in Brazilian Portuguese - Letras

ORGANIZERMaria José Foltran

SCIENTIFIC COMMITEEAna Mueller USP

Maximiliano Guimarães UFPRRoberta Pires Oliveira UFSC

Tereza Cristina Wachowicz UFPR

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vii workshop on formal linguistics

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THURSDAY 28th PG.

8h REGISTRATION

8h20 OPENING REMARkS

8h30

Presupposition as a pragmatic phenomenon: an analysis of the trigger “ again” in negative utterancesMarcos Goldnadel (UFRGS)

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9hDescriptive predicative adjectives: eventualitiesGabriela Betania Hinrichs Conteratto (PUCRS)

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9h30

The aspectual and thematic domains of deadjectival verbs in Brazilian PortugueseTeresa Cristina Wachowicz (UFPR) & Maria José Foltran (UFPR/CNPq)

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10hDual Selection and the lexical licensing of exceptional movementAlison Henry (University of Ulster-UK)

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10h30 BREAk

11hINVITED SPEAKER: Susan Rothstein (Bar Ilan University)The Grammar of Counting

12h30 BREAk

14h00Diagnosing Constituency for Adjectival Predicative ConstructionsMarcos Barbosa Carreira (PG-UFPR)

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14h30On the strong generative capacity of standard Antisymmetry TheoryMaximiliano Guimarães (UFPR)

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PROGRAMVII WORKSHOP ON FORMAL LINGUISTICS

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9h30

Number agreement and conjoined nouns in (Spanish) DP’s with and without adjectivesVioleta Demonte (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC) Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales (CCHS)Instituto de Lengua, Literatura y Antropologia)

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10hIndefinite subjects in Brazilian PortugueseMary Kato (Unicamp)

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10h30 BREAk

11h INVITED SPEAKER: José Borges Neto (UFPR)On Reference

12h30 BREAk

14h

A semantic-pragmatic account of the “perfective-paradox”Roberta Pires de Oliveira (UFSC/CNPq) & Renato Miguel Basso (Unicamp/FAPESP)

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14h30Secondary Predication in Japanese and Aspectual StructureYuko Asada (Sophia University, Tokyo, Japan)

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15h

Constrastive Topicalization, and the relation between Information Structure and Discourse StructureSergio Menuzzi (UFRGS) & Gabriel Roisenberg (UFRGS)

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15h30

Constraints on Cinque (1999)’s functional projection hierarchy: a formalization in terms of ‘Tau Condition’Aquiles Tescari Neto (PG-UNICAMP)

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16h BREAk

16h30Common Noun Denotations in Brazilian PortugueseNize Paraguassu Martins (PG-USP) e Ana Muller (USP)

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17hStativity in MundurukúGessiane Picanço (Universidade Federal do Pará)

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17h30Gradable Adjectives (GAs) in Brazilian Portuguese (BP)Ana Paula Quadros Gomes (PG-USP)

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15hNegation Doubling in Brazilian PortugueseLílian Teixeira de Sousa (PG-UNICAMP)

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15h30

The Negator nii’ in Takituduh Bunun Declarative Construction: A Syntactic AnalysisKuo-Chiao Jason Lin (Graduate Institute, National Taiwan University)

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16h BREAk

16h30 POSTER SECTION

18hTo move or not to move: puzzling evidence for the derivation of free relativesPaulo Medeiros Júnior (Unicamp/CNPq)

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18h30A new approach to vocative DPVirginia Hill (University of New Brunswick-Canada)

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19h

Remarks on Metalinguistic Comparatives in Brazilian PortugueseLuisandro Mendes de Souza (PG-UFSC/CNPq) & Roberta Pires de Oliveira (UFSC/CNPq)

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19h30Grammar play: parsing Brazilian Portuguese within the X-bar schemataGabriel de Ávila Othero (PUCRS)

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20h “Adverbial” value judgment quantification: na attempt to formalizationMárcio Renato Guimarães (UFPR)

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FRIDAY 29th PG.

8h30The passive in 3- and 4-year-oldsMaraci Coelho de Barros Pereira Rubin

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9hThe case of focus in Spanish pseudo cleftsOlga Fernández Soriano (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid)

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6The semantic differences between the indefinites um and algum in BPDione Gollors (Facvest-RS)

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7Complex words in Brazilian Portuguese: the case of Denominal VerbsIndaiá de Santana Bassani (PG-USP)

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8Argument Structure Alternances in GeorgianJoão Paulo Lazzarino Cyrino (USP/FAPESP) e Ana Paula Scher (USP)

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Bare Singulars in Brazilian Portuguese are kind denoting expressions: psicholinguistic evidencesJosa Coelho da Silva (PIBIC/UFSC) e Roberta Pires de Oliveira (UFSC/CNPq)

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NATURAL LANGUAGE UNDERSTANDING: the SHRDLU robot’s ability to communicate in EnglishJuliana de Cássia Braga Marques (PG-CEFETMG) e Heitor Garcia de Carvalho (CEFETMG)

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11Symmetrical verbs in Brazilian PortugueseLara Frutos (G-UFPR)

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Patterns of (defective) agreement in passive structures in Brazilian Portuguese: a preliminary approachLeonor Simioni (PG-USP)

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‘AINDA’ has a solution - a semantic proposal for this termLetícia Lemos Gritti (PG-UFSC) e Roberta Pires de Oliveira (CNPq/UFSC)

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14“-Ura” in Categorial MorphologyLivy Real Coelho (PG-UFPR)

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15The adverb “kandat” in KaritianaLuciana Sanchez-Mendes (USP)

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16Focalization and the order of verbal complementsLudmila Correa Sandmann (PG-UFPR)

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17A semantic analysis for lexically reciprocal verbs in Brazilian PortugueseLuisa Godoy (UFMG/Capes)

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18hArguments on SpecifiersOrlando Alcântara Soares (PG-UFPR)

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18h30A Brief Survey of Explanations on Definite DescriptionLuiz Arthur Pagani (UFPR)

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19h

Cognitively Speaking: Theoretical and Empirical Analyses of L2 learner corpora in dyadic discourseChristine E. Poteau (Temple University- Philadelphia, PA USA)

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20h30 PARTy

THURSDAY 28th (16h30 - 18h) PG.

1Periphrastic Constructions with the Verb Acabar: the Passive ReadingsAline Garcia Rodero (PG-USP)

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2Perception and Interpretation of English Intonation by Farsi-Speaking Learners of EnglishAlireza Alikhan (Islamic Azad University, Najafabad Branch)

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3Semantic Vagueness and Equivalence in TranslationÁlvaro Kasuaki Fujihara (PG-UFPR)

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The trochaic word stress pattern used both in correct productions and as repair strategies by BP native speakers learners of English as a foreign language - a COT perspectiveAmanda Post da Silveira (PG-UFSM) & Giovana Ferreira Gonçalves (UFSM)

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5‘Pode’ and ‘Podia’ are not the sameAna Lúcia Pessotto (PIBIC- UFSC) & Roberta Pires de Oliveira (UFSC/CNPq)

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POSTER SECTION

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18Inflected Infinitives and the Movement Theory of ControlMarcello Modesto (USP)

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19For a redefinition of the notion of compounds and compounding Rafael Minussi (PG-USP) & Julio Barbosa (PG-USP)

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20Post-sentential negation in Brazilian PortugueseRerisson Cavalcante (PG-USP)

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21The symmetrical nature of the tense-aspect Latin systemRodrigo T. Gonçalves (UFPR)& Luana de Conto (IC-UFPR)

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22The Lexical Aspect in BP Acquisition DataTeresa Cristina Wachowicz (UFPR)

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23Correspondences in Syntax-Semantics Interface in a Game-Theoretic PerspectiveYukio Takahashi (Marioka College, Japan)

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Periphrastic Constructions with the Verb Acabar: the Passive Readings→ Aline Garcia Rodero (USP/CAPES)

In BP, some examples suggest that a stative reading is expressed by a different phonological realization of the participle as compared to the one that suggests an eventive or a resultative meaning. Thus, in pairs like, vazia/esvaziada and furioso/enfurecido, the first forms occur in sentences with stative readings ((i) A assembléia está vazia and (ii) O João está furioso), and the second ones are the participles that occur in sentences with eventive or resultative readings ((iii) A assembléia foi esvaziada pelos manifestantes and (iv) O João foi enfurecido pelos colegas de trabalho).

Data like (v) A assembléia acabou vazia, (vi) O João acabou furioso, (vii) A assembléia acabou esvaziada, and (viii) O João acabou enfurecido, in which the verb acabar is followed by a participle form, confirm the reading difference and suggest a passive interpretation for the sentences from (v) to (viii). We assume that, in these four examples, there is an implicit gerundive form of the verbs ser (be) or ficar (remain). Sendo is impossible in examples (v) and (vi), but ficando can occur in the same examples and confirms the stative reading for these sentences: (ix) A assembléia acabou *sendo/ficando vazia or (x) O João acabou *sendo/ficando furioso. For the sentences in (vii) and (viii), both forms are possible: sendo suggests an eventive reading and ficando, a resultative one, as can be seen in (xi) A assembléia acabou sendo/ficando esvaziada and (xii) O João acabou sendo/ficando enfurecido.

In this paper, we analyze examples such as those from (v) to (viii) and describe the behavior of the participles involved in these constructions. We aim at finding answers to the following main questions: i) can the sentences with acabar + participle be considered passives in BP? ii) if so, what are their specific interpretations when the more general passive read-ing is available? iii) how must these participles be syntactically structured so that the suggested interpretations can be expressed?

Alexiadou (2005) works with the get-passive, in English. The author sug-gests that the get-passive is formed with a light verb, get, that receives either a stative or a resultative participle as its complement, as in (xiii) The box got empty and (xiv) The box got emptied. Embick (2004) suggests a structural division between eventive and adjectival participles (statives and resultatives) in English. These papers have both been developed under the Distributed Morphology approach, in which the present research is also based.

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37.6% of correct responses in the interpretation task. A chi-squire test performed on the responses confirmed the results. In other words, perception of the intonation differences between the pairs did not lead to correct interpretation. In the light of the present findings, it is suggested that more attention should be given to the teaching of social meaning of English intonation to non-native learners of English. This means that the mere focus of the present academic courses on the phonological structure of intonation does not satisfy the needs of the language learners to comprehend aural discourse.

Lexical licensing of ‘exceptional’ movement→ Alison Henry (University of Ulster)

There are a number of instances in which displacement effects have an ‘exceptional’ character For example, Exceptional Case Marking appears to displace the subject of an infinitive into the object position of a matrix verb.

1. I want him to win

Arguments for actual displacement, rather than include the fact that in dialects lacking the for-to filter (Henry 1992, 1995):

2. I want him for to win

and interpretive factors (Lasnik 1999)

3. The DA proved the defendants (to be) guilty during each other’s trials.

It will be argued that such displacement occurs when a verb allows ‘dual selection’; that is, a verb, which is able to take more than one type of complement (in the case of want, either an infinitival complement, as in (1) or a DP complement, as in (4),

4. I want the prize

first selects one complement from the lexicon, then reselects another complement, satisfying the latter selectional requirements by moving an element from within the first complement.

