Indian Home Rule

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LIBRARY OFWELLESLEY COLLEGE

PRESENTED BYAlice Stone Bleckwell


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INDIAN HOME RULE

BYM. K. G A N D H

FIFTH EDITIONAS. 6

GANESH *32> Co., MADRAS


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Books by C. F. AndrewsThe Claim for Independence

Within or without the British Empire Price As. 8.Non-Co operation

The Whys and Wherefores Price A*. 8.Indians in South Africa

Helots within the British Empire Price Ac . 8.The Drink and Opium Evil

Miss La Molte says : " A nation that; can nubjuRate 300,000,000helpless Indian people, and then turn tnern into drugidiots, for the sake of revenue, is a nition, whioh commitsa cold-blooded atrooir,y unparalleled by any atrooity com-mitted in the rage and heat of war." Price As. 4.

How India can be Free" I^dia has no need to take the sword in order to be free : 8hehas a muoh more powerful weapon ready to her hand. If

once her people unisediy decide to be free tbey o*n bo free."Price As. 4.

Indian Independence

:

The immediate needTo be in subjeation to a band of foreign rulers, ifSeeley's

historcal m^xim is true, oannor, but lead to nationaldeterioration. This is why the need for independence is soimmediate. Tbis is way it oannor, be postponed. The verdiocof the most sober English Historians is this. thar. India,without a single baud oeing lifted to strike a single blow,can aetermine her own destiny. The sheer weight ofnumbers*three hundred and twenty millions against a fpwthousands,is so great, that if these numbers could oncespeak with one mind, their will must be oarried out.

Price As. 8.

GANCiH 12 Co., Publishers, A^adras.


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INDIAN HOME RULEBY

M. K. GANDHI

Reprinted with a Dew foreword by the author

FIFTH EDITION

GANESH


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226017

MADRA8:THE MODERN PRINTING WORKS, MO0NT ROAD.

P (if"


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NOTEThe doctrine of violence is more widely believ-

ed in than is generally realised. The votaries ofviolence can be divided into two classes. Some,a small and dwindling class, believe in it and areprepared to act according to their faith Others, avery large class always, and now, after bitter ex-periences of the failure of constitutional agitation,larger than ever, believe in violence, but that beliefdoes not le.id them to action. It disables themfrom work on any basis other than force. Thebelief in violence serves to dissuade them from allother kinds of work or^sacrifice. In both casesthe evil is great.

There can be no reconstruction or hope forthis land of ours, unless we eradicate the worship offorce in all its forms, and establish work on a basisother than violence. A refutation of the doctrineof violence is, in the present situation of theaffairs of our country, more necessary than ever.To this end, nothing better can be conceivedthan the publication and wide distribution ofMr. Gandhi's famous book.

It was extremely patriotic of Messrs. Ganeshand Company to have readily agreed to undertakethe work when they were approached with therequest.Satyagrah Sabha,]

Madias, C. Rajagopalachar.6-619.


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FOREWOBDI have re-read this booklet more thai*once. The value at the present moment lies,in re-printing it as it is. But if I had to

revise it, there is only one word I wouldalter in accordance with a. promise made toan English friend. She took exception tomy use of the word ^prostitute ' in speakingof the Parliament. Her fine taste recoiledfrom the indelicacy of the expression. Iremind the reader that the booklet purportsto be a free translation of the original whichis in Gujarati.

After years of endeavour to put intopractice the views expressed in the followingpages, I feel that the way shown therein isthe only true way to Swaraj. Satyagrahthe law of love is the Law of life. Depar-ture from it leads to disintegration. A firmadherence to it leads to regeneration.

BOMBAY, }[ M. K. GANDHI88th May, 1919.


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HIND SWARAJORTHE INDIAN HOME RULE

Beply to CriticsIt is certainly my good fortune that

this booklet of mine is receiving wide atten-tion. The original is in Gujarati. It had achequered career. It was first published inthe columns of the ' Indian Opinion ' ofSouth Africa. It was written in 1908 duringmy return voyage from London to SouthAfrica in answer to the Indian school of vio-lence, and its prototype iu South Africa, Icame in contact with every known Indiananarchist in London. Their bravery impressedme, but I feel that their zeal was misguided.I felt that violence was no remedy for India'sills, and that her civilization required the useof a different and higher weapon for self-protection. The Satyagrah of South Africawas still an infant hardly two years old- Butit had developed sufficiently to permit me towrite of it with some degree of confidence. It


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6 INDIAN HOME EULEwas so much appreciated that it was publishedas a booklet. It attracted some attention inIndia. The Bombay Government prohibitedits circulation. I replied by publishing itstranslation. I thought that it was due to myEnglish friends that they should know itscontents. In my opinion it is a book whichcan be put into the hands of a child. It tea-ches che gospei of love in the place of that ofhate. It replaces violence with self-sacrifice.It pits soul force against brute force. It hasgong through several editions and I commendit to those who would care to read it. I with-draw nothing except one word of it, and thatin deference to a lady friend. I have giventhe reason for the alteration in the preface^tothe Indian edition.

The booklet is a severe condemnation of'modem civilization.' It was written in 1908.My conviction is deeper to-day than ever. Ifeel that if India would discard ' modern civili-zation' she. can only gain by doing so.

But I would warn the reader againstthinking that lam to-day aiming at the Swarajdescribed therein. I know that India is notripe for it. It may seem an impertinence to


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8 INDIAN HOME EULEwould descend upon India from heaven. But Iam painfully aware that that event is far offas yet.

I offer these comments because I observethat much is being quoted from the booklet todiscredit the present movement. I have evenseen writings suggesting that I am' playing adeep game, that I am using the present turmoilto foist my fads on India, and am makingreligious experiments at India's expense. I cauonly answer that Satyagrah is made of sternerstuff. There is nothing reserved and nothingSecret in it. A portion of the whole theoryof life described in 'Hind Swaraj' is undoubtedlybeing carried into practice. There is nodanger attendant upon the whole of it beingpractised. But it is not right to scare awaypeople by reproducing from my writingspassages that are irrelevant to the issue beforethe country.

M. K. GANDHI,Young India, 26th January, 1921.


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INDIAN HOME RULECHAPTER I

The Congress and Its OfficialsReader : Just at present there is a Home Rule

wave passing over India. All our countrymen ap-pear to be pining for National Independence. Asimilar spirit pervades them even in South Afri -a,Indians seem to be eager after acquiring rights. Willyou explain your views in this matter ?

Editor : You have well puj; the question, butthe answer is not easy. One of the objects of anewspaper is to understand the popular feeling andto give,expression to it ; another is to arouse amongthe people certain desirable sentiments ; and thethird is fearlessly to expose popular defects. Theexercise of all these three functions is involved inanswering your question. To a certain extent triepeople's will has to be expressed ; certain senti-ments will need to be fostered, and defects willhave to be brought to light. But, as you have askedthe question, it is my duty to answer it.

Reader : Do you then consider that a desirefor Home Rule has been created among us ?


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14 INDIAN HOME RULEwhat we know from hirn. It was the respectedDadabhai who taught us that the Eoglish hadsucked our life-blood. What does it matter that, to-day, his trust is still in the English nation?Is Dadabhai less to be honoured because, in theexuberance of youth, we ate prepared to go a stepfurther ? Are we, on that account, wiser than he ?It is a mark of wisdom not to kick against the verystep from which we have risen higher. The removalof a step from a staircase brings down the whole ofit. When, out of infancy we grow into youth,we do not despise infancy, but, on the contrary, werecall with affection the days of our childhood. If,after many years of study, a teacher were toteach me something, and if I were to builda little more on the foundation laid by thatteacher, 'I would not, on that account, be consideredwiser than the teacher. He would always com-mand my respect. Such is the case with the Gran


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THE CONGRESS AND ITS OFFICIALS 15wisdom, before we can talk of Home Rule. I amtired of reading his speeches.Editor : If you are tired, it only betrays yourimpatience, We believe that those who are dis-contented with the slowness of their parents, andare angry because the parents would not run withtheir children, are considered disrespectful to theirparents. Professor Gokhale occupies the place ofa parent. What does it matter if he cannot runwith us ? A nation that is desirous of securingHome Rule cannot afford to despise its ancestors.We shall become useless if we lack respect for out-siders. Only men with mature thoughts are capable ofruling themselves and not the hasty-tempered. More-over, how many Indians were there like ProfessorGokhale, when he gave himself to Indian education?I verily believe that whatever Professor Gokhaledoes he does with pure motives and with a view toserving India. His devotion to the Motherland isso great, that he would give his life for it if neces-sary. Whatever he says is said not to flatter anyonebut because he believes it to be true. We are bound,therefore, to entertain the highest regard for him.

