of

their parents as they move particularly into the professions. Gender segmentation is an

ongoing feature of the Australian labour market and this is replicated among our

interviews with women more likely to be found in clerical and sales occupations with

men in the skilled trades areas. None of the second or third generation groups are

homogeneous but, to some extent, it appears that, in their occupations, the third

generation are somewhat more likely to be located in the more prestigious, white collar

occupations than the second generation. Particularly in sections of the Lebanese groups

there are self-employed business people and there is evidence that, for some in these

groups, to own their own business is an aspiration. Whether it is to avoid the effects of

discrimination or to compensate for limited human capital is difficult to determine.

In addition to occupational differences within the groups there are also income

differences. Here there is little indication that, compared with the third generation, the

second generation are financially disadvantaged either in terms of their actual incomes or

their perceived ability to cope financially. The third generation are more likely to be

involved in loans and have a tendency to indicate that they are having difficulty coping.

Whether this reflects real differences in their earning situation or in their consumption

patterns would require more detailed research. However, for those who are married and

living independently from their families of origin, the costs of everyday life are often

more than those who are studying and living with their parents.


118

While evidence of gross economic inequality is absent from this study it is difficult to

determine precisely whether this is because the human capital of the groups is similar..

Although the two are not necessarily opposed, an alternative way of accounting for

economic inequality relates to social and institutional barriers which affect the economic

participation of particular groups. Here it is interesting to note that a majority of the

second generation groups see a limited amount of discrimination against those of non-

Anglo-Celtic background. Consistent with this is the way a majority report never having

personally experienced discrimination in applying for jobs or in the workplace. That said,

there remains a substantial section, some 20% in each group, who do report negative

experiences and perceive discrimination against non-Anglo-Celts, primarily because of

cultural and religious differences.

Variations between the second generation groups suggest that the Turks, particularly the

men, are perhaps more likely to have a less well established economic position, although

it is not clear whether this is related to their being young and/or more likely to be still

studying. Among the Lebanese the Christians appear to be in general somewhat more

‘established’. Certainly, they appear to be more satisfied with their economic situation

than the other groups. There is some indication that, among the Muslim Lebanese there

are young people who have already become satisfactorily incorporated into the labour

market and world of work. Others, however, are less satisfactorily incorporated.

One issue in assessing the circumstances of the four groups is the extent to which we find

that they have rather different circumstances including the number of students and their

relative youth. For many of the interviewees they have yet to finish the major phase of

their post-school education and to establish their own families. However, there is an

indication that many are well on the way of achieving these goals.


119

CHAPTER 7. THE NEIGHBOURHOOD, SOCIAL LIFE AND DISCRIMINATION

Social relationships with the opportunities they provide for emotional support,

entertainment and friendship complement the more instrumentally oriented worlds of

work and education. Already Chapter 4 has discussed the close contacts maintained

between the second generation and their relatives living outside their households. This

chapter begins by looking at how the young people view their local neighbourhoods

where they are now living and where they often grew up and attended school. After

looking at who were their friends during school the focus shifts to their present group of

close friends to determine how these groups have changed as they have grown up. In

particular, the focus is on the extent to which individuals have friendships which span the

spectrum of Australia’s ethnically diverse population. Social contacts and friendships are

an important potential source of social capital which can also be extended by participation

in a variety of community organisations and associations. These social contacts and

experiences at the personal and community level potentially direct them towards support

for more organised political activity at the national level. Even those not actively

participating in political organisations nevertheless have the chance to influence the

national political process in elections. After exploring these dimensions of the

interviewees’ social life characterised by their voluntary participation and initiatives, the

remainder of the chapter turns to examining their experiences of hostility and unfair

treatment in a variety of different settings.

The Neighbourhood

In Australia, as elsewhere, regions and suburbs often acquire a distinctive social identity

which extends to their populations. These images reflect class as well as ethnic identities.

Thus in Sydney the term ‘Westie’ brings to mind young people with a particular set of

social and cultural characteristics (Collins & Poynting, 2000). In Melbourne, the

reference to someone being a ‘Broadie’ boy’ conjures up the image of a man coming

from a working class background in Broadmeadows. Often in using the term the point

being made is that he has ‘made good’, as in the case of Eddie McGuire a prominent

sporting and media figure, or John Ilhan, a young man of Turkish background who made

his fortune in retailing mobile phones and became a role model for young Turks. The

neighbourhood is thus a marker of social identity and status as well as being the social


120

setting where individuals develop social contacts including those made at school and as

they grow up.

Social Class

The educational and occupational levels of the second generation discussed in previous

chapters suggest that the groups as a whole cannot easily be stereotyped as working class

or disadvantaged. Certainly the majority described themselves as living in middle class

residential neighbourhoods (Table 7.1). Even allowing for the tendency in social surveys

of people describing themselves as ‘middle class’ the levels are very high. The variations

between the ethnic groups are also in the direction that might be expected from their

educational and occupational levels. The third generation more frequently perceive their

neighbourhoods as upper or middle class in contrast to the Turks who tend to describe

their neighbourhoods as lower class. The interviewees under 25 are least likely to

describe their neighbourhood as lower class as are those living in Sydney. However, more

of the Melbourne second generation, though not the third generation, also describe their

neighbourhood as being upper class.

Table 7.1 Perceived Social Class of Residential Neighbourhood


% % % %Lower class 15 10 21 9Middle class 84 83 73 81Upper class 2 6 5 10Don't know 2 1


Lebanese

Ethnic Diversity Just as residential areas acquire a particular social image so individual suburbs also

become identified with specific ethnic groups as happens when they are described as

“Little Italy” or “Chinatown”. However, in contrast with North American and European

cities, it is difficult to identify Australian suburbs as constituting ethnic ghettos since their

populations are often extremely heterogeneous (Jupp, McRobbie, & York, 1990). At the

same time in Australia, following the growth in middle class, skilled migration, there is a

growing recognition that living in a middle class neighbourhood need not be inconsistent


121

with living in a neighbourhood which has a substantial non-English speaking background

population.

As shown in Chapter 3 (Tables 3.2 and 3.3) even though the Lebanese and Turkish live in

many local government areas of Sydney and Melbourne, there are certain areas of

concentration. Yet even though these areas are widely associated with the Lebanese or

Turkish, their populations are extremely diverse including many people from non-English

speaking backgrounds as well as substantial Anglo-Celtic populations. Auburn in Sydney

is widely identified with the Turkish community and in 2006 its residents comprised 24%

of Sydney’s population with Turkish ancestry. Nevertheless the Turks who were 6.3% of

Auburn’s population are outnumbered in Auburn by people with Chinese (18.0%),

Australian (9.1%), Lebanese (7.5%) and English (7.1%) ancestries. Similarly the largest

concentration of Sydney’s Lebanese live in Bankstown (22%). While they are 16% of

Bankstown’s population other large ancestry groups include Australians (22%), English

(15.5%) and Vietnamese (7.2%). Fewer Turks live in Bankstown where they are 0.4% of

the population. In Melbourne, Hume (which includes Broadmeadows and nearby suburbs)

was home in 2006 to 40.3% of Melbourne’s Turkish population yet the Turkish were only

7.3% of its total population. Other major ancestry groups living in Hume included

English (19.6%), Australian (19.3%) and Italian (9.2%). The Lebanese were also the sixth

largest ancestry group living in Hume with 3.2% of the population. The largest

concentration of Lebanese in Melbourne is in Moreland which is home to 19.2% of the

Lebanese. Yet, in 2006, the Lebanese were the sixth largest ancestry group with 4.1% of

the population which ranked them behind the English (17.8%), Australian (16.2%),

Italian (17.4%), Greek (6.5%) and Irish (5.1%). Those with Turkish ancestry (2%) were

the ninth largest group.

In this context it is interesting to see how the interviewees perceive the ethnic diversity in

their own residential areas (Table 7.2). The third generation are much more likely to

report living in areas with very low levels of ethnic diversity based on the numbers of

individuals from non-English speaking backgrounds in their populations. The Muslim

Lebanese are particularly likely to describe their neighbourhood as being predominantly


122

NESB11 in character and this trend is more marked in Sydney (39%) than in Melbourne

(11%). This fits with census data which shows that in Sydney 30% of the Muslim

Lebanese live in Bankstown while in Melbourne the highest concentration is in

Broadmeadows (22%) although both areas have comparable levels of Australian and

English background people. As this highlights, the perceptions of the ethnic diversity in

the local neighbourhood may be influenced as much by individuals’ immediate social

circle and the visibility of NESB retailers and service providers as by the demographic

reality of the area.

Table 7.2 Perceived Ethnic Diversity of Residential Neighbourhood


% % % %Almost everyone is NESB 9 21 11 10Around 75% are NESB 29 15 38 16Around half are NESB 27 37 25 21Around 25% are NESB 25 15 17 28Almost nobody is NESB 4 10 9 25Don't know 5 2


Lebanese

When asked about the preferred extent of ethnic diversity in their neighbourhood the most

common response was that it did not matter with this view being more likely to be

expressed in Melbourne than in Sydney (Table 7.3). Those who had a view were more

likely to nominate a neighbourhood with an equal population mix of NESB and others.

However, one in ten of both the third generation and the Christian Lebanese did express a

preference for living in a neighbourhood where there was almost no ethnic diversity. This

similarity fits with an impression that some of the Christians have a preference to

disassociate themselves from other migrant groups. Only among the Muslim Lebanese,

particularly those in Sydney (20%), was there a preference for living in a neighbourhood

where almost everyone was of NESB background.

11 While the government policy term non-English speaking background (NESB) has now been replaced by CALD (Culturally and linguistically diverse), the survey questionnaire retained NESB since the distinction between the English, Anglo-Celtic population and other ‘migrants’ remains at the heart of popular perceptions of ethnic difference in Australia.


123

Table 7.3 Preferred Ethnic Diversity of Residential Neighbourhood


% % % %Almost everyone is NESB 5 10 6 1Around 75% are NESB 9 14 3Around half are NESB 27 25 14 14Around 25% are NESB 7 12 13 12Almost nobody is NESB 9 2 2 10Makes no difference 42 48 51 60Don't know 4


Lebanese

Perceptions of their Current Neighbourhood Interviewees were asked to rate their current neighbourhood on a range of topics which

are often of concern to residents. These ranged from their attachment to the area and their

contacts with direct neighbours to issues involving liveability, vandalism, crime and

garbage. Here the picture that comes through is that people view their local

neighbourhood’s social and physical environment very positively. The issues which

raised most concern related to the lack of good schools and the presence of vandalism

while of least concern were problems with garbage and the likelihood of change in the

area’s liveability (Table 7.4). The group who expressed strongest attachment to their

neighbourhood were the third generation who were also the group least likely to be living

in a lower class area. However, it is interesting that in this assessment the importance of

social relations with neighbours did not rate very highly as they were less likely to report

good contacts and to disagree with the view that people did not know each other. In

contrast, the Christian Lebanese who were only slightly less attached to the area were

most positive about the quality of contacts with direct neighbours and the knowledge

people had about each other.


124

Table 7.4 Assessment of Current Neighbourhood


% % % %Strongly/disagree that there is a lot of garbage in the street 81 82 75 79Strongly/disagree that liveability will change 73 65 67 72Strongly/agree about good contacts with neighbours 78 57 72 56Strongly/agree that attached to neighbourhood 71 56 53 74

Strongly/disagree there is a lot of crime 62 67 55 57Strongly/disagree that people don't know each other 60 59 54 50Strongly/agree there is a lack of vandalism 55 57 48 52Strongly/disagree that there is a lack of good schools 51 50 45 53


Lebanese

The Muslim Lebanese and the Turks were least attached to the neighbourhood. The Turks

were least happy about the quality of schools, the extent of vandalism, people knowing

each other, the level of crime and the amount of garbage in the streets. Even in terms of

having good contacts with their neighbours only the Muslim Lebanese were likely to

report a lower level of agreement. Whether the Turks more negative assessment of the

neighbourhood springs from the fact that it is perceived as a lower class area, or is the

reason they assign this lower class status to it is a question which cannot be answered. In

terms of the role of ethnic diversity in this assessment it is pertinent to note that nearly

half of the Turks live in areas with 75% or more of NESB people. Such areas also appear

to be attractive to them since 20% say this is their preferred level of diversity and another

half of them (51% ) indicate that the percentage of NESB people in their preferred area is

not important; these preferences are higher than among the Lebanese or the third

generation.

Friendship Groups

The time they spend in school means that it plays a central role in the life of teenagers and

that fellow students are a potentially important source of their close friends. Where the

school serves a homogeneous population, friends are also likely to be from similar


125

backgrounds. This may well be why we find differential diversity in the ethnic

backgrounds of those the interviewees identified as close friends. Consistent with the

reports by the third generation in Chapter 5 that their primary, and especially their

secondary, schools had only small populations of NESB students it is clear from Table

7.5 that the majority of their three best friends are Anglo-Celtic, a much higher figure

than reported by the second generation. Among the second generation the Muslim

Lebanese were least likely to have Anglo-Celtic friends and more likely to have Lebanese

friends. While some Turks reported that they had Lebanese best friends the other ethnic

groups rarely mentioned Turkish friends. The ethnic backgrounds of best friends who

were not from the second generation or Anglo-Celtic group were extremely varied and

included those from Asian, Southern European and Pacific Island backgrounds. The

Christian Lebanese were just as likely to mention having Italian best friends as Anglo-

Celtic ones doubtless because they often met them in the Catholic schools which both

attended.

Table 7.5 Backgrounds of School Friends


% % % %First best friendAnglo-Celtic 16 8 19 79Lebanese 44 50 9Turkish 2 49Other 40 40 23 21

Second best friendAnglo-Celtic 13 10 18 79Lebanese 49 50 8 1Turkish 2 6 42Other 36 34 32 20

Third best friendAnglo-Celtic 27 21 19 73Lebanese 42 42 8 1Turkish 2 41 1Other 31 35 32 25


Lebanese

After leaving school, there are usually wider opportunities for meeting new friends which

may lead to rather different friendship groups as individuals move into new social circles.

In fact there are only limited changes in the background of best friends (Table 7.6).


126

Among the third generation there was a slight increase in the numbers of non-Anglo-

Celtic friends. However, among the second generation the move was in the opposite

direction being most marked among the Muslim Lebanese and least evident among the

Turks although in all second generation groups there was a trend toward more of their

best friends being from the same background. The backgrounds of the other current best

friends often appeared similar which suggests that friends from school years may remain

good friends after leaving school.

Table 7.6 Current Best Friends


% % % %First best friendAnglo-Celtic 7 6 15 76Lebanese 55 60 6 2Turkish 2 8 59 1Other 36 26 20 21

Second best friendAnglo-Celtic 18 10 13 76Lebanese 49 56 11 1Turkish 2 4 48Other 31 30 28 23

Third best friendAnglo-Celtic 25 17 16 75Lebanese 42 50 5 2Turkish 2 2 43 1Other 31 31 36 22


Lebanese

The patterns of friendship evident when interviewees reported on the background of their

best friends are repeated when individuals indicated the importance of Anglo-Celtic

friends in their friendship circles. The majority of the third generation’s friends are

Anglo-Celtic although there was a slight decline in their importance after leaving school.

A slight increase in their Anglo-Celtic friends also was reported by the second generation

between their school days and currently. The level of increase was greatest among the

Christian Lebanese but less among the other two groups. The extension of their circle of

friends to include more Anglo-Celtics remained lowest among the Muslim Lebanese. The

clear picture which emerges from this information on friendship groups is that the third

generation are far less likely to have a circle of ethnically diverse friends than are the


127

second generation. To the extent that having friendships crossing ethnic boundaries is an

indicator of incorporation in a multicultural society, then the third generation,

paradoxically, are less incorporated than are the second generation groups.

Table 7.7 Number of Anglo-Celtic Friends


% % % %At schoolNone/very few 36 41 47 8Some 40 38 22 7Many/most 24 21 31 85

CurrentlyNone/very few 33 39 37 5Some 33 38 31 15Many/most 34 22 32 80

Total sample s 55 52 100 100

Lebanese

Involvement in Community Organisations While community groups are rarely the focus for most people’s social lives there are

various occasions when young people may become involved in a range of special interest

organisations. For some people, involvement with organisations such as sporting clubs, is

restricted to attendance at set matches. For others, the same organisations may become a

focus of their lives and an important source of their friends. While we do not have

information about the extent of involvement with formal organisations we do,

nevertheless, have information about the type of organisations with which the young

people have had recent contacts.

The first finding is that between 31% and 38% of all the interviewees did not participate

in organisational activities in the previous year (Table 7.8). Among those who did

participate in activities we find that across all groups the organisations which are most

likely to attract the young people, particularly the young men, are sporting organisations

(Table 7.8). The next two most popular types of organisations are those involving arts,

music or cultural activities followed by those with a religious orientation. Women are

more likely than men to be involved in religious organisations and, with the exception of

the third generation, they are also more likely to be involved in the arts and cultural


128

organisations. Among the second generation ethnic organisations attract some

participation but not to the same level as other organisations. The only other type of

organisations which have any general attraction are professional associations where

women appear quite active.

Table 7.8 Participation in Community Organisations


% % % %Sports club or team 51 37 35 36Arts, music or cultural activities 11 17 23 32Religious organisations 16 29 21 9Turkish/Lebanese organisation 9 16 18 1Professional associations 5 10 6 10Local community issues 2 13 6 8Student union 5 8 3Women's groups 2 13 3 5Political groups, parties 2 2 4 1Trade unions 4 4 4Parent school organisations 2 2 5 5Conservation 8 2 3Third world development 2 2 1 2Human rights or peace 6 2 1Other 2 2 1 3None 31 38 37 31


Lebanese

When the second generation were asked about the extent to which they were involved in

organisations oriented mainly to the Lebanese or Turkish community the highest figure

(96%) was not surprisingly reported among those involved in Lebanese or Turkish

organisations. Next highest was religious organisations (59%). Whereas among the

Turks, only one-quarter were involved in non-Turkish oriented groups, among the

Muslim Lebanese the comparable figure was 80%. One reason for the disparity may be

that the Muslim Lebanese are more active in pan-Islamic, or Arabic language

organisations than are the Turks who have developed an extensive range of Islamic

organisations with a strong Turkish national orientation, fostered in part by the role of the

Turkish government in supplying imams to many of the Turkish mosques. The only other

organisations which had a reasonable level of ethnic community orientation were arts and

cultural organisations and third world development activities. Even among these,

however, only a third of the participation was in such activities and the figure was only

slightly over a quarter (28%) for the most frequently reported sporting organisations. In


129

contrast, participation in politically and economically oriented organisations was almost

entirely in those which lacked an ethnic dimension.

Political Participation

Although involvement in political organisations was of little importance in the life of

most of the interviewees, as Australian citizens all were eligible, and indeed required, to

vote in Australian elections. In late 2008, shortly before the commencement of the

interviews six months later, national elections were held which were strongly contested as

the major opposition Australian Labor Party (ALP) sought to regain office after 11 years

of rule by the Liberal-National Party, conservative coalition government. During these

years Australia became involved in sending troops to Iraq and Afghanistan and also took

a hard line towards terrorism and asylum seekers, many of whom were from the Middle

East. In the event, Labor regained office as the national government following very strong

voter support. The strength of the support for Labor saw not only the loss of many Liberal

and National party sitting members but also the demise of the Australian Democrats, a

middle of the road party. The only political group which had any success in the elections

apart from Labor were the environmentally oriented Greens.

Apart from those interviewees who had not yet reached 18, the legally voting age, or had

not managed to register to vote in time, there are certain different patterns of political

preference evident in Table 7.9. In particular, two-thirds of the Muslim Lebanese and

Turks supported the ALP which has a traditional constituency among working class

voters, including many from immigrant backgrounds. Nearly half of the third generation

also supported Labor but the lowest level of support was from the Christian Lebanese.

This is somewhat surprising since in both New South Wales and Victoria there have been

a number of prominent state Labor politicians from Christian Lebanese backgrounds. The

support of a sizable number of Christian Lebanese for the Liberal party, which has a

strong upper-middle class support base, may reflect a particular view of their own socio-

economic status. Whether they also supported its actions in supporting the ‘War on

Terror’ is unclear from the data available.


130

Table 7.9 Voting Behaviour at 2007 Federal Elections


% % % %Australian Labor Party 38 67 62 47Liberal 38 12 11 27National Party 2Greens 7 8 6 14Democrats 2 1Not old enough 4 2 3Not registered in time 8 8 3Other 4 4Did not vote 4 2 1Don't know/ donkey vote 3Refused to answer 5 2 2 2


Lebanese

Support for the Greens was particularly strong among the third generation whereas the

second generation favoured the traditional major political parties. Support for the ALP

was strongest amongst those aged between 25 and 35. This older age group also showed a

greater tendency to support the Liberal party. Support for the ALP was stronger in

Melbourne than in Sydney among the second generation. Conversely, with the exception

of the Muslim Lebanese, support for the Liberal party in Sydney was far stronger than in

Melbourne.

Discrimination and Prejudice

An important dimension of successful incorporation is the ability of individuals and

groups to be accepted in society without being subjected to discrimination or prejudice. In

the Introduction to this Report reference was made to how, in the last decade in particular,

groups variously described as Lebanese, Muslim or Middle Eastern have been targeted by

media and politicians for perceived anti-social or criminal behaviour. Taken in

conjunction with heightened community and media concerns targeting Islam in the wake

of the 9/11 events and the ‘War on Terror’, the last decade has been associated with

significantly heightened reports of discrimination and prejudice targeting those in some

ways perceived to be linked with these events. The extent of these experiences of

discrimination and vilification were documented in a report prepared by the Human

Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. In this report the Acting Race Discrimination

Commissioner also noted:-


131

Yet not all participants experienced discrimination or vilification and those who did often qualified their comments by explaining that in the majority of circumstances, they were treated with respect ((Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, 2004) p.iii

The rioting in summer 2005 at Cronulla Beach in Sydney introduced an apparently new

dimension into the hostility with its focus on the allegedly ‘un-Australian’ behaviour

attributed by a rabble of Anglo-Celtic youth to those variously identified as ‘Lebanese’,

‘Muslim’ or ‘Middle Eastern’. In fact, this was not an entirely new example of social

rejection emerging only after 9/11. A study on social distance undertaken in the late

1980s had found that the groups who were most likely to be viewed with prejudice were

Muslims, followed by Lebanese, Turks and Vietnamese (McAllister & Moore, 1989).

Although overlooked during the 1990s when the focus of prejudice shifted to ‘Asians’ as

they were targeted by Pauline Hanson and her One Nation Party, the pre-existing hostility

to Muslims obviously provided a fertile ground for the emergence of more overt hostility

when combined with the concerns about national security and flash point incidents as

characterised by the Cronulla riots and their aftermath.

Table 7.10 Negative Feelings Towards Other Ethnic Groups


% % % %Anglo-Celts 0 2 2 3Turks 4 6 5 5Lebanese 5 15 14 15Muslims 22 13 1 19Christians 2 0 2 14NESB 2 0 0 5Asians 11 6 5 4Pacific Islanders 13 0 7 3Aborigines & Torres Strait Islanders 9 12 12 15Africans 4 6 7 3People with darker skins 4 0 0 1


Lebanese

One of the most striking findings when we asked the interviewees about their feelings

towards a number of different ethnic and religious groups was the strength of the negative


132

or very negative feelings which all expressed concerning Muslims; and this even from

groups such as the Muslim Lebanese. The negative feelings were most commonly

expressed by the Christian Lebanese although this degree of negativity towards Christians

was not reciprocated by the Muslim Lebanese. Instead negativity was strongest among

the third generation groups. Almost equally strong feelings against Lebanese were

expressed by all except the Christian Lebanese. In contrast, the Turks were the object of

relatively limited feelings of negativity. That these patterns are not random is suggested

by the extensive negative feelings expressed by all groups towards the Indigenous

population which is a finding which has been noted in many opinion polls. How to

explain the negativities towards Muslims and Lebanese, including from individuals

connected to these groups, raises a number of important questions. Does it reflect a

concern that certain members of the group are bringing disrepute or problems onto ‘their’

group? Certainly it seems that the Turks as a group are seen in a different light to the

Lebanese both by themselves, and other groups. They also have a pattern of negative

responses very similar to those of the third generation who actually attract very few

negative feelings.

Previous chapters looking at education and work have already described the differential

experiences of hostility and unfair treatment affecting young people. Although less

structured, the prevalence of such experiences in everyday life involving ad hoc and

informal encounters is equally important to examine. When asked whether they had

experienced hostility or unfair treatment because of their origins or background, the

second generation groups reported higher levels than the third generation. Nevertheless

53% of the Christian Lebanese and over 40% of the Muslim Lebanese and Turks said

they had never had such experiences (Table 7.11).


133

Table 7.11 Experiences of Hostility and Unfair Treatment

Respondents Gender Response % NumberHave you ever experienced hostility or unfair treatment?

never rarely occasionally regularly frequently3rd Generation Male 76 18 6 49

Female 75 16 8 2 51Total 3rd Generation % 75 17 7 1Christian Lebanese Male 47 26 21 3 3 34

Female 62 14 19 5 21Total Christian Lebanese % 53 22 20 2 5Muslim Lebanese Male 39 22 26 13 23

Female 48 28 3 3 17 29Total Muslim Lebanese % 44 25 13 8 10Turkish Male 41 25 24 8 2 51

Female 45 33 22 49Total Turkish % 43 29 23 4 1Total % 55 23 16 3 3 307In the neighbourhood?3rd Generation Male 82 16 2 49

Female 88 8 2 2 51Christian Lebanese Male 76 15 6 3 34

Female 76 14 2 21Muslim Lebanese Male 78 13 9 23

Female 76 14 10 29Turkish Male 71 20 8 2 51

Female 71 16 8 4 49Total % 78 15 6 2 0 307Going out?3rd Generation Male 71 18 10 49

Female 82 12 4 2 51Christian Lebanese Male 50 26 15 3 6 34

Female 71 14 5 10 21Muslim Lebanese Male 26 35 17 17 4 23

Female 66 14 17 3 29Turkish Male 51 24 18 8 51

Female 61 27 10 2 49Total % 62 21 12 3 3 307In Encounters with police?3rd Generation Male 90 10 49

Female 96 4 51Christian Lebanese Male 59 26 9 6 34

Female 86 14 21Muslim Lebanese Male 57 17 9 4 13 23

Female 83 14 3 29Turkish Male 59 20 14 4 4 51

Female 84 10 6 49Total % 78 14 5 2 2 307In secondary school?3rd Generation Male 69 14 14 2 49

Female 75 18 4 2 2 51Christian Lebanese Male 53 12 29 6 34

Female 48 33 19 21Muslim Lebanese Male 48 17 30 4 23

Female 52 31 14 3 29Turkish Male 45 25 20 6 4 51

Female 55 18 20 6 49Total% 57 20 18 3 2 307At work?3rd Generation Male 87 7 7 46

Female 87 8 5 39Christian Lebanese Male 81 13 6 32

Female 82 12 6 17Muslim Lebanese Male 52 19 19 5 5 21

Female 59 12 12 6 12 17Turkish Male 79 19 2 43

Female 76 21 3 34Total % 78 13 6 3 1


134

The women were less likely to report such experiences than the men which raises

questions about the location of such experiences. In particular, are women less likely to

venture outside their own circle of friends than the young men? Certainly the

neighbourhood was rarely reported as the venue for experiencing hostility or unfairness

by our interviewees. This was in contrast to when they went out for entertainment or to

restaurants. Muslim Lebanese young men were especially likely to report negative

experiences in such circumstances. It was also noteworthy that there were far fewer

reports of hostility or unfair treatment involving contacts with the police than occurred

when the young people went out socially.

Muslim Lebanese men were the group least likely to report they had ‘never’ had

discriminatory experiences but even 39% of them still reported the absence of such

discrimination. It appears that within this group there is an important divergence of

experience since 17% of them also reported that they regularly or frequently experienced

hostility or unfair treatment from the police. This was a far higher rate than for the other

second generation groups of Turkish (8%) and Lebanese Christians (6%).

The two main reasons given for the hostility and unfair treatment were ethnic origin or

background, and religion (Table 7.12). The latter reason was most likely to be mentioned

by Lebanese Muslims and Turks and, in particular, the young women from these groups.

Among the women who wore headscarves 71% of the Lebanese Muslims and 67% of the

Turks mentioned religious discrimination as a key factor with the next most common

response being ethnic origin or background (43 % and 33% respectively).


135

Table 7.12 Reasons for Experiences of Hostility and Unfair TreatmentGender Response % Number

Ethnic Language Skin Religion Social Other Don't origin or accent colour class know

3rd GenerationMale 59 6 6 12 12 6 17Female 50 17 25 17 12Lebanese ChristianMale 95 5 21Female 57 14 14 14 7Lebanese MuslimMale 82 12 6 17Female 50 58 12TurkishMale 72 7 7 7 10 29Female 56 48 12 4 25

Total % 68 1 1 21 3 6 6 140

When considering the experiences of the interviewees in education and the workplace we

discussed their experiences of discrimination and prejudice in these settings. To assist

comparison with experiences of discrimination and hostility in the present group of less

structured, settings the findings on discrimination and hostility in education and the

workplace are reported again in Table 7.11. Interestingly secondary school was the most

likely location for all reported experiences of hostility and unfair treatment. Thus, some

half of all the second generation groups and almost three-quarters of the third generation

group reported that they had never experienced such treatment in their secondary

schooling. When those who were currently employed were asked about such experiences

at work a higher percentage reported that they had never experienced such hostility or

unfair treatment. The highest rates of hostility and unfair treatment in the workplace were

reported by those from Muslim Lebanese backgrounds only just over half of whom

reported never experiencing work related discrimination. Here, the highest levels of

discrimination were reported by the women rather than the men. Indeed, in terms of the

frequency of such experiences, for Muslim Lebanese women the workplace was a more

hostile environment than was the school.


136

Conclusion

The nature of social relations and their ability to involve individuals from diverse ethnic

backgrounds harmoniously and without conflict is a key dimension in assessing the nature

of incorporation. Neighbourhoods, schools and workplaces are the locations where people

meet on a daily basis. As this chapter has shown these sites do provide meeting points for

young Australians. Yet it is also evident that spatial and social mobility has not resulted in

a situation where contacts and social relations are spread evenly throughout these areas.