5. I want [John to win] (want selects an infinitival complement) 6. I want John [John to win] [want now selects a DP complement, and

The observation of the sentences with acabar + participle reveals that they exhibit some of the properties attributed to passives. The comparison between these sentences and the get-passive in English has shown that they are not exactly the same, since the verbal reading is missing in Eng-lish. As for the structure, based on Embick, we suggest that the eventive, stative and resultative readings attributed to acabar + participle sentences can be well captured in the syntax, if we assume that BP also exhibits the structural division between eventive and adjectival participles (statives and resultatives) that the author suggests for English participles.

REFERENCESAlexiadou, Artemis. 2005. “A note on non-canonical passives: the case of the get

passive”. In H. Broekhuis & al. (eds.) Festschrift für Henk van Riemsdijk. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Embick, David. 2004. “On the Structure of Resultative Participles in English”. In: Linguistic Inquiry, volume 35, number 3, Summer 2004: 355-392.

Perception and Interpretation of English Intonation by Farsi-Speaking Learners of English→ Alireza Alikhan (Islamic Azad University, Najafabad Branch)

Intonation as a major component of supra-segmental features is generally more elusive than the segmental and is therefore more inherently difficult to learn for foreign learners. Differences in intonation are to be perceived and used by listeners to come to correct interpretation. However, this is not an easy task, and it does not guarantee correct interpretation of the aural discourse. Due to lack of research in this area, the present study was designed to investigate the relationship between perception and interpretation of a sub-class of sentence intonation. The participants were thirty-five second-year Iranian University students of English, who had passed English Phonetics and Phonology as part of their BA program requirements. The participants were asked to listen carefully to ten pre-recorded pairs of sentences to perform two tasks. In the first task, they had to listen to each pair of sentences and write whether they perceived the difference in their intonation contour. In the second task, they were asked to write the meaning of each sentence, using the intonation pattern on which it was said as a guide. The participants obtained 86,3% of correct responses in the perception task but only

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Semantic Vagueness and Equivalence in Translation→ Álvaro Kasuaki Fujihara (PG-UFPR)

The present work analyses the matter of semantic vagueness, a well-known subject in the field of semantics, applied to the discussion about the controversial subject of equivalence in the field of Translation Studies. The possibility of equivalence between a source text and a target text is often related to the very possibility of translation.

A very significant aspect of this controversy concerns meaning – whether an original in one language can be translated into a different language keeping the same meaning. To some, a word is always so impregnated with its socio-cultural and historical environment that it will never have exactly the same meaning in two different languages (Cf. Snell-Hornby 1994, Rodrigues, 2000). The very word equivalence would not have the same meaning as the German Äquivalenz, for example, since in German it is a more recent word and they are used in different areas of knowledge in each language (Snell-Hornby, 1994). The answer to this question obviously depends upon the conception of meaning we are considering, but the discussion as it is carried in the field of Translation Studies sometimes seems to lack a clear understanding of what meaning is. We could ask if the problems presented above are truly a problem of meaning and if they are a real obstacle to postulate equivalence in translation. The problem seems to be that the most classical approaches try to establish equivalence in the level of word. Therefore the notion of semantic vagueness seems to play a decisive role in denying this kind of approach.

In the present work we intend to consider the question from a semantic perspective, focusing specifically on the different proposals that deal with the question of vagueness and its consequences to a theory that intends to explain translation as a linguistic phenomenon, as well as to consider whether semantic vagueness presents a problem to the notion of equivalence in translation or not, specially if we consider context and its function as a limit to the range of possible readings of a sentence.

satisfies this by internal merge of a constituent from the previously selected infinitival complement)

This paper draws attention to a structure which has not been reported in the literature, and which gives a particularly clear indication of the possibility of ‘dual selection’, that of ‘complement shift’ in East Ulster English

East Ulster English, although its word order is in general the same as standard English, allows the complement of a verb to occur before the verb in certain circumstances

7. The weather is very windy got. 8. She is very tall got 9. She is angry getting

This is only possible where the auxiliary be is present; it cannot occur where there is no auxiliary, or the auxiliary is have (certain perfects allow either be or have in this variety, but the complement can shift to the preverbal position only where the auxiliary is be).

10. The weather has got very windy 11. *The weather has very windy got

It is to be noted that movement of an adjectival complement is only possible where the verb is be, and that be is a verb that can independently select an adjectival complement.

It will be argued that such structures occur when a verb allows ‘dual selection’; that is, it first selects one complement from the lexicon, then reselects another complement, satisfying its selectional requirements by moving an element from with in the first complement. Thus in (7), be first selects an –ing complement:

12. is getting very windy

It then reselects an adjectival complement, satisfying this by remerging an element from within the complement first selected:

13. is very windy [getting very windy]

.It will be argued that dual selection can also account for example for the behaviour of double-object constructions which are restricted in both the languages in which they occur and the verbs with which they are possible.

Although the possibility of dual selection might be considered to undesirably extend the power of the grammar, it nevertheless appears to offer an account for a range of disparate, ‘exceptional’ phenomena which are restricted both by language and lexical item.

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fact that some English forms have been correctly produced, it does not necessarily mean that such patterns had been actually acquired. The phenomenon observed was that informants correctly produced a high percentile of trochaic pattern but attributed it wrongly to most of the other patterns of word primary stress in English. Data have pointed to a behavior that is proper of interlanguage and, specially concerning to the trochaic pattern, we believe there is a fossilization which means that the hierarchy of constrains of the mother tongue has been used to produce it in the foreign language in a way that informants are not able to make distinction of its use in L1 and in L2. So, the discussion here goes around the fact that this similarity in both languages causes a barrier to its actual acquisition and we demonstrate it theoretically also showing the relevance of the Optimality Connectionist Theory for this analysis.

Pode and Podia are not the same!→ Ana Lúcia Pessotto (PIBIC-UFSC) → Roberta Pires de Oliveira (UFSC/CNPq)

This paper investigates the semantics of ‘pode’ and ‘podia’ in Brasilian Portuguese. Our main goal is to show that although both of them express possibility, ‘pode’ and ‘podia’ are semantically different. In this research, modals are the expression of necessity or possibility (von Fintel (2002)), and the theoretical background is Kratzer’s model (1981, 1991).

The paper presents five semantic/syntactic differences between ‘pode’ and ‘podia’: they do not express the same modalities; there is a contrast between strong and weak possibility; the way permission is interpretated; the acceptability of counterfactuality; and the existence of a tense projection.

Concerning modalities, the difference between ‘pode’ and ‘podia’ is that the later can express some kinds of modality that the former cannot. Although both ‘pode’ and ‘podia’ may convey epistemic, deontic, normality and capacity modalities, only ‘podia’ may also express desire – sentence (1) - and counsel:

(1) João podia ser solteiro. (João can/imperfective morphology to be single.)

When ‘pode’ and ‘podia’ are combined with epistemic modality,

The trochaic word stress pattern used both in correct productions and as repair strategies by BP native speakers learners of English as a foreign language - a COT perspective→ Amanda Post da Silveira (Masters - PPGL/ UFSM) → Giovana Ferreira Gonçalves (Supervisor – UFSM)

Based on the Connectionist Optimality Theory (COT), we want to observe how the trochaic constrain in English word primary stress is shared in the acquisition process of Brazilian Portuguese native speakers. According to this theoretical approach, acquiring a foreign language means to reorder L1 constrains into a new hierarchy in which only L2 relevant constrains are activated. Taking into account that both languages have trochaic pattern for word primary stress, it means an advantage as well as a disadvantage for acquisition. Learners share constrains that are linked to this phonological aspect in their acquisition process but at the same time, they tend to overgeneralize the use of this pattern anchored in L1 hierarchy of constrains, stabilizing the acquisition process in an interlanguage stage, having as consequence its fossilization. With the aim of investigating this phenomenon, we have collected data from twelve transversal informants, undergraduate students of Languages – English Language Major at a Southern Brazil university. The students were selected from three different groups: third, fifth and seventh semesters. They are all native speakers of Brazilian Portuguese who started to learn English in graduation and they also do not maintain frequent contact with native speakers of English. Such students have already coursed the discipline of Phonetics and Phonology of English Language and, because of it, they were expected to be able to monitor their oral production in English. Concerning the test, the students read 138 isolated and 138 contextualized words, in short sentences, of English language, in a total of 276 items disposed in 21 cards. This instrument, which was read by the informants, contained all possibilities of word primary stress attribution in English. Such productions were recorded in digital recorder and each recording has an average of twelve minutes duration. After that, we transcribed the data using the International Phonetic Alphabet and submitted these transcriptions to at least two revisions by two different judges. Results have shown the militancy of L1 grammar, predominating, thus, the trochaic pattern as repair strategy and syllable weight to stress attribution in informants’ oral production . It seems that, despite the

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Gradable Adjectives (GAs) in Brazilian Portuguese (BP)→ Ana Paula Quadros Gomes (PG-USP)

The selective behavior of Degree Modifiers (DegQs) provides an important probe on the typology of Gradable Adjectives (GAs) (cf. Kennedy & MacNally 1999 and further work). The separation of AGs in Relative (“very/ *completely tall”) and Absolute (“completely/ *very understood”) compares to the distinction between Mass and Count Nouns. The specializations of “well” (“well/ *much done meat”) and “much” (“much/*well dirty money”) signalizes that AGs are sensitive to types of Scale. Open Scale AGs are like cumulative NP denotations (“water”). Totally Closed Scale AGs are like quantized NPs (“the water”).We aim to show how DegQs are specialized in BP.

DegQs only modify GAs:

1. O tiro foi todo / muito *intencional/ bem planejado. The shot was very/ completely *intentional/well planned.

“Muito” modifies any GA, but “todo” only modifies Absolute GAs:

2. *O menino é todo alto. (*The boy is completely tall.) 3. O carro está todo seco. (The car is completely dry.)

“Todo” distinguishes between Relative and Absolute AGs by distribution or interpretation. “Todo” may co-occur with a GA whenever its argument is plural. However, the relevant interpretation obtained for Absolute GAs (3/5b) is not available for Relative GAs (4b):

4. Os meninos são todos altos. (a) Every boy is tall. (available reading) (b) * The boys are completely tall. (unavailable reading)

5. Os carros estão todos secos. (a) Every car is dry. (available reading) (b) The cars are completely dry. (available reading)

Are the Deg Qs of BP sensitive to types of scale? Although no DegQ is specialized in totally or in partially open scales, if modified by “todo”, Absolute AGs with a minimal standard (“wet” in some degree) shift to maximal standard readings (“maximally wet”):

6. O chão já está muito molhado, mas vai ficar ainda mais. The floor is already very wet, but I will be even more.

another difference raises: ‘pode’ expresses strong possibility, while ‘podia’ expresses weak possibility. ‘Pode’ conveys the “positive” possibility of occurrence of the event expressed by the proposition, while ‘podia’ conveys that the probability of the occurrence of the event expressed by the modalized proposition is low:

(2) [Por tudo o que sabemos] Pode chover amanhã. ([In view of all we know] it can/present to rain tomorrow.) (3) [Por tudo o que sabemos] Podia chover amanhã. ([In view of all we know] it can/imperfective to rain tomorrow.)

The third difference has to do with the interpretation of permission. Only ‘pode’, when deonticaly interpreted as permission, can be an indirect speech act. This difference suggests that ‘podia’ indicates a permission report, while ‘pode’ expresses the permission itself:

(4) Você pode sair. (You can/present to leave) (5) Você podia sair. (You can/imperfective to leave)

Concerning counterfactuality, only ‘podia’ accepts a counterfactual reading. For example, the sentence (1) above can be interpretated in a counterfactual way: the speaker knows that John is not single. Epistemic modal sentences convey the speaker’s epistemic state, but while ‘pode’ expresses that the speaker has no acquaintance about the event’s occurrence, ‘podia’ can be uttered when the speaker knows about the state of affairs expressed by the sentence.