Reader : Are we, then, to follow him in everyrespect ?Editor : I never said any such thing. If we

conscientiously differed from him, the learnedProfessor himself would advise us to follow the dic-tates of our conscience rather than him. Our chief


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16 INDIAN HOME RULEpurpose is not to cry down his work, but to believethat he is infinitely greater than we, and to feelassured that compared with his work for India,ours is infinitesimal. Several newspapers writedisrespectfully of him. It is our duty to protestagainst such writings. We should consider menlike Professor G-okhile to be the pillars of HomeRule. It is a bad habit to say that another man'sthoughts are bad and ours only are good, and thatthose holding different views from ours are theenemies of the country.

Reader: I now begin to understand some-what your meaning. I shall have to think thematter over, but what you say about Mr. Humeand Sir William Wedderburn is beyond comprehen-sion.

Editor : The same rule holds good for theEnglish as for the Indians. I can never subscribeto the statement that all Englishmen are bad.Many Englishmen desire Home Rule for India.That the English people are somewhat more selfishthan others is true, but that does not prove thatevery Englishman is bad. We who seek justice willhave to do justice to others. Sir William does notwish ill to Indiathat should be enough for us. Aswe proceed, you will see that, if we act justly, Indiawill be sooner free. You will see, too, that, if weshun every Englishman as an enemy, Home Rulewill be delayed. But if we are just to them, we


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THE CONGRESS AND ITS OFFICIALS 17shall receive their support in our progress towardsthe goal.

Reader : All this seems to me at present to besimply nonsensical. English support and theobtaining of Home Rule are two contradictorythings. How can the English people tolerateHome Rule for us? But I do not want you todecide this question for me just yet. To pass timeover it is useless. When you have shown how wecan have Home Rule, perhaps I shall understandyour views. You have prejudiced me againstyou by discoursing on English help. I would,therefore, beseech you not to continue

this subject.Editor : I have no desire to do so. That you

are prejudiced against me is not a matter for rrruchanxiety. It is well that I should say unpleasantthings at the commencement, it is my duty patientlyto try to remove your prejudice.

Reader : I like that last statement. It em-boldens me to say what I like. One thing stillpuzzles me. I do not understand how the Congresslaid the foundation of Home Rule.

Editor : Let us see. The Congress broughttogether Indians from different parts of India, andenthused us with the idea of Nationality. TheGovernment used to look upon it with disfavour.The Congress has always insisted that the Nationshould control revenue and expenditure. It hasalways desired self-government after the Canadian

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THE PABTITION OF BENGAL 19disregarded all their prayershe took it for grant-ed that Indians could only prattle, that theycould never take any effective steps. He used in-sulting language, and, in the teeth of all. opposition,partitioned Bengal. That day may be considered tobe the day of the partition of the British Empire.The shock that the British power received throughthe Partition has never been equalled by any otheract. This does not mean that the other injusticesdone to India are less glaring than that doneby the Partition. The salt-tax is not a small in-justice. We shall see many such things liter on.But the people were ready to resist the Partition.At that time, the feeling ran high. Many leadingBengalis were ready to lose their all. Thee knewtheir power ; hence the conflagration It is nowwell nigh unquenchable ; it is not necessary toquench it either. Partition will go, Bengal will bere-united, but the rift in the English barque willremain : it must daily widen, India awakened isnot likely to fall asleep. Demand for abrogation ofPartition is tantamount to demand for Home Rule.Leaders in Bengal know this, British officials realiseit. That is why Partition still remains. As timepasses, the Nation is being forged. Nations are notformed in a day ; the formation requires years.

Reader ; What, in your opinion, are the re-sults of Partition ?

Editor : Hitherto we have considered that for


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20 INDIAN HOME RULEredress of grievances, we must approach the Throneand, if we get no redress, we must sit still, exceptthat we may still petition. After the Partition,people saw that petitions must be backed up byforce, and that they must be capable of suffering.This new spirit must be considered to be the chiefresult of Partition. That spirit was seen inthe outspoken writings in the press. That whichthe people said tremblingly and in secret beganto be said and to be written publicly. The Swadeshimovement was inaugurated. People, young andold, used to run away at the sight of an Englishface ; it now no longer awed them. They did notfear even a row, or being imprisoned. Some of thebest sons of India are at present in banishment.This is something different from mere petitioning.Thus are the people moved. The spirit generated inBengal has spread in the North to the Puujab, andin the South to Cape Comorin.

Reader: Do you suggest any other strikingresult ?

Editor : The Partition has not only made arift in the English ship, but has made it in oursalso. Great events always produce great results.Our leaders are divided into two parties : theModerates and the Extremists. These may beconsidered as the slow party and the impatientparty. Some call the Moderates the timid Party,and the Extremists the bold party. All interpret


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DISCONTENT AND UNREST 21the two words according to their pre-conceptions.This much is certainthat there has arisen anenmity between the two. The one distrusts theother, and imputes motives. At the time of theSurat Congress, there was almost a fight. I thinkthat this division is not a good thing for thecountry, bat I think also that such divisions willnot last long. It all depends upon the leaders howlong they will last.

CHAPTER IIIDiscontent and UnrestReader : Then you consider Partition to be a

cause of the awakening ? Do you welcome theunrest which has resulted from it ?

Editor : When a man rises from sleep, hetwists his limbs and is restless. It takes some timebefore he is entirely awakened. Similarly, althoughthe Partition has caused an awakening, the comatosehas not yet disappeared. We are still twisting ourlimbs and still restless, and just as the state betweensleep and awakening must be considered to benecessary, so may the present unrest in India beconsidered a necessary and, therefore, a properstate. The knowledge that there is unrest will, itis highly probable, enable us to outgrow it. Risingfrom sleep, we do not continue in a comatose state,but* according to our ability, sooner or later, we


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24 INDIAN HOME RULEshould, therefore, have no difficulty in carrying onthe government.

Editor: You may think so: I do not. BatI will not discuss the matter just now. I have toanswer your question, and that I can do well byasking you several questions. Why do you wantto drive away the English ?Reader: Because India has become im-poverished by their government. They take awayour money from year to year. The most importantposts are reserved for themselves. We are kept ina state of slavery. They behave insolently towardsus, and disregard our feelings.

Editor : If tbey do not take our money away,become gentle, and give us responsible posts, wouldyou still consider their presence to be harmful ?Reader : That question is useless. It issimilar to the question whether there is any harmin associating with a tiger, if he changes his nature.Such a question is sheer waste of time. When atiger changes his nature, Englishmen will changetheirs. This is not possible, and to believe it to bepossible is contrary to human experience.Editor : Supposing we get self-governmentsimilar to what the Canadians and the SouthAfricans have, will it be good enough ?Reader : That question also is useless. Wemay get it when we have the same powers ; weshall then hoist our own flag. As is Japan, so


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WHAT IS SWARAJ 25must India be. We must own our navy, our army,and we must have our own splendour, and tbenwill India's voice ring through the world.

Editor : You have well drawn the picture.In effect it means this : that we want English rulewithout the Englishman. You want fche tiger'snature, but not the tiger; that is to say, you wouldmake India English, and when it becomes English,it will be called not Hindustan but Englistan. Thisis not the Swaraj that I want.

Reader : I have placed before you my idea ofSwaraj as I think it should be. If the educationwe have received be of any use, if the works ofSpencer, Mill and others be of any importanceand if the Eagiish Parliament be the motherof Parliaments, I certainly think that we shouldcopy the English people and this to such anexten* that, just as they do not allow otheiato obtain a footing in their country, so weshould not allow them or others to obtain it in ours.What they have done in their own country hasnot been done in any other country. It is, there-fore, proper for us to import their institutionsBut now I want to know your views.

Editor: There is need for patience. Myviews will develop of themselves in the course of thisdiscourse. It is as difficult for me to understand thetrue nature of Swaraj as it seems to you to be easy.I shall, therefore, for the time being, content


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26 INDIAN HOME KULEmyself with endeavouring to show that what youcall Swaraj is not truly Swaraj.

CHAPTEK VThe Condition of England

Eeader : Then from your statement, I deducethe Government of England is not desirable andnot worth copying by us.

Editor : Your deduction is justified. Thecondition of England at present is pitiable. I prayto God that India may never be in that plight.That which you consider to be the Mother ofParliaments is like a sterile woman and a prostitute.Both these are harsh terms, but exactly fit toe case.That Parliament has not yet of its own accorddone a single good thing, hence I have comparedit to a sterile woman. The natural condition of thatParliament is such that, without outside pressure,it can do nothing. It is like a prostitute because itis under the control of ministers who change fromtime to time. To-day it is under Mr. Asquith, to-morrow it may be under Mr. Balfour.

Eeader: You have said this sarcastically.The term " sterile woman " is not applicable. TheParliament, being elected by the people, must workunder public pressure. This is its quality.