The third generation emerge from this survey as the group who are most isolated from

individuals with non-English speaking backgrounds. This applies to their friendship

groups which involve relatively few non-Anglo-Celts. Where they have non-Anglo-Celtic

friends few of them are of Lebanese or Turkish backgrounds. There is little to suggest that

they are being actively exclusive in this outcome. Indeed, there has been some widening

of their friendship networks since leaving school and they indicate an acceptance and

interest in living in more diverse residential areas. More important is the lack of ethnic

diversity in their social environments including their residential neighbourhoods and

schools.

Housing affordability determines the suburbs where housing is available and the character

of the local schools. While the majority of the second generation refer to living in middle

class neighbourhoods fewer of them live in the more homogenous upper class areas

which remain the preserve of the longer established Anglo-Celtic population and more

successful recent immigrants. In contrast to the socio-economic status of the second

generation, a larger percentage of the third generation are from family backgrounds which

gave them the resources to afford housing in the upper class areas whose attractions

include their physical amenities, access to better schools and other services. While the

distinction is not so great that one would speak of a divide and there is in fact

considerable merging and blending, it does indicate that the chances of having contacts,

especially with those of Lebanese or Turkish background are less than they are with other

groups. In this sense it raises the question of who is more, or less, integrated into the

wider Australian society?

Among the second generation there are differences in their social networks. Thus the

Muslim Lebanese are almost as likely to live in exclusively NESB areas as the third


137

generation are to live in exclusively non-NESB areas. The difference of course is that

within the NESB areas there is considerable diversity in the ethnic background of the

populations. This is reflected in the friendship groups of the second generation which

include Anglo-Celts as well as individuals from other backgrounds. What is interesting is

that after school there is a tendency for a contraction in the ethnic diversity of the

friendship groups which is opposite to the trend noted among the third generation. It does

not necessarily indicate a retreat into isolation since among the second generation who do

participate in community organisations’ activities only some are oriented to their ethnic

community. One of the interesting issues is the effects of this ‘consolidation’ of social

contacts. In particular, to what extent do they provide a resource which allows the

respective communities to provide encouragement and support to the youth which assists

them in achieving their educational and occupational goals as suggested in the revisions

of the segmented assimilation thesis.

An explanation for the consolidation of friendship networks whose core consists of

individuals from the same ethnic background is beyond the scope of this study. As in any

group of friends, common backgrounds and shared experiences play an important role.

One such experience can involve experiencing hostility and unfair treatment. While many

of the second generation do not report such experiences personally, there is a widespread

awareness that groups with Middle Eastern or Islamic connections have been the target of

hostility. Certainly as the replies of the interviewees from all backgrounds indicated there

is a not insignificant core of negative feelings directed against Muslims and Lebanese,

although not Turks. Explanations for this in terms of ethnic and national origins or

religious affiliation dominate the thinking of the young people and certainly provide a set

of shared experiences which can contribute to forging friendships within the group. How

these experiences also affect individuals’ identities and sense of belonging is the topic

discussed in the next chapter.


138

CHAPTER 8. LANGUAGE, RELIGION AND IDENTITY IN A

MULTICULTURAL SOCIETY

An important element in discussions about incorporation and integration and one which

strikes a particular chord with the media, politicians and the general public relates to

whether individuals identify with their society. Particularly when there are concerns about

national security, issues of ‘loyalty’ come to the fore. Allegiance, willingness to adopt the

national identity, to offer support in various situations whether it be on the field of battle

or at international sporting events, have all been used as indicators that individuals

identify with the nation. There has also been a focus on cultural practices including

language. English is, in Australia, not only the national language but also the pathway to

equitable participation in education, work and other areas of everyday life. Since the

1980s and the National Policy on Languages (Lo Bianco, 1987) there has been a

recognition that knowledge of other languages is an important national resource. The

second generation from non-English speaking backgrounds have the potential to grow up

speaking their family language. Apart from providing an important national resource their

language skills can enable them to maintain contact with their family and community in

Australia and elsewhere. These contacts provide access to a wide range of cultural

experiences and knowledge. Such linguistic resources are, however, sometimes called

into question by those concerned about the commitment and loyalty of those who use

languages other than English. Just as language may become the focus of concern about

identification with Australia, religion too, especially Islam, has become a focus of recent

concern which has called into question the loyalty and allegiance of Muslim Australians.

To provide a context for the subsequent discussion of how the second and third

generations identify themselves, this chapter will begin by looking at information about

their language usage and their transnational ties to their parents’ homeland and their

religious involvement.

Language Background and Usage

Bilingualism characterised the households of many of the second generation we

interviewed. The majority grew up speaking the language of their parents’ home country

although this was the case for only three-quarters of the Christian Lebanese (Table 8.1).

However a small number of them, as with the Muslims and Turks, later on acquired some


139

knowledge of spoken Arabic or Turkish. In addition some of the Lebanese grew up

speaking French which had been the administrative language under French rule, while

among the Turks one grew up speaking German which was a major destination for

Turkish emigrants in the 1960s and 1970s, some of whom then migrated to Australia

where the 2006 census shows the percentage of Turks born in Germany is equal to those

born in Cyprus. At the same time, the majority of the young people also grew up speaking

English. Among the third generation all the interviewees grew up speaking English and

one also spoke Chinese while another acquired knowledge of Dutch which was a parental

language.

Table 8.1 Language Background


Home Language(s) Growing Up % % % %English 80 71 79 100Turkish/ Arabic 73 90 91German 1French 4 2Chinese 1Other 2

Other Languages from Parents' CountryTurkish/Arabic 10 4 5Armenian 1Romanian 1French 5 2Egyptian/ Farsi 2 2Dutch 1


Lebanese

Among those who grew up speaking Turkish or Arabic/Lebanese12 in the home, the

majority of Turkish speakers (86%) said their spoken Turkish was good to excellent.

However, among the Lebanese, only two-thirds (66%) said this, with a quarter (24%)

saying it was moderate and the remainder that it was ‘bad’ or ‘not so good’. The Muslim

Lebanese who spoke Arabic were less confident than the Christians about the level of

their spoken Arabic. When asked about their reading ability those who indicated they

could read well or excellently declined to 80% for the Turkish and 29% for the Lebanese

12 Arabic has many different dialects. In Australia, where Arabic was first widely spoken by Lebanese, the terms Arabic and Lebanese are often used interchangeably but for simplicity the term Arabic will be used throughout the report.


140

and there was a further decline to 79% and 26% respectively when asked about their

estimate of their written Turkish or Arabic. Not surprisingly given their birth and

education in Australia the young people rated their knowledge of English as being from

good to excellent.

When the second generation were asked for more detail about the languages they used in

particular situations the patterns they described were similar to those from other studies.

Siblings and friends were typically spoken to in English while parents were mainly

spoken to in Arabic or Turkish. A closer examination however reveals that the Christian

Lebanese made much greater use of only English in all these situations as well as when

speaking to their spouse or partner (Table 8.2). This fits with their reported lower usage

of Arabic when they were growing up at home. In contrast to the Lebanese the Turkish

second generation were less likely to use only English when speaking to their siblings and

friends. This may reflect their greater reported fluency in Turkish and/or the way that

many of their friends are also Turkish language speakers. Among the second generation

who were married or had partners, the majority used mostly English in speaking with

them. However, this was less frequent among the Muslim Lebanese. Whether this is

because their spouses are less fluent in English as they have grown up in Lebanon is

unclear. However, among the Turks whose spouses are more likely to have been born in

Turkey, the level of English use is higher.


141

Table 8.2 Language Usage

TurkishChristian Muslim

When speaking to siblings % % %Mostly English 80 50 52More English than Arabic/Turkish 7 40 36More Arabic/Turkish than English 4 4Mostly Arabic/Turkish 2 4 5Not applicable 11 2 3

When talking to motherMostly English 36 15 16More English than Arabic/Turkish 16 21 14More Arabic/Turkish than English 26 19 25Mostly Arabic/Turkish 13 33 42Neither 2 1Not applicable 7 12 2

When talking to fatherMostly English 33 12 13More English than Arabic/Turkish 16 15 13More Arabic/Turkish than English 27 27 28Mostly Arabic/Turkish 13 37 39Not applicable 11 10 7

When talking to friendsMostly English 82 83 73More English than Arabic/Turkish 9 10 18More Arabic/Turkish than English 2 6 4Mostly Arabic/Turkish 3Not applicable 7 2 2

When talking to current/last partnerMostly English 69 40 48More English than Arabic/Turkish 7 8 12More Arabic/Turkish than English 10 8Mostly Arabic/Turkish 12 8Not applicable 24 31 24


Lebanese

Television and internet usage

Australians now have access to a wide range of television programs from local and

international service providers and almost all of the second generation said they did watch

television. Nevertheless their preference for using English in their social contacts is also

evident in their patterns of television usage (Table 8.3). Again, the Christian Lebanese are


142

most likely to watch English stations. A quarter of the Turkish do, however, watch

stations which use Turkish as well as English.

Table 8.3 Language of Television Viewing


% % %Only English speaking stations 76 56 54 64Mostly English speaking stations 18 25 21 36As much English as Arabic/Turkish/other 2 10 18Mostly Arabic/Turkish/other 4 5As much to English as other language 2 4 2Mostly other language 2


Lebanese

The impact of the internet is clear among the interviewees more of whom use the internet

than actually watch television. Indicative of the extent to which they have embraced the

internet was the finding that in all four of the ethnic groups there were individuals who

used it in a search for a partner. The highest levels of internet usage for most of the

purposes listed in Table 8.4 are reported by the third generation. The exception is for

religious purposes where the Muslim Lebanese and Turkish have a higher usage rate. The

usage of the internet among Muslims creates opportunities for them to explore the many

new variants and forms which have emerged in recent decades as Islam becomes

associated in new ways with nationalism but, also, with a focus on its spiritual rather than

more formal dimensions (Eid, 2007). The Turks rank closely behind the third generation

in their usage of the internet for leisure activities, keeping in contact with friends and for

general information. Their greater fluency in Turkish also gives them greater potential

than the Lebanese to access sites in their home language of Turkish if they wish. Table 8.4 Internet Usage


% % % %For work 58 50 56 62For study 49 65 56 55For religious matters 13 21 21 12To keep in contact with friends 68 46 72 89For leisure 75 71 85 95For general information 15 17 27 21To find a partner 4 2 1 4


Lebanese


143

Transnational Linkages

Just as fluency in a language other than English or attachment to a non-Christian religion

can lead to questioning about loyalty and allegiance so, too, can the maintenance of social

and cultural links with overseas individuals and societies (Inglis, 2007b). These ties can

take many forms but among the major contacts are personal visits and financial

investments and contributions. Table 8.5 summarises the extent of these contacts which

the second generation have been involved in over the last five years. Half of the Turks

have visited Turkey in the last five years with smaller numbers of the Lebanese. When

considering the smaller numbers of Lebanese who have made visits it should be

remembered that in the previous five years there was considerable fighting which

potentially discouraged many people from visiting. The majority of the second generation

have been on only one visit in this time but almost half of the Muslim Lebanese have

been at least twice. Holidays are by far the most frequent reason given followed by family

visits. In reality, often holidays are combined with family visits.

More instrumental reasons including business or studies are uncommon. Except among

the Muslim Lebanese the sending of remittances is less common than actually paying a

visit. In general the sums sent are relatively small and resemble the type of amount

involved in buying presents for special occasions or, in the case of Muslims, donations

sent to assist poor members of the community at the time of the Eid celebrations. The

young age of the second generation may be a factor accounting for the very small number

who actually have sent money back to buy property or invest. However, it does signal that

at present the contacts with the parents’ homeland are based primarily on personal ties

and cultural interest. Consistent with this view is the way a majority of all groups

indicated that they ‘certainly did not’ have intentions to live in the country for more than

one year. This was especially so in the case of the Christian Lebanese who were also the

group which had been less likely to visit. Again, it is the Turks who not only most

frequently made visits but were more likely to be possibly contemplating a future visit for

more than a year.


144

Table 8.5 Transnational Linkages

TurkishChristian Muslim

% % %Visits to Parents' Homeland in Last 5 YearsYes 29 38 50

Number of VisitsOnce 56 55 62Twice 19 25 28Three times 13 20 6Four times 6Five+ times 6 4

Reasons for VisitsHolidays 88 75 76Family visits 38 65 62Business 5Studies 6 2Other 5 6


Remitted Money to the Parents' Homeland in last 5 YearsYes 22 40 26

Amount SentLess than 500 AUD 33 33 58Between 500-1000 AUD 8 38 4Between 1000-2000 AUD 8 10 8More than 2000 AUD 8 14 15Do not want to say 33 8Don't know 8 5 8


Invested in Property or Business in Last 5 YearsYes 5 4 1

Do You Intend to Live in Parents' Homeland in the Future for More Than 1 YearCertainly Not 76 67 56Possibly 15 13 26Likely 2 8 7Certainly 2 6 5Don't know 5 6 6


Lebanese


145

The Role of Religion

During the 19th and first half of the 20th century one of the major fault lines in Australian

society was that between Irish Catholics and British Protestants. Class and political

differences over Irish independence were reinforced by separate institutional structures

affecting education, employment, politics and social life. After World War II, mass

migration played a role in the gradual replacement of the ethnic divide based on

Protestant and Catholic by new divides between the Anglo-Celtic population and

European immigrants. Underlying the bilateral migration agreement between Australia

and Turkey in 1967 was an awareness and concern about how a non-Christian population

would be accepted into Christian Australia. Although Australia is now viewed as a

secular society where religious observance is not strong, developments over the last

decade have led to a situation where Islam with 1.7% of the population as adherents

attracts more attention than other rapidly increasing non-Christian religions such as

Buddhism (2.1%) and Hinduism (0.7%). Much of the media attention on Islam has

focussed on negative situations involving individuals from Muslim backgrounds and

international developments where Islamic fundamentalism has replaced the Cold War as

the major national security issue in Australia as in many other countries. What is often not

appreciated in the media focus on Islam is that the events of 9/11 were as much a shock to

Muslims as they were to others. Many Muslims had grown up in Islamic countries where

their religion was ‘taken for granted’ much as Christianity is for many in Australia. For

these individuals the terrorism committed in the name of Islam was a major shock which

caused them to explore and seek to understand what it actually meant to be a Muslim. It is

important to appreciate that this project was undertaken against this background of

renewed questioning and interest in Islam among those who had grown up as Muslims.

The majority of the interviewees had been raised in a particular religion. In Australia by

2006 there had been an increase in those saying they had ‘no religion’ at the census to

18.7% of the population. Reflecting this trend to secularisation only slightly more than

half of the third generation said they had had a religious upbringing (Table 8.6). Given

the strong secular tradition underlying the establishment of modern Turkey it was not

surprising to find that Turks with a religious upbringing were fewer than among the


146

Lebanese where religious differences have been enshrined in the constitution and

parliamentary institutions. Among those reporting a religious upbringing the patterns of

religious adherence were as anticipated.

Table 8.6 Religious Observance


% % % %

Raised according to a certain religion 93 96 84 57

Religion in which raisedCatholic 35 47Protestant 42Orthodox 18 1 2Maronite 41 2Pentacostal 2 2Other Christian 2 5Other 2Druse 2Sunni 66 92Shia 2 14 1Alevi/Alawi 10 4Other Muslim 6 2


Do you currently practice a religion?Yes 82 77 56 21

Current religionCatholic 38 24Protestant 2 43Orthodox 13 2 5Maronite 40Pentacostal 7 10Other Christian 14Other 5Druse 5Sunni 68 93Shia 15 4Alevi/Alawi 8Other Muslim 5 2


Lebanese

What was surprising was that, by the time of the interviews, substantial numbers no

longer were practising their birth religion. The secularisation was most marked among the


147

third generation only 21% of whom were still religiously observant. The least evidence of

secularisation was among the Christian Lebanese, 82% of whom still practised a religion.

Most had retained their birth religion but there was a slight increase in those belonging to

Christian Pentecostal groups as had also happened among the third generation. Among

the two predominantly Muslim second generation groups there had been a reduction of

20% among the Muslim Lebanese and 33% among the Turks. Clearly these findings call

into question the ‘easy’ assertions which link religious observance to particular ethnic

groups.

Religious Observance

An examination of what the young people who had a religious upbringing told us about

their involvement in religious observances also points to the need to temper easy

assumptions about the links between religious identity and religious observance. Table

8.7 summarises the pattern of observances involving the second and third generation who

as children were brought up in a religion. For the third generation and the Christian

Lebanese these were Christian religions while for the Muslim Lebanese and Turks the

data relates to those who were brought up as Muslims. Because of different religious

traditions and patterns of observance care must be taken in interpreting the measures

relating to religious practice. Thus, attendance at the mosque does not have the same

theological requirements attached to it as attendance at church, particularly a Catholic

church. As between the observant Lebanese and Turkish Muslims, there was a

continuation in the trend seen more generally in the two groups for the Muslim Lebanese

to have attended Koranic classes and the mosque more frequently than the Turks. Among

the Christians the third generation were 50% more likely to have attended religious

instruction outside school than the Lebanese. However, this needs to be contextualised by

remembering that 80% of the Christian Lebanese had attended Christian private schools

which their parents would have seen as an important contribution to their religious

upbringing which reduced the need for additional religious classes outside school.

Certainly it is clear that whereas three-quarters of the Lebanese attended church at least

weekly less than half the third generation did so. This may reflect the smaller numbers of

Protestants among the Christian Lebanese. However, the differential participation in

weekly religious services also is associated with differential contacts with co-religionists

which can be very important when the churches attended are also closely linked to the

community’s social structures and networks as is the case with the Maronite churches.


148

Table 8.7 Religious Practice as a Child


% % % %

Attended Koran classes 77 65

Visits to MosqueNever 10 14Seldom 8 12Only on religious holidays or festivals 21 29Once or twice a month 19 13Once or more a week 42 31

Attended Religious Instruction Outside School 46 68

Church AttendanceNever 2 13Seldom 19Only on religious holidays or festivals 12 9Once or twice a month 12 11Once or more a week 74 47


Lebanese

The small numbers of the young people who are still observing their religious traditions

means that only very general observations can be made about the nature of their religious

practices which are shown in Table 8.8. Again there is an indication that the Turks are

less actively observant in their practice of Islam than are the Lebanese who are more

involved in all the areas of fasting, eating halal food, praying and mosque attendance.

Within both groups women are more likely to pray frequently than are the men but, at the

same time, they are also less likely to attend mosques as frequently. This difference is one

which exists throughout Islamic communities and is not unique to groups in Australia.

When comparisons are made between the currently observant Christian Lebanese and

third generation groups there is considerable similarity in their practices. Differences

relating to fasting relate to theological differences rather than to differences between the

individuals.


149

Table 8.8 Current Religious Observance


Fasting During Ramadan/Ramzan % % % %Never 5 13Occasionally 11Depends on the situation 5 11Most of the time 11 20Always 79 45

Do You Eat Halal FoodNever 3 2Occasionally 5 9Depends on the situation 8 16Most of the time 21 20Always 63 53

How Often Do You PrayNever 8 9Only on religious holidays 8 31Once a week 3 22Daily 16 16Five times a day or more 66 22

How Often Do You Attend MosqueNever 13 2Seldom 11 16Only on religious holidays 18 33Once or twice a month 21 27Once a week or more 37 22

Fasting in Your Religion Last YearNot at all 18 43Partly 16 19Depends on the situation 9Almost completely 18Completely 40Not applicable 38

How Often Do You PrayNever 2 10Seldom 7Only on religious holidays 4Once or twice a month 13 29Once a week or more 73 62

How Often Do You Attend ChurchNever 2 10Seldom 11 10Only on religious holidays 16 10Once or twice a month 27 29Once a week or more 44 43


Lebanese


150

The Role of Religion in Personal Identity

Among the religiously observant it was evident that commitment to their own religion

was of less direct personal importance to the third generation than it was to the second

generation groups (Table 8.9). Among all the groups the level of agreement was closest

when they were asked whether their religion was an important part of their identity.

However, here there were differences evident throughout the rest of the responses. In

particular, the Muslim Lebanese were most likely to totally agree with this statement

while the Turks were least likely to express this view. Interestingly, the one area where

they were most likely to be in agreement with the Muslim Lebanese was over the extent

to which they felt personally hurt when someone said something bad about their religion.

This contrasted with the way less than half of the third generation either ‘agreed’ or

‘totally agreed’ with this view. Given the very different responses to this question by the

Christian Lebanese group it is clear that the role of religion in the lives of the

interviewees is related not so much to the specific religion but to its social context. In

Lebanon religion has played a major role in the way the society is structured and for

many young Lebanese in Australia this seems to be still true. While the situation of Islam

has been different in modern Turkey, its role in Australia must be seen for many in the

context of the way it provides an institutional focus for many community activities.

Heightening its significance for individuals is that, especially in the current social climate,

their involvement in Islam may take on an additional dimension of commitment. That

said, it is interesting to see that the strength of the Turks’ commitment to most of the

statements about the role of their religious identity is less than that among the Lebanese.

In particular, they are less likely to see themselves as resembling other Muslims; indeed,

it seems that for many of them, their Muslim identity plays a less prominent role in their

identities than does religion among the Lebanese.


151

Table 8.9 Personal Importance of Religious Affiliation


Being an X is an Important Part of My Identity % % % %Totally agree 64 83 45 48Agree 31 13 50 38Neither agree nor disagree 2 4 10Disagree 2 3 2 5Totally disagree 3

The Fact That I am an X is Something I Often Think AboutTotally agree 47 63 38 33Agree 24 20 46 38Neither agree nor disagree 22 5 11 19Disagree 7 8 4 5Totally disagree 5 2 5

I See Myself as a Real XTotally agree 40 60 36 33Agree 47 20 43 57Neither agree nor disagree 11 5 14 5Disagree 2 10 7 5Totally disagree 5

In Many Respects I am Like Other XTotally agree 38 53 13 10Agree 49 23 41 57Neither agree nor disagree 4 8 32 19Disagree 4 13 13 14Totally disagree 4 5 2

When Somebody Says Something Bad About Xs I Feel Personally HurtTotally agree 40 55 41 19Agree 31 18 41 29Neither agree nor disagree 11 20 5 19Disagree 13 8 7 29Totally disagree 4 5 5

Total Sample Size 45 40 56 21

Lebanese

The Role of Religion in Society

Views about the role of religion in society have been debated in various arenas including,

in Australia, in relation to government funding for religious schools. With Islam drawing

increasing attention the role of religion in society has gained renewed currency, especially

as it relates to themes where Islamic practices are assumed to vary from Christian ones. In

the interviews, information was collected about all the interviewees’ agreement (or


152

disagreement) with a number of different statements concerning the role of religion in

society. On many of the five statements there was markedly little difference between the

four ethnic groups (Table 8.10). Certainly over 80% in all groups agreed that religion was

a private matter between a religious person and god. In contrast to the two Lebanese

groups only a quarter of the Turks and Third generation agreed that religion should be

represented in politics and society. While the majority of all groups disagreed with the

view that ‘religion should be the only and ultimate political authority’ the Muslim

Lebanese were slightly less likely to disagree. The majority of all the interviewees

disagreed with the view that ‘all religious symbols or signs should be banned from

Australian schools’. It was interesting to see however that the Turks and Muslim

Lebanese were most likely to support this position. Whether they take this position

because in Australian schools the signs and symbols which are most pervasive are

Christian ones is unclear. The major topic on which the third generation differed from all

the second generation groups was in the way one-third ‘totally disagreed’ with the view

that Islamic women should wear head coverings outside the house. The Muslim Lebanese

were most likely to support this view but, even among them, less than half did so. A third

of the other two second generation groups either ‘disagreed’ or ‘strongly disagreed’ with

the need to wear a headscarf.


153

Table 8.10 Views on the Role of Religion in Society


Religion Should Be a Private Matter % % % %Totally agree 46 65 54 34Agree 36 15 33 45Neither agree nor disagree 7 15 5 15Disagree 6 4 7 6Totally disagree 6 1

Religion Should Be Represented in Politics & SocietyTotally agree 9 25 9 1Agree 24 19 16 22Neither agree nor disagree 20 21 21 23Disagree 26 21 27 28Totally disagree 22 14 27 26

Religion Should Be the Only & Ultimate Political AuthorityTotally agree 7 14 3 2Agree 2 4 3 3Neither agree nor disagree 6 19 8Disagree 26 29 40 22Totally disagree 60 35 46 73

All Religious Symbols or Signs Should Be Banned from Australian SchoolsTotally agree 7 8 13 3Agree 6 14 4 9Neither agree nor disagree 6 17 16 17Disagree 38 29 38 38Totally disagree 44 33 29 38

Islamic Women Should Wear Headscarves or Cover Their Heads Outside the HouseTotally agree 7 33 10 2Agree 6 10 13 5Neither agree nor disagree 56 33 43 48Disagree 15 12 17 13Totally disagree 16 14 17 32


Lebanese

The Wearing of the Headscarf

The issue of the headscarf has become a rallying point for debates about Islam and, in

particular, the role of women in Islamic society. Although not as heated in Australia

where public institutions such as schools have avoided the bans imposed in European

societies including France and Germany, the debate does arouse strong feelings among


154

the third generation as the responses to the last question showed. We therefore asked

practising Muslim women and their menfolk whether they actually did wear the headscarf

outside the home. 83% of the Muslim Lebanese women and 57% of the Turkish women

were currently practising Islam yet not all of them wore headscarves. Among the Muslim

Lebanese women, two thirds (67%) wore the headscarf but less than a third of the Turkish

women did so (29%). Among the practising Muslim men who were married or with

partners only 29% of the Lebanese and half of the Turkish said their spouses did so.

When we asked the unmarried but observant Muslim men their views, almost all the

Turkish men (91%) but less than half (43%) of the Lebanese said they would want their

wife to wear a headscarf outside the house. As this pattern of responses indicates, the part

played by the headscarf in Muslim religious observance is far from being agreed within

the Muslim community.

While the numbers of observant Muslims in the study is limited, Tables 8.11 and 8.12

compare the three reasons given for decisions to wear, or not wear, the headscarf by

women, and the men. Among those supporting the wearing of the head scarf, the first

reason most likely to be given was that it was a religious obligation. But women were

more likely than men to also mention that the decision was the women’s choice and that it

was part of the women’s Muslim identity.


155

Table 8.11 Three Reasons for Wearing Headscarves

Male Female Male Female% % % %

Because it is a religious obligation 1st 67 50 100 50 2nd 33 44 13 3rd 6 38

Total 100 100 100 101

Because it is personal choice 1st 33 31 25 2nd 50 50 25 50 3rd 19 50 25

Total 83 100 75 100

Because it is part of my/her Muslim identity 1st 19 25 2nd 17 6 50 38 3rd 50 63 25 38

Total 47 88 75 101

Because I want to avoid gossip or disrespect 3rd 50 6

Because it strengthens mutual trust in family 3rd 6

No other reason 3rd 25


TurkishMuslim Lebanese

A wider range of options was given to those not advocating the wearing of the head scarf.

Apart from 45% of the Turkish women, only a quarter of the others claimed that it was

not a religious obligation to wear the head scarf. That being said the major reason given,

except by the Lebanese men, was that the decision was essentially a personal choice.

Other major reasons included, in order, that ‘it is better to adapt to Australian society’, to

‘avoid discrimination or disrespect’ and that ‘men and women have equal rights’.


156

Table 8.12 Three Reasons for Not Wearing Headscarves

Male Female Male Female% % % %

Because it is not a religious obligation 1st 13 13 4 15 2nd 13 17 20

3rd 13 4 10Total 26 26 25 45

Because it is personal choice 1st 63 75 87 75 2nd 25 13 13 15 3rd 13 10

Total 88 101 100 100

It is better to adapt to Australian society 1st 13 13 9 5 2nd 38 17 25 3rd 25 50 35 20

Total 76 63 61 50

To avoid discrimination or disrespect 1st 13 5 2nd 13 75 9 5 3rd 13 43 30

Total 39 75 52 40

Because men and women have equal rights 2nd 25 39 20 3rd 25 38 13 15

Total 50 38 52 35

No other reasons 2nd 4 15 3rd 25 4 15

Total 25 8 30


Muslim Lebanese Turkish

Identities

All individuals have a range of social identities including ones based on age, gender,

work status, religion, ethnicity and geography. These are socially constructed and their

importance and relevance for the individual may change from one place or time to

another. The content of the identity, the cultural features and behaviour which accompany

the subjective identification, are also subject to change. The TIAS project focussed on

identities which can be construed as having an ethnic, or geographic dimension. Such

identities have been attracting considerable attention in international debates concerning

the incorporation of immigrant minorities. Most recently there has been a focus on how

those who have a minority religious identity relate to the national identity. In studying the

importance of a range of identities individuals were asked to indicate how strongly they


157

identified with them rather than being asked to choose between one or another of them.

The advantage of this approach is that it does not force individuals to choose one identity

over another. Rather they can acknowledge several co-existing identities which research

has shown is the way young Australians move between varied identities according to the

social setting and circumstances (Butcher & Thomas, 2003; Nilan & Feixa, 2006).

Before examining in detail the extent to which interviewees identified with particular

identities it is important to note that the four ethnic groups used in this research are based

on individuals’ and parents’ countries of birth. As a result there are instances in each of

the groups of individuals whose personal ethnicity may vary from that of the group.

Examples include individuals from Armenian or Kurdish backgrounds. There are also

individuals who have changed their religion. Because the numbers in these groups are

small they are not discussed in detail but their participation should be noted as they

constitute part of the sometimes complex patterns of diversity within

Australia.

Three quarters of the third generation identify ‘very strongly’ with Australia (Table 8.13)

while the group least likely to do so are the Turks (32%). However, when those who

identify ‘strongly’ and ‘very strongly’ are combined, the differences between the second

and third generation groups are reduced and range from 79% for the Turks up to 90% for

the third generation. Interestingly, the Muslim Lebanese closely resemble the third

generation with 87% identifying strongly with Australia. Very few individuals reported

only weak identification. Instead, the Turks and Christian Lebanese indicated that they

identified neither strongly nor weakly.