The last difference is that ‘pode’ expresses a possibility only in the present tense, while ‘podia’ can express a possibility in both in the present or in the past, it is contextually dependent:

(6) # João pode ter casado, mas não casou. (João can/present had married, but not married) (7) João podia ter casado, mas não casou.(João can/imperfect had married, but not married)

This is an evidence that only ‘pode’ has a tense projection.

Those five differences lead to the conclusion that ‘pode’ and ‘podia’ have different semantic meanings and point towards different syntactic configurations. As conclusion, we will indicate a way to explain those differences.

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and from the postulation of a feature which every functional head would present in its lexical entry (see Cinque 1999, p. 128ff.).

Each XP would be characterized by a marked value and by a default one, having to do to the functional feature it presents. These features would always be present, given LF interpretation requirements. By basing himself on this assumption, Cinque (1999) proposes that all languages have at their disposal this whole collection of functional XPs (phonologically realized or not), which host in turn modal and aspectual projections.

According to Cinque’s hierarchy, it was expected a possible co-occurence of AdvPs belonging to different XPs hosting them, as long as the hierarchical ordering were respected. Hence, an adverb like “probably”, which occupies the Spec position of ModEpistemicP, was supposed to co-occur with “perhaps”, the adverb hosted in Spec-MoodIrrealisP, if the ordering “probably” > “perhaps” were respected. This co-occurence, however, is not possible, as we can see in (01-02):

(01) * Probably, John perhaps wins his games. (02) Hebrew *Kanir’e Haanashim hakadmonim ulai hayú probably the men primitive (plural) perhaps AspHabPass

tsadim baboker. to hunt in the morning

(01-02) seems to contradict Cinque (1999)’s proposal, according to which if a given adverb A preceeds an adverb B in the hierarchy, it is expected their co-occurence, as long as the ordering A > B were respected.

According to Jackendoff (1972), AdvPs of the same nature cannot co-occur in the same sentence. Thus the ungrammaticality of (01-02) could be explained on these intuitive grounds. Nevertheless, a sentence like (03) seems to challenge this acknowledgement:

(03) Italiano Di solito i brasiliani bevono generalmente la capirigna. (Generally, the Brazilians drink usually the “caipirinha”)

In (03), there are two adverbs of the same semantic type, “di solito” and “generalmente”, which are habitual AdvPs. How could we explain this possible co-occurence? In order to refine Jackendoff (1972)’s assumptin, by accomodating it in the syntactic marker, Tescari Neto (2008) has formulated the “Tau Condition”, which is more comprehensive and can account for the constrainsts on Cinque’s functional hierarchy, either on

7. #O chão está todo molhado, mas vai ficar ainda mais. # The floor is completely wet, but it will be even more.

“Todo” can shift the standard of the AG (from minimal to maximal); “muito” cannot (from minimal to maximal):

8. #O chão já está muito seco, mas vai ficar ainda mais. # The floor is already very dry, but I will be even more.

We conclude that the division of labor between DegQs follows different criteria in BP and in English. In BP, no DegQ specializes in relative AGs, like English “very”. We claim that selection in the scale domain replicates selection in the nominal domain. No determiner in BP takes only mass nouns, as “much” does in English. English count bare nouns as “dog” stand for a single individual, while BP “cachorro” may stand for any number of dogs. Nevertheless, like BP “água”, English mass bare nouns (“water”) stand for any quantity. Hence, the distinction between mass and count nouns is needed in English, while BP determiners only need to distinguish between cumulative and quantized denotations.

SELECTED REFERENCESKENNEDY, Christopher & MCNALLY, Louise (1999). From Event Structure to Scale

Structure: Degree Modification in Deverbal Adjectives. In Matthews, Tanya and Devon Strolovitch (eds.), Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory 9, CLC Publications, Ithaca, NY, 163-180

KENNEDY, Christopher & MCNALLY, Louise. (2005) Scale Structure, Degree Modification, and the Semantics of Gradable Predicates. In: Language - Volume 81, Number 2, June , pp. 345-381.

KENNEDY, Christopher & MCNALLY, Louise. (2005) Scale Structure, Degree Modification, and the Semantics of Gradable Predicates. Language 81, 345-381

KRIFKA, Manfred. (1998) The Origins of Telicity. In: ROTHSTEIN, Susan (ed.). Events in Grammar. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. pp. 197-235.

Constraints on Cinque (1999)’s functional projection hierarchy: a formalization in terms of ‘Tau Condition’→ Aquiles Tescari Neto (PG-UNICAMP)

By following Pollock (1989)’s split-IP hypotesis, Cinque (1999) proposes another IP splitting, by including new 32 functional projections in this space. His evidences to postulate it comes from the hierarchical ordering of specifier AdvPs and its correspondent functional heads at right

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classroom, the principal goal of the present research is to address the following question that lies at the forefront of the curiosities of FL teachers who are proponents of employing learner-centered methodology: Is FL discourse development procedural in group work settings in which L2 learners undergo a process of pidginization in order to learn the language, retain its linguistic elements, and appropriate its structures?

In order to seek answers to the various levels of this question, the principal investigator taught four basic Spanish classes. Audio and written data were gathered to examine language development during different intervals of the students’ speech production. Preliminary proficiency tests were administered to be sure that no statistical differences in Spanish proficiency occurred between the groups, and the results of a paired samples t-test indicated that there were not. During the semester, class periods were set aside to teach cultural lessons focusing on slang terms typically used in Mexico, material that none of the students had seen or been exposed to outside of class. Each class received recall activities at distinct points and later tasks included utilizing the slang terms in writing original short stories and dialogues. Data collected throughout the study indicated that the learners were able to appropriate morphological endings to the new slang terms and syntactically construct complex phrases by sounding out the inflectional morphemes and attributing the phonological units of the FL to its semantic values. Overall, this study provides preliminary evidence that there may be a differential effect in ultimate language learning, appropriation and retention as a function of group composition in FL acquisition.

The Semantic Differences Between the Indefinites UM and ALGUM in Bp → Dione Maria de Almeida Gollo (Facvest RS)

The indefinites um (a, an) and algum (some) of the Brazilian Portuguese (BP) are syntactically determinative and semantically existential quantifiers. Even though we can substitute them inside the same structure, the meanings of each one do not have the same semantics interpretation. Their uses are only explained by the human being capacity to choose one or other to compose the sentence. This choice happens in the mental level and it is just explained by logic presumptions in the language processing. Thus, to verify their meanings becomes necessary to construct a model based on the theory of sets, on the theoretical tools of the Formal

adverbs or functional heads, since both AdvPs and Xs (belonging to the extended IP-space) are, before Cinque (1999), considered functional items. Tau Condition would be a constraint of Computational Human Language System which would block sentences having at least two Spec-AdvPs or two functional heads carrying a similar functional feature. This condition can at a first glance be extended to the other functional domains in addition to the IP (CP, DP), and explain why we cannot have in one functional space two or more functional items (Spec-Spec or Head-Head) carrying the same functional feature. Sentence (03) is not blocked, since the adverb “generalmente” does not belong to the extended-IP which hosts “di solito”.

Cognitively Speaking: Theoretical and Empirical Analyses of L2 learner corpora in dyadic discourse→ Christine E. Poteau (Temple University – Philadelphia, PA USA)

The development of a first language has deemed an interactive process, whereby the human mind commences structuring syntactically organized phrases and, consequently, comprehension of the parts of the first language develops (Pinker, 1994). Second language (L2) acquisition must also account for the variegated uses and manners of the foreign language (FL). Group work has been at the forefront of current L2 acquisition research. While some FL instructors feel the traditional approach to language teaching is superior to that of a learnercentered environment, stemming from the belief that group work is essentially a “waste of time” (Davis, 1997), more recent empirical work has provided findings supporting the notion that students’ target language learning in group work settings yields much more favorable results as opposed to the traditional approach (e.g. Antón, 1999; Dörnyei, 1997; Lantolf, 2000; VanPatten, 1998). According to the findings of these authors, language is a social function and can only be learned and acquired through its principal purpose; that is, interpersonal communication. Furthermore, such an approach is vital to the cognitive development of the target language learner such that (s)he is able to analyze, deduce, and eventually appropriate the novel structures of the FL and eventually be able to manipulate these novel structures in new and creative ways, much like a native speaker of any given language is able to do.

In light of the evidence in support of employing group work in the FL

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Grammar Play: parsing Brazilian Portuguese within the X-bar schemata→ Gabriel de Ávila Othero (PUCRS)

I will present an automatic parsing program for Brazilian Portuguese, the parser Grammar Play. The program was designed to parse simple sentences (sentences with only one verb) following the X-bar schemata (Chomsky,1970, Jackendoff, 1977). I developed the grammar of the parser Grammar Play in Prolog and the parser’s (user-friendly) interface in Delphi. Grammar Play analyses simple declarative sentences of Brazilian Portuguese, attributing them their correct phrase markers (displayed both in bracketed labels and syntactic trees). The grammar rules of the parser follow some X-bar principles (such as endocentricity, succession, uniformity and optionality, cf. Kornai & Pullum, 1990), though they are categorial rules, i.e. there are rewriting rules for VPs, NPs, APs, etc. The rules were developed based on previous formal studies of Portuguese syntax, such as Lemle, 1984, Lobato, 1986, Luft, 1986, Raposo, 1992, and Perini 1989, 2000). All the grammar rules (and also the lexicon of the parser) were implemented in Prolog using the Definite Clause Grammar (DCG) parsing facilities already built in Prolog (Pereira & Warren, 1980). The main immediate goals with the development of parser are (i) to present a comprehensive formal study of simple sentences in Brazilian Portuguese following the X-bar schemata; (ii) to implement a coherent linguistic model for syntactic description in a computational environment; (iii) to provide a comprehensive syntactic analysis for Portuguese Processing studies; and(iv)to provide a useful computational tool to be used as a didactic tool in courses such as Introduction to Syntax, Formal Syntax, Formal Linguistics, and Computational Linguistics.

REFERENCESCHOMSKY, N. Remarks on nominalization. In: Jacobs & Rosenbaum (eds.) English

Transformational Grammar. Washington: Georgetown University Press, 1970.JACKENDOFF, R. X’ syntax: a study of phrase structure. Cambridge: MIT

Press,1977.KORNÁI, A.; PULLUM, G. The X-bar theory of phrase structure. Language 66, 1990.LEMLE, M. Análise sintática: teoria geral e descrição do português. São Paulo:

Ática, 1984. LOBATO, L. Sintaxe gerativa do português: da Teoria Padrão à Teoria da

Regência e Ligação. Vigília, Belo Horizonte, 1986.LUFT, C. Moderna gramática brasileira. Porto Alegre; Rio de Janeiro: Globo,1986.

Semantics and on the proper intuition of native speakers.

This paper postulates the indefinite article um as determinative, it, at first, generalizes the name that is determined in function of their properties and it takes it in the sense of specie or class. The sentences with generic indefinite expressions can be analyzed like the conditional sentences (see Heim (1982)).

According to Müller (2003), generic sentences in the BP are an important and usual form at the same time of as the human beings store and change information, and the sentences that express generic form presents more regularities or more general laws. In generic reading, the determinative um (a, an) joins into the common name and takes the NP to produce a generalized quantifier (see Barwise and Cooper, (1981)).