Editor : You are mistaken. Let us examine ita little more closely. The best men are supposed


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THE CONDITION OF ENGLAND 27to be elected by the people. The members servewithout pay and, therefore, it must be assumedonly for the public weal. The electors are con-sidered to be educated and, therefore, we shouldassume that they would not generally make mistakesin their choice. Such a Parliament should not needthe spur of petitions or any other pressure. Its workshould be so smooth that its effect would be moreapparent day by day. But, as a matter of fact, it isgenerally acknowledged that the members arehyprocritical and selfish. Each thinks of his ownlittle interest.. It is fear that is the guiding motive.What is done to-day may be undone to-morrow. Itis not possible to recall a single instance in which thefinality can be predicted for its work. When thegreatest questions are debated its members have beenseen to stretch themselves and to dose. Sometimesthe members talk away until the listeners are dis-gusted. Carlyle has called it the " talking shop ofthe world." Members vote for their party without athought. Their so-called discipline binds them toit. If any member, by way of exception, gives anindependent vote, he is considered a renegade. Ifthe money and the time wasted by the Parliamentwere entrusted to a few good men, the English na-tion would be occupying to-day a much higherplatform. The Parliament is simply a costly toyof the nation. These views are, by no means,peculiar to me. Some great English thinkers have


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THE CONDITION OF ENGLAND 92me to think that they cannot be considered reallypatriotic. If they are to be considered honest be-cause they do not take what is generally known asbribery, let them be so considered, but they aceopen to subtler influences. In order to gain theirends, they certainly bribe people with honours. Ido not hesitate to say that they have neither realhonesty nor a living conscience.

Header : As you express these views aboutthe Parliament, I would like to hear you on theEnglish people, so that I may have your views oftheir Government.

Editor : To the English voters their news-paper is their Bible. They take cue from theirnewspapers, which latter are often dishonest. Thesame fact is differently interpreted by differentnewspapers, according to the party in whose inter-ests they are edited. One newspaper would con-sider a great Englishman to be a paragon of honesty,another would consider him dishonest. What mustbe the condition of the people whose newspapersare of this type ?

Reader : You shall describe it.Editor : These people change their views fre-quently. It is said that they change them every

seven years. These views swing like the pendulumof a clock and are never steadfast. The peoplewould follow a powerful orator or a man who givesthem parties, receptions, etc, As are the people, sc


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34 INDIAN HOME EULEknow that he is ignorant. This civilization takes-note neither of morality nor of religion. Its votariescalmly state that their business is not to teach reli-gion. Some even consider it to be a superstitiousgrowth. Others put on the cloak of religion, andprate about morality. But, after twenty years'experience, I have come to the conclusion thatimmorality is often taught in the name of morality.Even a child can understand that in all I havedescribed above there can be no inducement tomorality. Civilization seeks to increase bodilycomforts, and it fails miserably even in doing so.

This civilization is irreligion, and it has takensuch a hold on the people in Europe that those whoare in it appear to be half mad. They lack realphysical strength or courage. They keep up theirenergy by intoxication. They can hardly be happyin solitude. Women, who should be the queensof households, wander in the streets, or they slaveaway in factories. For the sake of a pittance, halfa million women in England alone are labouringunder trying circumstances in factories or similarinstitutions. This awful fact is one of the causesof the daily growing suffragette movement.

This civilization is such that one has only tobe patient and it will be self-destroyed. Accordingto the teaching cf Mahomed this would be consider-ed a Satanic civilization. Hinduism calls it theBlack Age. I cannot give you an adequats concep-


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WHY WAS INDIA LOST 35tion of it. It is eating into the vitals of theEnglish nation. It must be shunned. Parliamentare really emblems of slavery. If you will sufficientlythink over this, you will entertain the sameopinion, and cease to blame the English. Theyrather deserve our sympathy. They are a shrewdnation and I therefore believe that they will castoff the evil. They are enterprising and industriousand their mode of thought is not inherentlyimmoral. Neither are they bad at heart. I,therefore, respect them. - Civilization is not anincurable disease, but it should never be forgottenthat the English people are at present afflictedby it.

CHAPTER VIIWhy was India Lost ?Reader : You have said much about civiliza-^onenough to make me ponder over it. I do not

now know what 1 should adopt and what I shouldavoid from the nations of Europe, but one questioncomes to my lips immediately. If civilization isa disease, and if it has attacked England why hasshe been abie to take India, and why is she able toretain it?

Editor : Your question is not very difficultto answer, and we shall presently be able toexamine the true nature of Swaraj ; for I am awarethat I have still to answer that question. I m\\,


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WHY WAS INDIA LOST 37further views, We are now on a most interestingtopic* I shall, therefore, endeavour to follow yourthought, and stop you when I am in doubt.

Editor: I am afraid that, in spite of yourenthusiasm, as we proceed further we shall havedifferences of opinion. Nevertheless, I shall argueonly when you will stop me. We have alreadyseen that the English merchants were able to get afooting in India because we encouraged them.When our princes fought among themselves, theysought the assistance of Company Bahadur. Thatcorporation was versed alike in commerce and war.It was unhampered by questions of morality. Itsobject was to increase its commerce, and to make

money. It accepted our assistance, and increasedthe number of its warehouses. To protect the latterit employed an army which was utilised by us also.Is it not then useless to blame the English for whatwe did at that time ? The Hindus and the Maho-medans were at daggers drawn. This, too, gavethe Company its opportunity ; and thus we createdthe circumstances that gave the Company its con-trol over India. Hence it is truer to say that wegave India to the English than that India was lost,

Keader : Will you now tell me how they areable to retain India?

Editor : The causes that gave them Indiaenable them to retain it. Some Englishmen statethat they took, and they hold, India by the sword.


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38 INDIAN HOME EULEBoth these statements are wrong, The sword Ss>entirely useless for holding India. We alone keepthem. Napoleon is said to have describedthe English as a nation of shop-keepers. It isa fitting description. They hold whatever domi-nions they have for the sake of their commerce.Their army and their navy are intended to pro-tectit. When the Transvaal offered no suchattractions, the late Mr. Gladstone discovered thatit was not right for the English to hold it. Whenit became a paying proposition, resistance led to war.Mr. Chamberlain soon discovered that Englandenjoyed a suzerainty over the Transvaal. \t isrelated that some one asked the late PresidentKruger whether there was gold in the moon. Hereplied that it was highly unlikely, because, if therewere, the English would have annexed it. Manyproblems can be solved by remembering that moneyis their God. Then it follows that we keep theEnglish in India for our base self-interest. Welike their commerce, they please us by their subtlemethods, and get what they want from us. Toblame them for this is to perpetuate their power.We further strengthen their hold by quarrellingamongst ourselves If ycu accept the above state-ments, it is proved that the English entered Indiafor the purposes of trade. , They remain in it forthe same purpose, and we help them to do so Theirarms and ammunition are perfectly useless. In,


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40 INDIAN HOME EULEbut of the religion which underlies all religions.We are turning away from God.Header: How so?Editor : There is a charge laid against us thatwe are a lazy people, and that the Europeans areindustrious and enterprising. We have acceptedthe charge and we, therefore, wish to change ourcondition. Hinduism, Islamism, Zoroastrianism,Christianity and all other religions teach that weshould remain passive about worldly pursuits andactive about godly pursuits, that we should set alimit to our worldly ambition, and that our religiousambition should be illimitable. Our activity shouldbe directed into the latter channel.Header : You seem to be encouraging religiouscharlatanism. Many a cheat has by talking in asimilar strain led the people astray.Editor : You are bringing an unlawful chargeagainst religion. Humbug there undoubtedly isabout all religions. Where there is light, there isalso shadow. I am prepared to maintain thathumbugs in worldly matters are far worse than thehumbugs in religion. The humbug of civilizationthat I endeavour to show to you is not to be foundin religion.Header : How can you say that? In the narnsof religion Hindus and Mahomedans fought ag'ainstone another. For the same cause Christians foughtChristians. Thousands of innocent men have been


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42 INDIAN HOME EULEEeader : You make light of the terror that

Thugs, the Pindaris, the Bhils were to the country.Editor : If you will give the matter some

thought, you will see that the terror was by nomeans such a mighty thing. If it had been a verysubstantial thing, the other people would have diedaway before the English advent. Moreover, thepresent peace is only nominal, for by it we. havebecome emasculated and cowardly. We are not toassume that the English have changed the natureof the Pindaris and the Bhils, It is, therefore,better to suffer the Pindari peril than that some oneelse should protect us from it, and thus render useffeminate. I should prefer to be killed by thearrow of a Bhil than to seek unmanly protection.India without such protection was an India full ofvalour. Macaulay betrayed gross ignorance whenhe libelled Indians as being practically cowards.They never merited the charge. Cowards living ina country inhabited by hardy mountaineers, infestedby wolves and tigers must surely find an earlygrave. Have'you ever visited our fields ? I assureyou that our agriculturists sleep fearlessly on theirfarms even to-day, and the English, you and Iwould hesitate to sleep where they sleep. Strengthlies in absence of fear, not in the quantity^of flesliand muscle we may h~ave"^n~our"~:bod1esrTSroreover 5I must reminTyb1T~wo~~Hesire Home Bule that,after all, the Bhiis, the Pindaris, the Assamese and


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CONDITION OF INDIARAILWAYS 43the Thugs are our own countrymen. To conquerthem is your and my work. So long as we fearour own brethren, we are unfit to reach the goal.