158

Table 8.13 Strength of Identification with Particular Ethnic and Social Groups

Identities Response % Sample v.strongly strongly not strongly weakly v. weakly not at all Size

Australian not weakly3rd+ Generation 72 18 8 2 100Christian Lebanese 45 36 15 2 2 55Muslim Lebanese 52 35 10 4 52Turks 32 47 17 2 2 100

Total % 51 34 12 2 1 307

Sydneysider/Melbournian3rd+ Generation 53 32 6 7 1 1 100Christian Lebanese 51 36 9 2 2 55Muslim Lebanese 52 38 8 2 52Turks 47 44 5 2 2 100

Total % 50 38 7 4 0 1 307

Lebanese/Turkish3rd+ Generation 1 5 94 100Christian Lebanese 38 45 13 2 2 55Muslim Lebanese 48 31 13 2 6 52Turks 38 50 8 2 2 100

Total % 27 30 7 1 3 32 307

NESB3rd+ Generation 3 97 100Christian Lebanese 5 7 9 5 7 65 55Muslim Lebanese 10 19 13 8 8 42 52Turks 14 17 13 8 3 45 100

Total % 7 10 8 5 5 65 307

Muslim3rd+ Generation 2 95 100Christian Lebanese 5 98 55Muslim Lebanese 54 27 10 2 2 6 52Turks 36 34 16 3 2 9 100

Total % 21 16 7 1 3 53 307

Christian3rd+ Generation 11 15 11 7 4 52 100Christian Lebanese 49 35 4 7 5 55Muslim Lebanese 4 4 4 2 87 52Turks 1 2 97 100

Total % 13 11 6 4 2 64 307 All the second generation groups indicated that they identified more strongly with the city

where they were currently living than with Australia. In contrast, the figure for the third

generation was somewhat lower which may reflect the way that one-quarter of them in


159

fact grew up in other parts of Australia, unlike the majority of the second generation.

Contributing to the high levels of identification with their city is the way, as discussed

earlier, a majority of all groups also felt satisfied with their present neighbourhood.

Particularly for the second generation who have a wider range of national ‘options’

identification with the city where they live may be seen as less problematic than

identifying with a country or nation such as Australia. That said, however, the differences

between the groups are relatively small.

The survey explored two types of identity with what is widely recognised in Australia as

an ethnic dimension. The first was NESB which refers to non-English speaking

background. This policy term was widely used by government from the mid 1970s until

early in the 2000s. Widely criticised for its negative connotations it is clear that NESB

evokes little identification among the current young second generation even though they

would have been widely exposed to the term when filling in forms or in making reports in

their workplaces. As the Christian Lebanese were the second generation group most

likely to have grown up extensively speaking English, it is not surprising that they

identified least with the term. Among the second generation there was a much stronger

identification with Lebanese or Turkish identity. Except among the Muslim Lebanese

there was also a stronger identification with being Lebanese or Turkish than with being

Australian. As in the case of Australian identity very few individuals indicated a weak

identification with Lebanon or Turkey. In instances where this occurred it was where

individuals had alternative options such as Kurdish or Armenian identities.

Religious identities where also explored. One of the most interesting findings relates to

the debate about whether having a strong religious identity and being ‘Australian’ are

incompatible. There was no evidence for this among our interviewees. Among those who

had a ‘strong’ or ‘very strong’ Christian identity, 68% had a similarly strong Australian

identity. This trend was even more marked among those with a strong Muslim identity, as

79% also had a strong Australian identity. Even among the few people who said they had

only a ‘weak’ or ‘very weak’ Australian identity few had also a strong religious identity.

The figure was 4% for Christians and 5% for Muslims.

Another interesting finding was the relationship between practicing a religion and

identifying with that religion. When asked about the extent to which they identified with


160

Christianity the two groups for whom this question was most relevant were the third

generation and the Christian Lebanese. Here there is a dramatic difference. Only a quarter

of the third generation (26%) identified either ‘strongly’ or ‘very strongly ’in contrast to

the vast majority of the Christian Lebanese (84%). Closely connected to this disparity is

the small percentage of the third generation (21%) (see Table 8.6 above) who currently

practise a religion. The comparable figure among the Christian Lebanese was 82%. In

both cases it is clear that even if individuals may not practise a religion, they nevertheless

have a residual attachment to it as part of their identity. The reasons why, in contrast to

the third generation, the Christian Lebanese have remained more committed to religious

observance were discussed earlier. The factors included the historical role of religion in

Lebanese social structure and the way the Christian Lebanese have established in

Australia their own congregations which are an important part of the community’s

institutional structure. How critical the role of religion actually is for the Christian

Lebanese is indicated by how the percentage of those with a strong identity to Christianity

(84%) is higher even than those who identify as Lebanese (83%) or Australian (81%).

A similar disjuncture between religious identity and religious practise exists among the

second generation groups most closely linked to Islam: the Muslim Lebanese and the

Turks. Whereas 81% of the Muslim Lebanese identified ‘strongly’ or ‘very strongly’ as

Muslims, the figure for the Turks was 70%. When asked about whether they were still

practising their religion 77% of the Muslim Lebanese answered ‘yes’ compared with only

56% of the Turks. In the case of the Turks the numbers who still identify strongly with

being a Muslim despite being non-observant points to the extent to which for many

Turks, being Turkish involves also being Muslim even if not a practising Muslim; a

position which is extensively enshrined in Turkey’s institutional structure although it is a

secular state. Among the Australian based second generation this is not always the case

since the numbers of those identifying as Turks is higher (88%) than those identifying

strongly with being a Muslim (70%). Nevertheless, a further 16% did indicate that they

‘neither strongly nor weakly’ identified as a Muslim. Whereas the Turks were more likely

to identify with being Turkish (88%) than with being Australian (79%), the opposite was

the case among the Muslim Lebanese. As well as 81% identifying ‘strongly or very

strongly’ as Muslims and 79% as Lebanese, a higher percentage identified ‘strongly’ or

‘very strongly’ as being Australian (87%). The tendency for identification to be higher

with being a Muslim rather than Lebanese is only small. However, it raises the possibility


161

that in some instances, a pan-Islamic identity exists in which ethnic links are of lesser

significance.

Despite these diverse interrelationships between religious and ethnic or national identities

it is clear that, among all the second generation groups, individuals maintain a high level

of identification with their religion and ethnicity but not at the expense of also identifying

with Australia. Apart from the way interviewees were not asked to chose between one or

more identities, another reason for this level of identification as ‘Australian’ may be the

emphasis in official discourse on Australia as a multicultural society comprising

individuals from many diverse backgrounds. Such a formulation provides a ‘niche’ or

opportunity for acceptance of those who are not from the majority Anglo-Celtic

background. This is so even if in colloquial usage it is not uncommon for individuals

from other backgrounds to distinguish themselves vis-à-vis ‘the Australians’ or ‘Aussies’.

This occurs especially when referring to patterns of behaviour or cultural practices and

beliefs where they consider their own to be superior as in the widely heard ‘We have a

much stronger sense of family than do the Aussies’(Butcher & Thomas, 2003).

The Impact of Diversity on Life in the City

Sydney and Melbourne are Australia’s two largest and most ethnically diverse cities.

While diversity may in some cases constitute problems the interviewees’ strong

identification with their cities and their attachment to their local neighbourhood suggest

that their approach to the city’s diversity is not a cause of particular concern for them.

Indeed it is evident that in expressing their views about the impact of diversity on

religious and cultural life and on the economy there is a generally positive response. The

opportunities which exist in Sydney and Melbourne to have contact with people from

many diverse backgrounds in this way is viewed as adding to the quality of life. When

asked about living together with people from other cultures the third generation and the

Christian Lebanese (71%) were most likely to say they found this to be enriching rather

than threatening (Table 8.14). However, they were followed closely in this assessment by

the Turks (68%) and the Muslim Lebanese (65%).


162

Table 8.14 Views on Diversity in Sydney & Melbourne


Relationship Between Anglo-Celts & Lebanese/Turkish % % % %Not friendly at all 2 6 2 2Not so friendly 24 19 14 23Indifferent 24 27 20 38Friendly 45 46 59 37Very friendly 5 2 5

How Has the Relationship Changed Between Anglo-Celts & Lebanese/Turkish Changed Over the Past YearLess friendly 13 17 11 6Somewhat less friendly 31 38 25 41Same 38 25 36 37Somewhat more friendly 11 19 24 13More friendly 7 4 3

Is Living Together with People from Different Origins Threatening or Enriching for Your Own CultureThreatening 2 4 1 3Rather threatening 4 4 5 6Makes no difference 24 27 26 20Rather enriching 13 19 17 24Enriching 58 46 51 47

Is the Presence of People of Different Origins Good or Bad for the Local EconomyBad 2 2 1Rather bad 2 2 4 4Makes no difference 18 17 20 34Rather good 11 12 17 14Good 67 67 59 47

It is Good That There is a Variety of Different ReligionsTotally agree 27 44 30 13Agree 31 38 49 47Neither agree nor disagree 18 13 14 22Disagree 11 4 13Totally disagree 13 7 5


Lebanese

When asked about the impact of diversity on the local economy, the second generation

groups were more positive than the third generation (61%). This was not because the third

generation viewed the diversity as bad but, rather, because one-third of them indicated

they felt the diversity made no difference to the economy. In saying this they overlook

arguments that migration has provided an important stimulus for economic growth in

Australia. This is because it has contributed to job growth and been a major source of the

unskilled and semi-skilled labour which after World War II contributed to the

development of manufacturing and infrastructure. The third generation also seems to not

be particularly influenced by arguments that a major factor contributing to the


163

development of global cities which rely on the tertiary service sector is their cultural

diversity and cosmopolitan life style associated with diversity (Florida, 2002). The second

generation, whose parents often played a major role in the Post World War II

restructuring of the Australian economy, may have a greater appreciation of the

contribution of immigrants such as their parents.

Following the end of the Cold War national security concerns shifted to the potential for

religiously based conflict, best epitomised in the writings of Samuel Huntington who

wrote on the ‘Clash of Civilisations’ based on religion as a major fault line in

international relations. For Huntington, domestic multicultural policies such as existed in

Australia were highly undesirable. This view receives little support among the

interviewees although it is interesting that those who currently practise a religion (76%)

are slightly more likely to agree that it is good that there are a variety of religions than do

those who are non-practising (63%). The third generation (18%) and Christian Lebanese

(24%) express slightly more negative views about religious diversity than do the Turks

and the Muslim Lebanese for whom a positive response to religious diversity has

facilitated their own religious practices or identities in which Islam is important.

Despite these generally positive views on diversity, it is evident that individuals’ opinions

can be affected by particular incidents. This is most clearly illustrated in responses to the

questions concerning relationships between Anglo-Celts and Lebanese/ Turkish people.

Although the interviews began two and a half years after the Cronulla riots, the events,

because of their largely unexpected nature, remain fresh in the minds of many people.

When asked whether or not relations between Anglo-Celts and Lebanese or Turkish

people were friendly, a quarter of all the groups apart from the Turks said they were

either ‘not so friendly’ or ‘not friendly at all’. Within the parameters of the answers

received to other questions in the survey this is an extremely negative view. The group

who viewed the relationship in the most negative light were the third generation who, as

noted elsewhere, may be particularly influenced by media reporting of events involving

contacts between the groups since they rarely have direct contact with Lebanese or Turks.

The most positive responses came from the Turks 64% of whom (double the percentage

of the third generation) felt that relations were ‘friendly’ or ‘very friendly’. In expressing

this view they are clearly thinking in terms of the relations between themselves and

Anglo-Celts. Factors potentially moderating their assessment include the way media


164

accounts have targeted ‘Lebanese’, ‘Middle Easterners’ and ‘Muslims’ but not Turks.

Also, in recent years there have been extensive moves within the Turkish and the Anglo-

Celtic community to emphasise the shared importance of Gallipoli to the national

development of Australia and Turkey. More negative views are expressed by all groups in

Sydney than in Melbourne which did not experience any associated rioting or violence

following the initial Sydney riots.

When asked whether relations had improved between Anglo-Celts and Lebanese or Turks

over the past year the majority felt that there had been a deterioration. This view was

particularly strongly expressed by the Muslim Lebanese who are often targeted in

imprecise media reporting. Again, 28% of the Turks, who tend to be on the sidelines of

the debate, were most likely to express the view that relations had become friendlier.

There was also little difference between Turks living in Sydney or Melbourne. However,

among the Lebanese and third generation, those in Sydney had a more pessimistic

perception about improvement compared with the same groups in Melbourne.

Approaches to Integration

A close relationship potentially exists between individuals’ assessment of diversity and

their views on the type of integration expected of immigrants. To explore this, a series of

questions which related to cultural practices and norms were asked. While there were

broad similarities across all groups in the direction of their responses, the Christian

Lebanese were least likely to agree that immigrants had the right to live in accord with the

cultural customs and norms of their parents, especially when this involved being outside

the home. Even there, however, a majority (53%) of them agreed with this statement

(Table 8.15). The Lebanese Muslims and Turks were most likely to agree with the

statements about the right to live in accord with parents’ cultural customs and norms both

inside and outside the home. However, whereas the Turks felt strongest about this right

when it was implemented inside the home (90%), when it came to being outside the home

they were less in agreement (72%) than were the Muslim Lebanese (76%).


165

Table 8.15 Agreement with Approaches to Integration


At Home Immigrants Have Right to Live in Accord with Parents' Cultural Customs & Norms % % % %Totally agree 25 62 48 37Agree 53 25 42 46Neither agree nor disagree 13 12 5 11Disagree 2 2 5 3Totally disagree 7 3

At Home Immigrants Have Right to Live as Much as Possible in Accord with Australian Cultural Customs & NormsTotally agree 35 46 38 45Agree 51 35 44 51Neither agree nor disagree 7 2 7 3Disagree 2 10 6 1Totally disagree 5 8 5

Outside the Home Immigrants Have Right to Live in Accord with Parents' Cultural Customs & NormsTotally agree 18 38 29 12Agree 45 38 43 47Neither agree nor disagree 18 13 16 16Disagree 5 8 10 18Totally disagree 13 2 2 7

Outside the Home Immigrants Have Right to Live as Much as Possible in Accord with Australian Cultural Customs & NormsTotally agree 40 37 37 36Agree 40 40 40 60Neither agree nor disagree 13 10 13 3Disagree 4 8 8 1Totally disagree 4 6 2

Government Should Do More to Improve the Position in Australia of People of Immigrant OriginsTotally agree 13 54 28 13Agree 45 29 48 53Neither agree nor disagree 20 12 20 25Disagree 16 6 4 7Totally disagree 5 2


Lebanese

Even though the third generation were more likely than the Christian Lebanese to agree

that immigrants had the right to live according to their parents’ cultural customs and

norms at home and outside, they were almost unanimous (96%) that individuals should

also have the right to live in accord with Australian cultural customs and norms inside as

well as outside the home. One interpretation of this strong position of the third generation


166

is that what is considered important is that individuals should have a choice as to whether

or not they adopt Australian or immigrant customs and norms. Clearly, however, they,

like the Christian Lebanese place more emphasis on the importance of individuals having

the right to also chose to adopt Australian cultural customs and norms. On face value it

does appear contradictory to agree both that individuals should have the right to live by

both their parents and Australian cultural customs and norms. However, given the abstract

and wide range of diversity in the type of customs and norms which are encompassed by

these statements, it is likely that the responses would be affected if particular examples of

customs and norms were provided.

The similarity in the pattern of the replies by the third generation and Christian Lebanese

to the set of questions about cultural customs and norms is also repeated in their

responses to a question asking whether the government should do more to improve the

position in Australia of people of immigrant origins. Both groups were less likely to agree

that governments should do more than the Turks or Muslim Lebanese. The greatest

disparity in views was between the Christian (58%) and the Muslim Lebanese (83%). The

pattern of the Christian Lebanese views indicates that they have somewhat less sympathy

with the development of policies or approaches supportive of those from diverse

backgrounds. Although the parents of this group are mainly overseas born they have

connections to the long established Christian Lebanese community which had already

achieved considerable progress towards assimilation before the introduction of

multicultural policies. Given what they see their community has achieved prior to these

policies may be a factor in their somewhat lower support for such policies. That said, a

majority of the Christian Lebanese indicate support for more pro-active support on

incorporation.


167

Conclusion

One of the major themes to emerge from this examination of the cultural practices and

involvement of the second generation is the diversity which exists within the groups but,

also, between them. The Turks appear as the group who most extensively use their

parents’ language in family and social settings as well as for entertainment. Their

language usage coexists with a more extensive set of contacts with Turkey than are

maintained by the Lebanese. This is reflected in their greater tendency to visit Turkey as

well, as seen in earlier chapters, to marry spouses from Turkey and be more likely to

consider perhaps living there for a period of more than a year. An important factor

facilitating these contacts with Turkey is that it has not experienced the fighting and

political instability which characterises contemporary Lebanon. While these

circumstances render contact with Lebanon difficult the Christian and Muslim Lebanese

differ in the way they relate to the parental country. Among the Christians the use of

English, even in their childhood has been greater than for the Muslims and is related to

lower levels of fluency in their knowledge of Arabic. They are also less likely to have

visited Lebanon or to have married spouses born there than have the Muslims. At the

same time, their views on diversity are closer to those expressed by the third generation

than to the other second generation groups suggesting that they have taken on many of the

same attitudes as the wider society.

However, it was the Muslim Lebanese who were most likely of the second generation

groups to identity strongly as Australians. The Christian Lebanese who ranked ahead of

the Turks in identifying strongly with Australia however reported strongest support for a

Christian identity even ahead of a Lebanese or Australian identity. Clearly important to

their religious identity is the close contacts they have with Christian religious practices

reflected in their high levels of observance which have been maintained from childhood

where they were often reinforced by attendance at Christian schools. While many of the

Muslim Lebanese still practice the Muslim faith in which they were reared this practice is

not for most buttressed by the extensive community and institutional supports available to

the Christian Lebanese.

Another illustration of the disjuncture which exists between a religious identity and actual

religious observance is provided by the second generation Turks. Not only do fewer


168

Turks say they were reared as Muslims, those who currently profess to be Muslims are

less actively involved than are the Lebanese in a variety of observances ranging from

observing halal restrictions to attitudes towards women wearing headscarves. This

highlights how there may be wide differences in the way Islam is practised in different

societies or Australian communities. However, the differences go further and relate to the

way a particular religious identity often can serve as a marker for other types of identities

and connections. This is seen in the way more Turks identify strongly with being Muslim

than actually are currently actively observant. A similar pattern exists among the third

generation group where the numbers saying they are Christians are much higher than are

the numbers of those who are actually practising Christians. Where there is a difference

between many Christians and Turks is that for many Turks one of the markers of their

Turkish identity is also being a Muslim in a way that Christianity rarely is at the core of

the third generation’s Australian identity. Appreciating these complex links between

different religious, ethnic and national identities helps explain the extensive acceptance of

diversity in daily life and in views towards integration which were evident among the

interviewees.


169

CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSION

This study has examined the experiences of young second generation Australians whose

parents were born in either Lebanon or Turkey. These are the two largest overseas

birthplaces of Australia’s Muslim population, 41% of whom are born in Australia. Much

has been said and written about the problems associated with Muslims in Australia.

However, to gain a basis for understanding their experiences and the role in it of religion,

it is important not to isolate Muslims from others of migrant background or from similar

geographical areas. The objective of the study was to examine the incorporation of the

second generation. This cannot be done in abstract or in isolation from the remainder of

the society. Rather than focussing on the experiences of the second generation because

they were perceived to be Muslims the intention was to examine their experiences within

the wider context of Australian society. Hence, not all of those studied are Muslims since

a majority of Australia’s population of Lebanese background are actually Christians,

some of whom belong to families which arrived in the 19th century. In addition to

exploring the experiences of these Christian Lebanese, the study also included a group of

third generation Australians both of whose parents were born in Australia. Consistent

with Australia’s early preference for settlers from the United Kingdom the majority of

these third generation youth were of Anglo-Celtic backgrounds. They provide a

comparison group whose longer residence and background constitutes them as a useful

proxy or benchmark for the majority group in contemporary Australian society.

Following a brief overview of some of the key findings from the TIAS study, the

Australian data will be compared with findings from the parallel TIES (The Integration of

the European Second Generation) study undertaken in Europe. The comparison of the

Australian findings with those from European countries provides the opportunity to

consider the part played by national differences in settlement policies and institutional

structures in contributing to the experiences of the Australian second generation. Such

national factors are, however, inadequate to account for the differences found between the

Australian-born youth from different backgrounds since the TIAS study also highlighted

the existence of differences between groups as well as within them. Given the all too

common erroneous tendency to speak of ‘Muslims’ or ‘Lebanese’ as large,

undifferentiated categories, the next section outlines the different patterns of

incorporation found in the four ethnic groups as well as noting their internal differences.


170

These variations point to the role of the local neighbourhood and ethnic community, as

well as family background as factors affecting the incorporation of the young people.

They also highlight opportunities for interventions to address negative aspects of

incorporation.

Patterns of Incorporation in Australia

Three dimensions of incorporation have been examined in this study. The first refers to

the socio-economic incorporation of the second generation particularly in relation to

educational and economic attainment, which provide individuals with human and

economic capital important to success in their daily lives. Arguments about inequality in

educational and labour market participation have played an important part in suggesting

that where young people are disadvantaged they are more likely to become disaffected

and marginalised. This may result in them either dropping out of society or becoming

involved in range of alternative, and potentially unsatisfactory, strategies to achieve

“success” (Hassan, 2008). In Europe one of these responses has been seen recently as

involving a turn towards more radical forms of Islam.

The second concerns the social dimension of incorporation. It involves the social

networks and contacts of individuals in their neighbourhood, friendship groups and

community organisations. These constitute forms of social and cultural capital which can

either facilitate individuals’ participation in the wider society or, in their absence,

contribute to their isolation within a narrow segment of that society. While some argue

that contact between different ethnic groups can result in conflict as values or interests

collide, the alternative of limited social interaction can all too easily result in the

continuity of inaccurate stereotypes. Such stereotypes play an important role in another

key area of incorporation. This concerns the extent to which the society discriminates

against individuals from particular backgrounds and, in this way, places barriers to their

participating fully in society.

The third identity and cultural dimension of incorporation relates to what is often seen

as the ultimate expression of incorporation which occurs when individuals identify with

their society. In a world where globalisation and the easy maintenance of transnational

linkages facilitate international contacts at the personal and the virtual level, precisely


171

how to define and understand ‘belonging’ and identification becomes problematic. Often

there is an important cultural dimension involved in which language can play an

instrumental as well as a symbolic role. Religion has most recently also been seen as

constituting a key force with international links, whether for good or ill. Much of the

current focus on the security threats associated with fundamentalist Islam have focussed

on religion as playing a key role in undermining loyalty and commitment to society.

Ultimately, a key aspect of incorporation is how individual’s identity and values relate to

those prominent among other Australians.

The dimensions of incorporation identified in this study relate to individual experience,

attitudes and values. The three dimensions distinguished for analytical purposes in reality

intersect and have the potential to influence each other. Thus, inequality and limited

socio-economic success may negatively affect social relations and the dimensions of

incorporation relating to identity and cultural practices. Furthermore, it is important to

appreciate that the individual dimensions do not exist in a social vacuum In today’s

globalised world, four levels of society can affect the individual’s incorporation:

• The first is the international level where developments in the country of the

individual’s heritage, or with a global reach such as the ‘War on Terror’, have the

potential to impact directly, or indirectly as they are filtered through the national

level, the community or the family.

• The second national level (and, in Australia, the state level) is where major

policies and programs relating to immigration, settlement and citizenship are

enacted and determine many of the structures of key institutions relating to

education, the labour market, welfare and even religion despite Australia being

constitutionally a secular society.

• The community is the third level and includes both the geographical community

in which the individual lives and the ethnic community to which individuals may

or may not be actively connected.

• The family is the fourth level and the one which has potentially greatest influence

on young people.


172

Given the open nature of contemporary society the interaction between each of these

levels and the three dimensions can be extremely complex. Instead of making simplistic

assumptions about the key influences on patterns of incorporation it is necessary to

examine the links empirically. The advantage of empirical examination is its ability to

highlight not only areas of difficulty but, also, appropriate access points for developing

strategies and programs to redress experiences which might otherwise lead to social

tension and conflict. It also is necessary since incorporation is not a static relationship but

one which can undergo considerable change as a result of sometimes unforeseen events

such as those precipitated by the attacks of 9/11 in the US and the subsequent ‘War on

Terror’ at the international level, or the Cronulla riots at the community level.

Socio-Economic Incorporation

The most striking and positive finding on the socio-economic incorporation of the

Lebanese and Turkish background students is the extent to which they have gone on to

successfully complete post secondary and tertiary studies and to obtain professional and

managerial positions dependent on this level of human resources. These findings evident

in the 2006 census data are corroborated by the experiences of the TIAS participants. The

second generation who participated in this study are the children of those who arrived in

Australia between the 1960s and 1980s when the Lebanese and Turkish were widely seen

as experiencing severe social disadvantage. Few of the parents of this cohort of young

people had received any secondary education. As recently as the 1986 census only

between 9 to 11 per cent of the Turkish born population, the parents of our second

generation young people, were working as managers or professionals with over 50 per

cent working in unskilled and semi-skilled occupations (Inglis et al., 1992). The present

study has shown that the majority of the Lebanese and Turkish youth came from families

where their parents had far lower levels of education and occupational attainment than the

parents of the third generation comparison group. Despite this, the majority of the second

generation have achieved remarkable levels of intergenerational mobility in education and

occupational mobility gaining post-secondary and tertiary qualifications and working as

professionals and managers. Another trend among Lebanese involves self-employment.

Nevertheless a number of young people remain behind the benchmark population in the

survey; a finding which is consistent with the analysis of recent census data which covers

the comparable Australia population. This highlights the desirability of pursuing


173

strategies to lift the educational and labour market outcomes among the less successful

second generation youth.

Another important finding is that there was little evidence that this cross-section of young

people was experiencing significant levels of alienation or marginalisation. The majority

indicated that they were comfortable with their levels of schooling, their career and also

their income. The majority saw themselves as living in middle class areas with a good

quality of life. There were some who indicated concerns about inequality in Australian

society. Interestingly, they were often those who had been most successful in their

education and gained tertiary qualifications. Whether in order to do this they had to strive

harder than many others to overcome a variety of barriers or whether it was because they

had reached a particular level of education only to find that, as a result of credential

inflation, it no longer led to them realising their job aspirations is unclear.

A strong commitment to education and, in particular, to undertaking further studies is a

particularly encouraging response in the current job market where the demand for new

skills is ever-increasing. Educational ambitions were particularly strong among the young

Turkish women although less so among those from Muslim Lebanese backgrounds.

Indeed, there was little to suggest that being from a Muslim background was, in itself, a

factor influencing in a clear, unproblematic way, the educational and economic outcomes

of the group.

Social Incorporation

Given the importance of close knit social ties as a potential source of social capital a

finding of particular interest is that the social ties of the second generation youth are

opposite to those of the third generation in two significant areas. The first is that as the

second generation have attended schools and live in neighbourhoods characterised by

considerable ethnic diversity, their close friends come from far more diverse ethnic

backgrounds than do those of the third generation. While the third generation slightly

widened the diversity in the ethnic backgrounds of their good friends as they moved from

school to work, their close friends remain, like themselves, predominantly from Anglo-

Celtic backgrounds. The third generation’s limited number of close social contacts

outside their own ethnic group means that, paradoxically, they can be viewed as more


174

socially isolated and less socially incorporated into Australia’s multicultural society than

are the second generation.

A second difference in social ties is that the second generation’s social connections to

Sydney or Melbourne are of greater depth than are those of the third generation. Many of

the third generation have only migrated to these cities to study or find work after they

completed their schooling in regional areas. This partially explains their more limited

contacts with family members compared to many of the second generation youth who

speak to relatives several times a week, if not daily. In contrast, the second generation

groups have rarely lived outside Sydney or Melbourne. As a result they have ready and

immediate access to a strong set of family and friendship groups able to provide

information and support. Such links can be important for providing psychological

stability if individuals find themselves under stress as can occur if they experience

prejudice or discrimination.

Perhaps somewhat surprisingly given recent developments in which Muslims have been

depicted as threats to Australian society and security and have become targets of hostility

is that such personal experiences were less frequently reported than might have been

anticipated. In this, the TIAS findings are similar to the experience noted in the 2004

HREOC Report on eliminating prejudice against Muslims and Arab Australians. That is,

while a number of the second generation youth have experienced discrimination and

prejudice, such incidents have been irregular and infrequent (Human Rights and Equal

Opportunity Commission, 2004). Certainly some young men reported experiences of this

kind as did some young women, particularly those who wore headscarves. It was also

apparent that in terms of abstract sentiments towards various ethnic groups, ‘Muslims’

and ‘Lebanese’ attracted the most negative reactions. In contrast to research findings

from two decades earlier Turks no longer attract such hostility (McAllister & Moore,

1989). Since their circumstances are still very similar to those of the Lebanese this

highlights how national and international events can be couched in ways which create

negative, or positive, images of particular Australian groups.


175


One of the most important and significant findings from the TIAS project is that, contrary

to much of the public discourse surrounding the ‘War on Terror’, the second generation

strongly identify themselves as Australian. This identification furthermore coexists

alongside a strong Muslim or Christian identity. Although the majority of the third

generation did not have a similar strong Christian religious identity, those who did also

displayed strong identification with Australia. Highlighting the complex nature of identity

and belonging in a diverse society, holding a strong Muslim identity did not necessarily

conflict with also reporting strongly identifying with Turkey or Lebanon. It was also

interesting to find that a significant proportion of those who identified as Muslims,

particularly among the Turks, were not actively practising this religion when they were

interviewed. These findings highlight how individuals have a number of social identities

and show considerable versatility and resilience in moving between them as the situation

or occasion warrants. These identities may also play a greater or lesser role in their daily

lives. The identities of the second generation youth also coexisted with views which

showed considerable acceptance of diversity as an integral part of Australian life.

Amongst this diverse group of young people, there was little evidence of any major

incompatibility between their range of personal identities and values and those which are

evident among the third generation and widely seen as indicative of ‘belonging’ in

multicultural Australia.

Inequality, Discrimination and Social Cohesion

In the interviews which were undertaken with a diverse range of young people, despite

the generally positive picture on levels of attainment and hostile experiences, we did find

evidence of inequality and discrimination. However, there were few signs that these

experiences were leading to alienation or marginalisation. While this is not a desirable

situation it does indicate that the second generation were finding ways of incorporating

these experiences into their daily lives in a neutral, rather than a negative manner. Most

expressed relative satisfaction with their lives and careers. Certainly there was little

evidence of a retreat into some form of anti-social hostility involving religious or other

behaviour, nor of dropping out of society and retreating into their family and

communities. Potential threats to social cohesion, if this is understood as involving social


176

conflict, are unlikely to come from young people similar to those whom we interviewed.