As determinative um states relation of quantification between two sets of the speech and establish an intersection relation between the set A and B and the result of this operation it is a not empty set.

There is also the possibility of that um into NP may be interpreted as being exactly one element involved in an event, nor two or more, with numerical value (cardinal number), that it does not generalize, but individualize the name that follow. The um has reading of one in English that would be, in this case, a function of basic cardinal determinative (see Keenan and Stavi (1986)) So, there is a quantitative difference in the two possible readings for um that implies in differences in the representation. The indefinite numerical determinative um as one state relation of intersection equal 1 on an expression, that is, on two sets of the speech already related.

The indefinite algum (some) express a degree of vague in the sense to delimit the extension the set and the properties denoted for the name. To Keenan & Stavi (1986), algum can be interpreted as a cardinal determinative function of basic of at least 1, even so its classification is of determinative logical. We claim that algum is an indefinite referential, that is, in the speech it relates the definite set of properties. In contrast of um that introduces the existence of - set expression - from the statement. Algum refers to - set expression - that has already existed in background conversational.

Thus, the um (a, an) allows generic and numerical readings in BP, algum does not allow none of them. In the speech algum as determinative operating presupposition relates a set already existent, that is, a set with existential presupposition property.

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and the non-verbal predicate, each one denoting events. It is assumed, in this investigation, the Rothstein’s (2003) position that the descriptive predicative adjectives are aspectual elements in the sense that they allow the event of the main verb to be related to the eventuality introduced by the secondary predicate. One of the hypotheses raised in this work is that depending on the semantic nature of the primary predicate and the secondary predicate, the relation between them can be different, entailing or not certain restrictions (i.e. Carla dirigiu o carro nervosa (nervosa por dirigir o carro — relação de causa) versus Carla dirigiu o carro bêbada (não há relação de causa); Ana conheceu a cidade entusiasmada versus (?)Ana conhece a cidade entusiasmada). It is believed as well that independently of the nature of the relation between these two eventualities, they will always share an argument and have a temporal correlation. This way, it is defended that only a compositional analysis can account for describing the relation between the eventuality denoted by the primary predicate and the eventuality denoted by the secondary predicate.

Statitivity in Mundurukú→ Gessiane Picanço (Universidade Federal do Pará)

Previous analyses of Mundurukú (Tupi) have proposed five classes of verbs (Crofts 1985, Gomes 2000): transitive, transitive-causative (i.e. derived-transitive), simple intransitive (i.e. unaccusative), intransitive je-verbs (i.e. unergative), and stative. However, these studies have not yet examined the basic lexical aspectual properties that distinguish these five classes. In this paper, we will be concerned with some aspects concerning stativity in Mundurukú.

We adopt the view that there are four basic aspectual classes, as proposed by Vendler (1967) and Dowty (1979): states, activities, accomplishments and achievements. In this approach, state is perhaps the most well-established class. Several tests have been extensively discussed in the literature (eg., Sag 1973; Dowty 1979), which reliably distinguish stative from non-stative predicates. These are (following Dowty 1979): Progressive, Imperative, Complement of force/persuade, Intentional adverbs, and Pseudo-clefts.

These tests were applied to a corpus with approximately 680 verb forms in Mundurukú to determine the different features of verb meanings. The findings of our investigation provide significant evidence for isolating stative verbs as a semantically distinct class. Surprisingly, stative roots also

PEREIRA, F.; WARREN, D. Definite clause grammars for language analysis: a survey of the formalism and a comparison with augmented transition networks. Artificial Intelligence, n. 13, 1980.

PERINI, M. Sintaxe portuguesa: metodologia e funções. São Paulo: Ática, 1989.

PERINI, M. Gramática descritiva do português. São Paulo: Ática, 2000.

RAPOSO, E. Teoria da gramática. A faculdade da linguagem. Lisboa: Caminho, 1992.

Descriptive predicative adjectives: eventualities→ Gabriela Betania Hinrichs Conteratto (PUCRS)

In the past few years, adjectives in the context of double predication has motivated many discussions due to the fact that they have a very peculiar linguistic behavior, involving the complex web of interactions between lexical, syntactic information and the semantic composition of the sentence. This way, it is defended that, to better understand the syntactic-semantic particularities of these adjectives, it is not enough to look at the properties of the predicative expression itself, but it is necessary to also observe the relation of these expressions with the primary predicate. The main goal of this work is to investigate the nature of the relation between the primary predicate and the descriptive secondary predicate. Jackendoff (1990) affirms that the relation of the secondary predicate with the primary predicate seems to be of the nonspecific mutual dependence type which he codifies as a modifier of accompaniment. For him, accompaniment is a type of subordination that is asymmetrical and which implies a relation between main and subordinate conceptual structures. According to Jackendoff, this subordination is more than a conjunction, but less than causation. However, data from the Portuguese language provided by Foltran (1999) and Conteratto (2005) do not appear to corroborate in part such an affirmation, since in some cases, there is the intuition that the relation between the primary and secondary predicate can be assumed as being a cause (i.e. Maria esperava o lanche irritada. (irritada por esperar)/ Carla dirigiu o carro nervosa. (nervosa por dirigir)). This observation also seems to make Rothstein’s (2003) conclusion that the event denoted by the descriptive secondary predicate assumes a place in the past in relation to the primary predicate fragile, since, when the relation between the primary predicate and the secondary predicate is assumed as being a cause, this does not happen. Rothstein (2003) suggests that the descriptive predicates involve a sum operation that adds the verbal

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parasynthetic derivation, as can be seen in (1) an (2):

(1) Sufixal Derivation (noun + verbal suffix): [estudo] + [-ar] > estudar (to study) (2) Parasintetic Derivation (prefix + noun + verbal suffix): [em] + [gaveta] + [-ar] > engavetar (to drawer)

These data was already treated in terms of word formation rules, as in (3) and (4) (Basílio, 1993), for suffixal and parasynthetic verbs respectively, this treatment does not seem to account for the whole set of the general class of Denominal Verbs.

(3) [X] S → [ [X] S a] V (4) [X] S → [[prefix [X] S a] V

This kind of rules cannot account for the structural heterogeneity of this class and, in consequence, cannot identify the verbal nuclei that are involved in these bipartite structures (nominal + verbal element), in terms of Harley (2007).

In this work, we analyze a set of selected data from a dictionary sample and we try to show that structural tests like causative/inchoative and medial alternation, identification of periphrastic phrases and cognate adjuncts, as an example, can reveal the internal structure and the nuclei that compound these complex verbs. (Hale & Keyser, 2002)

Our first results show that the general class of denominal verbs contain structural sub-classes not described by word formation rules proposed by a lexical morphology model. One of the subclasses is formed by depreposicional structures. In this subclass, which can contain suffixal or parasynthetic verbs, the preposition is the lexical item that determines the argument structure projection. In some cases, like in the verb “selar” (to saddle), the preposition is not phonologically realized.

The other subclass, the monadic type, can also contain suffixal or parasynthetic structures. In some interesting cases, like in the verb “enfrentar” (to face), the initial preposition, besides of phonologically realized, is not determinant in the projection of argument structure, showing that it is not a case of depreposional structure.

In conclusion, a morphosynthatic account for the treatment of denominal verbs is more consistent in showing that Brazilian Portuguese contain complex words, hiding functional nuclei and nominal roots.

seem to play a major role in being the lexical source for both unergative and unaccusative verbs, which share with regular statives similar properties. As a result of this study, Mundurukú verb roots can be reduced to two types: inherently stative or non-stative. These observations lead to two major assumptions.

(i) In the spirit of Davis (1997: 55), “all predicates are based on roots which are lexically associated with a single, internal argument.”

(ii) As a complement to (i), the argument associated with a root in the lexicon may be a complement or a specifier (Hale and Keyser 2002).

The internal argument of a non-stative root is introduced in complement position, and the internal argument of a stative root, in specifier position. Consequently, transitive-causative, unergative, and unaccusative predicates are all derived and, we assume, derived from roots whose lexical property is to have an internal subject, that is, stative roots.

REFERENCESCrofts, Marjorie (1985). Aspectos da Língua Mundurukú. Brasília, DF: SIL.Davis, Henry (1997). “Deep unaccusativity and zero syntax in St’át’imcets.”

In Theoretical Issues in the Morphology-Syntax Interface; edited by A. Mendicoetxea, Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria, Bilbao, 55-96. Supplement to the International Journal of Basque Linguistics and Philology.

Dowty, David (1979). Word Meaning and Montague Grammar. Dordrecht: Reidel/Kluwer.

Gomes, Dioney (2000). Predicados verbais da língua Mundurukú e modelos lexicográficos. M.A. Thesis, University of Brasília, Brasília, DF.

Hale, Ken e S. J. Keyser (2002). Prologemenon to a theory of argument structure. Linguistic Inquiry Monograph. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

Vendler, Zeno (1967). Linguistics in Philosophy. Ithaca, New York: Cronell U. Press.

Complex words in Brazilian Portuguese: the case of Denominal Verbs→ Indaia de Santana Bassani (PG-USP)

Denominal Verbs are, by definition, formed at least by a noun and a verbal nucleus. The traditional description shows that these verbs can be morphologically formed in two ways in Brazilian Portuguese: by suffixal or

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X is inserted if and only if the external DP attends to some restriction requirements. Thus, Georgian data can be accounted for by postulating a rule that has a different kind of external DP restriction than the one used to explain u-syncretism in languages such as Modern Greek and Romanian.

The determination of the feature late insertion rule present in Georgian is now the main goal of the present work, which aims to provide a uniform analysis of the -i- morpheme’s syncretism rather than offering one analysis for the unaccusative-like contexts and another one for the other contexts. It may also have an impact on the theories of the Architecture of the Grammar, corroborating a Syntactic Hypothesis of morphological argument expression and arguing against a Lexicalist analysis of such phenomena (as in Reinhart (1997), Reinhat & Siloni (2004)), which have proved to be more complex and less explanatory.

REFERENCES

ALEXIADOU, A. & ANAGNOSTOPOULOU, E. (2004) “Voice morphology in the causative-inchoative Alternation: evidence for a non unified structural analysis of unaccusatives”. In: ALEXIADOU, A., ANAGNOSTOPOULOU, E. & EVERAERT M. (orgs.) The Unaccusativity puzzle. Oxford University Press.

ARIDZE, N. (2006) “Reflexivization strategies in Georgian”. PhD. diss. at Universiteit Utrecht.

EMBICK, D. (1997) “Causativization in Hupa”. In: Proceedings of BLS 22, 83–94.

EMBICK, D. (1998) “Voice systems and the syntax-morphology interface”. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 32: 41-72.

EMBICK, D. (2004) “Unaccusative syntax and verbal alternations”. In: ALEXIADOU, A., ANAGNOSTOPOULOU, E. e EVERAERT M. (orgs.) The Unaccusativity puzzle. Oxford University Press.

HALLE, M. & MARANTZ, A. (1993) “Distributed Morphology and Pieces of Inflection”. In: HALE, K. & KEYER, S. (orgs) The view from building 20: Essays in Linguistics in Honor of Sylvain Bromberguer, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 111-176.

MARANTZ, A. (1984) “On the nature of grammatical relations”. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

NASH, L. (2002) “Entre la Flexion et le Verbe: syntaxe, morphologie, acquisition”. Tese de Habilitação apresentada na Universidade Paris 7.