CHAPTER IXThe Condition op India {Continued)

RailwaysReader : You have deprived me of the consola-

tion I used to have regarding peace in India.Editor : I have merely given you my opinion

on the religious aspect, but when I give you myviews as to the poverty of India you will perhapsbegin to dislike me, because what you and I havehitherto considered beneficial for India no longerappears to me to be so.

Reader : What may that be ?Editor : Railways, lawyers and doctors haveimpoverished the country, so much so that, if we dc

not wake up in time, we shall be ruined.Reader : I do now indeed fear that we are

not likely to agree at all. You are attacking thevery institutions which we have hitherto consideredto be good.

Editor : It is necessary to exercise patience.The true inwardness of the evils of civilization youwill understand with difficulty. D octors assure usthat a consumptive clings to life even when he isabout to die. Consumption does not produce ap-


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CONDITION OF INDIARAILWAYS 45Editor : Good travels at a snail's pace it can,

therefore, have little to do with the railways.Those who want to do good are not selfish, theyare not in a hurry, they know that to impregnatepeople with good requires a long time. But evilhas wings. To build a house takes time. Itsdestruction takes none. So the railways can be-come a distributing agency for the evil one only.It may be a debatable matter whether railwaysspread famines, but it is beyond dispute that theypropagate evil.

Reader : Be that as it may, all the disadvan-tages of railways are more than counter-balanced bythe fact that it is due to them that we see in Indiathe new spirit of nationalism.

Editor: I hold this to be a mistake. TheEnglish have taught us that we were not onenation before, and that it will require centuriesbefore we become one nation. This is withoutfoundation. We were one nation before they cameto India. One thought inspired us. Our mode oflife was the same. It was because, we were onenation that they were able to establish one kingdom.Subsequently they divided us.

Reader : This requires an explanation.Editor : I do not wish to suggest that because

we were one nation we had no differences, but it issubmitted that our leading men travelled through-out India, either on foot or in bullock-carts. They


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46 INDIAN HOME EULElearned one another's languages, and there wasno aloofness between them. What do you thinkcould have been the intention of those far-seeingancestors of ours who established Shethubindu-Karoeshwar in the South, Juggernaut in theSouth-East and Hardwar in the North as placesof pilgrimage ? You will admit they wereno fools. They knew that worship of God couldhave been performed just as well at home. Theytaught us that those whose hearts were aglow withrighteousness had the Ganges in their own homes.But they saw that India was one undivided land somade by nature. They, therefore, argued that itmust be one nation. Arguing thus, they establishedholy places in various parts of India, and fired thepeople with an idea of nationality in a mannerunknown in other parts of the world. Any twoIndians are one as no two Englishmen are. Onlyyou and I and others who consider ourselves civilisedand superior person imagine that we are manynations. It was after the advent of railways thatwe began to believe in distinctions, and you are atliberty now to say that it is through the railwaysthat we are beginning to abolish those distinctions.An opium-eater may argue the advantage of opium-eatmg from the fact that he began to understandthe evil of the opium habit after having eaten it. Iwould ask you to consider well what I have said onthe railways. m


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48 INDIAN HOME KULEOur difficulties are of our own creation. God set alimit to a man's locomotive ambition in theconstruction of his body. Man immediately pro-ceeded to discover means of overriding the limit.G-od gifted man with intellect that he might knowhis Maker. Man abused it, so that he might for-get his Maker. I am so constructed that I canonly serve my immediate neighbours, but in myconceit, I pretend to have discovered that I mustwith my body serve every individual in theUniverse. In thus attempting the impossible,man comes in contact with different natures,different religions and is utterly confounded.According to this reasoning, it must be apparent toyou that railways are a most dangerous institution.Man has there through gone further away from hisMaker.

Reader: But I am impatient to hear youranswer to my question. Has the introduction ofMahomedanism not unmade the nation ?

Editor : India cannot cease to be one nationbecause people belonging to different religions livein it. The introduction of foreigners does notnecessarily destroy the nation, they merge in it. Acountry is one nation only when such a conditionobtains in it That country must have a faculty forassimilation. India has ever been such a country.In reality, thare are as many religions as there areindividuals, but those who are conscious of the


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HINDUS AND THE MAHOMEDANS 49spirit of nationality do not interfere with oneanother's religion. If they do, they are not fit tobe considered a nation. If the Hindus believe thatIndia should be peopled only by Hindus, they areliving in dreamland. The Hindus, the Mahomedans,the Parsees and the Christians who have madeIndia their country are fellow-countrymen, and theywill have to live in unity if only for their own in-terest. In no part of the ^orld are one nationalityand one religion synonymous terms ; nor has it everbeen so in India.

Reader : But what about the inborn enmitybetween Hindus and Mahomedans ?Editor : That phrase has been invented by ourmutual enemy. When the Hindus and Mahomedansfought against one another, they certainly spoke inthat strain. They have long since ceased to fight.How, then, can there be any inborn enmity ? Prayremember this too, that we did not cease to fightonly after British occupation. The Hindus flourishedunder Moslem sovereigns and Moslems under theHindu. Each party recognised that mutual fight-ing was suicidal, and that neither party wouldabandon its religion by force of arms. Both parties,therefore, decided to live in peace. With the Englishadvent the quarrels re-commenced.

The proverbs you have quoted were coinedwhen both were fightmg ; to quote them now isobviously harmful, Should we not remember that

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HINDUS AND THE MAHOMEDANS 51progeny. She is a most useful animal in hundredsof ways. Our Mahomedan brethren will admit this.But, just as I respect the cow so do I respectmy fellow-men. A man is just as useful as a cow,no matter whether he be a Mahomedan or a Hindu.Am T, then, to fight with., or kill a Mahomedan inorder to save a cow ? In doing so, I would becomean enemy as well of the cow as of the Mahomedan.Therefore, the only method I know of protectingthe cow is that I should approach my Mahomedanbrother and urge him for the sake of the country tojoin me in protecting her. If he would not listento me, I should let the cow go for the simple reasonthat the matter is beyond my ability. If I wereoyer full of pity for the cow, I should sacrifice mylrfejio^sj^jier^but not, take my brother's. This, Ihold,js_the_awpf our religion.When men become obstinate, it is a difficultthing. If I pull one way, my Moslem brother willpull another. If I put on a superior air, he willreturn the compliment. If I bow to him gently, hewill do it much more so, and if he does not, I shall}M>t be considered to have done wrong in havingbowed. Whm the Hindus became insistent, thekilling of cows increased. In my opinion, cowprotection societies may be considered cow-killingsocieties. It is a disgrace to us that we shouldneed such societies. When we forgot how toprotect cows, I suppose we needed such souiaties.


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* INDIAN HOME RULEhave accentuated the Hindu-Mahomedan dissen-sions, and have confirmed English authority.Reader : It is easy enough to hring thesecharges, hut it will he difficult for you to provethem. But for the Lawyers, who would have shownus the road to independence? Who would have oro-tected the poor ? Who would have secured justice ?For instance, the late Mr. Manomohan Grhose de-fended many a poor man free* of charge. TheCongress, which you have praised so much, is depen-dent for its existence and activity upon the work ofthe lawyers. To denounce such an estimahle classof men is to spell justice injustice, and you are abus-ing the liberty of the press by decrying lawyers.

Editor: At one time I used to think exacfflylike you. I have no desire to convince you thatthey have never done a single good thing. I honourMr. Ghose's memory. It is quite true that hehelped the poor. That the Congress.^ owes thelawyers something is believable. Lawyers are alsomen, and there is something good in every man.Whenever instances of lawyers having done go.^dcan be brought forward, it will be found that thegood is due to them as men rather than as lawyers.All I am concerned with is to show you that theprofession teaches immorality; it is exposed totemptations from which few are saved.