As the Cronulla riots showed, such threats to social cohesion may be more likely to come

from Anglo-Celts and others whose images of young people from various Middle Eastern

or Muslim backgrounds is largely derived from the more sensational media accounts

which still exist. As has been often pointed out, all communities have individuals whose

behaviour is unacceptable, hence it is important to create opportunities where these

stereotypes can be challenged in ordinary daily life.

The Australian Experience in International Perspective

Before considering the implications of these findings it is relevant to situate the

Australian study in the context of international experiences of second generation

incorporation. This will provide a focus for understanding the role played in the TIAS

research findings by the national level of influences consisting of Australia’s policies on

settlement and its distinctive national and institutional structures relating to education, the

labour market and other areas pertinent to our research.

Turkish migration to Australia coincided with the large migrations of Turkish

guestworkers into Europe in the 1960s and early 1970s. Those who came to Australia

came from very similar backgrounds to those who went to Europe. The major difference

was that Australia was seeking permanent migrants and not guestworkers. This difference

which relates to what the The Integration of the European Second Generation (TIES)

project describes as the ‘citizenship’ approach has often been referred to as a factor

distinguishing the generally better settlement prospects of immigrant minorities in

Australia than European countries (Heath & Cheung, 2007; Reitz, 1998). Certainly,

visiting Turkish dignitaries often refer to this theme of the greater ‘success’ of Turkish

settlement in Australia than in continental Europe. In the case of Lebanese migration it is

not possible to identify similar close parallels since Lebanese emigration has a much

longer and more diverse history. In North America, as in France, the Lebanese are more

likely to have come from middle class rather than lower class backgrounds, as are the

Turks who have migrated to North America (Eid, 2007).

The development of this project as part of the larger, multinational TIES project was

intended to provide opportunities to explore the role of national level policies and


177

institutions in determining the experience of incorporation in Australia for the second

generation youth from Lebanese and Turkish backgrounds. The TIES project is a

methodologically extremely amibitious example of cross-national research. As yet, only a

portion of the very rich research findings have been analysed. In particular, the Dutch

section of the survey has provided a broad overview of the experiences of Turkish and

Moroccan youth in the Netherlands (Crul & Heering, 2008). Also available are papers

which bring together some of the comparative data on education and the transition to the

labour market (Crul & Schneider, 2009) and develop in more detail the role which the

national context of migration and settlement plays in determining the patterns of

incorporation (Crul & Schneider, 2010).

While it is possible to detect many similar trends in the Dutch and Australian data, the

general picture appears more positive for the Turks, and by extrapolation the Lebanese, in

Australia. As in Australia, intergeneration educational mobility has been observed in the

Netherlands. However there still remain substantially fewer of the second generation with

university or post-secondary vocational qualifications on a relative basis in the

Netherlands, than in Australia. In the Netherlands, only 6.4% of the Turkish men and

1.7% of the women have a university degree when the figures for the Dutch third

generation comparison group are 24.9% and 31.8% respectively. Again in the

Netherlands there has been an intergenerational increase in economic participation

involving women but the Turks are still at the lower levels of the labour market with very

few in the upper level skilled professional areas. As in Australia, the social networks of

the third generation are more homogeneous than those of the second generation. The

Dutch third generation however seem to be less supportive of the idea of living in an

ethnically diverse neighbourhood as well as the enriching potential of living with other

cultures. On issues of identity the Dutch study does point to the co-existence of strong

identification with the Netherlands and with having a Muslim identity. However it is

apparent that only some 40% of the Turkish identify ‘strongly’ or ‘very strongly’ with

being Dutch while the figure for identifying strongly with being a Muslim is about 80%

across men and women. While the TIES study does not provide an explanation for these

findings, it is noteworthy that a much larger proportion of the second generation Turks

are observant Muslims than is the case in Australia. They also visit Turkey much more

frequently than do those living in Australia with nine out of ten reporting five or more


178

visits in the last five years. Of course, geographic closeness plays an important part in this

pattern.

Recent comparative data from the TIES project suggests that, in terms of the highest level

of educational attainment, the European countries closest to Australia in terms of the

positive outcomes for second generation Turkish youth are France and Sweden where

39.6% and 37.1% respectively of Turkish youth are enrolled or already have gained post

secondary and university qualifications (Crul & Schneider, 2010). The comparable

figures in Australia for young Turkish Australians who have already gained TAFE or

university qualifications are 52% for men and 57% for women.

Preliminary explanations for the differences between Australia and these European

countries need to start by examining the countries’ respective policies on citizenship

policy. Multiculturalism in Australia has contributed to the experiences of the second

generation as well as to the attitudes towards diversity among the third generation. For

many years before its retreat following such events as the murder of Theo Van Gogh,

Dutch settlement policy was often described as being multicultural. However, Dutch and

Australian ‘multiculturalism’ were very different policies. As Ayan Kaya in a recent work

on Islam and integration in Europe has argued a distinctive feature of Dutch

multiculturalist policy was its basis on a post-colonial situation which is very different of

course from Australia (Kaya, 2009).

But another factor which may account for the differences between Australia and the

European countries is related to the specific institutional structures which effect

educational and, indeed, other dimensions of incorporation. Australia’s education system

is characterised by comprehensive schooling where student progress is rarely delayed by

repetition and selection for post-secondary and university study is delayed until Year 12

assessment. This favours educational progress, especially when supplemented by strong

English as a Second Language programs and other modifications of the curriculum

(Inglis, 2007a). As further results become available from the European research, it may be

that differences between Australian and European institutions relating to areas such as the

labour market or religion also will explain differences which become apparent in the

incorporation of the second generation.


179

Differences Between Groups

While the TIAS data has shown that there are many similarities in key areas of

incorporation among the second generation youth, the three groups also have distinctive

characteristics. These are significant since their existence shows that it is inappropriate to

group individuals or communities together because of assumed commonalities based on

nationality, religion or other common markers of ethnicity. These differences also

highlight that in developing policies and programs it is important that these recognise the

variations which exist between groups. Explanations for these variations also need to take

account of the group’s special characteristics, which may relate to the country from which

parents’ came and the nature of the community in Australia and family background.

Although each of the second generation groups is, itself, heterogeneous (an issue to be

returned to below) certain general features characterise the way they fit the three key

dimensions of incorporation: socio-economic, social and identity.

The Christian Lebanese are the group whose incorporation most closely resembles that of

the third generation group. Both the census and survey data show that they have attained

the highest levels of educational and economic success which brings them closest to the

third generation group in terms of their socio-economic incorporation.. Associated with

this they also reported higher levels of English language usage when they were growing

up, although each of the three groups report that they are now fluent in English. It was

also noted that they often came from families where older siblings had provided role

models of educational success. In terms of social incorporation they also were less likely

to live in ethnically diverse neighbourhoods and to have more Anglo-Celtic friends

compared with the other second generation groups. At the same time, however, many

appeared to be part of a close-knit community focussed around Lebanese churches and

schools. The group strongly identified as Lebanese but at almost as high a level they also

identified as Christians and Australians. However, their ethnicity, as with their

community participation, seemed more to be based in Australia than to involve extensive

transnational contacts with their parents’ birthplace as occurs among the Muslim

Lebanese and the Turks. Of the four ethnic groups they displayed the most negative

feelings towards Muslims and in general were closer to the views of the third generation

concerning various Australian ethnic groups. In part this resembles evidence from

overseas, where ethnic communities with links to Islam seek to distance themselves from


180

the anti-social behaviour of “problem” groups of Muslims. In the case of the Christian

Lebanese, it is other Lebanese from whom they appear most distant. Given the

importance of constitutional differences enshrined in the Lebanese constitution, and the

on-going conflict and hostilities there between Christians and other Lebanese, their views

concerning Muslims may be influenced by this feature of their Lebanese heritage.

The incorporation of the Turkish second generation contrasts in many respects to the

patterns among Christian Lebanese. Their socio-economic outcomes and incorporation

involves a lower level of attainment although this general pattern masks a considerable

difference between men and women. The women have successfully used education to

gain a high level of socio-economic mobility, in contrast to their menfolk who have the

lowest levels of socio-economic incorporation of all three second generation groups. The

social incorporation of the Turkish youth involved them living in neighbourhoods with a

higher level of non-English speaking background neighbours than the Christian Lebanese.

However, they reported having almost as high levels of Anglo-Celtic friends as did the

Christians as well as other friends from non-Turkish backgrounds. In terms of their

identification and cultural practice, except for religious observance, they were more likely

than either of the Lebanese background groups to have retained extensive personal,

linguistic and transnational links with Turkey. Often these ties are related to the

maintenance of family ties which, in Australia, strongly affect their social incorporation

and identity. Compared with the Muslim Lebanese, far fewer were raised as Muslims and

those who were are less likely to now be so actively involved in Islamic religious

practices. Although a substantial number say they identify as Muslims, more identify

strongly as ‘Turkish’ and then ‘Australian’ with ‘Muslim’ only third in importance as an

identity. This de-emphasis on religion reflects Turkish’s history as a modern state based

on a strongly secular ideology. This may partially explain why they are the group to

express the lowest level of negative feelings towards either Muslims or Christians.

Despite political, ideological and religious divisions within the Turkish communities,

there is a strong sense of solidarity around Turkish identity. And a striving for success is

seen as reflecting positively on the success of the community as well as on the individual.

This has been very evident in the last year as the community actively celebrates the 40th

anniversary of their successful settlement in Australia.


181

The pattern of incorporation of the Muslim Lebanese differs yet again from that of the

Christian Lebanese and the Turks. A feature of their socio-economic incorporation is an

extensive involvement as self-employed and business owners. The men’s level of

educational and economic attainment is higher than among the Turks. However, in

contrast to their Turkish sisters many young women do not participate in the labour

market and have notably lower levels of education. Whether this is attributable to Islamic

or Lebanese customs is uncertain. Certainly, the Christian Lebanese women are often

better educated and more actively involved in the workforce as indeed are the Turkish

women who also come from an Islamic society.. While this may be changing among

sections of the young people, the group as a whole appears to exist in some social

isolation from the wider Australian society. Nevertheless, this does not prevent the

Muslim Lebanese strongly stating that they identify with Australia, a claim which is

consistent with their views on a range of issues relating to ethnic diversity.

Differences Within Second Generation Groups

Differences within the second generation groups highlight the dangers involved in

generalisations about the particular group as a whole. They also flag problems in

generalising about larger social categories in which each of the groups potentially

participates. The best illustration of this is the role of gender. The differences in

incorporation of the Muslim and Christian Lebanese groups might, potentially, be

attributed to religious differences. However, once the frame of reference is extended to

include the Turkish second generation, it is evident that many of the differences between

the two Lebanese groups cannot necessarily be explained on the basis of religious

differences. Whereas Muslim Lebanese women have lower levels of educational

attainment and participation in the workforce than their menfolk, the Turkish women

have much higher levels of educational and occupational attainment than do their

menfolk. This disparity clearly cannot be accounted for simply by referring to the

different role of women in Islam. Other examples of internal difference in the groups

relate to the differential experiences of hostility and discrimination reported, albeit by a

minority of individuals, although it is more common for these experiences to be described

by young men. The exception is the experience of workplace discrimination among

young women who wear the hijab. Another area of differences within groups concerns


182

the way in which a number of the more highly educated also indicate a dissatisfaction

with their education and subsequent careers.

Implications of the TIAS Project for Policy-Making and Service Delivery

The most important implication of this project for policy-makers and those involved in

service delivery is that it highlights the necessity for them to move beyond working in

terms of categories such as ‘Lebanese’ or ‘Muslims’. Both terms cover a very wide range

of experiences and differences in terms of incorporation and the social dynamics which

affect this. Not only should policy makers and those who deliver specific programs

addressing issues of incorporation move beyond such categories, they also need to take

active steps towards breaking down the simplistic stereotypes which characterise so much

of current negative public discourse and thinking about second generation groups such as

the Lebanese and the Turks.

In particular, it is important to develop programs which make the general public aware of

the extent to which the majority of individuals involved in each group are actually

incorporated in Australian society. As already noted, in all communities there are

individuals involved in anti-social if not criminal behaviour. However, in the groups

studied they are most definitely a minority. All too often the media and public debate

focuses on this minority while ignoring the substantial achievements and positive

experiences of the vast majority of each group in being incorporated into Australian

society. Even when individuals such as the prominent ARL footballer and practising

Muslim, Hazem El Masri, are held in high respect in their community, it is rare that their

achievements, other than his sporting prowess in El Masri’s case, are also publicised to

the wider society.

The first recommendation which flows from the TAIS project is the need to move away

from simplistic use of terms such as ‘Lebanese’, ‘Turk’, ‘Middle Eastern’ or ‘Muslim’ in

discussions of incorporation. The diversity in other ethnic groups such as those from

Great Britain or of Chinese background is already widely acknowledged. Now it is

necessary to extend this recognition to those of Lebanese, Turkish or Muslim background.


183

The second recommendation concerns the need for a concerted effort to publicise the

positive experiences and responses of young second generation Australians from

Lebanese and Turkish backgrounds towards incorporation into Australian society. This is

particularly important given the widely held negative stereotypes about the young people

on the one hand, or the tendency to view them as passive victims on the other.

A related third recommendation is the need to foster a more sophisticated and complex

public understanding concerning the diverse forms of Islamic beliefs and practice. One of

the areas which attracts most public attention is the wearing by some Muslim women of

the hijab or head scarf. Often, these women are seen as being passive victims of male

control yet, as the young women in this study indicated, their main reason for wearing the

headscarf relates to a personal choice. This is not a new finding but it is often overlooked

by those criticising Islam in what is purported to be the interests of young women.

The preference for self-employment and owning their own business among Muslim

Lebanese youth co-exists with some evidence of lower income levels which calls into

question the viability of this strategy without managerial advice or support. A fourth

recommendation is therefore made to provide this by involving TAFE colleges in

establishing appropriate courses for small and medium business entrepreneurs in areas of

high Lebanese population concentrations.

Despite the substantial improvement in the human and economic capital which the second

generation groups have accumulated there are sections of these groups who are in need of

support to overcome their current disadvantage. The first are young men, particularly

those of Turkish background, who are experiencing lower levels of educational

attainment which is often related to relatively high levels of unemployment, or the risk of

being trapped into the precarious working world of casual, unskilled employment. Also

able to benefit from support which could assist them in becoming more extensively

incorporated and developing their human and economic capital are a segment of young

Lebanese women with relatively limited participation in education and the world of work.

To achieve this, it will be important to identify ways to contact them and their families

and support groups within the community who can address the factors which have been

limiting their incorporation. The experience of Turkish women in attaining high levels of


184

socio –economic incorporation highlights that religious background is not, of itself, a

barrier to better incorporation.

The fifth recommendation is that attention should be given to developing support groups

based on other young members of the community who can provide mentoring to assist

with educational progress, especially in the transition from school to university or other

post-secondary education. Groups of young Turkish people have been active in

developing a range of activities. Given the need as identified by the Bradley report to

increase the participation of non-traditional groups in tertiary education, the universities

should be encouraged to work collaboratively with ethnically based student organisations

to increase the participation of young people of similar backgrounds.

Another area of need relating to socio-economic incorporation involves exploring the

reasons why many of those who are dissatisfied with their education and work careers are

actually those who have achieved at high levels in their education. It is also important to

consider whether this is related to another negative finding of the research. This concerns

the way in which for many individuals the highest level of discrimination and prejudice

was experienced in school. It came from both fellow students and teachers. The

involvement of teachers underlies the sixth recommendation which is the need to revisit

the preparation and on-going professional development of teachers so that they are better

equipped to avoid discriminatory behaviour and prejudice in their day to day work in

schools. The next, seventh, recommendation relates to the finding about the high levels

of hostile experiences associated with going out to evening entertainment. It is that

attention should be given to providing training to assist security personnel in

entertainment venues, as well as police, in handling ethnic tensions and conflicts

One of the most important implications to flow from this project is that there is a need to

focus on ways in which third generation youth may be assisted to overcome the relatively

limited diversity in their social relations. With two-thirds of young people reporting

involvement in organised community activities these provide a valuable access point for

promoting better relations and awareness. Sports clubs are an obvious location where

more can be done given that both the second and third generation groups, particularly,

men, report frequent involvement with club activities. The eighth recommendation is to

explore ways in which sporting and other organisations may be involved in developing


185

personal relationships which can lesson the stereotypes about the second and third

generation groups. The program of Surf Life Saving Australia to include second

generation youth from Lebanese and Muslim backgrounds in their training programs

following the Cronulla riots is an example of the type of program which might be

developed.

A final ninth recommendation of this study is that there should be ongoing monitoring

of the progress towards incorporation among second generation youth. Part of this

involves monitoring individual ‘progress’ in incorporation. Another, important part is to

monitor the precise criteria which are appropriate to see as constituting ‘incorporation’

since, with changing patterns in education and the labour market, as well as other areas,

these may change. Hence the monitoring should target not only the ‘minority’ groups but,

also, the experiences of the third generation and other minority groups since these can be

at the forefront of redefining the relevant criteria to use in assessing incorporation.


186

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abu Duhou, I., & Teese, R. (1992). Education, Workforce and Community Participation

of Arab Australians: Egyptians, Lebanese, Palestinians and Syrians. Canberra: AGPS.

Altinay, A. G. (Ed.). (2006). Ebru: Reflections of Cultural Diversity in Turkey: Atilla Durak. Istanbul: Metis.

Asaroglu, A. (2007). Reshaping Identities: A study of religion and culture among second generation Turkish-Australians. University of Melbourne, Melbourne.

Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2008). Schools, Australia, 2007. Canberra. Batrouney, T. (2001). Lebanese community life in Melbourne. In J. Jupp (Ed.), The

Australian People: An Encyclopedia of the nation, its people and their origins. (2nd ed., pp. 567-569). Melbourne: Cambridge University Press.

Betts, K., & Healy, E. (2006). Lebanese Muslims in Australia and Social Disadvantage. People and Place, 14(1), 24-42.

Bottomley, G. (1979). After the Odyssey: a study of Greek Australian. Brisbane: University of Queensland Press.

Brotherhood of St Laurence. (1971). Two Worlds: School and the migrant family. Melbourne: Stockland Holdings.

Butcher, M., & Thomas, M. (Eds.). (2003). Ingenious: Emerging youth cultures in urban Australia. Melbourne: Pluto Press.

Chafic, W. (1994). Young Australians of Lebanese Muslim Background in NSW: A study of family relationships, identity and aspirations. University of Sydney, Sydney.

Collins, J., Noble, G., Poynting, S., & Tabar, P. (2000). Kebabs, Kids, Cops and Crime: Youth, ethnicity and crime. Annandale: Pluto Press.

Collins, J., & Poynting, S. (Eds.). (2000). The Other Sydney: Communities, identities and inequalities in Western Sydney. Altona: Common Ground: the University Press.

Crul, M., & Heering, L. (Eds.). (2008). The Position of the Turkish and Moroccan Second Generation in Amsterdam and Rotterdam. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.

Crul, M., & Schneider, J. (2009). The Second Generation in Europe: Education and the transition to the labour market. Amsterdam: Open Society Institute: Education Support Program.

Crul, M., & Schneider, J. (2010). Comparative Integration Context Theory: Participation and belonging in new diverse European cities. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 33(7, July 2010).

Crul, M., & Vermeulen, H. (2003). The Second Generation in Europe: Introduction. International Migration Review, 37(4), 965-986.

Eid, P. (2007). Being Arab: Ethnic and religious identity building among second generation youth in Montreal. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.

Elley, J. (1985). Guestworkers or Settlers? Turkish migrants in Melbourne. Monash University, Melbourne.

Elley, J., & Inglis, C. (1995). Ethnicity and Gender: The two worlds of Australian Turkish youth. In C. Guerra & R. White (Eds.), Ethnic Minority Youth in Australia: Challenges and myths (pp. 193-202). Hobart: National Clearinghouse on Youth Studies.


187

Feather, N., & Wasyluk, G. (1973). Subjective Assimilation Among Ukrainian Migrants: Value similarity and parent child-differences. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology 9, 16-31.

Florida, R. (2002). The Rise of the Creative Class : And how it's transforming work, leisure, community and everyday life

New York: Basic Books. Gordon, M. (1964). Assimilation in American Life. New York: Oxford University Press. Guerra, C., & White, R. (Eds.). (1995). Ethnic Minority Youth in Australia: Challenges

and myths. Hobart: National Clearing House for Youth Studies. Hage, G. (2001). The condition of Lebanon since 1958. In J. Jupp (Ed.), The Australian

People: An Encyclopedia of the nation, its people and their origins. (2nd ed., pp. 559-561). Melbourne: Cambridge University Press.

Hage, G. (Ed.). (2002). Arab-Australians Today: Citizenship and belonging. Melbourne: Melbourne University Pres.

Hassan, R. (2008). Social and Economic Conditions of Australian Muslims: Implications for social inclusion. Paper presented at the NCEIS International Conference Challenges to Social Inclusion in Australia: the Muslim experience.

Heath, A. (2007). Crossnational Patterns and Processes of Ethnic Disadvantage. In A. F. Heath & S. Y. Cheung (Eds.), Unequal Chances: Ethnic minorities in western labour markets (pp. 639-698). Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Heath, A., & Cheung, S. Y. (Eds.). (2007). Unequal Chances: Ethnic minorities in Western labour markets. Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy.

Holdaway, J., Crul, M., & Roberts, C. (2009). Cross-National Comparison of Provision and Outcomes for the Education of the Second Generation. Teachers College Record, 111(6), 1-2.

Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. (2004). Isma-listen: National consultation on eliminating prejudice against Arab and Muslim Australians. Sydney: HREOC.

Humphrey, M. (2001). Lebanese since 1970. In J. Jupp (Ed.), The Australian People: An Encyclopedia of the nation, its people and their origins. (2nd ed., pp. 561-566). Melbourne: Cambridge University Press.

Humphrey, M., & Mograby, A. (1984). Family Work and Unemployment: A study of Lebanese settlement in Sydney. Canberra AGPS.

Icduygu, A. (1991). Migrant as a Transitional Category: Turkish migration in Melbourne, Australia. Unpublished PhD, Australian National University, Canberra.

Inglis, C. (2007a). Planning for Cultural Diversity. Paris: IIEP, UNESCO. Inglis, C. (2007b). Transnationalism in an Uncertain Environment: Relationship between

migration, policy and theory. International Journal on Multicultural Societies 9(2), 185-204

Inglis, C. (in press). The Incorporation of Australian Youth in a Transnational and Multicultural World. In M. Clyne & J. Jupp (Eds.).

Inglis, C., Elley, J., & Manderson, L. (1992). "Making Something of Myself...": Educational attainment and social and economic mobility of Turkish-Australian young people. Canberra: Office of Multicultural Affairs.

Inglis, C., & Manderson, L. (1984). Patterns of Child Care Amongst Women in the Sydney Turkish Community. Australian Journal of Social Issues, 19(2), 113-124.


188

Inglis, C., & Model, S. (2007). Diversity and Mobility in Australia. In A. Heath & S. Y. Cheung (Eds.), Unequal Chances: Ethnic minorities in Western labour markets. Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy.

Interim Committee for the Australian Schools Commission. (1973). Schools in Australia: Report of the Interim Committee for the Australian Schools Commission, May 1973,[ the Karmel Report]. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service.

Jakubowicz, A. (1985). Education and Ethnic Minorities- Issues of Participation and Equity. Canberra: National Advisory and Coordinating Committee on Multicultural Education.

Johnston, R. (1969). The Assimilation Myth: A study of second generation Polish immigrants in Western Australia. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff.

Jupp, J., McRobbie, A., & York, B. (1990). Metropolitan Ghettoes and Ethnic Concentrations. Wollongong: Centre for Multicultural Studies, University of Wollongong.

Kasinitz, P., Mollenkopf, J., Waters, M., & Holdaway, J. (Eds.). (2009). Inheriting the City: The second generation comes of age. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press/ Russell Sage Foundation.

Kaya, A. (2009). Islam, Migration and Integration: The Age of Securitization. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

Keceli, B., & Cahill, D. (1998). Education and Inequality: A case study of second-generation Turkish Australians. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 19(2), 207-213.

Khoo, S.-E., Birrell, B., & Heard, G. (2009). Intermarriage by Birthplace and Ancestry in Australia. People and Place, 17(1), 15-27.

Klapdor, M., Coombs, M., & Bohm, C. (2009). Australian Citizenship: a chronology of major developments in policy and law

Lo Bianco, J. (1987). National Policy on Languages. Canberra: AG PS. Mackie, F. (1983). Structure, Culture and Religion in the Welfare of Muslim Families:A

study of immigrant Lebanese and Turkish men and women and their families living in Melbourne. Canberra: AGPS.

Mansouri, F., & Makhoul, C. (2004). Arab-Australians in Victoria: Needs Assessment and Capacity Building. Geelong: Deakin University.

Martin, J. (1978). The Migrant Presence. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. McAllister, I., & Moore, R. (1989). Ethnic Prejudice in Australian Society: Patterns,

intensity and explanations. Canberra: Office of Multicultural Affairs. McKay, J., & Batrouney, T. (2001). Lebanese immigration until the 1970s. In J. Jupp

(Ed.), The Australian People: An Encyclopedia of the nation, its people and their origins. (2 ed., pp. 554-558). Melbourne: Cambridge University Press.

Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research. (2008). Poverty Lines: Australia June Quarter 2008. Melbourne: University of Melbourne.

Nilan, P., & Feixa, C. (Eds.). (2006). Global Youth? Hybrid identities, plural worlds. London: Routledge.

Noble, G., Poynting, S., & Tabar, P. (1999a). Lebanese Youth and Social Identity. In R. White (Ed.), Australian Youth Subcultures: On the margins and in the mainstream (pp. 130-137). Hobart: Australian Clearing House for Youth Studies.

Noble, G., Poynting, S., & Tabar, P. (1999b). Youth, Ethnicity and the Mapping of Identities: Strategic essentialism and strategic hybridity among male Arabic-speaking youth in South-western Sydney. Communal/Plural, 7(1), 29-44.

Office of Multicultural Affairs. (1989). National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia. Canberra: AGPS.


189

Parker, N. (Ed.). (1973). Focus on Migrants. Sydney: Australian Council of Social Services.

Pe-Pua, R. (1999). Youth and Ethnicity: Images and constructions. In R. White (Ed.), Australian Youth Subcultures: On the margins and in the mainstream (pp. 130-137). Hobart: Australian Clearing House for Youth Studies.

Poole, M. E. (1981). Educational Opportunities for Minority Groups: Australian Research Reviewed. In J. Megarry (Ed.), Education of Minorities: World Yearbook of Education. London: Kogan Page.

Portes, A., Fernandez-Kelly, P., & Haller, W. (2005). Segmented Assimilation on the Ground: The new second generation in early adulthood. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28(6), 1000-1040.

Portes, A., & Rumbaut, R. G. (2001). Legacies: The story of the immigrant second generation. Berkeley: University of California Press & Russell Sage Foundation.

Portes, A., & Rumbaut, R. G. (2005). Introduction: the second generation and the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28(6), 983-999.

Poynting, S. (2000). Ethnicising Criminality and Criminalising Ethnicity. In J. Collins & S. Poynting (Eds.), The Other Sydney: Communities, identities and inequalities in Western Sydney (pp. 63-78). Altona: Common Ground Publishing.

Poynting, S., & Morgan, G. (Eds.). (2007). Outrageous! Moral panics in Australia. Hobart: Australian Clearing House for Youth Studies Publishing.

Poynting, S., Noble, G., Tabar, P., & Collins, J. (2004). Bin Laden in the suburbs: Criminalising the Arab other. Sydney: Institute of Criminology.

Reitz, J. (1998). Warmth of the Welcome:the Social Causes of Economic Success for Immigrants in Different Nations and Cities. Boulder: Westview Press.

Saeed, A. (2003). Islam in Australia. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin. Saeed, A., & Akbarzadeh, S. (Eds.). (2001). Muslim Communities in Australia. Sydney:

UNSW Press. Sherington, G. (1995). Youth Policy and Ethnic Youth: A history. In C. Guerra & R.

White (Eds.), Ethnic Minority Youth in Australia: Challenges and myths (pp. 25-34). Hobart: National Clearinghouse for Youth Studies.

Smolicz, J., & Wiseman, R. (1971). European Migrants and their Children. Quarterly Review of Australian Education 4(nos 2 and 3).

Thomson, M., & Crul, M. (2007). The Second Generation in Europe and the United States: How is the transatlantic debate relevant for further research on the European second generation? Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 33(7), 1025-1041.

Tsolidis, G. (1986). Educating Voula: A report on non-English-speaking background girls and education. Melbourne: Ministerial Advisory Committee on Multicultural and Migrant Education.

Waldinger, R., & Feliciano, C. (2004). Will the New Generation Experience Downward Assimilation? Segmented assimilation re-assessed. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 27(3), 376-402.

Waldinger, R., & Perlmann, J. (1998). Second generations: Past, present, future. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 24(1), 5-24.

White, R. (1999a). Youth Gangs. In R. White (Ed.), Australian Youth Subcultures: On the margins and in the mainstream (pp. 36-46). Hobart: Australian Clearinghouse for Youth Studies.

White, R. (Ed.). (1999). Australian Youth Subcultures: On the margins and in the mainstream. Hobart: Australian Clearinghouse for Youth Studies/ ACYS.


190

White, R., Perrone, S., Guerra, C., & Lampugnani, R. (1999b). Ethnic Youth Gangs in Australia: Do they exist? Overview Report. Melbourne: Australian Multicultural Foundation.

White, R., Perrone, S., Guerra, C., & Lampugnani, R. (1999c). Ethnic Youth Gangs in Australia: Do they exist? Report no. 2: Turkish Young People. Melbounre: Australian Multicultural Foundation.

Young, C., Petty, M., & Faulkner, A. (1980). Education and Employment of Turkish and Lebanese Youth. Canberra: Commonwealth Dept of Education, AGPS.