REINHART, T. (1997) “Syntactic effects of lexical operations: reflexives and unaccusatives.” UiL OTS Working Papers, Univeriteit Utrecht.

REINHART, T. & SILONI, T. (2004) “Against a Reflexive analysis of unaccusatives”. In: ALEXIADOU, A., ANAGNOSTOPOULOU, E. e EVERAERT M. (orgs.) The Unaccusativity puzzle. Oxford University Press.

Argument Structure Alternances in Georgian→ João Paulo Lazzarino Cyrino (USP/FAPESP) → Ana Paula Scher (USP)

Argument structure alternations such as the causative/inchoative one are common phenomena shared by most languages. In many of them, the Morphology takes a special role in the expression of the arguments. For instance, unaccusatives, in the standard sense, involve morphological marking which is often shared by reflexives and passives. This kind of syncretism is present in a large number of languages and received special attention by researchers since Marantz (1984), which starts what will then be called the “Unaccusative Analisys of Reflexives”. The further development of the Distributed Morphology theory, proposed in Halle & Marantz (1993), introduced a possibility to explain such syncretisms by making use of its theoretical properties of feature late insertion and underspecification of vocabulary items, as can be seen in Embick (1997, 1998, 2004) and also in Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou (2004).

The kind of analysis pointed before can well account for morphological syncretism among unaccusatives, reflexives and passives, or, in the sense of Embick (2004), the u-syncretism. In Georgian, verbs of this kind also receive a mark (-i-), as noted in Nash (2002), which is located at a pre-radical slot of the verb and is often called pre-radical vowel by the traditional grammar. However, this morphology is also shared by different verbal contexts such as transitive verbs with objects denoting unalienable possession and transitive verbs with an agent and, simultaneously, beneficiary subject (as also noted by Aridze (2006)). As these latter contexts are typical of transitive verbs rather than unaccusatives, it is impossible to account for the syncretism of -i- only by applying the analysis already proposed for the u-syncretism.

For Embick (2004), u-syncretism can be explained as a late insertion rule, which inserts an X feature in v when the verb’s external argument contains a non-full (e.g. clitic) DP. In this sense, the syncretism is a consequence of the insertion of a certain phonological exponent, as a result of a vocabulary item rule which identifies the phonological exponent with the X feature. In this work, I propose that the feature late insertion rule proposed by Embick (2004) can be read as a rule of restriction: the feature

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randomly displayed in 4 lists. The following combinations were tested:

1. bare singular + kind predicate. 2. generic definite + kind predicate. 3. bare singular + episodic “kind” predicate. 4. generic definite + episodic “kind” predicate.

Most of the sentences with bare singulars were examples from Müller.

The test was applied to 200 speakers. The results allow concluding that BrP speakers prefer generic definite article with kind predicates, but sentences with bare singular are grammatical: from a total of 600 occurrences, 58% considered bare singular sentences very good. Moreover, there was a pair of sentences in which the sentence with the generic definite article scored lower in acceptability than the bare singular sentence. Finally, ungrammatical sentences scored very low, 85% of the speakers found them very bad.

Moreover, the test showed no difference with respect to the distinction between kind predicate and episodic “kind” predicates: bare singulars are acceptable with both.

The conclusion is that bare singulars are kind denoting expressions, supporting Munn & Schmitt (1999, 2005) and Pires de Oliveira et al. (2006) theoretical position.

NATURAL LANGUAGE UNDERSTANDING: the SHRDLU robot’s ability to communicate in English→ Juliana de Cássia B raga Marques (PG-CEFETMG) → Heitor Garcia de Carvalho (CEFETMG)

The ability to communicate in some kind of natural language with computers has a long history in the studies of artificial intelligence. In the beginning the problems of having the understanding of human language by computers were showed in a very optimistic way, but the researchers soon found out that the problems were more complex than their expectations. Winograd’s thesis, 1972, developed at MIT (Massachusetts tute of Technology) became a mark on artificial intelligence studies. He designed a computer system for English language understanding as a natural language, the SHRDLU. This system, according to his creator, answers to questions, executes commands and accepts information in

Bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese are kind denoting expressions: psycholinguistic evidences. → Josa COELHO DA SILVA (PIBIC/UFSC) → Roberta PIRES DE OLIVEIRA (UFSC/CNPq)

The paper aims at verifying the grammaticality of sentences like (1) and (2), because there is no consensus in the literature about bare singulars Brazilian Portuguese (BrP):

(1) Dinossauro está extinto. Dinossaur is extinct. Dinossaurs are extinct.

(2) Automóvel chegou ao Brasil no século XX. Automobile arrived at the Brazil in the century XX. Automobiles arrived in Brazil in the XX century.

According to Müller (2000, 2002, 2003), sentences (1) and (2) are ungrammatical; thus, bare singulars do not denote kind. For Munn & Schmitt (1999, 2005) and Pires de Oliveira et al. (2006) these sentences are grammatical; and bare singulars are kind denoting expressions. The acceptability of sentences (1) and (2) is, then, crucial to decide which theory better explains bare singulars in BrP.

First, we investigated oral data from NURC and VARSUL corpora. 154 samples of verbal interviews from NURC and 288 interviews from VARSUL were analyzed. 20 sentences with kind predicates were found, from which 3 were examples of bare singular in subject position of kind predicates:

(3) Agricultura vai acabar em dois anos. (0001: SL 0353) Agriculture goes to finish in two years. Agriculture will be over in two years.

Second, we “googled” to search for written data of kind predicates. We found that bare singulars very often occur with kind predicates:

(4) Isso explica, na minha modesta opinião, o espanto dos infelizes que acham que LP está extinto. http://www.htforum.com/vb/showthread.php?t=56565&page=2

Third, we applied a psycholinguistic test of acceptability, for which we rely on Basso (2007).

The test considered 24 experimental sentences and 12 distracter sentences, including ungrammatical sentences. The sentences were

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and tense/aspectual affixes. The results illustrate that nii’ in declarative constructions should be categorized as a higher negative verb positioned as a V-head of VP in the hierarchy of VoiceP > VP > ForceP. In other words, nii’ selects a full finite sentential complement and is not a potential intervening governor for Relativized Minimality. Accordingly, both nii’ and the main verb in the embedded clause can pick up their own verbal inflections via cyclic head movement within their clausal domain. The results also point out that, from the syntactic perspective, the declarative construction containing nii’ has a meaning roughly equivalent to ‘It is not (true) that…’ and should generally be Actor-voiced.

KEY WORDS Bunun, syntax, Austronesian, negation, phrase structure, lexical verb, auxiliary, higher verb, NegP, predicate-fronting

REFERENCESAdridge, Edith. 2002. Nominalization and wh-movement in Seediq and Tagalog.

Language and Linguistics 3: 393-426.Chang, Yung-li. 1997. Voice, Case and Agreement in Seediq and Kavalan. Hsinchu:

National Tsing Hua University PhD dissertation.Chang, Yung-li, and Wei-tien Dylan Tsai. 1998. Actor-sensitivity and obligatory

control in Kavalan. Paper presented at IsCLL-6, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan.Guilfoyle, E., H. Hung, and Lisa Travis. 1992. Spec of IP and Spec of VP: two

subjects in Austronesian languages. Natural Languages and Linguistic Theory 10: 375-424.

Haegemann, Liliane. 1995. The Syntax of Negation. New York: Cambridge University Press.

Massam, Diane. 2000. VSO and VOS: aspects of Niuean word order. In Andrew Carnie & E. Guilfoyle (eds.), The Syntax of Verb-initial Languages: 97-116. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Mei, Kuang. 1994. Word order, Case, and Theta-agreement in Mayrinnax Atayal. Paper presented at the First Symposium on Austronesian Languages of Taiwan, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan.

Mosel, Ulrike. 1999. Towards a typology of negation in Oceanic languages. In Even Hodvhaugen and Ulrike Mosel (eds.), Negation in Oceanic Languages: Typological Studies: 1-19. München: Lincom Europa.

Ouhalla, Jamal. 1990. Sentential negation, Relativized Minimality and the aspectual status of auxiliaries. Linguistic Review 7: 183-231.

Payne, John R. 1985. Negation. In Timothy Shopen (ed.), Language Typology and Syntactic Description, 2nd ed, vol. 1: 197-242. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Pesetsky, David, and Ester Torrego. 2001. T-to-C movement: causes and consequences. In Michael Kenstowicz (ed.), Ken Hale: A Life in Language: 355-426. Cambridge: MIT Press.

Pollock, Jean-Yves. 1989. Verb movement, universal grammar, and the structure of

an interactive dialog, through keyboard, in English. Being a virtual robot simulation, the system has an eye, a hand and the ability to handle blocks (three pyramids and five cubes with different sizes and colors) on a table. The system is based on the belief that in order to understand natural language we should deal in an integrated way with language aspects such as syntax, semantics and inference. When Winograd developed the system he was looking for answers to these questions: Which knowledge should a person have to speak and understand a language? How is mind organized to use this knowledge in communication? Based on M.A.C. Halliday concepts he says that meaning is of prime importance on language analyses. For that a sentence is not viewed as a syntactic structured binary tree (noun and verb parts), it is analyzed from its meaning units (the clause, the group and the word).

Winograd’s system is different and better than other systems made before it in many aspects, but it has some failures. Only on the end of 90’s, trying to resurrect SHRDLU, computer science students from University of Missouri- Rolla (UMR) developed a project to convert the computer language Mac-LISP to common LISP and JAVA. This conversion permits us to do new tests and redo the old ones, since JAVA is easily accessible. Intending to use the system’s program in future studies, we will try to identify some of its limitations through the tests presented by Winograd 1972, and explore the recent ones presented by JAVA version, since this seems not to cover all the original software functionality.

KEY WORDS Natural Language, English Language, Systemic Functional Linguistics

The Negator nii’ in Takituduh Bunun Declarative Constructions: A Syntactic Analysis→ Kuo-Chiao Jason Lin (Graduate Institute, National Taiwan University)

This paper attempts to scrutinize within the Principles and Parameters Theory the negator nii’ in Takituduh Bunun declarative constructions, focusing on its categorical status and structural position. The paper first provides a description of the syntactic behaviors of nii’ and then analyzes its categorical status, from the perspective of its morphological behaviors, its relationship with the following constituents and verbs, and the distributions of relevant verbal inflections, such as bound pronouns

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I will assume that these verbs are defined by its thematic properties, supporting my analysis with the theory of thematic proto-roles described in Dowty (1991). So, the reciprocity will be considered compositional, given by adjunctions or syntactic configurations; and symmetry will be considered lexical. Besides that, the paper aims to explore two kinds of ambiguities involving the symmetrical verbs. One of them is present in the simple form (Pedro e Ana casaram) of the sentence. This ambiguity concerns to the reading of the number of events denoted by the sentence. We can understand that one, two, or more events are taking place in time. So, the ambiguity is what Lyons (1977) calls collective x distributive reference reading. The other kind of ambiguity is present in the discontinuous form of the sentence (Pedro casou com Ana). This ambiguity is defined by Dowty (1991) and concerns the thematic properties of the verb. According to this author, the external argument has some of the properties of the proto-agent, including the volition, while the internal argument presents some properties of the proto-agent, but it is always ambiguous about the volition. In some verbs like “colidir” e “trombar” the thematic property in question is not volition, but movement. Finally, this work intends to bring a different definition of the symmetrical verbs, based on the theory of Dowty (1991). Symmetrical verbs are verbs that denote an event which requires necessarily two participants. And, these participants will receive symmetrical proto-agent or proto-pacient properties. One participant is necessarily explicit in the sentence and the other can either be explicit or not (Pedro lutou / Pedro lutou com Paulo).