The Hindus and the Mahomedans have quar-relled. An ordinary man will ask them to forget


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CONDITION OF INDIALAWYERS 57all about it, he will tell them that both must bemore or less at fault and will advise them no Lor.to quarrei They go to lawyers. The latter's dutyis to side with their clients, and to find out wand arguments in favour of the clients to whichthey (the clients) are often strangers. If they do notdo so, they will be considered to nave degraded theirprofession. Trie lawyers, therefore, will, as a -advance quarrels, instead of repressing them.Moreover, men take up ttaJ; profession, not in orderto help others out of thou miseries, batenrich themselves. It is one of the avenuesbecoming wealthy and their interest exists inmultiplying disputes, it is within my koledge that they are grid when mm have .:Petty pleaders actually manufacture fchem, Ttouts, like so ma lvjl :pooi Lawyers ace men who have

ple,i i ttder to indulge in luxuitake up ThisisalAny other argument is a mete pretension. D

>vered that Ihonourable profession. They frame lawsframe their own praises. They dethey will charge, "and they put : i a - m ipoor people almost consider them to be heaven-borp.

lo : f want more fees than cijilabourers? Why are their requirements great:n :-e they more profitable to

the co"


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58 INDIAN HOME RULEthan the laboure-s? Are those who do good enti*tied to greater payment ? And, if they have doneanything for the country for the sake of money,how shall it be counted as good ?

Those who know anything of the Hindu-Mahomedan quarrels know that they have beenoften due to the intervention of lawyers," Somefamilies have been ruined through them ; theyhave made brothers enemies. Principalities,having come under lawyer's power, have becomeloaded with debt. Many have been robbed of theirall. Such instances can be multiplied.

But the greatest injury they have done to thecountry is that they have tightened the English grip.Do you think that it would be possible for theEnglish to carry on their government withoutlaw-courts? It is wrong to consider that courts areestablished for the benefit of the people. Thosewho want to perpetuate their power do so throughthe courts. If people were to settle their ownquarrels, a third party would not be able to exer-cise any authority over them. Truly, men wereless unmanly when they settled their disputes eitherby fighting or by asking their relatives to decideupon them. They became more unmanly andcowardly when they resorted to the courts of law.It was certainly a sign of savagery when theysettled their disputes by fighting. Is it any theless so if I ask a third party to decide between


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60 INDIAN HOME RULECHAPTER XII

The Condition op India {Continued)Doctors

Reader : I now understand the lawyers ;the good they may have done is accidental. I feelthat r,he profession is certainly hateful. You, how-ever, drag in these doctors also, how is that ?

Editor : The views I submit to you are thoseI have adopted. They are not original. Westernwriters have used stronger terms regarding bothlawyers and doctors. One writer has likened thewhole modern system to the Upas tree. Its bran-ches are represented by parasitical professions,including those of law and medicine, and over thetrunk has been raise \ the axe of true religion.Immorality is the root of the tree. So you will seethat the views do not come right oat of my mind,bat they represent the combined experiences ofmany. I was afc one time a great lover of themedical profession. It- was my intention to becomea doctor* for the sake of the country. I no longerhold' that opinion, I now understand why themedicine men (the vaids) among us have not occu-pied a. very honourable status.

The Eoglish have certainly effectively used themedical profession for holding us. Englishphysicians are known to have used the professionwith several Asiatic potentates for political gain.


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64 INDIAN HOME RULECivilization is that mode of conduct which

points out to. man the path of duty. Performanceof duty and observance of morality are convertibleterms. To observe morality is to attain masteryover our mind and our passions. So doing, weknow ourselves. The G-ajarati equivalent forcivilization means " good conduct."

If this definition be correct, then India, asso many writers have shown, has nothing to learnfrom anvbody else, and this is as it should be.We notice that mind is a restless bird ; the more itgets the more it wants, and still remains unsatis-fied. The more we indulge our passions, the moreunbridled they become. Our ancestors, therefore,set a limit to our indulgences. They saw thathappiness was largely a mental condition. A manis not necessarily h^ppy because he is rich, or un-happy because he is poor. The rich are often seemto be unhappy, the poor to be happy. Millions willalways remain poor. Observing all this, ourancestors dissuaded U3 from luxuries and pleasures.

We have managed witn the same kind of plough asit existed thousands of years ago. We have retain-ed the same kind of cottages that we had in former-times and our indigenous education remains thesame as before. We have had no system of life-corroding competition. Each followed his ownoccupation or trade, and charged a regulation wage.


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WHAT IS TRUE CIVILIZATION 65It was not that we did not know how to inventmachinery, but our forefathers knew that, if we setour hearts after such things, we would becomeslaves and lose our moral fibre. They, therefore,after due deliberation, decided that we should onlydo whatwe could with our hands and feet. Theysaw that our real happiness and health consistedin a proper use of our hands and feet. They furtherreasoned that large cities were a snare aod a uselessencumbrance, and that people would not be happyin them, that there would be gangs of thieves androbbers, prostitution and vice flourishing in them,and that poor men would be robbed by richmen. They were, therefore, satisfied with smallvillages. They saw. that kings and their swordswere inferior to the sword of ethics, and they,therefore, held the sovereigns of the earth to beinferior to the Rishis and the Fakirs. A nation witha constitution like this is fitter to teach others thanto learn from others. This nation had courts, lawyersand doctors, but they were all within bounds.Everybody knew that these professions were notparticularly superior ; moreover, these vakils andvaids did not rob people ; they were consideredpeople's dependents, not their masters. Justicewas tolerably fair. The ordinary rule was to avoidcourts. There were no touts to lure people intothem. This evil, too, was noticeable only in andaround capitals. The common people lived independ-

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HOW CAN INDIA BECOME FEEE 67Editor : You make a mistake. The defects that

you have shown are defects. Nobody mistakesthem for ancient civilization. They remain inspite of it. Attempts have always been made, andwill be made, to remove them. We may utilisethe new spirit that is born in us for purgingourselves of these evils. But what 1 have describ-ed to you as emblems of modern civilization areaccepted as such by its votaries- The Indian civili-zation, as descfibed by me, has been so describedby its votaries. In no part of the world, andunder no civilization, have all men t attainedperfection. The tendency of Indian civilization isto elevate the moral being, that of the westerncivilization is to propagate immorality. The latteris godless, the former is based on a belief in God.So understanding and so believing, it behoves everylover of India to cling to the old Indian civilizationeven as a child clings to its mother's breast.

CHAPTER XIVHow Can India Become Free?

Reader : I appreciate your views about cvili-zation. I will nave to think over them. 1 cannottake in all at once. What, then, holding the viewsyou do, would you suggest for freeing India ?

Editor: I do not expect my views to beaccepted all of a sudden. My duty is to place them


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HOW CAN INDIA BECOME FREE 6 (Jthought; you have a definition of Swaraj. It isSwaraj when we learn to rale ourselves. It istherefore in ihe palm of our hands. Do not con-sider this Swaraj to be like a dream. Hence thereis no idea of sitting still. The Swaraj that I wishto picture before you and me is such that, after wehave once reatised it, we will endeavour to the endof our lifetime to persuade others to do likewise.Bat such Swaraj has to be experienced byeach one for himself. One drowning man willnever save another. Slaves ourselves, it would bea mere pretension to think of freeing others. Nowyou will have seen that it is not necessary for usto have as our goal the expulsion of the English.If the English become Indianised, we can accom-modate them. If they wish to remain in Indiaalong with their civilization, there is no room forthem. It lies with us to bring about such a stateof things,

Reader : It is impossible that Englishmenshould ever become Indianised.

Editor: To say that is equivalent to sayingthat the English have no humanity in them. Andit is really beside the point whether they become soor not. If we keep our own house in order, onlythose who are fit to live in it will remain. Otherswill leave of their own accord. Such things occurwithin the experience of all of us.

Reader : But it has not occurred in history !


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70 INDIAN HOME RULEEditor : To believe that, wfot has not occurred

in history will not occur at ail, is to argae dis-belief in the dignity of man. At any rate, it behovesus to try what appeals to our reason. All countriesare not similarly conditioned. The condition ofIndia is unique. Its strength is immeasurable. Weneed not, therefore, refer to the history of othercountries. I have drawn attention to the factthat, when other civilizations have succumbed,th~! Indians has survived many a shock.

Reader: I cannot follow this. There seemslittle doubt that we shall have to expel the English byforce of arms. So long as they are in the country,we cannot rest. One of our poets says that slavescannot even dream of happiness. We are, day byday, becoming weakened owing to the presence ofthe English. Our greatness is gone; our peoplelook like terrified men. The English are in thecountry like a blight which we must remove byevery means.

Editor ; In your excitement, you have for-gotten all we have been considering. We broughtthe English, and we keep them. Why do you forgetthat our adoption of their civilization makes theirpresence in India at all possible? Your hatredagainst them ought to be transferred to their civiliza-tion. But let us assume that we have to drive awaythe English by fighting ; how is that to be done ?