Zhou, M. (2005). Ethnicity as Social Capital: Community-based institutions and embedded networks of social relations. In G. C. Loury, T. Modood & E. S. Teles (Eds.), Ethnicity, Social Mobility and Public Policy: Comparing the US and UK (pp. 131-159). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Table 2.19B. Logistic regression of occupational class: Women (parameter estimates; contrasts with semi- and

Intercept -39.67 (4.60) -8.12 (3.14) -57.60 (8.16) -18.35 (6.53) Ancestry Australian 3 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 British & Irish 1 0.07 (0.08) 0.03 (0.07) -0.02 (0.09) 0.10 (0.13) German 1 0.12 (0.28) 0.21 (0.26) 0.20 (0.32) 0.82 (0.40) Italian 1 -0.35 (0.26) -0.09 (0.20) 0.09 (0.23) -0.18 (0.48) Dutch 1 -0.43 (0.32) -0.01 (0.28) 0.35 (0.31) 0.41 (0.50) Maltese 1 -0.89 (0.58) -0.26 (0.37) -0.89 (0.57) -0.70 (1.04) Greek 1 -0.58 (0.34) -0.12 (0.26) 0.35 (0.29) 0.08 (0.54) Chinese 1 -0.65 (0.11) -0.18 (0.10) 0.06 (0.13) -0.04 (0.20) Balkan 1 -1.07 (0.18) -0.96 (0.15) -0.55 (0.19) -0.37 (0.30) Central and Eastern European 1 -0.62 (0.22) -0.42 (0.21) -0.31 (0.27) 0.63 (0.31) Oceanian 1 -0.86 (0.24) -1.00 (0.19) -1.82 (0.43) -1.14 (0.52) Australian 2 0.09 (0.20) 0.16 (0.16) -0.47 (0.30) -0.40 (0.38) British & Irish 2 0.14 (0.09) 0.12 (0.08) 0.13 (0.11) 0.15 (0.16) German 2 0.32 (0.33) -0.07 (0.31) 0.27 (0.38) 1.02 (0.44) Italian 2 0.28 (0.14) 0.52 (0.12) 0.33 (0.16) 0.20 (0.25) Dutch 2 -0.17 (0.27) -0.20 (0.23) -0.42 (0.34) -1.75 (1.02) Maltese 2 0.58 (0.34) 0.76 (0.29) 0.94 (0.34) 0.37 (0.56) Greek 2 0.71 (0.22) 0.91 (0.20) 0.79 (0.25) 0.58 (0.36) Chinese 2 0.73 (0.39) 0.53 (0.37) 0.27 (0.68) 0.80 (0.55) Balkan 2 -0.05 (0.25) 0.59 (0.21) 0.21 (0.30) 0.23 (0.40) Central and Eastern European 2 0.16 (0.24) 0.11 (0.22) -0.12 (0.30) 0.34 (0.40) Australian-Other 2 0.10 (0.09) 0.10 (0.07) 0.09 (0.11) 0.03 (0.15) British & Irish 3 0.06 (0.06) 0.05 (0.05) -0.05 (0.07) 0.01 (0.10) German 3 0.19 (0.26) 0.09 (0.23) -0.02 (0.30) 0.09 (0.45) Italian 3 0.18 (0.44) 0.54 (0.34) 0.08 (0.60) 0.77 (0.54) Aboriginal, Indigenous 3 -1.32 (0.45) -1.11 (0.27) -2.69 (1.02) -19.46 (6649.29) Australian Other 3 0.12 (0.07) 0.09 (0.06) -0.14 (0.09) -0.02 (0.12) Other -0.38 (0.06) -0.14 (0.05) -0.13 (0.07) 0.01 (0.10) Lebanese Total 1 0.09 (0.46) 0.24 (0.38) 0.80 (0.43) 0.27 (0.78) Lebanese Christian 1 -0.12 (0.55) 0.09 (0.44) 0.81 (0.48) 0.52 (0.80) Lebanese Non-Christian 1 0.61 (0.92) 0.69 (0.80) 0.68 (1.01) -17.38 (0.00) Lebanese Total 2 0.75 (0.39) 0.58 (0.34) 1.05 (0.45) 0.46 (0.58) Lebanese Christian 2 0.74 (0.49) 0.73 (0.43) 1.06 (0.55) 0.91 (0.63) Lebanese Non-Christian 2 0.87 (0.64) 0.31 (0.54) 1.15 (0.77) -17.70 (7563.35) Age -1.29 (0.17) -0.40 (0.12) -1.76 (0.29) -0.71 (0.26) Age-squared 14.28 (1.79) 3.75 (1.25) 19.95 (3.09) 6.83 (2.60) Qualifications Incomplete secondary -1.04 (0.06) -0.38 (0.04) -0.31 (0.06) 0.05 (0.11) Completed secondary 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Post-secondary vocational 0.23 (0.05) -0.46 (0.04) -0.24 (0.06) 0.83 (0.09) Tertiary 2.84 (0.06) 0.15 (0.06) 0.34 (0.08) 0.85 (0.12) Marital Status Single 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Married 0.12 (0.05) 0.23 (0.04) 1.25 (0.07) -0.15 (0.08) Formerly Married 0.05 (0.06) 0.16 (0.06) 0.30 (0.09) -0.18 (0.11) Chi-squared (d.f.) N 13,660 (152) 33,092 Petty bourgeoisie Skilled manual Salariat Routine non-manual Table 2.19A. Logistic regression of occupational class: Men (parameter estimates; contrasts with semi- and

Intercept -23.49 (4.19) 11.90 (3.65) -52.74 (6.16) 12.12 (3.39) Ancestry Australian 3 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 British & Irish 1 0.17 (0.07) 0.08 (0.08) 0.06 (0.07) 0.06 (0.07) German 1 0.17 (0.28) -0.60 (0.43) 0.21 (0.28) 0.25 (0.29) Italian 1 -0.05 (0.21) 0.14 (0.24) 0.61 (0.18) 0.27 (0.21) Dutch 1 0.18 (0.28) 0.22 (0.34) 0.25 (0.27) 0.32 (0.30) Maltese 1 -0.21 (0.37) -1.04 (0.62) -0.51 (0.37) 0.37 (0.34) Greek 1 -0.07 (0.27) -0.07 (0.32) 0.62 (0.22) 0.27 (0.27) Chinese 1 -0.77 (0.10) -0.15 (0.12) 0.16 (0.11) 0.21 (0.11) Balkan 1 -1.04 (0.19) -1.11 (0.26) -0.08 (0.15) -0.15 (0.17) Central and Eastern European 1 -0.39 (0.22) -0.77 (0.32) 0.25 (0.21) 0.24 (0.22) Oceanian 1 -1.42 (0.26) -1.55 (0.32) -1.82 (0.31) -1.00 (0.22) Australian 2 -0.05 (0.16) 0.08 (0.17) -0.19 (0.19) -0.17 (0.16) British & Irish 2 0.11 (0.08) 0.09 (0.09) 0.03 (0.09) 0.11 (0.08) German 2 0.05 (0.30) 0.31 (0.32) 0.33 (0.28) 0.22 (0.29) Italian 2 0.21 (0.13) 0.56 (0.14) 0.87 (0.12) 0.38 (0.13) Dutch 2 0.06 (0.23) 0.28 (0.26) 0.48 (0.22) 0.22 (0.23) Maltese 2 -0.07 (0.26) -0.31 (0.31) 0.10 (0.24) -0.12 (0.24) Greek 2 0.08 (0.16) 0.42 (0.17) 0.58 (0.16) -0.27 (0.19) Chinese 2 1.05 (0.40) 1.59 (0.38) 1.03 (0.49) 0.03 (0.48) Balkan 2 0.29 (0.21) 0.17 (0.23) 0.65 (0.21) 0.11 (0.22) Central and Eastern European 2 1.01 (0.24) 0.70 (0.28) 0.77 (0.25) 0.89 (0.26) Australian-Other 2 0.14 (0.08) 0.13 (0.09) 0.19 (0.09) 0.05 (0.08) British & Irish 3 0.13 (0.05) 0.17 (0.06) 0.23 (0.05) 0.05 (0.05) German 3 -0.04 (0.23) -0.07 (0.25) 0.22 (0.21) -0.05 (0.22) Italian 3 0.16 (0.43) 0.32 (0.44) 0.88 (0.38) 0.72 (0.37) Aboriginal, Indigenous 3 -0.19 (0.32) -0.96 (0.44) -2.04 (0.60) -1.42 (0.45) Australian Other 3 0.19 (0.07) 0.08 (0.08) 0.06 (0.07) -0.04 (0.07) Other -0.26 (0.05) -0.03 (0.06) -0.04 (0.05) -0.16 (0.05) Lebanese Total 1 -0.50 (0.31) -0.15 (0.33) 0.94 (0.23) -0.33 (0.34) Lebanese Christian 1 -0.58 (0.40) -0.15 (0.43) 1.02 (0.28) -0.39 (0.45) Lebanese Non-Christian 1 -0.39 (0.48) -0.15 (0.53) 0.79 (0.37) -0.26 (0.52) Lebanese Total 2 0.57 (0.37) 0.55 (0.38) 1.47 (0.35) 0.43 (0.36) Lebanese Christian 2 0.51 (0.43) 0.06 (0.51) 1.20 (0.41) -0.02 (0.46) Lebanese Non-Christian 2 0.55 (0.73) 1.25 (0.62) 1.99 (0.66) 1.14 (0.61) Age -0.69 (0.16) 0.43 (0.14) -1.51 (0.22) 0.33 (0.13) Age-squared 7.99 (1.63) -4.62 (1.45) 17.77 (2.34) -4.27 (1.35) Qualifications Incomplete secondary -1.44 (0.06) -1.03 (0.05) -0.47 (0.05) -0.27 (0.05) Completed secondary 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Post-secondary vocational 0.11 (0.05) -0.35 (0.05) 0.54 (0.05) 1.49 (0.05) Tertiary 2.58 (0.06) 0.70 (0.07) 0.45 (0.07) 0.43 (0.08) Marital Status Single 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Married 0.55 (0.04) 0.26 (0.05) 0.75 (0.05) 0.18 (0.04) Formerly Married 0.02 (0.07) -0.02 (0.07) 0.25 (0.06) -0.16 (0.07) Chi-squared (d.f.) N Salariat Routine non-manual Petty bourgeoisie Skilled manual 17,700 (152) 38,295

TIAS, Root Questionnaire, part A (Personal details) November 2007

1

APPENDIX 1. CENSUS DATA SOURCES AND MEASURES USED IN THE REPORT

The 2006 census is the source of two data sets used in this report. The first data set, derived from the Australian Bureau of Statistics’ CData2006, is based on the entire Australian population aged 18-35 excluding overseas visitors. It has been used to provide comparative material for all Australians with Lebanese or Turkish as their first ancestry. The second data set is the 1% Confidentialised Unit Record Files (CURF). This is sample data which allows more complex statistical analysis to assess the effects of a range of factors on the labour market outcomes for individual ancestry groups. At the 2006 census neither the CURF 1% nor 5% samples separately identified those of Turkish ancestry. Separate data was, however, available for those with Lebanese ancestry. This has allowed the updating and extension of a previous analysis using 2001 CURF data (Inglis & Model, 2007). The Use of CURF Data The sample 1% Confidentialised Unit Record Files (CURF) from the 2006 Australian Census is based on self-reported data from a resident population of 19.9 million persons on Census night which was the 30 June 2006. The only exception is data collected by interview in predominantly Indigenous settlements in remote and isolated areas. For the purposes of present analysis, the individuals who were temporary visitors residing in Australia for less than one year were excluded. Thus the present analysis potentially includes overseas students studying in Australia for degrees and other courses longer than one year. The majority of these students are from Asia, many of them ethnic Chinese. The version of the CURF used in this analysis is the Basic 1% dataset rather than the more detailed RADL Expanded 5% version which would have allowed examination of a wider range of ancestry groups. However, the sample size of the additional ancestry groups identifiable in the RADL Expanded dataset is typically less than 100 for the second-generation males and females in the target age range of 18 to 59 years. Their inclusion hence would have created a problem of statistical reliability in this analysis. Measures1 Ancestry The measure of ancestry used in this analysis is based on answers to the question: ‘What is the person’s ancestry?Provide up to two ancestries only.’ A note on the form added that: ‘When answering this question, consider and mark the ancestries with which you identify most closely. Count your ancestry back as far as three generations if known e.g. consider your parents, grand-parents and great-grandparents.’ In order to meet the minimum requirements of 100 cases for males and females in the second generation using the Basic dataset it was still necessary to combine some ancestries. As coding was provided for the first two ancestries identified by individuals this was taken into account in constructing specific individual ancestries. Where individuals gave only one ancestry as their first, and in some cases, second response, this was taken as their ancestry. These ancestries were ‘Australian’, British & Irish, Dutch, German, Italian, Maltese, Greek, Lebanese and Chinese. Where individuals reported Australian and another ancestry they were classified as ‘Australian Other’. Geographic names are used for countries and regions where it 1 ¹ For more detailed information on the measures in the 2006 Census see Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2006 Census Directory (Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2006).


2

was necessary to combine groups for purposes of analysis. ‘Balkan’ includes those such as Albanians, Bosnians, Croatians, Macedonians, Romanians and Serbians, while ‘Central and Eastern European’ includes Czechs, Hungarians, Poles, Ukrainians and Russians. The ‘Other Oceanian’ category includes Indigenous ancestries from Australia and the Pacific. The final category, ‘Other” includes a heterogeneous group of individuals including New Zealanders, Other Europeans and individuals from the Middle East, Africa, and the Americas as well as individuals with non-Australian mixed ancestries. An addition to the ancestry coding in 2006 was to divide the Lebanese ancestry group into ‘Christians’ and ‘non-Christian/Other’. This was done by subdividing those classified as Lebanese ancestry by their religious affiliation. In the case of the first generation Lebanese aged 18-59, 57% identified as Christians, 38% as Muslims and 5% as either other religions, not clearly defined or no religion. For second generation Lebanese aged 18-59, 60% identified as Christian, 34% as Muslim, and 6% as other religions, not clearly defined or no religion. Generation This was based on whether the individual was born overseas. Those who were born abroad and whose birthplace was stated were classified as first generation if their parents were also born overseas. Second generation were those persons born in Australia who had one or both of their parents born overseas. Note that the census did not ask for country of parents’ birth where they were born outside Australia. The third generation were those born in Australia with both their parents also born in Australia. Age Up to 24 years, age was based on single year but after that only five-year age groupings were available. Marital Status This measure was constructed from responses to replies concerning legally registered marital status. Persons were coded as married if they described themselves as in a ‘registered’ marriage. Persons describing themselves as divorced, separated and widowed were coded as formerly married. Persons describing themselves as single were coded as never married. This measure differed slightly from the 2001 category which also took account of the social marital status of individuals and thus included those in ‘de facto’ relationships as ‘married’. Highest Educational Qualification This measure was obtained by combining responses to ‘highest level of primary or secondary schooling completed’ and the question asking ‘highest level of qualification obtained’ which includes post-secondary qualifications. The lowest level of education available was for those who did not complete secondary school by gaining a formal end of school certificate.


3

Economic Activity This measure was obtained by combining information from the variable on student status, which reported whether the individual was a full-time student, with the reply to the question concerning labour-market status. The latter did not collect information to distinguish between those who are not economically active because they are retired, involved only in looking after the home or other reason. Unemployment Persons who reported that they were unemployed and looking either for full-time or part-time work. Occupation This was based on the answers to two questions. The first was the main job held in the last week coded as one of the eight major occupation categories of the Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations (ANZSCO), 2006. The second question asked about employment status, distinguishing employees from owner managers and contributing family workers. In order to approximate the Goldthorpe occupational class measure used in the earlier analysis, the following variables were constructed:

Salariat consists of ‘Managers’ who are employees and ‘Professionals’ who are employees as well as owner managers, or contributing family workers. Petty Bourgeoisie consists of those in all the occupational groupings except the ‘Professional’ group who are not employees being either owner managers, or contributing family workers. Routine Non-Manual are ‘Clerical & Administrative Workers’ as well as ‘Sales Workers’ who are employees.

Skilled Manual are ‘Technicians & Trade Workers’ who are employees. Semi- and Unskilled are ‘Community & Personal Service’, ‘Machinery Operators & Drivers’ and ‘Labourers’ who are employees.

This measure of Occupation is different to that used in the 2001 analysis which was based on the Australian Standard Classification of Occupations, second edition. This classification had included categories such as ‘Associate Professionals’ who had been placed in the Salariat category. It did not include ‘Community and Personal Service Workers’ . Income The variable used in the analysis is the log of hourly income. This measure is constructed from the gross weekly income (including pensions and allowances) which the individual receives each week from all sources and the usual hours the individual worked each week. The CURFs code weekly income as belonging to one of fifteen intervals, the first two of which are, respectively, negative or none. Time worked is also coded as intervals to their respective midpoints. Next, respondents’ hourly earnings were defined; this number is the quotient of estimated weekly income divided by estimated weekly hours. Finally, the natural log of this quotient was obtained. Note that this procedure renders meaningless the income of persons without jobs.


4

Language Proficiency This was defined on the basis of the replied to the question on English proficiency which distinguishes between three groups: Those who speak only English in the home, those who speak a language other than English in the home and speak English 'well' or 'very well', and those who speak a language other than English in the home and speak English 'not well' or 'not at all'. Inglis, C., & Model, S. (2007). Diversity and Mobility in Australia. In A. Heath & S. Y.

Cheung (Eds.), Unequal Chances: Ethnic minorities in Western labour markets. Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy.


5

APPENDIX 2 TIAS SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE IN CAPI FORMAT

My name is ………… from McNair Ingenuity Research, the national research group. We are conducting an important survey among people aged between 18 years and 35 about their family history and attitudes to life in Australia.

You were recently contacted by a member of the McNair Ingenuity Research team and agreed to take part in this survey.

It should take about an hour.

(IF NECESSARY SAY: “The answers that you give are combined with those of hundreds of other people that we survey. After we have done our quality control checks, we do not keep your phone number or name, and you cannot be identified. We do not sell the information or use it in any way other than in this research”.)

A. PERSONAL DETAILS

INTERVIEWER: READ INTRO: WE WOULD LIKE TO START THIS INTERVIEW WITH SOME QUESTIONS ABOUT YOU AND THE PEOPLE YOU LIVE WITH IN THIS HOUSEHOLD. A1 Can you tell me who lives in your household (definition IN THE MANUAL) with you? Start with yourself and continue with the oldest person, the second oldest person and so on up to 10 people per household A1a Household members Start with yourself and continue with the oldest household member, followed by the second oldest member, etc.

A1b Sex 1 = male 2 = female

A1c Age

A1d Country of birth

A1e What is the relationship with the respondent? 1. Respondent 2. Husband or wife 3. Partner 4. Daughter or son 5. Step child 6. Adopted child 7. Brother or sister 8. Brother-in-law,

sister-in-law 9. Step brother, step

sister 10. Mother or father 11. Mother or father-

in-law 12. Grandchild 13. Grandparent 14. Other related 15. unrelated

Respondent 1 Oldest other member

Second Oldest member

Third oldest member

Fourth oldest member

Fifth oldest


6

member Sixth oldest member

Seventh oldest member

Eighth oldest member

Ninth oldest member

Tenth oldest member

Day ….

Month …..

A1g What is your date of birth?

Year ….. IF PARENTS OF RESPONDENT DO NOT LIVE IN THIS HOUSEHOLD, GO TO A3

Yes 1 A3 A2 Have you ever left your parents’ home to live somewhere else?

No 2 A5

A3 How old were you when you first left your parents’ home to live

somewhere else?

Age: __ years


7

Mentioned Not

mentioned A4a I married 1 2 A4b I started living with my partner 1 2 A4c I wanted to live on my own 1 2 A4d For my studies 1 2 A4e For my work 1 2

A4f My parents went back to [THEIR COUNTRY OF BIRTH] 1 2

A4g I did not get along with my parents 1 2

A4 Why did you leave your parents’ home? You may give more than one answer.

A4h Other reasons 1 2 A4i I wanted to go to my parents’ country of birth 1 2 A4j I wanted to travel overseas 1 2 SIBLINGS

Number of older siblings

____

A5 How many older and how many younger brothers and sisters do you have in total? Also include half-brothers and half-sisters. Please include brothers and sisters who live with you, as well as brothers and sisters who live somewhere else. Number of younger

siblings

____ CHILDREN

No 2 → A8d A6. Do you have any children who are not living with you?

Yes 1 A7a A7a

How many of your children live somewhere else?

Number of children ………………………

CITIZENSHIP

mentioned not mentioned

A8db Turkish 1 2 A8dc Lebanese 1 2 A8dd Other (specify each) 1 2 A8de 1 2 A8df 1 2 A8dg 1 2 A8dh 1 2 A8di 1 2

A8d Do you have various citizenships? You may give more than one answer.

A8dj y: If Turkish, Lebanese or parents’ country of birth is not mentioned go to A 11 If Turkish,Lebanese or parents’ country of birth is mentioned go to A12

Why do you not have Turkish/Lebanese/ parents ‘ other country of birth citizenship?

Not eligible 1 Not Interested 2 Other (specify)

A11


8

A12

Are you a citizen of any another country?

None 1

Other (specify)

Other (specify)

Go to part B

B. EDUCATION

SCHOOL CAREER AND ATTAINMENT INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: NOW WE WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU SOME QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR EDUCATIONAL CAREER. WE ARE TALKING HERE ABOUT FULLTIME EDUCATION IN SCHOOL DURING WORKING DAYS. B1 How old were you when you went to school for the first time? Age in years: _______

Yes 1 B2b

No 2 B3A

B2a Did you attend pre-school/ kindergarten ?

Don't know 98 B3A

one year or less 1 B2b How long did you attend pre-school/ kindergarten?

more than one year 2 INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: NOW I WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU ABOUT PRIMARY SCHOOL. B3A Please list in order the name of each Primary

school you attended and the state/country where it was located as well how long you spent there

Time Attended 1 year or less =1 2 years = 2 3 years = 3 4 years = 4 5 years = 5 6 years =6

State NSW= 1 Vic = 2 Other = 3

Country Turkey = 1 Lebanon = 2 Other (specify) =3

1ST SCHOOL 1 2ND SCHOOL 2 3RD SCHOOL 3 4TH SCHOOL 4 5TH SCHOOL 5 B3 What kind of primary school did you spend Public school 10


9

Private school, Muslim 20

Private school, Christian 30

Private school, no particular religion or philosophy 40

Other, …………………………………………. 50

most time at?

INTERVIEWER: SHOW CARD

Don't know 98


10

mentioned Not

mentioned

B4a. Because this was the local school for children who lived in the area 1 2

B4b. Because this school had no particular religion or philosophy of life 1 2

B4c. Because this school was known to be a better school than others in the area. 1 2

B4d. Because this school offered specific study programs 1 2

B4e. Because this school had a particular religion or philosophy of life 1 2

B4f. Because my parents selected it 1 2

B4g. Because my brother(s) / sister(s) attended it too 1 2

B4h. Because in this school there were few children from NESB (non-English speaking background ) 1 2

B4i. Because other schools in the area didn't accept children of immigrant origin 1 2

B4j. Other reason, ……………………………….. 1 2

B4 Why did you attend this primary school?

.

(MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSI BLE)

DO NOT READ

B4k. Don't know 98

How many children of none-English speaking background (NESB) were there at this primary school?

Hardly any children were of NESB background

Around 25% children were of NESB background

Around half of the children were of NESB background

Around 75% of the children were of NESB background

Almost all children were of NESB background

Don't know

B5.

1 2 3

4

5

98

Yes 1 B8 Did you ever interrupt your primary schooling in Australia to go abroad for a period of more than three months?

No 2

Yes 1 B10b

No 2 B11A

B10a Did you get any advice from your primary school about which secondary school to attend?

Don’ know

98 B11A

Mentioned

Not

mentioned

Public school, non-selective 1 2

Public school, selective 1 2

Private school, Christian 1 2

B10b What school advice were you given at the end of primary school? You may have been advised about more than one level or school.

INTERVIEWER: SHOW ANSWER CARD.

Private school, Muslim 1 2


11

Private school, with no particular religion or philosophy 1 2

Other (specify) 1 2

Don’t remember 96

No Advice 88 B11A Please list in order the name of each

secondary school you attended and the state/country where it was located as well as how long you spent there



Country Turkey = 1 Lebanon = 2 Other (specify)

1ST SCHOOL 2ND SCHOOL 3RD SCHOOL 4TH SCHOOL 5TH SCHOOL

Yes 1 B32 B12 Are you still attending secondary school?

No 2

Yes, completed and obtained the HSC/ VCE 1 B15

Did not complete but received the School Certificate/ Intermediate 2

B14

B13 Did you complete secondary school?

No, not completed and therefore no diploma or certificate 3

B14


B14a. Level was too low 1 2

B14b. Level was too high 1 2

B14c. Wanted to do another type of education 1 2

B14d. Did not like the school 1 2

B14e. Parents thought the school was no good 1 2

B14f. Had problems with teachers 1 2

B14g. Had problems with other pupils 1 2

B14 Why did you leave secondary school before completing year 12?

More than one answer is possible

(MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE)

B14h. Other reason:………………………. 1 X B15. How old were you when you left secondary school?

Age in years: _______

B16. Did you get advice from the school about continuing your education when Yes 1 B17


12

No 2 B18 you left secondary school?

Don’ know

98 B18

Mentioned

Not

mentioned

TAFE 1 2

Private vocational training 1 2

University 1 2

Adult/ community college vocational 1 2

Don’t remember 98

B17. What educational advice were you given by your school? You may have been advised about different types of further education


Not applicable 88

This was the last education I received 1 B19.

TAFE 2 B20.

Private vocational training 3 B20

University 4 B20

Adult /community college vocational 5 B20

B18. What type of education did you go to next?

Don’t remember 98 B20.

NOW I WANT TO ASK YOU ABOUT YOUR POST SECONDARY SCHOOL EDUCATION

One course 1 B19 i How many courses have you done post secondary school?

Two courses 2

Three courses 3

Four Courses 4

Five or more courses 5

Yes 1 B19i B19. Later on, did you return to attend school or get further education in a course that was at least one year?

No 2 B32.


13

B19A Please list in order the name of each post -secondary school TAFE/ University or other one year or longer vocational course/program you attended and the state/country where it was located as well how long you spent there



Country Turkey = 1 Lebanon = 2 Other (specify) = 3

1ST COURSE 1 2ND COURSE 2 3RD COURSE 3 4TH COURSE 4 5TH COURSE 5

Yes 1 IF B19i 1 and YES

B32

B20. Are you still studying?

No 2


14

Yes, completed and did obtain a diploma or certificate What was the name of the qualification?............

1 B23

Yes, completed but did not obtain a diploma or certificate 2

B23

B21 Did you complete this [NAME FIRST COURSE] and receive a qualification ?


B22

INTERVIEWER:

- Repeat B24-B31 as often as needed. Use Q19i for number of repetitions required. CODE 1 = 1 repetition, Code 2 = 2 repetitions etc

- Fill in a copy for each additional educational level attended.

- Number the copies (1,2,3 etc.) at the dots in front of the question number. OR RENUMBER AS

APPROPRIATE ED

- After all educational levels that the respondent has attended ( includes post secondary courses including TAFE, Undergraduate University and post-graduate university) have been discussed continue the interview with B32.


15

START REPETION BLOCK (copy as often as needed)

Yes 1 B25

No 2 B26

…

B24

Did you get advice from teachers/ lecturers about continuing your education at the end of this course/program?

Don’ know 98 B26

Mentioned

Not

mentioned

TAFE 1 2

Private vocational training 1 2

University 1 2

Adult/ community college vocational 1 2

University -postgraduate 1 2

Don’t remember 98

…

B25

What educational advice were you given? You may have been advised about more than one level or school.


Not applicable 88

This was the last educational course I attended

1 B27

TAFE 2 B28.

Private vocational training 3 B28

University –undergraduate 4 B28

University-postgraduate 5 B28

Adult/ community college vocational 6 B28

Other (specify) 7 B28

…

B26

What type of education did you go to next?

Don’t remember 98 B28.

Yes 1 B28 …

B27

Later in life did you return to get further education?

No 2 B32

Yes 1 B32 …

B28

Are you still attending this educational program/course?

No 2 B29

Yes, completed and did obtain a diploma or certificate 1 B31

Yes, completed but did not obtain a diploma or certificate 2 B31

…

B29

Did you complete this educational level and obtain a diploma or certificate?


B30


16


B30a. Level was too low 1 2

B30b. Level was too high 1 2

B30c. Wanted to do another type of education 1 2

B30d. Did not like the educational institution 1 2

B30e. Parents thought the course was not good 1 2

B30f. Had problems with teachers 1 2

B30g. Had problems with other pupils 1 2

B30i Wanted to earn more money 1 2

B30j Did not want to spend so much time studying 1 2

…

B30

Why did you quit this educational course/ level before obtaining a qualification such as a diploma or certificate? More than one answer possible.


B30h. Other reason:………………………. 1 2 …

B31

How old were you when you left this educational program/course?

Age in years: __________

END REPETION BLOCK B32 After all questions about study, I

want to ask one more question: what is the highest educational qualification you have obtained?

Incomplete secondary 1

Completed secondary 2

TAFE certificate 3

TAFE diploma 4

University undergraduate 5

University graduate diploma/ certificate 6

University postgraduate- masters level 7

University postgraduate-PhD 8

Other (specify) 9

IF RESPONDENT IS STILL STUDYING (B12 =1 OR B20 =1 0R …B28 =1), SKIP B33 AND GO TO B34


17


B27a. I am satisfied with my education 1 2

B27b. I did not want to do further study 1 2

B27c. I wanted to work and earn money 1 2

B27d. I had to work and earn money 1 2

B27e. I got married 1 2

B27f. My parents made me stop 1 2

B27g. I had to take care of the children or family 1 2

B33. Why didn’t you continue beyond this level?


B27h. Other reasons, ……………………… 1 2

Yes 1 B33B B33A Do you have plans to do further study?

No 2 B34

mentioned Not mentioned

B. I am dissatisfied with my education 1 2

B I now feel ready to do more study 1 2

B. It will help me in my career 1 2

B. My employer is paying for it 1 2

B. My spouse is encouraging me 1 2

B. Other relatives are encouraging me 1 2

B. My friends are encouraging me 1 2

B33 B

Why is that?