Patterns of (defective) agreement in passive structures in Brazilian Portuguese: a preliminary approach→ Leonor Simioni (PG-USP)

The Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 1995 and subsequent work) has emphasised the study of agreement as one of the central topics of its agenda. In this scenario, Brazilian Portuguese (BP) represents an interesting source of data, because of some peculiar phenomena regarding number and gender agreement. In the present work, we will focus on agreement within passive structures.

On standard BP passive sentences, the object DP, the participial head and the verb all display agreement morphology, whether the argument is moved or in situ:

IP. Linguistic Inquiry 20.3: 365-424.Rackowski, Andrea, and Lisa Travis. 2000. V-initial languages: X or XP movement

and adverbial placement. In Andrew Carnie & E. Guilfoyle (eds.), The Syntax of Verb-initial Languages: 117-141. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Rizzi, Luigi. 1990. Relativized Minimality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Rizzi, Luigi. 2004. Locality and Left Periphery. In Adriana Belletti (ed.), Structures and

Beyond: the Cartography of Syntactic Structures, vol.3: 223-251. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Sung, Li-May. 1999. Negation in Tsou. Paper presented at ICCL-8, the Institute of Asian Language and Societies, University of Melbourne, Australia.

Tang, C.-C. Jane. 2002. On negative constructions in Paiwain. Language and Linguistics 3.4: 745-810.

Travis, Lisa. 1984. Parameters and Effects of Word Order Variation. Massachusetts: MIT PhD dissertation.

Yeh, Yu-Ting. 2005. Negation in

Symmetrical Verbs in Brazilian Portuguese→ Lara Frutos (G-UFPR)

This paper aims to analyze a class of verbs in Brazilian Portuguese called “symmetrical verbs” in the literature (Dowty 1991; Carlson, 1998). They are classically defined as verbs which present two syntactical forms (Pedro e Ana casaram / Pedro casou com Ana). In the first form the participants of the action are denoted by one argument that occupies the position of the subject. In the other, one participant is denoted by the external argument and the other participant is denoted by an internal argument. Godoy (2008) presents a propose of analysis of these verbs and call them “reciprocal verbs”. In her work, the author explains the behavior of these verbs postulating a lexical property inherent to them: the reciprocity. Godoy presents an interesting description of the argument behavior of the verbs and for this reason it will be recuperated here. The work brings three different transitivities for the verbs. There is a group of verbs that are intransitive (noivar, namorar, transar, conversar, flertar, etc). There is another group of verbs that presents transitive argument structure (negociar, juntar, misturar, etc). The third group of verbs presents a reduction of one argument in the sentence which is substituted by the particle SE (juntar-se, separar-se, etc). I will adopt this classification of the argument structure of verbs. However, the theoretical treatment that I will present is essentially different. Instead of postulating a lexical property,

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“Ainda” has a solution: a semantic proposal for this term→ Letícia Lemos Gritti (PG-UFSC) → Roberta Pires de Oliveira (UFSC/CNPq)

Based on Ilari (1987) and Mendes de Souza (2007) researches, the initial hypothesis in studying the lexical item ‘still’ was intimately linked to the question of negative polarity items. In English language, Israel (1996) and Ladusaw (2002, [1980]) have considered the ‘yet’ a negative polarity item. In this perspective, firstly, along with the work, it is presented the phenomenon in accordance with what the theoretical literature has been offering to other languages; secondly, it is argued aspects concerning Brazilian Portuguese (BP) throughout some instances of negative polarity occurrence. From this, it is demonstrated that these items occur preferably in negative contexts. In addition, it is discussed about the polemic concerning the theories which enable these items in the rare non-negative contexts in which they occur. The hypothesis was confirmed through the examples of the occurrence of “still” in affirmative sentences with no idea of time. However, tests with varied Aktionsart and in several verbal tenses demonstrated that the ‘still’ wouldn’t only occur with the time interpretation in perfective contexts, because of that the hypothesis of ‘still’ being a negative polarity item was dismissed and the restriction seems to be of perfective contexts. Nevertheless, the time reading in perfective contexts reappears with the addition of time adjuncts. It occurs because the adjunct function is to locate the sentence in the time axle by presenting a reference moment to the sentences. In this perspective, it is used the theoretical discussion based on the event moment, reference moment and speech moment from Reichenbach (1947 apud Ilari, 1997). With the time interpretation, it is found out and affirmed this discovery in the texts which cope with the Germany terms ‘noch’ and ‘schon’ from Löbner (1989; 1999) and Auwera (1993) that there is a duality between ‘still’ and ‘already’, the correspondents of the Germany terms, because when there is a question with ‘still’ and the answer is negative, the ‘no longer’ is activated, in the same way of when ‘already’ is used, the negative answer is ‘not yet’. The same authors affirm that these terms with a time interpretation arise a presupposition of a positive or a negative state, before a te (event moment) and according to the truth conditions a change of state has to occur. It is also perceived that when there is no time reading and just a discourse one in the cases of simple past (‘pretérito perfeito’ in Brazilian Portuguese), it is needed a connection of adjuncts to have a time reading and, consequently, the ‘still’ activates

(1) a. As provas foram deixadas na sala TheFEMPL testsFEMPL were3PL leftFEMPL in-the room ‘The tests were left in the room.’

b. Foram encontradas umas provas no armário. Were3PL foundFEMPL someFEMPL testsFEMPL in-the locker ‘Some tests were found in the locker.’

However, we also find passive constructions which display an incongruence of gender and number agreement, as in (2):

(2) a. Foi encontrado umas provas no armário. Was3SG foundMASCSG someFEMPL testsFEMPL in-the locker ‘Some tests were found in the locker.’

b. Foi encontrado as provas no armário Was3SG foundMASCSG theFEMPL testsFEMPL in-the locker ‘Some tests were found in the locker.’

Crucially, the incongruence is only allowed when the object is in situ, regardless of being a definite or indefinite DP, as shown in (3):

(3) a. *Umas provas foi encontrado no armário. SomeFEMPL testsFEMPL was3SG foundMASCSG in-the locker `Some tests were found in the locker.’

b. *Os telegramas de Natal foi enviado. TheMASCPL telegramsMASCPL of Christmas was3SG sentMASCSG ‘The Christmas telegrams were sent.’

In light of the patterns outlined above, this paper will present a critical comparison of three recent minimalist analyses of agreement mechanisms, namely, those provided by Nunes (2007), Boskovic (2007) and Hornstein (forthcoming). The aim of the paper is twofold: we wish to provide an explanation for the BP data presented in (1) – (3), and we hope the BP data can contribute to a better understanding of agreement as a general phenomenon.

REFERENCESBoskovic, Z. (2007). On the locality and motivation of Move and Agree: an even

more minimal theory. Linguistic Inquiry, v. 38, n. 4, p. 589-644.Hornstein, N. (forthcoming).Chomsky, N. (1995). The minimalist program. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.Nunes, J. (2007). Relativized minimality and the Extended Peeking Principle.

Cuadernos de Lingüística, v. XIV, p. 73-86.

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within a head H0 acts as a probe, seeking a set of matching features in the sister constituent of H0 under the locality of closest c-command. The latter set of matching features is called the goal. Displacement of a category containing the goal is triggered when the functional head that contains the probe has in addition an EPP feature, now available not only for T0 but also for other functional categories. A category containing the goal is copied by pied-piping, and then it is merged with the projection of H0. This composite operation of Agree, pied-piping, and Merge is called Move. After Move takes place, the lower copy becomes null.

For Kiss, the identificational focus involves the syntactic projection of the Focus head. In the famework assumed here, this mean that in identificational focus construction, the Focus head acts as the probe and undergoes the Agree operation with the focused expression.

Taking those assumptions, we consider that the negative morpheme não by the end of the sentence can show up in functional head of the Foc projection. And that projection would contain an uninterpretable EPP feature, which would trigger movement of the whole TP to Spec of FocP where the negation has scope.

REFERENCESALKMIM, M.G.R. de. As Negativas Sentenciais no Dialeto Mineiro: uma Abordagem

Variacionista, 2001, 260 p. Tese de Doutorado, UFMG.CARENO, M.F. & PETER, M.M.T. Observações sobre o uso da estrutura negativa.

Papia. V3, n.2. p 98-102. 1994.CHOMSKY, Noam. Deep structure, surface structure and semantic interpretation. In

Semantics: an interdisciplinary reader in philosophy, linguistics and psychology, ed. D. D. Steinberg and L. A. Jakobovits, 183-216. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971.

______. Minimalist inquiries: the framework. In Step by step, ed. R. Martin, D. Michaels and J. Uriagereka, 89-156. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000.

______. Derivation by phase. In A life in language, ed. M. Kenstowicz, 1–52. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001.

CINQUE, Guglielmo. A null theory of phrase and compound stress. Linguistic Inquiry 24(2):239-298, 1993.

FURTADO DA CUNHA, M.A. Gramaticalização dos Mecanismos de Negação em Natal. IN: Martelotta, Votre & Cezário (org.) Gramaticalização no Português do Brasil: uma abordagem funcional. R.J.: Tempo Brasileiro, 1996, p. 167-189.

JACKENDOFF, Ray S. Semantic interpretation in generative grammar. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1972.

RAMOS, J.M. A Alternância entre “não” e “num” no Dialeto Mineiro: um caso de mudança lingüística. In: Cohen,

M.A.A.M. & Ramos, J.M. Dialeto Mineiro e outras Falas – Estudo de Variação e Mudança Lingüística. BH: Editora da UFMG, 2002. p. 155-167.

the presupposition. It was verified with tests of P-Family in which the presupposition constructed by the ‘still’ was maintained. In this theoretical perspective, Lobner and Auwera consider the expectation of unexpected; in other words, the contra-expectation also constructed by ‘noch’ and ‘schon’ activates an implicature. All of these results are applied to the ‘still’ data in BP.

Negation doubling in Brazilian Portuguese→ Lílian Teixeira de Sousa (PG-UNICAMP)

The theme of the present paper is the nature of negation doubling (Neg2) in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). By ‘doubled items’ we mean items, phonetically identical or not, with the same meaning in a single statement, as shown in (1) bellow:

( 1) Eu não gosto de doces não.

We will try to demonstrate that at least in some contexts double negation in BP exhibit properties associated with presupposed denial, reflecting fundamental differences in relation to canonical negation – [não v]. By analyzing some contexts in which the incompatibility of Neg2 and canonical negation (Neg1) can be explained by presupposition and scope, and the notion of focus as theoretical basis, our analysis captures various aspects that support the focus construction hypothesis to Neg2.

According some studies (Haegeman and Zanuttini (1996), Pollock (1989)) many languages present two items to expresses the negation, like French and West Flemish, in these language the Neg head can be null or be realized by a clitic, but the Neg head alone cannot support sentential negation. However, in BP, the Neg head can support sentential negation.

In recent study, Schwenter (2005) demonstrates that there are important pragmatics differences between canonical and non-canonical ways of negating a sentence in BP. According to him, these differences are crucially determined by informational structure, specifically the discourse status (old/new) of the proposition being denied. Adopting the notion of focus, in a relation focus/presupposition, we assume that there are differences between Neg1 and Neg2 in BP: the second negative item (não) is a focus operator with exhaustive/contrastive value.