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72 INDIAN HOME KULEMazzini has shown conclusively that Italy didnot become free. Victor Emanuel gave onemeaning to the expression; Mazzini gave another.According to Emanuel, Cavour, and even Garibaldi,Italy meant the King of Italy and his henchmen.According to Mazzini. it meant the whole of theItalian people, that is, its agriculturists. Emanuelwas only its servant. The Italy of Mazzinistill remains in a. state of slavery. At the timeof the so-called national war, it was a game ofchess between two rival kings, with the people ofItaly as pawns. The working classes in that landare still unhappy. They therefore indulge inassassination, rise in revoU, and rebellion on theirpart is always expected. What substantial gain didItaly obtain after the withdrawal of the Austriantroops? The gain was only nominal. The reforms, forthe sake of which the war was supposed to have beenundertaken, have not yet been granted. The cond i-tion of the people, in general, still remains the same.I am sure you do not wish to reproduce such acondition in India. I Relieve that you want themillions of India to be happy, not that you wantthe reins of Government in your hands. If that beso, we have to consider only one thing : how canthe millions obtain self-rule? You will admit thatpeople under several Indian princes are beingground down. The latter mercilessly crush them.Their tyranny is greater than that of the English,


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ITALY AND INDIA 73and, if you want such tyranny in India, that weshail never agree. My patriotism does not teachme that I am to allow people to be crushed underthe beel of Indian princes, if only the Englishretire. If I have the power, I should resist thetyranny of Indian princes just as much as that ofthe English. By patriotism I mean the welfare ofthe whole people, and, if I could secure it at thehands of the English, I should bow down my headto them. If any Englishman dedicated his life k>securing the freedom of India, resisting tyrannyand serving the land, I should welcome that Eng-lishman as an Indian.

Again, India can fight like Italy only when shehas arms. You have not considered this problem atall. The English are splendidy armed; that does notfrighten me, but it is clear that, to fit ourselvesagainst them in arms, thousands of Indians

must bearmed. If such a thing be possible, how many yearswill it take. Moreover, to arm India on a large scaleis to Europeanise it. Then her condition will bejust as pitiable as that of Europe. This means, inshort, that India must accept European civil izition,and if that is what we want, the best thing is thatwe have among us those who are so well trained inthat civilization. We will then fight for a few rights,will get what we can and so pass our days. But thefact is ttfat the Indian nation will not adopt arms,and it is well that it does not.


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74 INDIAN HOME RULEReader : You are overassuming facts. All

need not be armed. At first, we will assassinate afew Englishmen and strike terror; then a few menwho will have been armed will fight openly. Wemay have to lose a quarter of a million men, moreor less, but we will regain our land. We will under-take guerilla warfare, and defeat the English.Editor : That is to say, you want to make theholy land of India unholy. Do you not tremble tothink of freeing India by assassination? What weneed to do is to kill ourselves. It is a cowardlythought, that of killing others Whom do you sup-pose to free by assassination ? The millions of Indiaoo not desire it. Those who are intoxicated bv thewretched modern civilization think of these things.Those who will rise to power by murder will cer-tainly not make the nation happy. Tnose whobelieve that India has gained by Dhingra's act andsuch other acts in India make a serious mistake-Dhingra was a patriot, but his love was blind. Hegave his body in a wrong way ; its ultimate resultcan only be mischievous.

Reader : But you will admit that the Englishhave been frightened by these murders, and thatLord Morley's reforms are due to fear.Editor : The English are both a timid and abrave nation. She is, I believe, easilv influenced bvthe use of gunpowder. It is possible that LordMorley has granted the reforms through fear but


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BRUTE-FORCE 75what is granted under fear can be regained only solong as the fear lasts.

CHAPTER XVIBrute-Forge

Reader : This is a new doctrine ; that what isgained through fear is retained only while the fearlasts. Surely, what is given will not be withdrawn ?

Editor : Not so. The Proclamation of 1857was given at ihe end of a revolt, and for the pur-pose of preserving peace. When peace was securedand pepole became simple-minded, its full effect wastoned down. If I ceased stealing for fear of punish-ment, I would re-commence the operation so soonas the fear is withdrawn from me. This is almost auniversal experience. We have assumed that wecan get men to do things by force and, therefore,we use force.

Reader: Will you not admit that you arearguing against yourself? You know that what theEnglish obtained in their own country they haveobtained by using brute-force, I know you haveargued that what they have obtained is useless, butthat does not affect my argument. They wanteduseless things, and they got them. My point istbat their desire was fulfilled. What does it matterwhat means they adopted ? Why should we notobtain our goal which is good, by any meaus-


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?6 INDIAN HOME EULEwhatsoever even by using violence? Shall I thinkof the means when I have to deal with a thief inthe house ? My duty is to drive bim out anyhow.You seem to admit that we have received nothing,and that we shall receive nothing by petitioning.Why, then, may we not do so by using brute-force?And, to retain what we may receive, we shall keepup the fear by using the same force to the extentthat it may be necessary. You will not find faultwith a continuance of force to prevent a child fromthrusting its foot into fire? Somehow or other, wehave to gain our end.

Editor: Year reasoning is plausible. It hasdeluded many. I have used similar arguments beforenow. But I think I know better now, and I shallendeavou/ to undeceive you. Let us first take. theargument that we are justified in gaining our endby using brute-force, because the English gainedtheirs by using similar means. It is perfectlytrue that they used brute-force, and that it ispossible for us to do likewise : but by usingsimilar means, we can get only the same thingthat they got. You will admit that we do notwant that. Your belief that there is no connectionbetween the means and the end is a great mistake.Through that mistake even men who have beenconsidered religious have committed grievouscrimes. Your reasoning is the same as saying thatwe can get a rose through planting a noxious


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BRUTE-FORCE 77weed. If I want to cross the ocean, I can do so-only by means of a vessel ; if I were to use a cartfor that purpose, both the cart and I would soonfind the bottom. "As is the God, so is the votary,"is a maxim worth considering Its meaning hasbeen distorted, and men have gone astray. Themeans may be likened to a seed, the end to a tree;,and there is just the same inviolable connectionbetween the means and the end as there is betweenthe seed and toe tree. I am not likely to obtainthe result flowing from the worship of God bylaying myself prostrate before Satan. If, therefore,anyone were to say : "I want to worship God: itdoes not matter that I do so by means of Satan,"it would be set down as ignorant folly. We reapexactly as we sow. The English in 1833 obtainedgreater voting power by violence. Did they, by usingbrute-force, better appreciate their duty ? Theywanted the right of voting, which they obtained byusing physical-force. But real rights are a resultof performance of duty ; these rights they have notobtained. We, therefore, have before us in Englandthe force of everybody wanting and insisting onhis rights, nobody thinking of his duty. And, whereeverybody wants rights, who shall give them and towhom ? I do not wish to imply that they neverperform their duty, but I do wish to imply that theydo not perform the duty to which those rightsshould correspond ; and, as they do not perform


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78 INDIAN HOME RULE*that particular duty, namely, acquire fitness, theirrights have proved a burden to them. In otherwords, what they have obtained is an exaet resultof the means they adopted. They used the meanscorresponding to the end. If I want to deprive youof your watch, I shall certainly have to fight for itif I want to buy your watch, I shall have to pay youfor it ; and, if I want a gift, I shall have to plead forit ; and, according to the means I employ, thewatch is stolen property, my own property, or adonation. Thus we see three different results fromthree different means. Will you still say thatmeans do not matter ?Now we shall take the example given by youof the thief to be driven out. I do not agree withyou that the thief may be driven out by anymeans. If it is my father who has come to stealI shall use one kind of means. If it is anacquaintance, I shall use another ; and, in the caseof a perfect stranger, I shall use a third. If it isa white man, you will perhaps say, you will usemeans different from those you will adopt with anIndian thief If it is a weakling, the means willbe different from those to be adopted for dealingwith an equal in physical strength ; and, if thethief is armed from tip to "toe, I shall simplyremain quiet.. Thus we have a variety of meansbetween the father and the armed man. Again, Ifancy that I should pretend to be sleeping whether


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80 INDIAN HOME RULEtoo, is incensed. He collects his brother-robbers, and sends you a defiant message thathe will commit robbery in broad day-light. Youare strorjg, you do not fear him, you are preparedto receive him. Meanwhile, the robber pesters yourneighbours. They complain before you, you replythat you are doing ail for their sake ; you do notmind that your own goods have been stolen. Yourneighbours reply that the robber never pesteredthem before, and that he commenced his depreda-tions only after you declared hostilities against him.You are between Sylla and Charybdis. You arefull of pity for the poor men. What they say istrue. What are you to do ? You will be disgracedif you now leave the robber alone. You, therefore,tell the poor men: ''Never mind. Come, my wealthis yours, I will give you arms, I will teach yon howto use them ; you should belabour the rogue ; don'tyou leave him alone." And so the battle grows;the robbers increase in number ; your neighbourshave deliberately put themselvs to inconvenience.Thus the result of wanting to take revenge uponthe robber is that you have disturbed your ownpeace ; you are in perpetual fear of being robbed andassaulted ; your courage has given place to cowardice.If you will patiently examine the argument, you willsee that I have not overdrawn the picture. This isone of the means. Now let us examine *he other.You set this armed robber down as an ignorant