B. Other reasons, ……………………… 1 X


18

TAFE p/t 1

TAFE f/t 2

University undergraduate p/t 3

University undergraduate f/t 4

University postgraduate p/t 5

University postgraduate f/t 6

Adult education 7

B33

C

What type of course are you planning to take

Other 8 Don’t Know 9

General 1

Education (teaching, training) 2

Arts (e.g. fine arts, performing, graphic design) 3

Humanities (languages, culture, history, religion) 4

Social and behavioural science 5

Journalism, communication and information 6

Business and administration 7

Law 8

Science (e.g. physics, chemistry, biology) 9

Computing and software 10

Engineering 11

Manufacturing and processing 12

Architecture and building 13

Agriculture and horticulture 14

Health or medicine 15

Social services or welfare 16

Personal services (e.g. hotel, catering) 17

Transport services 18

Environnemental protection 19

Security services and the military 20

B34. What was/ is the field or area of your highest qualification or current study? Think of the name of the diploma, or the most important subjects, or the profession for which you studied.


Not known or unspecified 98 NOW I WANT TO ASK A FEW MORE QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR SECONDARY SCHOOL AGAIN

Never Once More than once B35. Did you ever change schools in secondary school?

1 2 3

Never Once More than once B36. Did you ever repeat a grade or class in secondary school?

1 2 3


19

Yes 1 B37a Did you ever interrupt your secondary schooling in Australia to go abroad for a period of more than three months?

No 2 B38

Mentioned Not mentioned

1st year/ year 7 1 2

2nd year/ year 8 1 2

3rd year/ year 9 1 2

4th year/ year 10 1 2

5th year/ year 11 1 2

B37b In which year?


6th year/ year 12 1 2 SCHOOL CONTEXT AND CLIMATE INTERVIEWER IF RESPONDENT IS STILL ATTENDING SCHOOL, READ INTRO AND ASK QUESTIONS IN PRESENT TENSE. INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: NOW WE WANT YOU TO THINK OF YOUR EXPERIENCE IN SCHOOL WHEN YOU WERE IN SECONDARY SCHOOL. WE HAVE SOME QUESTIONS ABOUT THE SCHOOL YOU ATTENDED IN THIS PERIOD. IF YOU ATTENDED SEVERAL SCHOOLS, WE WANT TO KNOW ABOUT THE SCHOOL WHERE YOU SPENT MOST OF YOUR TIME.

Public school, non-selective 10

Public school, selective 20

Private school, Christian 30

Private school, Muslim 40

Private school, with no particular religion or philosophy 50

Other, …………………………………………. 60

B38 What kind of secondary school did you study at the longest?


Don't know 98

How many children of non-English speaking background were there at this secondary school?

Hardly any children were NESB

Around 25% children were NESB

Around half of the children were NESB

Around 75% of the children were NESB

Almost all children were NESB

Don't know

B39

1 2 3

4

5

98


20


B40a. Because this was the local school for students who live in this area 1 2

B40b. Because this school was known to be a better school than others in the area 1 2

B40c. Because this school offered specific study programs 1 2

B40d Because this school had a particular religion or philosophy of life 1 2

B40e Because this school had no particular religion or philosophy of life 1 2

B40f. Because siblings or friends attended this school 1 2

B40g. Because class mates from my primary school went to this school 1 2

B40h. Because my parents decided it 1 2

B40i. Because in this school there were/ are few NESB children 1 2

B40j. Because I passed the selection test 1 2

B40k. Because of advice from my primary school 1 2

B40 Why did you attend this secondary school?

There may be more than one reason


DO NOT READ

B40l. Other reasons 1 2

Yes 1 B41 During secondary school did you ever go to an ESL class or a specialist teacher

who helped students with learning problems to catch up?

No 2

Yes 1 B42 During secondary school did you ever have get coaching or go to a tutoring class

outside school?

No 2

Thinking about the teachers and the students at the secondary school where you spent most time, to what extent do you agree with the following statements? INTERVIEWER GIVE ANSWER CARD

Totally agree Agree

Neither agree nor disagree

Disagree Totally disagree

B43a. I got along well with most of my teachers 1 2 3 4 5

B43b. I got along well with most students in my class. 1 2 3 4 5

B43c. Most teachers really listened to what I had to say 1 2 3 4 5

B43

B43d. When I needed extra help, I would receive it from my teachers 1 2 3 4 5


21

INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: THE FOLLOWING QUESTIONS ARE ABOUT THE ROLE OF YOUR PARENTS AND FAMILY IN YOUR SCHOOL CAREER.

Yes 1 B44 When you were in secondary school did you have a quiet place at home to do your homework?

No 2

0 – 10 books 1

11 – 25 books 2

26 – 50 books 3

51 – 100 books 4

More than 100 books 5

B45 How many books were there at your home?

Don’t know 98 IF CODE 6 AT A5 GO TO B50 Yes-

brother(s) 1 ->B47

Yes-sister(s)

2

B47 B46 Do you have one or more older brothers or sisters with the HSC/VCE?

No

3

B48

B47 What is the highest qualification obtained by any of

your older brothers or sisters?

TAFE certificate 1

TAFE diploma 2

University undergraduate 3

University graduate diploma/ certificate 4

University postgraduate- masters level 5

University postgraduate-PhD 6

Other (specify) 9 Yes-

brother(s) 1

Yes-sister(s)

2

B48 Do you have older brothers or sisters who have left secondary school without the HSC/VCE?

No

3

Yes-

brother(s) 1

Yes- sister(s)

2

B49 Do you have younger brothers or sisters who left secondary school without the HSC/VCE?

No

3


22

Yes 1 B50 When you were in secondary school did you have close friends who left

secondary school without the HSC/ VCE?

INTERVIEWER: WE MEAN FRIENDS FROM THAT PERIOD OF LIFE IN GENERAL

No 2

When you were in secondary school how important were the following people in supporting you with your studies or school work? INTERVIEWER: GIVE ANSWER CARD Not important

at all Not

important Somewhat important Important Very

important Not

applicable

B51a Mother 1 2 3 4 5 88

B51b Father 1 2 3 4 5 88

B51c Elder sibling(s) 1 2 3 4 5 88

B51d. Peer(s) 1 2 3 4 5 88

B51

B51e. Teacher(s) 1 2 3 4 5 88

When you were in secondary school, how often did your parents...

INTERVIEWER: GIVE ANSWER CARD

Often Regularly Sometimes Rarely Never Not applicable B52a

...control the time you spent on homework? 1 2 3 4 5 88

B52b.

...help you with your homework? 1 2 3 4 5 88

B52c.

...ask you do household chores or look after siblings?

1 2 3 4 5 88

B52d.

...talk with you about school or studies? 1 2 3 4 5 88

B52

B52e.

...meet with or talk to your teachers? 1 2 3 4 5 88

When you were in secondary school, how often did your older brothers or sisters...

INTERVIEWER: GIVE ANSWER CARD Often Regularly Sometimes Rarely Never Not applicable

B53a ...help you with your homework? 1 2 3 4 5 88

B53

B53b. ...talk with you about school or studies? 1 2 3 4 5 88

When you were going to secondary school, do you think that people of non-Anglo-Celtic background felt just as welcome, less or more welcome in school than students of Anglo-Celtic background? [IF RESP. IS STILL IN SCHOOL, SAY: In your secondary school, do you think...]


Much less welcome Less welcome Just as welcome More welcome Much more welcome

B54

1 2 3 4 5


23

As a secondary-school student, how often did you personally experience hostility or unfair treatment because of your origin or background? [IF RESP. IS STILL IN SCHOOL, SAY: How often do you experience...]


Never Rarely Occasionally Regularly Frequently

1 2 3 4 5

B55

B57. B56.


B56a Students 1 2

B56b. Teachers 1 2

B56c. Principal 1 2

B56d. Teaching assistants 1 2

B56 From whom did you experience hostility or unfair treatment? You can give more than one answer.

DO NOT READ

B56e. Others 1 2

Completely unsatisfied

Mostly unsatisfied

Partly satisfied

Mostly satisfied

Completely satisfied

Do not know

(NOT ON CARD!)

B57 Looking back, how satisfied are you with the final level of education that you have achieved? INTERVIEWER: GIVE ANSWER CARD

1 2 3 4 5 98

Totally agree Agree



Don't know (NOT ON CARD!)

B58 According to your own experiences, what do you think of the following statement:

“The school system in Australia offers equal opportunities to everybody.”


1 2 3 4 5 98

GO TO PART C

C. LABOUR MARKET INTERVIEWER NOW READ INTRO: I would now like to ask you about your experience on the labour or job market.

I have one or more jobs 1

I have my own business 2

C1 Can you indicate which statement best describes your current situation? INT: SHOW CARD I am self-employed 3

C2a


24

I have one or more jobs, and I also study 4

I am an apprentice 5

I do unpaid family work/ family business 6

I am unemployed and not looking for a job or paid work 7

I am unemployed and looking for a job or paid work 8

I take care of/ look after children/ family/ home 9

I am sick or disabled and cannot work 10

I am a fulltime student without a job 11

I am on unemployment benefits 12

I am retired 14

Other (specify) 13

Instruction for the interviewer: Paid work for a few hours a week or a temporary job counts as work as well! SINGLE RESPONSE

Don’t know (do not include in answer card) 98

C42

C2a In your main job/business what is your

job title or role?

INTERVIEWER: IF MORE THAN ONE JOB, WRITE DOWN THE MAIN ONE IN WHICH THE RESPONDENT SPENDS MOST WORKING HOURS.

BE SPECIFIC HERE ABOUT ROLE

Eg ACCOUNTANT

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

____________________________________

C2b In your main job/business what kind of

work do you do?

INTERVIEWER: DESCRIBE AS ACCURATELY AS POSSIBLE THE PRECISE TASKS THE INDIVIDUAL DOES HERE SHOULD HAVE A NUMBER OF TASKS THEY DO IN THI JOB Eg Conduct tax returns, financial planning, auditing

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

______________________________________

C3 When did you start working in

this job/business?

INTERVIEWER ASK FOR YEAR

Fill in year _________ Year


25

C4 In which industry is your company/organisation?

INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD

1. Agriculture, hunting and forestry

2. Fishing

3. Mining and quarrying

4. Manufacturing

5. Construction

6. Electricity, gas and water supply

7. Wholesale and retail trade; repair of motor vehicles, motorcycles and personal and household goods

8. Hotels and restaurants

9. Transport, storage and communications

10. Financial intermediation

11. Real estate, renting and business activities

12. Public administration and defence; compulsory social security

13. Education

14. Health and social work

15. Other community, social, personal service activities

16. Private households with employed persons

17. Extra-territorial organizations and bodies

18. Other (Specify)…………….

A private firm/ business 1

Governmental/ civil service organisation 2

C5 What kind of business is it?

INT.: READ OUT Non-governmental/ non-profit organisation 3

C7 How many hours per week do you usually work in your job/ business? _______ number of hours


26

Casual employee 10

Permanent employee 11

Paid (family) worker 12

Apprentice 13

Independent worker/ professional 14

Freelance worker 15

C9

Owner of a business, without employees 16 C11

Owner of a business, employing others 17

C8 Are you employed as

INT.: SHOW CARD

Other specify________________________ 18 C9

No 1

Yes, for less than 10 employees 2

Yes, for 10 to 50 employees 3

C9 Do you have responsibility for supervising other employees?

INT.: If yes, read out options 2-4

Yes, for more than 50 employees 4

0-9 employees 1

10-24 employees 2

25-99 employees 3

100-499 employees 4

C10 How many employees in total work in this firm/ organisation?

Over 500 employees 5

IF CODE 16 or 17 ON C8 GO TO C12

How did you find your current job? INTERVIEWER: ASK FOR MOST IMPORTANT WAY

Replied to an advertisement 10

Approached business 11

Through subsidized job scheme 12

Through private job agency 13

Through public job agency 14

Did my apprenticeship there 15

I worked there as a student or intern 16

Through a friend / colleague 17

Through relatives 18

Through internet 19

C11

Other, specify___________________________________ 20 If C1= 5 and C8 = 13, [ [THE PERSON IS AN APPRENTICE] GO TO C15

No, job is below my level 1

Corresponds well 2

C12 Does your current job (or your work in your own business) correspond well with your level of education and/or your skills?

Job is above my level 3 C13 Did you receive on-the-job training(s) in your current job to improve your Yes 1


27

skills? No 2

Got promoted 1

Stayed at the same level 2

Got demoted 3

C14 Were you promoted to your current position, or are you continuing to work at more or less at the same level?

Not relevant, short-term job, own business, or apprentice track

4

Yes 1 → C32 C15 Is your present job also your first job?

No 2 C16

C16 How many jobs did you have before this current job? ……… number of jobs

C17 How many of these jobs were full-time jobs of at least 35 hours

per week? ……… number of jobs

Interviewer read: I now would like to ask you some questions about your first job.

I didn't like the job 01

I thought I was not really suited for the job 02

I had a personal conflict on the job 03

I found a better paid or more interesting job 04

I found a job closer to my home, or I moved 05

I went back to study 06

I became a full-time home maker/ got married/ pregnant/ had a child 07

I became ill 08

I sold my business 09

My company went bankrupt 10

The company I worked for went bankrupt 11

The job was only temporary 12

I was laid off 13

Boss was dissatisfied with my work 14

C18 What was the main reason you left your first job/ stopped your first business?

DO NOT READ

Other, specify________________________________ 15

C19a In your first job/business, what was your

job title or role?

INTERVIEWER: IF MORE THAN ONE JOB, WRITE DOWN THE MAIN ONE IN WHICH THE RESPONDENT SPENT MOST WORKING HOURS. BE SPECIFIC HERE ABOUT ROLE

Eg ACCOUNTANT

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

_____________________________________


28

C19b In your first job/business what kind of work did you do?

INTERVIEWER: DESCRIBE AS ACCURATELY AS POSSIBLE THE PRECISE TASKS THE INDIVIDUAL DID HERE SHOULD HAVE A NUMBER OF TASKS THEY DO IN THI JOB Eg Conduct tax returns, financial planning, auditing

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

C20a When did you start your first job

(your own business)? Fill in year ____________year

C20b How long did you work in your

first job (your own business)??

Fill in number of months _________months

C21 In which industry

was your business?



2. Fishing


4. Manufacturing

5. Construction








13. Education





18. Other (Specify)………..

A private firm/ business 1 C22 What kind of organisation was it?



29

INT.: READ OUT Non-governmental/ non-profit organisation 3

C24 How many hours per week did you usually work in your first job/

business? ………… number of hours

Casual employee 10



Apprentice 13


Freelance worker 15

C26



C25 Did you do this work as:

INT.: SHOW CARD

Other specify________________________ 18 C26

No 1



C26 Were you responsible for supervising other employees? And if so, for how many?

INT.:If yes, read out options 2-4 Yes, for more than 50 employees 4

How did you find your first job? INTERVIEWER: ASK FOR MOST IMPORTANT WAY

Replied to an advertisement 10

Approached firm directly 11




Had done my apprenticeship there 15

I had worked there as a student or intern 16


Through relations 18

Through internet 19

C28

Other, specify____________________________ 20

If C25 = 13, [ THE PERSON WAS AN APPRENTICE] GO TO C32

No, job was below my level 1

Corresponds well 2

C29 Did your first job correspond well with your level of education and/or your skills?

Job is above my level 3

Yes 1 C30 Did you receive on-the-job training(s) in your first job to improve your skills?

No 2

C31 Did you get promoted in your first job, or did you continue to Got promoted 1


30


Got demoted 3

work more or less at the same level?

Not relevant, short-term job, own business

4

How difficult do you think it is for someone of non-Anglo-Celtic background with the same age and qualifications to find a good job compared with people of Anglo-Celtic background ?

Much less difficult Less difficult As difficult More difficult Much more difficult

C32

1 2 3 4 5

Why is that? PROBE Why Else?

C32 a

When looking for a job, currently or in the past, how often have you personally experienced hostility or unfair treatment because of your origin?


C33

1 2 3 4 5

At your workplace, currently or in the past, how often have you personally experienced hostility or unfair treatment because of your origin?

Never Rarely Occasionally Regularly Frequently 1 2 3 4 5

C34

C36 C35


Co-workers or colleagues 1 2 Foremen or supervisors 1 2 Your boss or director 1 2 Clients 1 2 Others 1 2

C35 From whom did you experience hostility or unfair treatment? INT.: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE.

Don't know 1 2 If C1 = 5 and C8 = 13 , (ie the person is an apprentice)and respondent has an uninterrupted educational career GO TO C40

I want to ask you now about the transition from school to work. It often takes some time before people find a job after they have finished school or full time study.

C36

How many months did it take you to find your first job? ........... number of months


31

I did household work 10

I was unemployed but did not look for a job (e.g. on vacation) 11

I was unemployed but actively looking for work 12

I did all kinds of short-term odd jobs 13

I helped in the family business without pay 14

I worked in a family business for payment 15

I immediately found a job 16

C37 Which of these statements best describes your situation during the first period after finishing school/ study? INT: SHOW CARD

Other (specify) 17

No 2 C40

Yes, but less than one month 1 C40

C38 Have you been without paid employment since you left school?

Yes, more than one month 3 C39 C39 What was your longest period without paid employment? …… number of months

Far worse than I expected 1

Worse than I expected 2

As expected 3

Better than I expected 4

C40 Has your career so far lived up to your expectations?

READ IF NECESSARY

Far better than I expected 5

Continue current work 1

Look for promotion/ more challenging job 2

Part time work / work fewer hours 3

Start my own business 4

Follow (additional) training/ education 5

Become a full-time homemaker 6

C41 What are your future plans concerning your working career?

READ IF NECESSARY

Other, specify_________________ 7

INTERVIEWER: GO TO PART D


32

FOR THOSE WHO ARE UNEMPLOYED

Yes 1 C43 C42 Are you currently looking for work?

No 2 C44

How are you looking for work? Please tell me your main way of trying to find work.

Advertisement(s) 10

Direct approaches to potential employers 11

Through friend(s) /former colleague(s) 12

Through subsidized job scheme(s) 13

Through private job agency/ agencies 14

Through public job agency/ agencies 15

Through my (former) apprenticeship(s) 16

Through my (former) work as a student or intern 17

Through internet 18

Through relations 19

C43

Other, specify____________________________________ 20

Yes 1 C45 C44 Have you ever had a paid job? INSTRUCTION FOR INTERVIEWER: Paid work for a few hours a week or a temporary job counts as work as well! No 2 C79

C45 How long have your been without paid employment since your last paid

job? …… number of

months

C46a What was the job title or your role in

your last job/ business?

If respondent had own business ask:

What was your position or function in your own business?

BE SPECIFIC HERE ABOUT ROLE

Eg ACCOUNTANT

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

C46b In your last job/business what kind of

work did you do?

INTERVIEWER: DESCRIBE AS ACCURATELY AS POSSIBLE THE PRECISE TASKS THE PERSON DID HERE SHOULD HAVE A NUMBER OF TASKS THEY DO IN THI JOB Eg Conduct tax returns, financial planning, auditing

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

_____________________________________


33

C47a When did you start your last job/ last business?

Fill in year ____________year

C47b How long did you work in your

last job / last business?



was this business/ organisation?



2. Fishing


4. Manufacturing

5. Construction








13. Education





18. Other (Specify)………..



C49 What kind of organisation was it?

INT.: READ OUT Non-governemental/ non-profit organisation 3

C51 How many hours per week did you work usually in your job/ business? _______ number of hours


34

Casual employee 10



Apprentice 13


Freelance worker 15

C53




INT.: SHOW CARD

Other, Specify________________ 18 C53

No 1



C53 Did you have responsibility for supervising other employees?


Yes, for more than 50 employees 4

0-9 employees 1

10-24 employees 2

25-99 employees 3

100-499 employees 4

C54 How many employees worked in total in this firm/ organisation?

Over 500 employees 5

IF CODE 16 or 17 on C52 GO TO C56

How did you find your last job? INTERVIEWER: ASK FOR MOST IMPORTANT WAY SINGLE RESPONSE

Replied to advertisement 10

Approached employer directly 11






Through a friend / (former) colleague 17

Through family relations 18

Through internet 19

C55

Other, specify____________________________ 20

If C52 = 13 (PERSON WAS AN APPRENTICE), GO TO C59


Yes, Corresponded well 2

C56 Did your last job correspond well with your level of education and/or your skills?

No,Job was above my level 3


35

Yes 1 C57 Did you receive on-the-job training(s) in your last job to improve your skills?

No 2


36

Got promoted 1


Got degraded 3

C58 Did you get promoted in your last job, or did you continue work at more or less at the same level?


4

Yes 1 → C76 C59 Was your last job also your first job?

No 2 C60

C60 How many jobs did you have before your last job? ……… number of jobs

C61 How many of these jobs were full-time jobs of more than 32

hours a week? ……… number of jobs

Interviewer read: I now would like to ask you some questions about your first job.

I didn't like the job 01

I thought I was not really suited for the job 02

I had a personal conflict on the job 03

I found a better paid or more interesting job 04

I found a job closer to my home, or I moved 05

I went back to study 06

I became a full-time home maker/ got married/ pregnant/ had a child 07

I became ill 08

I sold my business 09

My company went bankrupt 10

The company I worked for went bankrupt 11

The contract had been temporary 12

I was laid off 13

Boss was dissatisfied with my work 14

C62 What was the main reason you left your first job / stopped with your first business?

Other, specify________________________________ 15

C63a What was your job title or role in your

first job/ business?

INTERVIEWER: IF MORE THAN ONE JOB, WRITE DOWN THE MAIN ONE IN WHICH THE RESPONDENT SPENT MOST WORKING HOURS.

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

_____________________________________


37

C63b In your first job/business what kind of work did you do?

INTERVIEWER: DESCRIBE AS ACCURATELY AS POSSIBLE THE PRECISE TASKS THE PERSON DID

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

______________________________________

C64a When did you start your first job

(your own business)? Fill in year ____________year

C64b How many months did you work

in your first job (your own business)?



was this business/ organisation?



2. Fishing


4. Manufacturing

5. Construction








13. Education





18. Other (Specify)…..



C66 What kind of business/ organisation was it?

INT.: READ OUT Non-governemental/ non-profit organisation 3


38

C68 How many hours per week did you work usually in your first job/ business?

………… number of hours

Casual employee 10



Apprentice 13


Freelance worker 15

C70




INT.: SHOW CARD

Other 18 C70

No 1



C70

Were you responsible for supervising other employees?


Yes, for more than 50 employees 4 IF CODE 16 or 17 on C69 GO TO C73

How did you find your first job? INTERVIEWER: ASK FOR MOST IMPORTANT WAY

Application on advertising 10

Application on own initiative 11







Through family relations 18

Through internet 19

C72

Other, specify______________________________ 20 If C69 = 13,(AN APPRENTICE) GO TO C76


Corresponded well 2

C73 Did your first job correspond well with your level of education and/or skills?

Job was above my level 3

Yes 1 C74 Did you receive on-the-job training(s) in your first job to improve your skills?

No 2


39

Got promoted 1


Got degraded 3

C75 Did you get promoted in your first job, or did you continue work at more or less at the same level?


4

At your workplace in the past, have you ever personally experienced hostility or unfair treatment because of your origin or background and, if so, how often?

Never Rarely Occasionally Regularly Frequently 1 2 3 4 5

C76

C78 C77

Yes No Co-workers or colleagues 1 2 Foremen or supervisors 1 2 Your boss or director 1 2 Clients 1 2 Others 1 2

C77 From whom did you experience hostility or unfair treatment? INT.: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE.

Don't know 1 2 If C1 = 11(FULL-TIME STUDENTS)and C44 = 2 NEVER HAD PAID WORK) GO TO C80

I want to ask you now about the transition from school to work. It often takes some time before people find a job after they have finished school/ study.

C78

How many months did it take you to find your first job? ........... number of months

I did household work 10

I was unemployed but did not look for a job (e.g. on vacation) 11

I was unemployed but actively looking for work 12

I did all kind of short-term odd jobs 13

I helped in the family business without pay 14

I worked in a family business for payment 15

I immediately found a job 16

C79 Which of these statements best describes your situation during the first period after finishing school/ study? INT: SHOW CARD

Compulsory service in the army 17

How difficult do you think it is for someone of non-Anglo-Celtic background with the same age and qualifications to find a good job compared with people of Anglo-Celtic background ?

Much less difficult Less difficult As difficult More difficult Much more difficult

C80

1 2 3 4 5

When looking for a job, currently or in the past, have you ever personally experienced hostility or unfair treatment because of your origin or background and, if so, how often?


C81

1 2 3 4 5


40

Far worse than I expected 1

Worse than I expected 2

As expected 3

Better than I expected 4

C82 Has your career so far lived up to your expectations?

Far better than I expected 5


41

To look for a job 2

To start my own business 4

To start or follow (additional) training/ education 5

To become full-time homemaker 6

C83 What are your future plans concerning your working career?

Other, specify_____________________ 7

INTERVIEWER: GO TO PART D

D. PARTNER

Throughout the questionnaire we narrow the term spouse, or partner with whom you live together to one word only: ‘partner’; please use the term that is appropriate for this particular respondent

ED If there is a husband, wife or partner in the household (that is if A1e = 2 or 3) start with D1, otherwise go to D28.

INTERVIEWER READ OUT INTRO: I would like to ask you a few questions about marriage and relationships.

Month _____ D1. When did you begin living with your partner?

Year…. .. _____

At school, TAFE or university, or at a school party 10

At my workplace 11

Through friends 12

At an association, a sports-club, a political party 13

At a night club, pub 14

At a family celebration 15

My parents introduced us 16

During a holiday in my parents’ home country 17

During a holiday (not in my parents’ home country) 18

Through someone in my parents’ network of friends 19

In my neighbourhood, street 20

In a public place (commercial centre, park, street) 21

Other, specify_________________________________ 22

D3. How did you meet your partner?

Don’t know 98

Australia 10 D6 Turkey 11 Lebanon 12 Cyprus 13 Italy 14 China 15

D4. In which country was your partner born?

Other, specify 16

D5


42

Don’t know_ 98

D5. How old was your partner when he/she

came to live in Australia for the first time?

Age in years _____


43

Australia 10 D8 Turkey 11 Lebanon 12 Cyprus 13 Italy 14 China 15

Other, specify 16

Don’t know_ 98

D6. In which country was your partner’s mother born?

D7

Yes 1

No 2

D7 Has she ever lived in Australia?

Don’t know 98

Australia 10 D10 Turkey 11 Lebanon 12 Cyprus 13 14 15 16 17 18

Other, specify 19

D8. In which country was your partner’s father born?

Don’t know_ 98

D9

Yes 1

No 2

D9 Has he ever lived in Australia?

Don’t know 98


D10a Australia 1 2 D10b Turkey 1 2 D10c Lebanon 1 2 D10d 1 2 D10e 1 2 D10f 1 2 D10g 1 2 D10h 1 2 D10i 1 2 D10j Other, specify _________ 1 2

D10. What countries is your partner a citizen of?

D10k Don’t know 98 98

Australia 1

Turkey/Lebanon 2

Australia + Turkey/Lebanon 3

Other 4

Other + Australia 5

D11a In which country did your partner go to school?

Don’t know 98


44

Primary school 14 Lower secondary: 21 Upper secondary 31 TAFE or vocational training 32 TAFE- certificate course 33

TAFE –diploma course 34

University Bachelors degree 42

University, higher degree 50

Don’t know 98

D11

What is the highest l level of education your partner has received? INT: highest level attended, i.e. irrespective of diploma attained! Also refers to level still attending. READ IF NECESSARY

Primary school 14 Lower secondary: 21 Upper secondary 31 TAFE or vocational training 32

TAFE- certificate course 34

TAFE –diploma course 41

University Bachelors degree 42

University, higher degree 50

Don’t know 98

D12 What is the highest qualification, diploma or certificate obtained by your partner (so far)? READ IF NECESSARY

He/she has one or more jobs 10

He/she has their own business 11

He/she is self-employed 12

He/she has a job and he/she also studies 13

He/she is an apprentice 14

He/she does unpaid family work/ family business 15

He/she is retired 16

He/she is unemployed and not looking for a job or paid work 17

He/she is unemployed and looking for a job or paid work 18

He/she takes care of/ look after children/ family/ home 19

He/she is sick or disabled and cannot work 20

He/she is a fulltime student without a job 21

He/she is on unemployment benefits 22

Other (specify) 23

D13 I now have some questions on your partner’s work situation. Can you indicate which statement best describes his/her current situation? A few hours a week or a temporary job counts as work as well If he/she has more than one job at the moment, choose the one in which most time is spend. INTERVIEWER: SHOW ANSWER CARD

Don’t know 98


45

Refuses to tell 97

Yes…………………………………..……. 1 D14. Does your partner have a religion?

No…..……………………………………. .. 2 D16

Muslim: Sunni 14

Muslim: Shia 15

Muslim: Alevi 16

Muslim: General 17

Christian: Catholic 10

Christian: Protestant 11

Christian: Orthodox 12

Christian:Maronite 14

Christian: Melkite 15

Christian: Armenian Apostolic Church 16

Christian: Pentacostal 17

Christian: Other (specify) 18

Druse 13

Jewish 18

D15. What is/was your partner’s religion?

Other (specify) 19

Yes…………………………………..……. 1 D16. Are you married to your partner?

INT: meant here is a legal marriage No…..……………………………………. .. 2 D22

Month…………………………………..……. ____ D17. When did you marry your partner?

Year …………………………………………. ____

Yes, cousins ……….…………………….. 1

No ………………. …………….…………… 2

Refuses to answer ……………………….. 97

Don’t know ………………………………… 98

D18. Are you and your partner relatives?

Yes, other family relationship, specify: _____________3

Yes 1 D19 Was there strong opposition from your family or your family-in-law to your marriage?

No 2

Yes 1 D20 Did your family or your family-in-law strongly encourage your marriage?

No 2 D27

Yes 1

No 2

D22. Do you want to marry your partner?

Don’t know yet 3


46

Yes, cousins … 1

No …………… 2

Refuses to answer…….. 97

Don’t know ………… 98

D23 Are you and your partner relatives?

Yes, other family relationship, specify: ____________3

Yes 1 D25 Is there strong opposition from your family or your family-in-law to your marriage?

No 2

Yes 1 D26 Has your family or your family-in-law strongly encouraged your marriage?

No 2

Yes 1 D42 D27 Apart from your current partnership or marriage, have you previously been married or had another partner? No 2 E

INT: note that D28 is only for those not currently married or living with a partner

Yes 1 D29 D28 Have you ever been married or did you have a previous partner?

No 2 E


47

INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: I WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU A FEW QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR LAST/PREVIOUS PARTNER

Month _____ D29. When did you start to live with your last partner?