Chomsky (2000) introduces the notion of Agree, throughout a probe and goal system. In the Agree operation, a set of formal features

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Although Hoeksma’s proposal leads this work, in our semantic representation, we will basically apply Carpenter´s proposal (1991). We believe, concerning mainly to a transparence of argumental inheritance of each morpheme, the GC format presented by Carpenter is more adequate.

The adverb kandat in Karitiana→ Luciana Sanchez-Mendes (PG-USP)

The goal of this work is to present syntactic and semantic aspects of the adverb kandat (‘many times’) in Karitiana (Tupi Stock, Arikém Family). From the syntactic point of view, this work presents the hypothesis that kandat is not a floating quantifier in the terms of Sportiche 1988 as could be claimed because of its hability to occupy various positions in the sentence (see examples (1) and (2)), but rather a quantificational adverb which binds the event argument of the verb. This hypothesis conforms to the fact that the language under investigation does not have nominal quantification, and presents only adverbial quantification (cf. Müller et. al. 2006). Bach et al. 1995, based on the distinction between determiner quantification vs. adverbial quantification of Partee et al. 1987 (apud Bach et al. 1995), say that some languages have only adverbial quantification.

From the semantic point of view, we show, based on work by Doedjes 2007 on the French adverbs beaucoup and souvent, that kandat is a frequency quantifier – not a degree quantifier. Doetjes 2007 shows that souvent can be used with mass and count predicates and has always the interpretation of iterativity; the author also claims that this indicates it quantifies over times. Beaucoup, on the other hand, acts as a degree quantifier if the sentence has a mass predicate. Doetjes 2007 says that this indicates that it is a degree quantifier that does not quantify over times.

Karitiana’s kandat presents, as souvent, an intrinsic quantification over times. As we can see in the data below, kandat may occur with countable verbs like shoot and with massive ones such as wait. In both cases, kandat indicates iterativity, which shows it is a frequency quantifier.

(1) Kandat taso naponpon sojxaaty kyynt. kandat taso Ø-na-pon-pon-Ø sojxaaty kyynt many.times man 3-decl-shoot-dupl-nfut wild.boar in ‘The man shot the boar many times’

RIZZI, L. The fine structure of the left perifery of the clause. In.: HAEGEMAN, L. (ed.). Elements of Grammar. Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1997. p.281-337.

RONCARATI, C.N. A negação no Português falado. In: Macedo, A.T. et al. (Orgs.). Variação e Discurso. RJ: Tempo Brasileiro, 1997, p.65-102.

SELKIRK, Elisabeth O. Phonology and syntax: the relation between sound and structure. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1984.

SCHWEGLER, A. Predicate Negation and word-order change – A problem of multiple causation. Lingua 61: s97-334, 1983.

SCHWENTER, Scott A. The pragmatics of negation in Brazilian Portuguese. Lingua 115, 2005. p. 1427-1456.

ZUBIZARRETA, María Luisa. Prosody, focus and word order. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1998.

“-Ura” in Categorial Morphology→ Livy Real Coelho (PG-UFPR)

Based on Categorial Morphology, our goal is to analyse the suffix -ura in Brazilian Portuguese, which is found in words like assadura and brancura. Our tool, which was proposed by Hoeksema (1985) and discussed by Real (2006), is precisely the attempt to adapt Categorial Grammar (GC) to word formation. Although GC is a tool used regularly to syntactic analysis, its use as a model for morphologic analysis brings linguists a high theoretical gain, since both syntax and morphology can be dealt with the same rules.

We see some solutions to morphological problems that are not solved in some approaches under a Generative view, such as the problem to impute categories to morphemes and to find a deep structure which would also be responsible for the word-formation process. In addition to that, in GC, we take the minor element to create complex ones, which enables a compositional analysis to the sentence (or, in this case, to the words). In this way, we do not have necessity to postulate a priori categories to the words (or to the morphemes).

GC usually treats expressions as two-faced entities: a syntactic one and a semantic one. The last one is the formal representation. Therefore we understand syntax as the physical structure of both morphemes and words, and the semantic part as their formal counterparts. Thus, we can see with precision the contribution that each one of the elements gives to the word, i.e., which part of the meaning and which part of the syntactic behavior of a word are determined by each morpheme.

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We discuss the transformational processes involved in the derivation of the alternative order PP NP in Brazilian Portuguese and NPacc NPdat in German. There are two possible permutations: movement of the PP over the NP to the left or displacement of the NP over the PP to the right. We argue that at least two processes are involved in the derivation of the alternative orders: PP scrambling and Heavy NP Shift.

We base our discussion on the work of Belletti (2001), which analyses the fine grained structuctural cartography of the clause internal area (IP) and proposes, in line with Rizzi (1997), a clause internal Focus position. Basing our analysis in the study of Belletti & Shlonsky (1995), we argue that the IP internal FocP is a possible position for focalized objects. We also discuss the stuctures for constructions with two complements proposed by Larson (1988) and Belletti & Shlonsky (1995) and their application for Brazilian Portuguese and German.

A semantic analysis for lexically reciprocal verbs in BP→ Luisa Godoy (UFMG/Capes)

In this work, we analyze the lexical class of reciprocal verbs in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). These verbs are grouped together because they share both a syntactic and a semantic property. Let us take the verb conversar as an example. This verb behaves syntactically in two ways: in an intransitive form, in sentences like João e Maria conversaram and in an indirect transitive form, in sentences like João conversou com Maria. This transitivity alternation is the syntactic property mentioned above. Another characteristic that conversar has is the constant sense of reciprocity, no matter the construction in which the verb might appear. Let us compare the reciprocal verb conversar to a non-reciprocal verb such as passear. In João e Maria passearam, a reciprocity relation between the participants denoted by João e Maria is not entailed. This sentence expresses either a sum of two participants in a single event or a sum of two events with one participant in each. In João passeou com Maria, there is also no reciprocity, implying simply an idea of company. But in João e Maria conversaram and in João conversou com Maria, reciprocity between the participants João and Maria is entailed. Therefore, it seems that conversar bears the sense of reciprocity lexically, which is not the case with passear. All reciprocal verbs listed and described in Godoy (2008) (200 verbs in BP) show both properties: the transitivity alternation and the

(2) Inácio nakakydn kandat. Inácio Ø-naka-kydn-Ø kandat Inácio 3-decl-wait-nfut many.times * ‘Inácio has waited a lot’ ‘Inacio has waited many times’

I conclude that the behavior of kandat supports the view that Karitiana has only A-quantification.

REFERENCESBACH, E.; E. JELIEK; A. KRATZER and B. PARTEE (eds.) 1995. Introduction. In

Quantification in Natural Languages. Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers. DOETJES, Jenny. 2007. Adverbs and quantification: degree versus frequency.

Lingua, v. 117, Abril de 2007 685–720. MÜLLER, A., L. STORTO & T. COUTINHO-SILVA 2006. Number and the count-mass

distinction in Karitiana. UBCWPL 19: Proceedings of the Eleventh Workshop on Structure and Constituency in Languages of the Americas, pp. 122-135.

SPORTICHE, D. 1988. A Theory of Floating Quantifiers and its Corollaries for Constituent Structure In Linguistic Inquiry 19.2, 425-451.

Focalization and the order of verbal complements→ Ludmila Corrêa Sandmann (PG-UFPR)

This study compares the ordering of verbal complements in Brazilian Portuguese and in German. Both languages show a relative freedom in the ordering of the complements. We take as a working hypothesis the idea that the base order in Brazilian Portuguese is NP PP, while in German the base order is NPdat NPacc, a double object construction. One aspect responsible for the alternative ordering of the objetc is focalization.

In the following examples the question-answer pairs show the possible permutations of focalized objects within the clause (focalized elements in capital letters).

(1) a. O que o Pedro deu prá Ana? (1’) a. Was hat Peter Ana gegeben? b. O Pedro deu O LIVRO prá Ana. b. Peter hat Ana DAS BUCH gegeben. c. O Pedro deu prá Ana O LIVRO. *c. Peter hat DAS BUCH Ana gegeben.

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(1) is ambiguous in BP: it means that the degree of smartness of John is greater than his degree of intelligence, the canonical reading, (von Stechow, 1984; Kennedy, 1997; Heim, 2001, and others), as attributed to (2), the degree of John’s intelligence is greater than the degree of Mary’s intelligence degree; on the metalinguistic interpretation, the speaker seems to be “correcting” a previous assertion, saying that it is more appropriate to claim of John that he is smart than (is appropriate) that he is intelligent, in parallel to metalinguistic negation (John is not smart, he is intelligent). We will show some general properties of CM constructions in BP, which categories can be target of this type of comparison, comparing with cross-linguistic data from English and Greek. The later has a grammaticalized expression that only occurs in CM sentences (cf. Giannakidou & Stavrou, 2008), whereas in English one must use ‘more’. Furthermore, we will distinguish CM from “comparatives of deviation” (John is more fat than Peter is tall) (cf. Kennedy, 1997), “prototype comparatives” (This chair is more of a chair than that one). For the semantic account of metalinguistic interpretation, we discuss Giannakidou & Stavrou (2008)’s proposal, showing that their account is inadequate given that the semantics is not directly derived from syntax, in the sense that there is not an intensional predicate on the syntax, which is assumed on the semantics; moreover, their proposal yields wrong results, precisely by the assumption that there is a silent intensional predicate in the semantics, such a move allows for de dicto readings that are not empirically attested.

A Brief Survey of Explanations on Definte Description→ Luiz Arthur Pagani (UFPR)

In 1905 Russell presented an interpretation to expressions initiated by the singular definite determiner, which he called definite description, in opposition to the one proposed by Frege (1892), where “whoever discovered the elliptic form of the planetary orbits died in misery” was supposed to have no reference if nobody discovered the elliptic form of the planetary orbits – if that sentence means ‘there was someone who discovered the elliptic form of the planetary orbits and he died in misery’, then its negation should correspond to ‘either whoever discovered the elliptic form of the planetary orbits did not die in misery or there was nobody who discovered the elliptic form of the planetary orbits’ according to De Morgan’s laws. But that consequence seems to be contradicted by our linguistic intuitions.

lexical sense of reciprocity. In the work to be presented, we intend to give a semantic analysis to those. We will argue that the lexical property of reciprocity belongs to the logic component of the verb’s meaning with no regard to the thematic relations the verb establishes with its arguments. However, by describing the reciprocal verbs’ thematic properties, along the lines proposed by Cançado (2005), it is possible to perceive the differences in meaning between the intransitive and the indirect transitive diathesis. These thematic differences reflect the fact that the intransitive form expresses a symmetric reciprocal event and the indirect transitive form expresses an asymmetric reciprocal event. We can distinguish, then, the notion of reciprocity from the notion of symmetry, which are sometimes mistaken in the literature. Finally, using the thematic description proposed by Cançado, and also the (often ignored however relevant) idea of selectional restriction, we are able to explain the ungrammaticality (or anomaly, as it will become clear) in sentences like *O carro e o poste colidiram as opposed to grammatical sentences like O carro colidiu com o poste.

REFERENCESCANÇADO, M. (2005) Propriedades semânticas e posições argumentais. DELTA, v.

21, n. 1, p. 23-56.

GODOY, L. (2008) Os verbos recíprocos no PB: interface sintaxe-semântica lexical. Dissertação (Mestrado em Estudos Lingüísticos) – Faculdade de Letras, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte.