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82 INDIAN HOME KULEthan the force of arms. There is harm in theexercise of brute-force, never in that of pity.Now we will take the question of petitioning.It is a fact beyond dispute that a petition, with-out the backing of force, is useless. However, thelate Justice Ranade used to say that petitionsserved a useful purpose because fchey were a meansof educating people. They give the latter an ideaof their condition, and warn the rulers. Fromthis point of view, they are not altogether useless.A petition of an equal is a sign of courtesy ; apetition from a slave is a symbol of his slavery,A petition backed by force is a petition from anequal and, when he transmits his demand in theform of a petition, it testifies to his nobility.Two kinds of force can back petitions. "We willhurt you if you do not give this" is one kind offorce ; it is the force of arms, whose evil resultswe have already examined. The second kind offorce can thus be stated : "If you do not concedeour demand, we will be no longer your petitionersYou can govern us only so long as we remainthe governed ; we shall no longer have any dealingswith you." The force implied in this may bedescribed as love-force, soul-force, or, more popularlybut less accurately, passive resistance. This forceis indestructible. He who uses it perfectly under-stands his position. We have an ancient proverbwhich literally means "One negative cures


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PASSIVE RESISTANCE 85would disappear without the existence of thatforce. But you ask for historical evidence. It is,therefore^ necessary to know what history means.The Gujarati equivalent means : "It so happened "If that is the meaning of history, it is possible togive copious evidence. But if it means the doingsof kings and emperors, there can be no evidence ofsoul-force or passive resistance in such history. Youcannot expect silver-ore in a tin-mine. History, aswe know it, is a record of the wars of the world,and so there is a proverb among Englishmen thata nation which has no history, that is, no wars, is ahappy nation. How kings played bow they becomeenemies of one another and how they murdered oneanother is found accurately recorded in historyand, if this were all that had happened in theworld, it would have been ended long ago. If thestory of the universe had commenced with wars,not a man would have been found alive to-day.Those people who have been warred against h$vedisappeared, as, for instance, the natives ofAustralia, of whom hardly a man was left alive bythe intruders.. Mark, please, that these natives didnot use soul-force in self-defence, and it does notrequire much foresight to know that the Australianswill share the same fate as their victims " Thosethat wield the sword shall perish by the sword.'*With us, the proverb is that professional swimmerswill find a watery grave.


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86 INDIAN HOME BULEThe fact that there are so many men still alive-

in the world shows that it is based not on the forceof arms but on the force of truth or love. Thereforethe greatest and most unimpeachable evidence ofthe success of this force is to be found in the factthat, in spite of the wars of the world, it still livesn.

Thousands, indeed, tens of thousands, dependfor their existence on a very active workingof this force. Little quarrels of millions offamilies in their daily lives disappear before theexercise of this force. Hundreds of nations live inpeace. History does not and cannot take note ofthis fact. History is really a record of every inter-ruption of the even working of the force of loveor of the soul. Two brothers quarrel : one of themrepents and re-awakens: the love that was lyingdormant in him ; the two again begin to live inpeace: nobody takes note of this. But if the twobrothers, through the intervention of solicitors orsome other reason, take up arms or go to lawwhich is another form of the exhibition of brute-forcetheir doings would be immediately noticedin the press, they would be the talk of their neigh-bours, and would probably go down to history.And what is true cf families and communities is,true of nations. There is no reason, to believethat there is one law for families, and anotherfor nations. History, then, is a record of an-


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PASSIVE RESISTANCE 87interruption of the course of nature. Soul-force,being natural, is not noted in history.Readek : According to what you say, it isplain that instances of the kind of passive resistanceare not to be found in history. It is necessaryto understand this passive resistance more fully.It will be better, therefore, if you enlarge upon it.

Editor : Passive resistance is a method ofsecuring rights by personal suffering ; it is thereverse of resistance by arms. When I refuse todo a thing that is repugnant to my conscience, Iuse soul-force. For instance, the government ofthe day has passed a law which is applicable tome : I do not like it, if, by using violence, Iforce the government to repeal the law. I amemploying what may be termed body-force. If Ido not obey the law and accept the penalty forits breach, I use soul-force. It involves sacrificeof self.

Everybody admits that sacrifice of self isinfinitely superior to sacrifice of others. Moreover,if this kind of force is used in a cause that is unjustonly the person using it suffers. He does not makeothers suffer for his mistakes. Men have .before nowdone many things which were subsequently found rto have been wrong. No man can claim to beabsolutely in the right, or that a particular thing iswrong, because# he thinks so, but it is wrong forhim so long as that is his deliberate judgment

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88 INDIAN HOME EULEIt is, therefore, meet thathe should not do thatwhich he knows to be wrong, and suffer theconsequence whatever it may be. This is thekey to the use of soul %force.

Header : You would then disregard lawsthis is rack disloyalty. We have always beenconsidered a law-abiding nation. You seem to begoing even beyond the extremists. They say thatwe must obey the laws that have been passed, busthat, if the laws be bad, we must drive out thelaw-givers even by force.

Editor: Whether I go beyond them orwhether J[ do not, is a matter of no consequence toeither of us. We simply want to find out what isright, and to act accordingly. The real meaningof the statement that we are a law-abiding nationis that we are passive resisters. When we do notlike certain laws, we do not break the heads oflaw-givers, but we suffer and do not submit to thelaws. That we should obey laws whether good orbad is a new-fangled notion. There was no suchthing in former days. The people disregardedthose laws they did not like, and suffered thepenalties for their breach. It is contrary to ourmanhood, if we obey laws repugnant to ourconscience. Such teaching is opposed to religionand means slavery. If the government were toask us to go about without any clothing, should wedo so ? If I were a passive resister, I would say to


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PASSIVE KESISTANCE 89them that I would have nothing to do with theirlaw. But we have so forgotten ourselves and becomeso compliant, that we do not mind any degradinglaw. A man who has realised his manhood, who fearsonly God, will fear no one else, Man-made lawsare not necessarily binding on him. Even the gov-ernment do not expect any such thing from us.They do not say : " You must do such and such athing," but they sav : " If you do not do it, we willpunish you." We are sunk so low, that we fancythat it is our duty and our religion to do what thelaw lays down. If man will only realise that it isunmanly to obey laws that are- unjust, no man'styranny will enslave him. This is the key to self-rule or home-rule.

It is a superstition and an ungodly thingto believe that an act of a majority binds a mino-rity- Many examples can be given in whichacts of majorities will be found to have beenwrong, and those of minorities to have beenright. All reforms owe their origin to the initiationof minorities in opposition to majorities. If amonga band of robbers, a knowledge of robbing is obli-gatory, is a pious man to accept the obligation ? ^ Solong as the superstition that men should obey unjustlaws exists, so long will their slavery exist. Anda passive resister alone can remove such a super-stition.


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90 INDIAN HOME RULETo use brute-force, to use gun-powder is contrary

to passive resistance; for it means that we want ouropponent to do by forcethat which we desire buthe dees not. And, if such a use of force is justifi-able, surely he is entitled to do likewise by us. Andso we should never come to an agreement. Wemay simply fancy, like the blindborse moving ina circle round a mill, that we are making progress.Those who believe that they are not bound to obeylaws which are repugnant to their conscience haveonly the remedy of passive resistance open to them.Any other must lead to disaster.

Reader : From what you say, I deduce thatpassive resistance is a splendid weapon of the weakbut that, when they are strong, they may take uparms.

Editor : This is gross ignorance Passiveresistance, that is, soul-force, is matchless. It issuperior to the force of arms. How, then, can it beconsidered only a weapon of the weak ? Physical-force men are strangers to the courage that isrequisite in a passive resister. Do you believe that acoward can ever disobey a law that he dislikes ?Extremists are considered to be advocates of brute-force. "Why do they, then, talk about obeying laws?I do not blame them. They can say nothing else.When they succeed in driving out the English, andthey themselves become governors, they will wantyou and me to obey their laws. And that is a


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92 INDIAN HOME RULEconsider such a weapon to be a weapan merely ofthe weak.

Reader: You have said that passive resistanceis a speciality of India, Have cannons never beenused in India ?