Year…. .. _____ D30. How old was your last partner when you started to live

together? Age in years

___

D31b When did this relationship end? Year

_____

Australia 10

Turkey 11 Lebanon 12 Cyprus 13 14 15 16 17 18

Other specify 19

D32 In which country was your last partner born?

Don’t know_ 98

Australia 10 Turkey 11 Lebanon 12 Cyprus 13 14 15 16 17 18

Other, specify 19

D33. In which country was this partner’s mother born?

Don’t know_ 98


Other, specify 19

D34. In which country was this partner’s father born?

Don’t know_ 98


48

Yes, cousins … 1

No …………… 2

Refuses to answer 97

Don’t know 98

D35 Were you and this partner relatives?

Yes, other family relationship, specify: ____________3

Yes 1 D36. Were you married to this partner?

INT: meant here is a legal marriage No 2 D41

Yes 1 D37 Was there strong opposition to this marriage by your family or your family-in-law?

No 2

Yes 1 D38 Was this marriage strongly encouraged by your family or your family-in-law?

No 2

Yes 1 D42 D41 Apart from your last partnership or marriage, have you ever been married before or had a previous partner?

No 2 E

INT READ: NOW I WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU A FEW QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR FIRST PARTNER

Month _____ D42. When did you start to live with your first partner?

Year…. .. _____ D43. How old was your first partner when you

started to live together? Age in years

____

D44 When did this relationship end Year

_____


Other, specify 19

D45 In which country was your first partner born?

Don’t know_ 98


49


Other, specify 19

D46. In which country was this partner’s mother born?

Don’t know_ 98


Other, specify 19

D47. In which country was this partner’s father born?

Don’t know_ 98

Yes, cousins ……….…………………….. 1

No ………………. …………….…………… 2

Refuses to answer ……………………….. 97

Don’t know ………………………………… 98

D48. Were you and this partner relatives?

Yes, other family ties, specify: ______________3

Yes………………………………..……. 1 D49. Were you married to this partner?

INT: meant here is a legal marriage No…..……………………………………. .. 2 INTERVIEWER: GO TO PART E

E. PARENTS

INTERVIEWER READ INTRODUCTION: Now I would like to ask you some questions concerning you parents, starting with your father.

In which country was your father born?

Australia 10

Turkey 11

Lebanon 12

Cyprus 13

Italy 14

E1a

China 15


50

Other, specify: ......................................16

Don’t know 98

E1b When was your father born? ……….……… year

In which country did your father grow up until he was 15 years old? INTERVIEWER: IF HE MOVED PLACES A LOT CHOOSE THE COUNTRY WHERE HE LIVED LONGEST

Australia 10

Turkey 11

Lebanon 12

Cyprus 13

Italy 14

China 15

Other, specify: .....................................16.

Don’t know 98

E2

E3 In which province/region did your father mostly live until he was 15 years old?

INTERVIEWER: USE COUNTRY LIST OF PROVINCES AND/ OR MAP FOR CODES

.................................


51

Village 1

Town 2

Big city 3

E4 Did he mostly live in a village, a town, or a big city until he was 15?

INT: IF HE MOVED PLACES A LOT CHOOSE THE ONE WHERE HE LIVED LONGEST

Don’t know 98

Yes 1 → E7

No 2 → E6

E5 Is your father still alive?

Don’t know 98 E9 E6 When did your father die? …………………. Year of death E9

Same house as respondent 1

Same neighbourhood as respondent 2

Same city as respondent 3

Same country as respondent 4

Turkey/Lebanon 5

Another country (specify) 6

E7 Where does your father live now?

Don’t know 98

He has one or more jobs 10

He has an own business 11

He is self-employed 12

He has a job and he also studies 13

He is an apprentice [!!] 14

He does unpaid family work/ family business 15

He is retired 16

He is unemployed and not looking for a job or paid work 17

He is unemployed and looking for a job or paid work 18

He takes care of/ looks after children/ family/ home 19

He is sick or disabled and cannot work 20

He is a fulltime student without a job 21

He is on unemployment benefits 22

E8

Which statement best describes your father’s current situation? INT: SHOW CARD Instruction for the interviewer: Paid work for a few hours a week or a temporary job counts as work as well If he had more than one job then, choose the one in which most time was spent.

Don’t know 98


52

He had already died 88 E11a

He had one or more jobs 10

He had an own business 11

He was self-employed 12

He had a job and he also studies 13

→ E10

He was an apprentice 14

He did unpaid family work/ family business 15

He was retired 16

He was unemployed and did not look for a job or paid work 17

He was unemployed and looked for a job or paid work 18

He took care of/ looked after the children/ family/ home 19

He was sick or disabled and could not work 20

He was a fulltime student without a job 21

He was receiving unemployment benefits 22

E9

Which statement best describes your father’s situation when you were 15 years old? INT: SHOW CARD Instruction for the interviewer: Paid work for a few hours a week or a temporary job counts as work as well

If he had more than one job then, choose the one in which most time was spent.

Don’t know 98

→ E11a

E10 What was his job title or role name when you were

15 years old?

If he had more than one position then, choose the one in which most time was spent.

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

Australia 10

Turkey 11

Lebanon 12

Cyprus 13

Italy 14

China 15

Other, specify: ......................................16

Don’t know 98

E11a In which country was your mother born?

E11b When was your mother born? ……….……… year


53

Australia 10

Turkey 11

Lebanon 12

Cyprus 13

Italy 14

China 15

Other, specify: ......................................16

Don’t know 98

16

E12 In which country did your mother grow up until she was 15 years old? INTERVIEWER: IF SHE MOVED PLACES A LOT CHOOSE THE COUNTRY WHERE SHE LIVED LONGEST

E13 In which province/ region did your mother mostly live until she was 15 years

old?

INTERVIEWER: USE COUNTRY LIST OF PROVINCES AND/ OR MAP FOR CODES

............................

Village 1

Town 2

Big city 3

E14 Did she mostly live in a village, a town, or a big city in this period of her life?

INT: IF SHE MOVED PLACES A LOT CHOOSE THE ONE WHERE SHE LIVED LONGEST

Don’t know 98

Yes 1 → E17

No 2 → E16

E15 Is your mother still alive?

Don’t know 98 E19 E16 When did your mother die? …………………. Year of death E19

Same house as respondent 1

Same neighbourhood as respondent 2

Same city as respondent 3

Same country as respondent 4

Turkey/ Lebanon 6

Another country 5

E17 g Where does your mother live now?

Don’t know 98


54

She has one or more jobs 10

She has her own business 11

She is self-employed 12

She has a job and also studies 13

She is an apprentice 14

She does unpaid family work/ family business 15

She is retired 16

She is unemployed and not looking for a job or paid work 17

She is unemployed and looking for a job or paid work 18

She takes care of/ look after children/ family/ home 19

She is sick or disabled and cannot work 20

She is a fulltime student without a job 21

She is on unemployment benefits 22

E18

Which statement best describes your mother’s current situation? INT: SHOW CARD Instruction for the interviewer: Paid work for a few hours a week or a temporary job counts as work as well. If she had more than one job then, choose the one in which most time was spent.

Don’t know 98

She had already died 88 E21a

She had one or more jobs 10

She had her own business 11

She was self-employed 12

She had a job and was studying 13

→ E20

She was an apprentice 14

She did unpaid family work/ family business 15

She was retired 16

She was unemployed and did not look for a job or paid work 17

She was unemployed and looked for a job or paid work 18

She took care of/ looked after children/ family/ home 19

She was sick or disabled and could not work 20

She was s a fulltime student without a job 21

She was on unemployment benefits 22

E19

Which statement best describes your mother’s situation when you were 15 years old? INT: SHOW CARD Instruction for the interviewer: Paid work for a few hours a week or a temporary job counts as work as well If she had more than one job then, choose the one in which most time was spent.

Don’t know 98

→ E21a

E20 What was her job title or role when you were 15

years old?

If she had more than one position then, choose the one in which most time was spent.

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

_____________________________________


55

INT: NOW I WOULD LIKE TO ASK YOU SOME MORE QUESTIONS ABOUT YOUR PARENTS’ MIGRATION AND LIVES

……………..………………….. Years E21b

Not applicable (father was born and raised in Australia)

88 E23a

E21a How old was your father when he came to live in Australia] for the first time?

Don't know 98 E23a

Marriage 1

Reunification with family 2

Reunification with partner 3

Work 4

Study 5

Seeking Asylum/refugee 6

Came with his parents 7

Don’t know 98

E21b What was the main reason your father migrated to Australia?

SINGLE RESPONSE DO NOT READ

Other, specify ______________8

Yes 1 → E22b

No 2 → E23a

E22a Before your father migrated to Australia], did he have a paid job or business?

Don’t know 98 → E23a

E22b What was his job title or role?

If he had more than one position then, choose the one in which most time was spent.

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

……………..………………….. Year E23b

Not applicable (mother was born and raised in [Australia])

88 E25a

E23a How old was your mother when she came to live in Australia for the first time?

Don't know 98 E25a

Marriage 1

Reunification with family 2

Reunification with partner 3

Work 4

Study 5

Seeking Asylum/refugee 6

Came with her parents 7

Don’t know 98

E23b What was the main reason your mother migrated to Australia?

SINGLE RESPONSE DO NOT READ

Other, specify ______________8


56

Yes 1 → E24b

No 2 → E25a

E24a Before your mother migrated to Australia, did she have a paid job or business?

Don’t know 98 → E25a

E24b What was her job title or role then?

If she had more than one position then, choose the one in which most time was spent.

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

_____________________________________

Yes 1 E25b

No 2 → E26

E25a Are your parents still married or have they been married?

Don’t know 98 → E26

E25b How long have your parents been married? …………………….. years of marriage

Yes 1 → E28 E26 Have your father and mother always

stayed together? No, they divorced /separated 2 E27

E27 When did your parents divorce or separate? ……………………….. year of divorce/ separation

He did not go to school 10

He only went to a religious school 11 → E30

Ilk Okul (primary education)

aged 7 and over 14

Orta Okul (professional training - lower secondary education)

aged 11-12 and over 20

Lise (higher secondary education)

Aged 15-16 and over 30

Yüksek okul (Higher non-university education)

aged 18 and over 40

Universite (university education)

aged 18 and over 50

→ E29

E28

TURKEY

What was the highest level of school your father attended?



57

He has not gone to school 10


Ecole primaire (primary education)

Aged 7 and over 14

Complementary education years 6-9(lower secondary education)


Baccalaureat (higher secondary education)


TS (Technique Superieur) ;Bac technique ; Brevet technique (higher non-university education)

Aged 18 and over

40

Licence (university education)

Aged 18 and over 50

→ E29

E28

LEBANON





Primary Education

Aged 7 and over 14

Lower secondary education


Upper secondary education ; HSC, VCE


TAFE or similar post-secondary vocational

Aged 18 and over 40

University

Aged 18 and over 50

→ E29

E28

Other country



Yes 1 E31

No 2 E30

E29 Did your father successfully finish this school (level)?

Don’t know 98 E30

Yes 1 E30 Can/could your father read and write?

No 2

E31


58

Don’t know 98

What language(s) did your father speak at home when he was growing up? INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE


E31a English 1 2

E31b Turkish 1 2

E31c Kurdish 1 2

E31d Aramaic 1 2

E31c Suryoye (or other spoken language derived from Aramaic) 1 2 E31d Armenian 1 2 E31j Other (specify) 1 2

E31 T

E31k Don't know 98

What language(s) did your father speak at home when he was growing up? ? INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE


E31a English 1 2

E31b Lebanese (-Lebanese Arabic 1 2

E31c 1 2

E31d 1 2

E31e Assyrian 1 2

E31f Standard Arabic 1 2

E31g French 1 2

E31h Armenian 1 2

E31j Other (specify) 1 2

E31 L

E31k Don't know 98

What language(s) did your father speak at home when he was growing up? ? INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE


E31a English 1 2

E31b Italian 1 2

E31c Chinese 1 2

E31d 1 2

E31c 1 2 E31d 1 2 E31j Other (Specify) 1 2

E31 O

E31k Don't know 98


59

Very well 1

Well 2

Reasonably 3

A little bit 4

Hardly 5

Not at all 6

E32 How well would you say your father speaks or spoke English?

Don’t know 98

Only read 1

Only write 2

Read and write 3

Neither 4

E33 Can/could your father read or write in English?

Don’t know 98

Yes 1 E35b

No 2 E35b

Refuses to tell 97 E35b

E34 Does/did your father have Australian citizenship?

Don’t know 98 E35b

Yes 1

No 2

Refuses to tell 97

E35b Does/did your father have [COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF FATHER] citizenship?

Don’t know 98

She has not gone to school 10

She only went to a religious school 11 → E38

Ilk Okul (primary education)

aged 7 and over 14

Orta Okul (professional training - lower secondary education)

aged 11-12 and over 20

Lise (higher secondary education)


Yüksek okul (Higher non-university education)

aged 18 and over 40

Universite (university education)

aged 18 and over 50

→ E37

E36

T

What was the highest level of school your mother attended?



60

She has not gone to school 10

She only went to a religious school 11 → E38

Ecole primaire (primary education)

Aged 7 and over 14

Complementary education years 6-9(lower secondary education)


Baccalaureat (higher secondary education)


TS (Technique Superieur) ;Bac technique ; Brevet technique (higher non-university education)

Aged 18 and over

40

Licence (university education)

Aged 18 and over 50

→ E37

E36

L

What was the highest level of school your mother attended?




Primary Education

Aged 7 and over 14

Lower secondary education


Upper secondary education ; HSC, VCE


TAFE or similar post-secondary vocational

Aged 18 and over 40

University

Aged 18 and over 50

→ E37

E28

O

What was the highest level of school your fmother attended?


Yes 1 E39

No 2 E38

E37 Did your mother successfully finish this school (level)?

Don’t know 98 E38

Yes 1

No 2

E38 Can/could your mother read and write?

Don’t know 98

E39


61

IWhat language(s) did your mother speak at home? INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE


E39a English 1 2

E39b Turkish 1 2

E39c Kurdish 1 2

E39d Aramaic 1 2

E39c Suryoye (or other spoken language derived from Aramaic) 1 2

E39d Armenian 1 2

E39j Other (Specify) 1 2

E39 T

E39k Don't know 98

What language(s) did your mother speak at home? INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE


E39a English 1 2

E39a Lebanese(=Lebanese Arabic) 1 2

E39b 1 2

E39c 1 2

E39d 1 2

E39e Standard Arabic 1 2

E39f French 1 2

E39g 1 2


E39 L

E39k Don't know 98

What language(s) did your mother speak at home? INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE


E39a English 1 2

E39a 1 2

E39b 1 2

E39c 1 2

E39d 1 2

E39e 1 2

E39f 1 2

E39g 1 2


E39 O

E39k Don't know 98


62

Very well 1

Well 2

Reasonably 3

A little bit 4

Hardly 5

Not at all 6

E40 How well would you say your mother speaks or spoke English?

Don’t know 98

Only read 1

Only write 2

Read and write 3

Neither 4

E41 Can/could your mother read or write in English?

Don’t know 98

Yes 1 E44

No 2 E43

Refuses to tell 97 E44

E42 Does/did your mother have Australian citizenship?

Don’t know 98 E44

Yes 1

No 2

Refuses to tell 97

E44 Does/did your mother have [COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF MOTHER] citizenship?

Don’t know 98

GO TO PART F F. NEIGHBOURHOOD INTERVIEWER READ INTRODUCTION: I would like to ask you now a few questions concerning the neighbourhood you live in NEIGHBOURHOOD F5a. When you were between 12 and 16 years old, what country did you

live in?

INTERVIEWER: IF RESPONDENT MOVED PLACES A LOT CHOOSE THE ONE WHERE HE/ SHE LIVED LONGEST

......……………………..

F5b. And in which place did you live (give name of city, town or village?

INTERVIEWER PROMPT FOR VILLAGE OUTSIDE OF MAIN CITY ......……………………..


63

F5c. And in which neighbourhood or suburb idid you live if it was a large town? ......……………………..

Lower-class

neighbourhood Middle-class

neighbourhood Upper-class

neighbourhood Don't know F6. How would you describe the

neighbourhood or suburb you currently live in?

INTERVIEWER: READ OUT 1 2 3 98

As a neighbourhood where almost everyone is of NESB origin 1

As a neighbourhood where around 75% of the people are of NESB origin 2

As a neighbourhood where around half of the people are of NESB origin 3

As a neighbourhood where around 25% of the people are of NESB origin 4

As a neighbourhood where almost nobody is of NESB origin 5

F7. How would you describe the neighbourhood you are currently living in?


Don’t know 98

In a neighbourhood where almost everyone is of NESB origin 1

In a neighbourhood where around 75% of the people are of NESB origin 2

In a neighbourhood where around half of the people are of NESB origin 3

In a neighbourhood where around 25% of the people are of NESB origin 4

In a neighbourhood where almost nobody is of NESB origin 5

Makes no difference to me 6

F8. What kind of neighbourhood listed on this card would you like to live in?


Don’t know 98

F9. To what extent do you agree with the

following statements:

INTERVIEWER: READ THE STATEMENTS AND GIVE ANSWER CARD

Totally agree Agree

Neither agree nor

disagree


F9a. I am attached to the neighbourhood I currently live in 1 2 3 4 5

F9c. There is a hardly any vandalism in this neighbourhood 1 2 3 4 5

F9d. There are not enough good schools in this neighbourhood 1 2 3 4 5

F9f. I have good contact with my direct neighbours 1 2 3 4 5

F9h. I expect that in the next year the liveability of the neighbourhood will deteriorate 1 2 3 4 5

F9i. There is a lot of garbage on the streets in this neighbourhood 1 2 3 4 5

F9j. People hardly know each other in this neighbourhood 1 2 3 4 5


64

F9k. There is a lot of crime in this neighbourhood 1 2 3 4 5

GO TO PART G

G. SOCIAL RELATIONS AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

INTERVIEWER READ INTRO: Now I would like to ask you some questions about social relations and political participation. G1a. Think of your three best friends when you were at secondary school. Think of your first

best friend at that time. What was his or her ethnic background?

Best friend No. 1

Anglo-Celtic 10

Turkish 11

Lebanese 12

Italian 13

Greek 14

Chinese 15

Vietnamese 16

Serbian 17

Croatian 18

Other Specify 19

Don’t know 98

G1b. If you now think of the second one: What was his or her ethnic background?

Best friend No. 2

Anglo-Celtic 10

Turkish 11

Lebanese 12

Italian 13

Greek 14

Chinese 15

Vietnamese 16

Serbian 17

Croatian 18

Other Specify 19

Don’t know 98

There is no second best friend 88


65

G1c. And if you now think of the third one: What was his or her ethnic background?

Best friend No. 3

Anglo-Celtic 10

Turkish 11

Lebanese 12

Italian 13

Greek 14

Chinese 15

Vietnamese 16

Serbian 17

Croatian 18

Other Specify 19

Don’t know 98

There is no third best friend 88

None Very few Some Many Most

G1da. When you were in secondary school, how many of your friends were of Anglo-Celtic background?

1 2 3 4 5

G1d.

G1db. And currently: how many of your friends are of Anglo-Celtic background?

1 2 3 4 5

G2a. Thinking about your three best friends now. Think of your current first best friend: What

is his or her ethnic background?

Best friend No. 1

Anglo-Celtic 10

Turkish 11

Lebanese 12

Italian 13

Greek 14

Chinese 15

Vietnamese 16

Serbian 17

Croatian 18

Other Specify 19

Don’t know 98


66

G2b. If you now think of the second one: What is his or her ethnic background?

Best friend No. 2

Anglo-Celtic 10

Turkish 11

Lebanese 12

Italian 13

Greek 14

Chinese 15

Vietnamese 16

Serbian 17

Croatian 18

Other Specify 19

Don’t know 98

There is no second best friend 88

G2c. And if you now think of the third one: What is his or her ethnic background?

Best friend No. 3

Anglo-Celtic 10

Turkish 11

Lebanese 12

Italian 13

Greek 14

Chinese 15

Vietnamese 16

Serbian 17

Croatian 18

Other Specify 19

Don’t know 98

There is no third best friend 88


67

What educational level did these best friends complete?

G3a. Best friend No. 1

G3b. Best friend No. 2

G3c. Best friend No. 3

Primary school 14 14 14 Lower secondary: 21 21 21 Upper secondary 31 31 31 TAFE or vocational training 32 32 32 TAFE- certificate course 33 33 33 TAFE –diploma course 34 34 34 41 41 41

University Bachelors degree 42 42 42

University, higher degree 50 50 50

Don’t know 98 98 98

G3.

Yes No Don’t know G4a. Do you have relatives living in this city?

By relatives I mean brothers and sisters, grandparents, uncles, aunts, cousins, nephews, nieces who do not live in your household.

1 2 98

Yes No Don’t know G4b. Do you have relatives living elsewhere in Australia?

1 2 98

Yes No Don’t know G4c. Do you have relatives living in countries other than

Australia and Turkey/Lebanon?

1 2 98

G5. How often do you see the relatives (other than those living in your house) that you most frequently

have contact with?

Daily Several times per week

Several times per month

Several times per year

Once a year Rarely or never

1 2 3 4 5 6


68

mentioned not

mentioned

G6a. Sports club or team 1 2

G6b. Student union 1 2

G6c. Religious organisations 1 2

G6d. Political parties or groups 1 2

G6e. Arts, music or cultural activities 1 2

G6f. Trade unions 1 2

G6g. Women's groups 1 2

G6h. Turkish/ Lebanese organisation or group 1 2

G6i. Local community action on issues like poverty, employment, housing, racial equality or alike 1 2

G6j. Third world development 1 2

G6k. Conservation, the environment, ecology, animal rights 1 2

G6l. Human rights or peace movement 1 2

G6m. Professional associations 1 2

G6n Parents organization in school 1 2

G6o. Other, specify ……………………….1

G6.

Did you participate in one or more activities of the following organisations this past year?

INTERVIEWER: GIVE CARD WITH ORGANISATIONS, MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE

G6 None → G8

Yes No Not

Applicable

G6a. Sports club or team 1 2 88

G6b. Student union 1 2 88

G6c. Religious organisations 1 2 88

G6d. Political parties or groups 1 2 88

G6e. Arts, music or cultural activities 1 2 88

G6f. Trade unions 1 2 88

G6g. Women's groups 1 2 88

G6h. Local community action on issues like poverty, employment, housing, racial equality or alike

1 2

88

G6i. Third world development 1 2 88

G6j. Conservation, the environment, ecology, animal rights 1 2

88

G6k. Human rights or peace movement 1 2 88

G6l. Professional associations 1 2 88

G6m. Parents organization in school 1 2 88

G7. In which of the organisations you just mentioned are the activities mostly oriented towards the Turkish/Lebanese/Other community in Australia?

INTERVIEWER: GIVE SAME CARD WITH ORGANISATIONS, MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE

Gn Other (specify) ……………………….1

G6o None -> G8


69

G8 Have you ever experienced hostility or unfair treatment towards you because of your origins or background, either as a child or later in life?

Never 1

Rarely 2 Occasionally 3 Regularly 4

Frequently 5

Here are some situations or places. How often did you experience hostility or unfair treatment because of your origin or background in these situations? Never Rarely Occasionally Regularly Frequently

G9c In my neighbourhood 1 2 3 4 5

G9d. When going out or in dancing’s, cafés, or restaurants

1 2 3 4 5

G9.

G9f. In encounters with the police 1 2 3 4 5

INT.: If G9c.-G9f. are all 1 (never)

G11 If otherrwise G10.

Yes No

G10a Ethnic origin or background 1 2

G10b Language or accent 1 2

G10c Skin colour 1 2

G10d Religion 1 2

G10e Social class or class origin 1 2

G10f Other 1 2

G10. In general, what would you say was the reason(s) for this hostility or unfair treatment? More than one answer is possible. DO NOT READ

G10g Don't know 98

Never 1 G13.

Rarely 2

Occasionally 3

Regularly 4

G11. Have you ever been confronted with offensive words because of your origin or background? How often did you have this experience?

MULTIPLE RESPONSE Frequently 5

G12.


G12a. Anglo-Celtic origin 1 2

G12b. Turkish origin 1 2

G12c. Lebanese origin 1 2

G12. From whom did you experience this hostility and unfairness? Was/were this/these persons(s) of ….

INTERVIEWER READ:

G12d. Other immigrant origin (specify) 1 2


70

In general, how often do you think that the following groups experience hostility or unfair treatment because of their origin or background in Australia?

Never Rarely Occasionally Regularly Frequently Don’t know

G13a. Anglo-Celts 1 2 3 4 5 98

G13b. Turks 1 2 3 4 5 98

G13c. Lebanese 1 2 3 4 5 98

G13d. Muslims 1 2 3 4 5 98

G13.

G13g. Anyone from NESB G.13h Asians

1 2 3 4 5 98

G13i Aborigines or Torres Strait Islanders

1 2 3 4 5 98

G13j Pacific Islanders 1 2 3 4 5 98

G13k People of African Origin

1 2 3 4 5 98

G13 l People with darker coloured skin

1 2 3 4 5 98

Think about these situations. How often would you say that people of Turkish and Lebanese background in Australia experience hostility or unfair treatment because of their origin or background in these situations? SHOW CARD

Never Rarely Occasionally Regularly Frequently Don’t know

G14a. At school 1 2 3 4 5 98

G14b. At the workplace 1 2 3 4 5 98

G14c. Looking for work 1 2 3 4 5 98

G14e. When going out or in dancing’s, cafés, or restaurants

1 2 3 4 5 98

G14g. In their neighbourhood 1 2 3 4 5 98

G14.

G14j. In encounters with the police 1 2 3 4 5 98

ALP 1

Liberal 2

National Party 3

G15b How did you vote in the recent Federal elections?

Greens 4

Democrats 5

Not old enough 6

Not registered in time 7

Other (specify) 8

Refused answer 97 GO TO PART J

J. IDENTITY, LANGUAGE AND TRANSNATIONALISM _____________________________________________________________________


71

Interviewer read introduction: People can think of themselves as members of various groups in the wider society. The following questions are about how you think of yourself in this respect. How strongly do you identify as…

very strongly strongly

not strongly,

not weakly weakly very

weakly Not at

all

J1a Australian 1 2 3 4 5 6

J1b Sydneysider/Melbournian 1 2 3 4 5 6 J1c 1 2 3 4 5 6 J1d Turkish / Lebanese 1 2 3 4 5 6

J1e Kurd/ 1 2 3 4 5 6

J1f Armenian 1 2 3 4 5 6

J1g NESB 1 2 3 4 5 6

J1h Muslim 1 2 3 4 5 6

J1

J1i Christian 1 2 3 4 5 6 J1j Other (specify) 1 2 3 4 5 6

In general, to what extent would you describe the relationship between people of Anglo-Celtic background and people of Turkish/Lebanese background in Sydney/Melbourne as friendly? [INTERVIEWER: GIVE CARD] Not friendly at all Not so friendly Indifferent Friendly Very friendly

J2

1 2 3 4 5

How would you say the relationship between people of Anglo-Celtic background and people of Turkish/ Lebanese background in Sydney/Melbourne changed over the last years? It has become [INTERVIEWER: GIVE CARD]

Less friendly Somewhat less friendly Same Somewhat more

friendly More friendly

J3

1 2 3 4 5

Would you say that living together with people of different origins in Sydney/Melbourne is threatening or enriching for your own culture? [INTERVIEWER: GIVE CARD]

Threatening Rather threatening Makes no difference Rather enriching Enriching

J4

1 2 3 4 5

Would you say that the presence of people of different origins is generally good or bad for the economy in Sydney/Melbourne? [INTERVIEWER: GIVE CARD]

Bad Rather bad Makes no difference Rather good Good

J5

1 2 3 4 5


72

To what extent do you agree with the statement that it is good for Sydney/Melbourne that there is a variety of different religions? [INTERVIEWER GIVE CARD]

Totally agree Agree Neither agree nor disagree Disagree Totally disagree

J6

1 2 3 4 5

The integration of people of immigrant origin in Australia is an important topic in political debates and in the media. To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements? [INTERVIEWER GIVE CARD]

Totally agree Agree Neither

agree nor disagree


J7a At home, people of immigrant origin have the right to live as much as possible in accordance with the cultural customs and norms of their parents’ country or region of origin.

1 2 3 4 5

J7b At home, people of immigrant origin have the right to live as much as possible in accordance with the Australian cultural customs and norms.

1 2 3 4 5

J7c Outside the home, people of immigrant origin have the right to live in accordance with the cultural customs and norms of their parents’ country or region of origin.

1 2 3 4 5

J7d Outside the home, people of immigrant origin have the right to live as much as possible in accordance with the Australian cultural customs and norms.

1 2 3 4 5

J7

J7g

The government should do more to improve the position in Australian society of people of immigrant origin. 1 2 3 4 5

Which language(s) did you speak at home when you were growing up? [INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE]


J8a English 1 2

J8b Turkish 1 2

J8c Kurdish 1 2

J8d Aramaic 1 2

J8e Suryoye (or other spoken language derived from Aramaic) 1 2

J8f Armenian 1 2

J8 T

J8j Other (specify) 1 2

Which language(sdid you speak at home when he was growing up? ? [INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE]


J8a English 1 2 J8b Lebanese(=Lebanese Arabic) 1 2

J8c 1 2

J8 L

J8d 1 2


73

J8e 1 2

J8f Standard Arabic 1 2

J8h French 1 2

J8i Spanish 1 2

J8j Other (specify) 1 2

Which language(s) did you speak at home when he was growing up? ? [INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE]


J8a English 1 2

J8b Other (specify) 1 2

J8c 1 2

J8d 1 2

J8e 1 2

J8f 1 2

J8 O

J8j 1 2

Are there any other languages from your parents’ country of origin that you understand? [IF LANGUAGE MENTIONED] And how well do you understand them, well to fairly well, or not so well? INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE, FILL IN FOR EACH SPONTEANEOUSLY MENTIONED LANGUAGE

Yes, I understand it well to fairly

well

Yes, I understand it, but not so well

No, not mentioned

J9a Turkish 1 2 3

J9b Kurdish 1 2 3

J9c Aramaic 1 2 3

J9d Suryoye 1 2 3

J9e Armenian 1 2 3

J9 T

J9f Other (specify) 1 2 X

Are there any other languages from your parents’ country of origin that you understand? [IF LANGUAGE MENTIONED] And how well do you understand them, well to fairly well, or not so well? INTERVIEWER: MORE ANSWERS POSSIBLE, FILL IN FOR EACH SPONTEANEOUSLY MENTIONED LANGUAGE


well


No, not mentioned

J9b Lebanese(=LebaneseArabic) 1 2 3

J9 l

J9c 1 2 3


74

J9d 1 2 3

J9e 1 2 3

J9f Other (specify) 1 2 X

Are there any other languages from your parents’ country of origin that you understand? [IF LANGUAGE MENTIONED] And how well do you understand them, well to fairly well, or not so well? INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER IS POSSIBLE, FILL IN FOR EACH SPONTEANEOUSLY MENTIONED LANGUAGE


well


No, not mentioned

J9b Other (specify) 1 2 3

J9c 1 2 3

J9d 1 2 3

J9e 1 2 3

J9 O

J9f 1 2 X

How good is your English for …? Excellent Very good Good Moderate Not so good Bad J10a Speaking 6 5 4 3 2 1 J10b Reading 6 5 4 3 2 1

J10

J10c Writing 6 5 4 3 2 1

How good is your (NATIONAL/OFFICIAL LANGUAGE IN PARENTS’ COUNTRY/REGION OF ORIGIN- Arabic/ Turkish /Other FROM J8 in the sense of …? REPEAT FOR EACH LANGUAGE MENTIONED IN J8

Excellent Very good Good Moderate Not so good Bad J11a Speaking 6 5 4 3 2 1 J11b Reading 6 5 4 3 2 1

J11

J11c Writing 6 5 4 3 2 1

Which languages do you use in the following situations, if applicable? INTERVIEWER GIVE CARD]

Mostly English

More English than

Turkish

More Turkish than

English

Mostly Turkish

Neither

Not appli-cable

J12a When talking to brother(s) and/ or sister(s)?