Editor: Evidently, in your opinion, Indiameans its few princes. To me, it means its teemingmillions, on whom depends the existence of itsprinces and our own.

Kings will always use their kingly weapons.To use force is bred in them. They wantto command, but those who have to obey commands,do not want guns; and these are in a majoritythroughout the world. They have to learn eitherbody-force or soul-force. Where they learn theformer, both the rulers and the ruled become like somany mad men, but, where they learn soul-force,the commands of the rulers do not go beyond thepoint of their swords, for true men disregard unjustcommands. Peasants have never been subduedhy the sword, and never will be. They donot know the use of the sword, and they arenot frightened by the use of it by others. Thatnation is great which rests its head upon death asits pillow. Those who defy death are free from allfear. For those who are labouring under thedelusive charms of brute-force, this picture is notOverdrawn. The fact is that, in India, the nationat large has generally used passive resistance in all


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PASSIVE RESISTANCE 93departments of life. We c-ase to co-operate withour rulers when they displease us. This is passiveresistance.

I remember an instance when, in a smallprincipality, the villagers were offended by somecommand issued by the prince. The former im-mediately began vacating the village. The princebecame nervous, apologised' to his subjects andwithdrew his command. Many such instances canbe found in India. Real home-rule is possible onlywhere passive resistance is the guiding force of thepeople. Any other rule is foreign rule.

Reader: Then you will say that it is not atall necessary for us to train the body ?Editor : I will certainly not say any such thing.

It is diffcult to become a passive resister, unlessthe body is trained. As a rule, the mind, residingin a body that has become weakened by pampering,is also weak, and where there is no strength ofmind, there can be no strength of soul. We will haveto improve our physique by getting rid of infant

marriages and luxurious living. If I were to ask aman having a shattered body to face a cannon'smouth I would make of myself a laughing-stock.Reader : From what you say, then, it wouldappear that it is not a small thing to become apassive resister, and, if that is so, I* would like youto explain how a man may become a passiveresister.


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PASSIVE KESISTANCE 95with one ? What are her rights, and such otherquestions ? Yet those who wish to take part in agreat work are bound to solve these puzzles.

Just as there is necessity for chastity, so isthere for poverty. Pecuniary ambition and passiveresistance cannot well go together. Those whohave money are cot expected to throw it away, butthey are expected to be indifferent about it. Theymust be prepared to lose every penny rather thangive up passive resistance.

Passive resistance has been described in thecourse of our discussion as truth-force. Truth,therefore, has necessarily to be followed, and thatat any cost. In this connection, academic questionssuch as whether a man may not lie in order to savea life, etc. arise, but these questions occur only tothose who wish to justify lying. Those who wantto follow truth every time are not placed in such aquandary, and, if they are, they are still saved froma false position.

Passive resistance cannot proceed a step with-out fearlessness. Those alone can follow the pathof passive resistance who are free from fearwhether as to their possessions, false honour, theirrelatives, the government, bodily injuries, death.

These observances are not to be abandoned inthe belief that they are difficult. Nature hasimplanted in the human breast ability to cope withany difficulty or suffering that may come to man


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96 INDIAN HOME RULEunprovoked. These qualities are worth having,even for those who do not wish to servethe country. Let there be no mistake asthose who want to train themselves in the use ofarms are also obliged to have these qualities moreor less. Everybody does not become a warrior forthe wish, A woald-be warrior will have to observechastity, and to be satisfied with poverty as his lot.A warrior without fearlessness cannot be conceivedof. It may be thought that he would not need tobe exactly truthful, but that quality follows realfearlessness. When a man abandons truth, he doesso owing to fear in some shape or form. Theabove four attributes, then, need not frighteen anyone. It may be as well here to note that a physi-cal-force man has to have many otber uselessqualities which a passive resister never needs.And you will find that whatever extra effort aswordsman needs is due to lack of fearlessness. Ifhe is an embodiment of the latter, the sword willdrop from his hand that very moment He doesnot need its support. One who is free from hatredrequires no sword. A man with a stick suddenlycame face to face with a lion, and instinctivelyraised his weapon in self-defence. The man sawthat he had only prated about fearlessness whenthere was none in him That moment he droppedthe stick, and found himself free from all fear.

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EDUCATION 97CHAPTER XVIII

EducationReader : In the whole of our discussion, yoa

have cot demonstrated the necessity for education ;we always complain of its absence among us. Wenotice a movement for compulsory education in ourcountry. The Maharaja of Gaekwar has introducedit in his territories. Every eye is directed towardsthem. We bless the Maharaja for it. Is all thiseffort then of no use?

Editor : If we consider our civilization to bethe highest, I have regretfully to say that muchof the effort you have described is of no use. Themotive of the Maharaja and other great leaderswho have been working in this direction is perfectlypure. They, therefore, undoubtedly deserve greatpraise. But we cannot conceal from ourselves theresult that is likely to flow from their effort.

What is the meaning of education? If it simplymeans a knowledge of letters, it is merely aninstrument, and an instrument may be well usedor abused. The same instrument that may be usedto cure a patient may be used to take his life, and somay a knowledge of letters. We daily observe thatmany men abuse it, and very few make good use ofit, and if this is a correct statement, we have provedthat more harm has been done by it than good.The ordinary meaning of education is aknowledge of letters. To teach boys reading,

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98 INDIAN HOME RULEwriting and arithmetic is called primary education.A peasant earns his bread honestly. He has ordinaryknowledge of the world. He knows fairlywell how he should behave towards his parents, hiswife, his children and his fellow-villagers. Heunderstands and observes the rules of morality, Buthe cannot write his own name. Wbat do you pro-pose to do by giving him a knowledge of letters ?Will you add an inch to his happiness? Do youwish to make him discontented with his cottage orhis lot ? And even if you want to do that, he willnot need such an education. Carried away by theflood of western thought, we came to the conclu-sion, without weighing pros and cons, that we shouldgive this kind of education to the people.

Now let us take higher education. I havelearned Geography, Astronomy, Algebra, Geometry,etc. What of that ? In what way have I benefittedmyself or those around me? Why have I learnedthese things ? Professor Huxley has thus definededucation:"That man I think has had a liberaleducation who has been so trained in youth that hisbody is the ready servant of his will and does withease and pleasure all the work that as a mechanismit is capable of, whose intellect is a clear, coldlogic engine with all its parts of equal strength andin smooth working order whose miod is storedwith a knowledge of the fundamental truths ofnature whose passions are trained to come


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EDUCATION * 99to heel by a vigorous will, the servant oi a tenderconscience who has learnt to hate all vile-ness and to respect others a3 himself. Such an oneand no other, I conceive, has had a liberal educa-tion, for he is in harmony with Nature. He willmake the best of her and she of him."

If this be true education, I must emphaticallysay that the sciences I have enumerated above, Ihave never been able to use for controlling mysenses. Therefore, whether you take elementaryeducation or higher education, it is not requiredfor the main thing. It does not make of us men*It does not enable us to do our duty.

Reader: If that is so. I shall have to ask yoaanother question. What enables you to tell allthese things to me ? If you had not receivedhigher education, how would you have been ableto explain to me the things that you have ?Editor : You have spoken well. But myanswer is simple: I do not for one moment]believethat my life would have been wasted, had I nob.received higher or lower education. Nor do I con-sider that I necessarily serve because I speak. ButI do desire to serve and, in endeavouring to fulfil thatdesire, I make use of the education I have received.And, if I am making good use of it, even then it 13not for the millions, but I can Use it only for suchas you, aud this supports my contention. Bjch youand I have come under the bane of what is mainly


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100 INDIAN HOME RULEfalse education. I claim to have become free fromits ill-effects, and I am trying to give you the benefitof my experience, and, in doing so, I am demon-strating the rottenness of this education.

Moreover, I have not run down a knowledge ofletters under all circumstances. Ail I have shown isthat we must not make of it a fetish. It is not ourKamdhuk. In its'place it can be of use, and it hasits place when we have brought our senses undersubjection, and put our efchic3 on a firm foundation.And then, if we feel inclined to receive that edu-pation, we may make good use of it. As an orna-ment it is likely to sit well on us. It now followsthat it is not necessary to make this educationcompulsory, Our ancient school system is enough.Character-building has the first place in it, and thatis primary education . A building erected on thatfoundation will last.Header : Do I then understand that youdo not consider English education necessary forobtaining Home Rule?

Editor : My answer is yes and no. To givemillions a knowledge of English is to enslave them.The foundation that Macaulay laid of educationhas enslaved us. 1 do not suggest that he had anysuch intention, but that has been the result. Is itnot a sad commentary that we should have to speakof Home Rule, in a foreign tongue ?


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EDUCATION 101And it is worthy of note that the systems which

the Europeans have discarded are the systems iflvogue among us. Their learned men continuallymake change

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