1 2 3 4 5 88

J12b When talking to your mother?

1 2 3 4 5 88

J12c When talking to your father?

1 2 3 4 5 88

J12 T

J12d When talking to friends?

1 2 3 4 5 88


75

J12e When talking to your current/ last partner?

1 2 3 4 5 88


Mostly English

More English than

Lebanese

More Lebanese

than English

Mostly Lebanese

Neither

Not appli-cable


1 2 3 4 5 88


1 2 3 4 5 88


1 2 3 4 5 88


1 2 3 4 5 88

J12 l


1 2 3 4 5 88

INT-ASK J12 NESB IF FAMILY SPEAK A LANGUAGE OTHER THAN ENGLISH IN THE HOME


Mostly English

More English than

parents’ language if not English

More Parent’s language

than English

Mostly Lebanese

Neither

Not appli-cable


1 2 3 4 5 88


1 2 3 4 5 88


1 2 3 4 5 88


1 2 3 4 5 88

J12 If NESB


1 2 3 4 5 88

INTERVIEWER: READ INTRO Here are some questions about your use of media such as television and the internet.

Yes 1 J13b J13a Do you watch television? No 2 J14a


76

Only English speaking stations 1

Mostly English speaking stations 2

As much English as Turkish/ Lebanese /Other non-english language speaking stations

3

Mostly Turkish/Lebanese/Other non-English language speaking speaking stations

4

Only Turkish/Lebanese/Other non-English language speaking stations

5

As much to English as other non-English language speaking stations

6

Mostly other non-English language speaking stations 7

J13b What kind of stations do you watch? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD

Only other lnon-English anguage speaking stations 8

Yes 1 J14b J14a Do you use the internet? No 2 J15a

For which of the following purposes indicated on this card do you use the internet? INTERVIEWER: SHOW CARD WITH J14a – J14f Mentioned Not mentioned J14i For work

1 2

J14ii For study

1 2

J14iii For religious matters

1 2

J14iv To keep in touch with friends

1 2

J14v For leisure

1 2

J14b

J14vi For information about Turkey/Lebanon/Other country

1 2

J14 vii To find a partner 1 2 INT. READ OUT: Now we have a few more questions about your ties with [COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF PARENTS].

Yes 1 J15b J15a Have you been to Turkey/ Lebanon/Other parental country of birth in the last five years? No 2 J17a

Once 1

Twice 2

Three times 3

Four times 4

Five times / each year 5

J15b How many times did you go?

Yes, several times a year 6


77

What was the reason for your visit(s) to Turkey/Lebanon/Other parental country of birth [INTERVIEWER: MORE THAN ONE ANSWER POSSIBLE]

mentioned not mentioned J16a Holidays

1 2

J16b Family visit(s)

1 2

J16c Business

1 2

J16d Studies

1 2

J16

J16e Other, specify___________________

1 2

Yes 1 J17b J17a In the last five years have you sent money to

[COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF PARENTS? No 2 J18a

Less than 500 AUD 1 Between 500-1000 AUD 2 Between 1000-2000 AUD 3 More than 2000 AUD 4 Do not want to say 97

J17b Approximately how much did you send per year?”

Don’t know 98

Yes 1 J18b J18a In the last five years have you invested money in property or business in Turkey/Lebanon/ other[COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF PARENTS]?

No 2 J19

Les than 5000 AUD 1

Between 5000-10.000 AUD 2

Between 10.000-20.000 AUD 3

Between 20.000-50,000 AUD 4 More than 50,000AUD

Do not want to say 97

J18b How much approximately?

Don’t know 98

Certainly not 1 Possibly 2 Likely 3 Certainly 4

J19 Do you intend to live in Turkey/Lebanon [COUNTRY OF BIRTH OF PARENTS] in the future for a year or more?

Don’t know 98 GO TO SECTION K

K. RELIGION AND RELIGIOSITY INTERVIEWER READ INTRODUCTION: The following questions are about the role of religion and religiosity in your life. K1. Were you raised according to a certain religion? Yes 1


78

No 2 K9

Which religion was this? Christian: Catholic 10 Christian: Protestant 11 Christian: Orthodox 12 Christian: Maronite 13

K5

Christian Melkite 14 Christian: Armenian Apostolic Church 15 Christian: Pentecostal 16 Other Christian (e.g. Evangelic, Old Catholic) 17

K5

Druse 20 Muslim: Sunna (Sunni for Turks) 21 ->K3 Muslim: Shia 22 K3 Muslim: Alevi 23 K3 Muslim: other 24 K3 Jewish 18 K7

K2.

Other (specify) 19 K9

Yes 1 K3. As a child, did you attend Koran lessons? No 2

When you were little, how often did your parents, visit a mosque or attend religious services or meetings – not counting weddings, funerals or other family or social events? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD IF PARENTS DIFFERENT IN RELIGIOUS PRACTICES ASK ABOUT MOST RELIGIOUS PARENT

Never Seldom Only on religious holidays

Once or twice a month

Once or more than once a week

K4.

1 2 3 4 5 GO TO K9

Yes 1 K5. As a child, did you attend religious instruction outside school? No 2

When you were little, how often did your parents, go to church or attend religious services or meetings, not counting weddings, funerals or other family or social events? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD IF PARENTS DIFFERENT IN RELIGIOUS PRACTICES ASK ABOUT MOST RELIGIOUS PARENT




K6.

1 2 3 4 5 GO TO K9

Yes 1 K7. As a child, did you attend Talmud or Torah lessons? No 2


79

When you were little, how often did your parents, go to a synagogue or attend religious services or meetings, not counting weddings, funerals or other family or social events? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD IF PARENTS DIFFERENT IN RELIGIOUS PRACTICES ASK ABOUT MOST RELIGIOUS PARENT




K8.

1 2 3 4 5

Yes 1 → K10 K9. At this moment, do you practice a religion? No 2 → K19

Which religion is this? Christian: Catholic 10 Christian: Protestant 11 Christian: Orthodox 12 Christian: Maronite 21 Christian Melkite 22 Christian: Armenian Apostolic Church 23 Christian: Pentecostal 24 Other Christian (e.g. Evangelic, Old Catholic) 13

K15

Muslim: Sunna 14 Muslim: Shia 15 Muslim: Alevi 16 Muslim: other 17

K11

Jewish 18 Druse 20

K10

Other 19 K15

How often did you fast during the last Ramazan (Lebanese: RAMADAN),? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD

Never Occasionally Depends on the situation Most of the time Always

K11

1 2 3 4 5

Do you eat halal food or not? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD

Never Occasionally Depends on the situation Most of the time Always

K12

1 2 3 4 5

How often do you pray? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD

Never Only on religious holidays Once a week Daily Five times a day

or more

K13.

1 2 3 4 5

How often do you visit a mosque or attend religious services or meetings – not counting weddings, funerals or other family or social events? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD




K14.

1 2 3 4 5 GO TO K18


80

To what extent did you respect the period of fasting in your religion last year? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD

Not at all Partly Depends on the situation

Almost completely Completely Not applicable

No fasting period

K15

1 2 3 4 5 88

How often do you pray? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD




K16.

1 2 3 4 5

How often do you go to church/ synagogue to attend religious services or meetings – not counting weddings, funerals or other family or social events? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD




K17.

1 2 3 4 5

To what extent do you agree with the following statements?

INT.: USE ANSWER CATEGORY FROM K10. FOR QUESTIONS SHOW CARD

Totally agree Agree

Neither agree

nor disagree


K18a. Being a [ Sunni/Shia/ Alevi Muslim/Christian/ Jew/other specific religion mentioned] is an important part of my identity. (ED FROM RESPONSE TO K10)

1 2 3 4 5

K18b. The fact that I am a [Muslim/ Christian/Jew/ other specific religion mentioned ] is something I often think about. (ED FROM RESPONSE TO K10)

1 2 3 4 5

K18c. I see myself as a real [Muslim/ Christian/Jew/other religion mentioned] (ED FROM RESPONSE TO K10)

1 2 3 4 5

K18d. In many aspects I am like other [Muslims/Christians /Jews/other religion mentioned] (ED FROM RESPONSE TO K10)

1 2 3 4 5

K18.

K18e. When somebody says something bad about [Muslims/Christians/Jews/other religion mentioned] I feel personally hurt. (ED FROM RESPONSE TO K10)

1 2 3 4 5


81

ALL RESPONDENTS

People have different opinions about the role of religion in society. To what extent do you agree or disagree with the following statements? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD

Totally agree Agree


Disagree

Totally disagree

K19a. Religion should be a private matter between a religious person and God

1 2 3 4 5

K19b. Religion should be represented in politics and society, along with other religious or political viewpoints

1 2 3 4 5

K19.

K19c Religion should be the only and ultimate political authority

1 2 3 4 5

To what extent do you agree with the following statements? INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD

Totally agree Agree


Disagree

Totally disagree

K20a All religious symbols or signs should be banned from Australian schools.

1 2 3 4 5

K20.

K20b Islamic women should wear headscarves or cover their heads outside the house.

1 2 3 4 5

ALL NON-ISLAMIC RESPONDENTS (K10 = 10-13, 18 –19 or 20 - 24) PART L

Yes 1 K22 K21a

For women only

Do you wear a headscarf outside the house? No

2 K23

Yes 1 K22 K21b

For men with wife/ partner

Does your wife or partner wear a headscarf outside the house? No

2 K23

Yes 1 K22 K21c

For widowed, divorced or separated men only

Did your wife or partner wear a headscarf outside the house? No

2 K23

Yes 1 K22 K21d

For single men only

Would you want your wife or partner to wear a headscarf outside the house? No

2 K23


82

INT: USE CARDS INDICATING THE REASONS IN K22 AND K23 AND THEN ASK FOR THE ORDER OF IMPORTANCE OF THE REASONS.

Why [do you/does she/did she/should she] wear a headscarf? Which of the following reasons is most important? And second most important? And third? INT.: ASK REASONS ONE AFTER THE OTHER 1 = Because it is a religious obligation 2 = Because it is [my/her] personal free choice 3 = Because it is part of [my/her] Muslim identity in [COUNTRY] 4 = Because I want to avoid gossip or disrespectful behaviour towards [me/her] 5 = Because it strengthens mutual trust in [my/our] family

K22a. Most

important reason

K22b. Second

most important

reason

K22c. Third most

important reason

K22

Fill in number (see above)

Why [don't you/doesn't she/didn’t she/ shouldn't she] wear a headscarf? Which of the following reasons is most important? And second most important? And third? INT.: ASK REASONS ONE AFTER THE OTHER 1 = Because it is not a real religious obligation 2= Because it is [my/her] personal free choice not to wear the headscarf 3 = Because it is better to adapt into (NATIONAL) society 4 = Because I want to avoid discrimination or disrespectful behaviour towards [me/her] 5 = Because men and women have equal rights

K23a. Most

important reason

K23b. Second

most important

reason

K23c. Third most

important reason

K23

Fill in number (see above)

GO TO PART L

L. INCOME

Interviewer read introduction: Now I would like to ask you a few questions about your income. I can assure you that this information will be treated with the strictest confidentiality. IF RESPONDENT HAS NO PAID JOB, SKIP L1

Less than 550 AUD 1

Between 550 and 999 AUD 2





L1 As I would like to have an idea of what you earn, please have a look at this card.

[INTERVIEWER: GIVE RESPONDENT THIS CARD]

In which category does your net weekly income from employment fall (including tips)? I mean the money you receive from work in your pocket at the end of the week.



83


More than 5000 AUD 9

Other (annual Income Specify)…..

96

Don’t want to say 97

Don’t know 98

Yes 1 L3 L2 Are you receiving some sort of benefit (e.g.

unemployment, disability, maintenance allowance etc.) or scholarship at the moment?

No 2 L5

Yes No

L3a Welfare benefit 1 2

L3b Unemployment benefit 1 2

L3c Disability benefit 1 2

L3d Student scholarship 1 2

L3e Alimony 1 2

L3 What type of benefit, scholarship or allowance do you receive? You may give more than one answer from this card.


L3f Other insurance, public or private payments

L3g Workers Compensation

1

1

2

2

Yes 1 L3a Do you personally receive some sort of investment income from cash deposits, rent or other types of investment? No 2

PARTNER’S INCOME

[INTERVIEWER: IF RESPONDENT HAS NO PARTNER L9] [IF RESPONDENTS’ PARTNER HAS NO PAID JOB L6]

Less than 550 AUD 1








More than 5000 AUD 9

Other (annual Income Specify)…..

96

L5 I would now like to ask you a few questions about the income of your partner. Again I can assure you that this information will be treated with the strictest confidentiality.

In which category does your partner's net weekly income from employment fall (including tips)? I mean the money received from work in her/his pocket at the end of the month?

Please have a look at the card again.


Don’t want to say 97


84

Don’t know 98

Yes 1 L7 L6 Does your partner receive some sort of benefit (e.g.

unemployment, disability, maintenance allowance etc.) or scholarship at the moment?

No 2 L9

Yes No

L7a Welfare benefit 1 2

L7b Unemployment benefit 1 2

L7c Disability benefit 1 2

L7d Student scholarship 1 2

L7e Alimony 1 2

L7 What type of benefit does your partner receive? You may give more than one answer.


L7f Other insurance, public or private payments

L7g Workers Compensation

1

1

2

2

Yes 1 L7a Does your partner receive some sort of investment

income from cash deposits, rent other types of investment? No 2

INTERVIEWER: FOR ALL RESPONDENTS:

Yes 1 L9a Do you / Do you and your partner have a mortgage or a loan for housing?

No 2

Yes 1 L10a Do you / Do you and your partner have a loan for a car?

No 2

Yes 1 L11a Do you / Do you and your partner have a loan for other

purposes apart from for the car or house?

No 2

I am living comfortably on present income 1

I am coping with the present income 2

Sometimes I have difficulties with the present income 3

I am regularly having difficulties with the present income 4

L12 Which of the following statements best describes your current situation, taking into account all the income you receive at present? [INTERVIEWER: SHOW CARD]

I am having great difficulties with the present income 5


85

GO TO PART M M. INTERVIEWER SAYS : Now I would like to ask you a few final questions about your experiences and ideas INTERVIEWER SHOW CARD FOR QUESTIONS 1 TO 6

Could you tell me the number which indicates the extent you agree or disagree with each of the following statements?

INT-SHOW CARD

Totally agree Agree



M1a I am able to do things as well as most other people 1

2

3 4 5

M1b I feel I do not have much to be proud of

1

2

3 4 5

M1c On the whole, I am satisfied with myself

1

2 3 4 5

M1

M1d At times I think I am no good at all

1

2 3 4 5

Could you tell me the number which indicates the extent you agree or disagree with each of the following statements?

INT-SHOW CARD

Not true at all

Hardly true Moderately true

Exactly true

M2a It is easy for me to stick to my aims and accomplish my goals 1 2 3 4

M2b I can solve most problems, if I invest the necessary effort 1 2 3 4

M2c If I am in trouble, I can usually think of a solution 1 2 3 4

M2

M2d I can usually handle whatever comes my way 1 2 3 4


86

Conflict with my Father

Yes Often

Yes, sometimes

No, never

Topic is/ never was discussed

Father didn’t live anymore or didn’t

live in the household anymore

Study, school M3aa 1 2 3 4 9

Friends M3ab 1 2 3 4 9

Relationships / love affairs M3c 1 2 3 4 9

Leisure (movies, sports, etc) M3ad 1 2 3 4 9

Night out M3ae 1 2 3 4 9

Participation in domestic work M3af 1 2 3 4 9

Money M3ag 1 2 3 4 9

Religious matters M3ah 1 2 3 4 9

M3a When you were 17 years old did you have conflicts with your father about the following topics? Could you also tell me how often you had conflicts on each topic/

INT: SHOW CARD

Politics M3ai 1 2 3 4 9

Conflict with my mother

Yes Often

Yes, sometimes

No, never

Topic is/ never was discussed

Mother didn’t live anymore or didn’t live

in the household anymore

Study, school M3aa 1 2 3 4 9

Friends M3ab 1 2 3 4 9

Relationships / love affairs M3c 1 2 3 4 9

Leisure (movies, sports, etc) M3ad 1 2 3 4 9

M3b When you were 17 years old did you have conflicts with your mother about the following topics? Could you also tell me how often you had conflicts on each topic/

INT: SHOW CARD

Night out M3ae 1 2 3 4 9


87

Participation in domestic work M3af 1 2 3 4 9

Money M3ag 1 2 3 4 9

Religious matters M3ah 1 2 3 4 9

Politics M3ai 1 2 3 4 9

Now we would like to know how positive or negative your feelings are for different groups. You can rank your feelings from 1 to 5. 5 means that you have very positive feelings towards the people in this group. 1 means that you have very negative feelings towards this group. 3 means your feelings are neutral. INT-SHOW CARD

1 2 3 4 5

M4a Your feelings for Anglo-Celts

1 2 3 4 5

M4b Your feelings for Turks

1 2 3 4 5

M4c Your feelings for Lebanese

1 2 3 4 5

M4d Your feelings for Muslims

1 2 3 4 5

M4e Your feelings for Christians

1 2 3 4 5

M4

M4g

Your feelings for NESB people

1 2 3 4 5

M4h

Yours feelings for Asians

1 2 3 4 5

M4 i Your feelings for Pacific Islanders 1 2 3 4 5

M4j Your feelings for Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders 1 2 3 4 5

M4k

Your feelings for people of African origin

1 2 3 4 5

M4l Your feelings for people with darker skin colour 1 2 3 4 5

M6 To what extent would you support or oppose the following policies? SHOW CARD

Fully support Support

Neither support,

nor oppose Oppose Fully

oppose


88

M6a Stricter application of laws against racist acts and propaganda

1 2 3 4 5

M6b Give priority to applicants of immigrant origin with the same qualifications in the job market

1 2 3 4 5

M6c Teach the principles of tolerance and civic responsibility in schools

1 2 3 4 5

M6d Improve mastery of English language by immigrants and their children

1 2 3 4 5

M6e Teach people of NESB in Australia in the language and culture of their country of origin

1 2 3 4 5

M6f Allow people of immigrant origin who are born here to have both Australian nationality and the nationality of their mother and father

1 2 3 4 5

Yes 1 M6g Would you send your children to a school where more than 50% of the pupils are from non-English speaking background? No 2

TURKISH AND LEBANESE ONLY

Yes 1 M6h Do you ever go out to venues, gatherings or parties where there are a lot of Turkish and/ or Lebanese background youth? No 2

IF YOU ARE OR HAVE BEEN MARRIED OR LIVING WITH A PARTNER GO TO QUESTION M20 OTHERWISE GO TO M7a.

Yes 1 M8 M7a Do you currently have a girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner?

No 2 M7b

Yes 1 M8 M7b Did you ever have a girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner?

No 2 M20

At school or university, or at a school party 10

At my workplace 11

Through friends 12

In an association, a sport-club, a political party 13

In a night club /pub 14

M8 In which circumstances did you meet your current or last girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner for the first time?

In a family celebration 15


89

My parents introduced us 16

During a holiday in my parent’s home country 17

During a holiday in another country, i.e. not in my parents’ home country

18

Through someone in my parents’ network of friends 19

In my neighbourhood, street 20

In a public place (commercial centre, park, street) 21

M9a How old were you when you first met your girlfriend/ boyfriend/

partner? ……………. your age in years

M9b How old was your girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner when you first

met? …………. his / her age in years

Australia 10

Turkey 11

Lebanon 12

Cyprus 13

Italy 14

China 15

16

17

18

Other specify:…………………………………………….. 19

M10 In what country does your current/ last girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner live?

Don't know 98

Australia 10

Turkey 11

Lebanon 12

Cyprus 13

Italy 14

China 15

16

17

18

Other specify:…………………………………………….. 19

M11 In what country was your current/ last girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner born?

Don’t know 98

Yes No

Australian citizenship 1 2

M12 What is/ are the current nationality/ nationalities (citizenships) of your current/ last girlfriend/ boyfriend/ partner?

Turkish 1 2


90

Lebanese 1 2

Italian 1 2

Chinese 1 2

1 2

1 2

1 2

1 2

Other specify:……………………………………..

1 2

Don’t know 1 2

Yes 1 M15

No 2 M14

They don't know about the relationship 3 M15

M13 Do/ did your parents approve of this relationship?

Don’t know 98 M15

Because of his/ her ethnic origin 1

Because of his/ her social class 2

Because of his/ her age 3

Because of his/ her religion 4

Because of his/ her educational level 5

Because of other reasons 6

Refuse to answer 97

M14 Why do/ did your parents disapprove of this relationship? Please give the main reason.

Don't know 98

M20 If you have any comments, please tell me --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

THANK YOU FOR YOUR COOPERATION . Again, I am [your first name] from McNair Ingenuity Research, and we assure you that your answers are used only for statistical purposes and cannot be identified back to you.


91

Our supervisor tonight is ______________, and in case they need to check my work, can I just have your first name, and check that the phone number I have reached you on is:

Name:_________________________________________ Telephone No. ______________________

If you have any queries you can call us on 1800 669 133, and ask for _________ the supervisor. Thank you and good evening/day.


92

APPENDIX 3.1 INVITATION TO PARTICIPATE IN TIAS SURVEY

NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA

Multicultural & Migration Research Centre Sociology and Social Policy A26

Assoc. Prof. Christine Inglis Director

Telephone +61 2 9351 3161

Facsimile +61 2 9036 9380 Dear Householder, Invitation to participate in a study of young people from second generation migrant backgrounds I am writing to invite you to participate in a study being undertaken by the University of Sydney. We are interested in learning about the educational, work and social experiences of young people from migrant backgrounds and comparing their experiences with those of other young Australian-born people whose parents were also born here. Enclosed is a sheet of General Information about the study. You will see that we wish to speak to an individual in your household who fits the following criteria:-

• Is aged between 18-35 • Is born in Australia • Has either both parents born in Australia or at least one parent born in either Lebanon

or Turkey. If no one in your household fits these criteria then you need take no further action. Should you be offended by receiving this invitation because you do not fit these criteria, I am sorry. This error has occurred because names are selected at random from published lists such as the telephone directory which contain only very limited personal details. In the near future you will be contacted by one of our interviewers who will be happy to tell you more about the study and to answer any questions you may have about participating. Please tell them if you do not wish to participate or do not fit our criteria. You can also email or telephone me for more information (My contact details are on page 2 of the General Information sheet).

If you, or a member of your household, fit the study’s criteria I do hope you /they will be able to help us by agreeing to be interviewed and answer some brief questions which will help us to better understand the experiences of young people. Yours sincerely, Christine Inglis

Please note that any person with a complaint or concern about the conduct of a research study can contact the Senior Ethics Officer, Ethics Administration, University of Sydney on (02) 9351 4811 (Telephone); (02) 9351 6706 (Facsimile) or [email protected] (Email).


93

APPENDIX 3.2 TIAS GENERAL INFORMATION

NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA



Telephone +61 2 9351 3161

Facsimile +61 2 9036 9380

The Integration of the Australian Second Generation (TIAS) Research Project

General Information

What is the study about? The study is about the educational, employment and social experiences which may affect the incorporation of young people, aged between 18 and 35, who have been born in Australia and who have at least one parent born overseas in Lebanon or Turkey or who have both their parents born in Australia. This project is being undertaken in conjunction with an international study which is being undertaken in 8 European countries: Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain Sweden and Switzerland. Who is carrying out the study? The study is being conducted by Christine Inglis, Director of the Multicultural and Migration Research Centre at the University of Sydney with assistance from Joy Elley, Nijmer Hajjar and Ahmad Shboul. It is supported by the Australian Government through the Department of Immigration and Citizenship as part of a larger project: “Inequality, Discrimination and Social Cohesion: Socio-economic Mobility and Incorporation of Australian-born Lebanese and Turkish background Youth”. The interviews will be conducted by McNair Ingenuity Research What does the study involve? The study involves an interview with young people about their own and their families’ experiences. The larger project also involves the analysis of census and other statistical material. Who can take part in the study? If you are Australian born, live in either Melbourne or Sydney, and are aged between 18 and 35 with at least one parent born overseas in Lebanon or Turkey or with both parents born in Australia then you are eligible to be included in the study. How much time will the study take? The interview will take about one hour.

Page 1 of 2


94

Will anyone else know the results? All aspects of the study, including results, will be strictly confidential and comply with the provisions of the Privacy Act (1988). Only the researchers will have access to information on participants except as required by law. A report of the study will be submitted to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship but individual participants will not be identifiable in such a report. Nor will they be identifiable in any reports that may be publicly released in future. Will the study benefit me? While the study will not benefit you directly, its findings are intended to inform Government policy development particularly as it relates to the integration and incorporation of the children of immigrants.

Can I tell other people about the study? Yes, you may tell other people about the study. If they would like further information about the study they can contact Christine Inglis whose details are shown below. What do I do if I would like to be included in the study? Please email: [email protected] or telephone them on1800 669 133 What if I require further information? If you would like to know more at any stage, please feel free to contact Christine Inglis, Director of the Multicultural & Migration Research Centre of the University of Sydney on 02 9351 3161; email: [email protected]. If you live in Melbourne you may also contact Dr Joy Elley on 03 9208 3296.

Page 2 of 2


95

APPENDIX 3.3 TIAS PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT

NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA



Telephone +61 2 9351 3161

Facsimile +61 2 9036 9380 PARTICIPANT INFORMATION STATEMENT

Research Project The Integration of the Australian Second Generation (TIAS) What is the study about? The study is about the educational, employment and social experiences which may affect the incorporation of young people, aged between 18 and 35, who have been born in Australia or who have at least one parent born overseas in Lebanon or Turkey or who have both parents born in Australia. It is being undertaken in conjunction with an international study which is being undertaken in 8 European countries: Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain Sweden and Switzerland. Who is carrying out the study? The study is being conducted by Christine Inglis, Director of the Multicultural and Migration Research Centre at the University of Sydney with assistance from Joy Elley, Nijmer Hajjar and Ahmad Shboul. It is supported by the Australian Government through the Department of Immigration and Citizenship as part of a larger project: “Inequality, Discrimination and Social Cohesion: Socio-economic Mobility and Incorporation of Australian-born Lebanese and Turkish background Youth”. The interviews will be conducted by McNair Ingenuity Research. What does the study involve? The study involves interviews with young people about their own and their families’ experiences. How much time will the study take? The interview will take about one hour. Can I withdraw from the study? Participation in this study is entirely voluntary. You are not obliged to participate and - if you do participate - you can withdraw at any time without prejudice or penalty. Should you feel offended because you have been mistakenly contacted I apologise. Will anyone else know the results? All aspects of the study, including results, will be strictly confidential and comply with the provisions of the Privacy Act (1988). Only the researchers will have access to information on participants except as required by law. A report of the study will be submitted to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship but individual participants will not be identifiable in such a report. Nor will they be identifiable in any reports that may be publicly released in the future.


96

Page 1 of 2

Will the study benefit me? While the study will not benefit you directly, its findings are intended to inform Government policy development particularly as it relates to the integration and incorporation of the children of immigrants.

Can I tell other people about the study? Yes, you may tell other people about the study. If they would like further information about the study they can contact Christine Inglis whose details are shown below. What if I require further information? When you have read this information, the interviewers from McNair Ingenuity Research will discuss it with you further and answer any questions you may have. If you would like to know more at any stage, please feel free to contact Christine Inglis, Director of the Multicultural & Migration Research Centre of the University of Sydney on 02 9351 3161; email: [email protected]

What if I have a complaint or concerns? Any person with concerns or complaints about the conduct of a research study can contact the Senior Ethics Officer, Ethics Administration, University of Sydney on (02) 9351 4811 (Telephone); (02) 9351 6706 (Facsimile) or [email protected] (Email). This information sheet is for you to keep

Page 2 of 2


97

APPENDIX 3.4 TIAS PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM

NSW 2006 AUSTRALIA



Telephone +61 2 9351 3161

Facsimile +61 2 9036 9380

PARTICIPANT CONSENT FORM I, ................................................……............... Name (please print) give consent to my participation in the research project: The Integration of the Australian Second Generation (TIAS) In giving my consent I acknowledge that: 1. The procedures required for the project and the time involved have been

explained to me, and any questions I have about the project have been answered to my satisfaction.

2. I have read the Participant Information Statement and have been given the

opportunity to discuss the information and my involvement in the project with the researcher/s.

3. I understand that I can withdraw from the study at any time, without affecting my relationship with the researcher(s) now or in the future. 4. I understand that my involvement is strictly confidential and no information

about me will be used in any way that reveals my identity. Signed: ...................................................................................................................... Name: ...................................................................................................................... Date: ......................................................................................................................

Inequality, Discrimination and Social ... - BSL...

Documents

Transcript of Inequality, Discrimination and Social ... - BSL...