Remarks on Metalinguistic Comparatives in Brazilian Portuguese→ Luisandro Mendes de Souza (PG-UFSC/CNPq) → Roberta Pires de Oliveira (UFSC/CNPq)

This paper analyses metalinguistic comparative structures (CM) in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). CMs sentences (1) are not interpreted in the same way as canonical comparatives (2) are:

(1) João é mais esperto do que inteligente. John is more smart than intelligent.

(2) João é mais inteligente do que Maria. John is more intelligent/wiser than Mary.

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analysis of individual results gives insight into how little children actually interpret passives: 3 and 4 year-olds seem to go through a range of passive interpretation that varies from actual comprehension to total non comprehension. We also argue that below chance results and chance results may reflect a relevant difference in children’s behavior in interpreting the passive: below chance results suggest that children interpret the passive as an active sentence; chance results show uncertainty on how to interpret passives. Finally, we argue that comprehension of passives by some little children suggests that the passive is not of late acquisition.

Many authors argue that the passive is of late acquisition (Horgan, 1978; Hirsch & Wexler, 2004). Others argue that it is of early acquisition (Suzman, 1985; Fox & Grodzinsky, 1998; O’Brien, Grolla and Lilo- Martin, 2005). Our analysis of group results leads to the conclusion that the passive is of late acquisition. But the analysis of individual results shows that some children acquire it early.

48 Portuguese-speakers between 3,0 and 4,11 years of age (mean 3.9) were engaged in an act-out task and in a picture selection task to test their comprehension of long passives and short passives, respectively. Knowledge of active sentences was also tested. Group results showed chance comprehension in the long passive, and above chance comprehension in the short passive. Individual results are not homogeneous though. Of the 48 children, 13 comprehended the long passive (94.21% accuracy), 3 scored accuracy of 72.81%, 9 comprehended it at chance (52.75%), and 23 did not comprehend it (17.81%). As for the short passive, 25 children comprehended it (91.75%), 14 comprehended it at chance (53.12%), and 9 did not comprehend it (15.96%). They all scored at ceiling in the active (98.50%). These results suggest that the passive is not uniformly delayed. They show comprehension of the long passive by almost a third of the participants, and by more than half of the participants in the short passive, a number that cannot be ignored, and that suggests that the passive structure is not universally delayed.

Inflected Infinitives and the Movement Theory of Control→ Marcello Modesto (University of São Paulo)

Given some recent analysis of Control involving syntactic movement (Hornstein 1999 and subsequent work), and the existence of inflected

According to Russell, however, “the king of France is not bald” could not only be true or false, but was even ambiguous. One of its sense would be ‘it is not the case that there is somebody such that he is king of France and he is bald’ where the negation has a wide scope in relation to the existential quantification, the other sense would be equivalent to ‘there is somebody such that he is king of France and he is not bald’ in which the scope relation is reversed. So the definite description cooperates in the sense of a sentence with an existential quantification which interacts with a negation in the classical scope ambiguity among operators.

Russell’s approach triggered a discussion, mainly in philosophical journals (Strawson (1950), Sellars (1954), Strawson (1954), Russell (1957), Canton (1959), Donnellan (1966), for instance), whose focus was the concepts of reference and presupposition since the explanation attributed an existential force to definite description (it was a quantifier, not a referring expression). It was only in the 70’s that linguists began to show some interest in those questions, with the dissertations of Morgan (1973) and Kempson (1975), and the article of Karttunen and Peters (1979). More recently, some linguists discovered that definite description played other roles, such as the expression of genericity (“o leão tem quatro patas”), the reference to kinds (“o tigre está em extinção”), and the anaphoric link to discourse referents (“um automével colidiu... o automóvel que colidiu...”), which was not explained by the Russellian approach. Besides that, linguists also used to put forth that a good explanation should also explain the relation of definite description to indefinite description (why does the last introduce a discourse referent, while the former can only refer to a previously introduce one?), plurals (does a plural definite description behave as a singular one?), and bare noun phrases (are individual denotation, reference to kind, and expression of genericity manifestation of the vagueness of definite description, or are they an ambiguity compositionally driven?).

In the presentation proposed here then I will offer a brief survey of those explanations to definite description summarizing the main semantic question involved. As could be seen in the presentation, the proverb that says that “the worse poisons were in the smallest bottles” qualifies perfectly the definite determiner.

The passive in 3- and 4- year-olds→ Maraci Coelho de Barros Pereira Rubin

This paper analyzes group and individual results of tests of passive comprehension applied to 3- and 4- year-olds. We argue that the

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(2) Os meninos foram convencidos a tomar(*em) banho. The boys were convinced PREP take-inf(-*3pl) bath

The only way to derive sentence (2) is by merging “os meninos” in the matrix object position (marked as nominative). Merging “os meninos” with a nominative feature in the embedded clause would make the derivation crash since the DP would become inactive for movement. Merging “os meninos” bearing accusative in that position would also make the derivation crash, since no DP would be available to merge in matrix subject position.

“Adverbial” Value Judgment Quantification: an Attempt to Formalization→ Márcio Renato Guimarães (UFPR)

Some adverbial expressions of Brazilian Portuguese, as muito, pouco, demais and bastante seem to denotate if not exactly the same, at least essentially the same kind of quantification, which corresponds to the expressions classically described as “value judgment quantifiers”, as many, for instance. They conserves the same, basic notion of relationship between an indefinite quantity and some context-dependent frequency or limit.

At same time, this stable sort of quantity notion can refer to different sort of individuals – different scales of quantification – depending of some traces of the VP in which it figures. Some kind of adverbial modifier also present in the VPs can “drive” the meaning to certain scales, but also internally definite traces in the verbal lexical item plays an decisive role.

In this work, it will be argued that there is at least three different kinds of scale which can be denoted for VP modified for a value judgment adverbial: events, time intervals and degrees of predication. Some of these scales may be defined to some particular verbs, but it is also the case that some verbs and some particular VPs are ambiguous to which scales they refer, unless the context (or the co-text) specifies it. In order to prevent this, is important show how all these possibilities can (or cannot) be generated: one must prevent the restrictions generated by some verb classes, and must also prevent the ambiguity of some constructions.

In this work, I propose to adapt the formal tools used in the formalization of the value judgment quantifiers to their adverbial correspondents in Brazilian Portuguese – specially the quantity judgment relation.

infinitives in Portuguese (shown in (1a)), an obvious prediction is made: the infinitive should inflect every time the controller was in the plural. Such a prediction is never borne out in subject Control structures but it is optionally true in object control structures:

(1) a. Os meninos sairem preocupava a mãe deles. The boys go-inf-3pl worried the mother of.them

b. Os meninos querem sair(*em). The boys want go-inf(-*3pl)

c. Eu convenci os meninos a tomar(em) banho. I convinced the boys PREP take-inf(-3pl) bath

Since inflection on the infinitive is obligatory in (1a), the movement theory of Control predicts that the same should be true in (1b) because the subject “the boys” would be generated as the subject of the embedded verb. Sentence (1c) indicates that, in fact, the verb inflects when the controller is generated in the embedded clause and it does not inflect when the controller is generated already in matrix object position.

In this presentation, we will explain these facts using the idea that lexical items are taken from the lexicon with a Case feature that already has a specified value (but it is still not-interpretable). In (1a), the subject “meninos” comes from the lexicon with a non-interpretable Case feature already specified as nominative and that feature is checked by the inflected infinitive, or rather, by T0. Let us suppose that the same happens in (1b). The sentence would be impossible to generate since the nominative lexical item generated in the subject position of the inflected infinitive would not be able to move any further (it would be inactive). That would make the EPP or a theta-role of the matrix verb not to be checked/assigned and the derivation to crash. With that, we derive the fact that syntactic movement is impossible in subject Control structures.

In object Control structures, on the other hand, a structure involving movement becomes possible. The subject of the infinitive clause may be merged bearing accusative Case. That Case feature will not be able to be checked by the inflected infinitive since T checks nominative only and the DP will continue active for movement. Instead, the object may be generated already in its matrix position. That double possibility generates the optionality of inflection in (1c).

A confirmation of the two possible derivations for (1c) comes from the fact that only one of them can be passivized:

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is analyzed as a predicative construction, in which the predicator (the adjective) is not part of the DP). The question is: how this is possible? One may say that it is because they the underlying input structure is (a). If so, then the pronominalization below should be possible, but it isn’t:

g) * Eu não como algo I not eat something

This pronominalization is not possible under the reading where the pronoun stands for the whole predicative construction (denoting an event or state being eaten).

This paper is part of a broader work, my MA Thesis, and my main point there is not to debate whether there are SCs or not. Rather, it is to determine in which contexts they are possible or impossible. For this paper, I have just considered the point above, though some part of the whole discussion may have to be considered.

Presupposition as a pragmatic phenomenon: an analysis of the trigger again in negative utterances→ Marcos Goldnadel (UFRGS)

Since Russell brought attention to the unstable behavior of inferences triggered by definite descriptions, the pragmatic literature has discovered a great number of natural language expressions taken as formal devices to make manifest that some information is part of the common ground shared by the speakers. Besides definite descriptions, factive and aspectual verbs, iteratives, cleft constructions, adverbial clauses, some prosodic patterns (and many other resources) have been taken as presupositional triggers, whose use would express the speaker’s intention to communicate that something is already part of the knowledge shared. In the prevailing view – developed by most important theories –, the presuppositional behavior exhibited by the expressions called presuppositional triggers is a matter of convention. In other words, the presuppositional effect observed when someone uses a presuppositional trigger is due to a language convention. Languages, therefore, in this shared view, mark some of its words and constructions as presuppositional.

Diagnosing Constituency for Adjectival Predicative Constructions→ Marcos Barbosa Carreira (PG-UFPR)

Ever since Williams (1975) and Stowell (1981), much has been written about small-clauses (SC) and secondary predicates. My object of inquiry consists of structures of the type V+D+N+AP, in which D+N+AP doesn’t form a complex DP, and there is a predication relation between D+N and AP. These structures are known as Small Clauses (cf. Stowell 1981) or Secondary Predicates (cf. Rothstein 1983). My first goal is to submit such structures to various tests, and then cross their results in order to conclude which of the structures proposed in the literature is more adequate. In a previous analysis, I have found that for at least one of the paradigmatic verbs, there is no structure proposed in the literature such that it is compatible with the results of all tests taken together. This situation characterizes a constituency paradox. Attempting to solve it is at the core of this study. To understand the exact nature of this paradox, observe the structures below:

a) … [ V [α DP AP ] ] b) … [ V [ DP ] AP ] c) … [ V [ DP ] [α PRO AP ] ]

Consider (a) as the most cited structure for the Small Clause Theory defended mainly by Stowell (1981, 1983), and structure (b) as the secondary predicate structure proposed by Rothstein (1983). Structure (c) is the Adjunct Small Clause structure, a lá Stowell. Then consider the data below:

d) John ate the meat raw e) O João comeu a carne crua

The structure usually assigned to examples (d-e) is (b) or (c). Notice that (b) and (c) may be seen as just variants of the same idea, but I shall present some evidence for preferring (c) over (b). If these two proposals are right, then it would be expected that no fronting is permitted for the D+N+AP substring. But some Portuguese data show otherwise:

f) O bife cru, eu não como ____ ( mas ele bem passado eu como ___ ). The meat raw, I don’t eat ____ (but it well-done, I eat ___ )

Notice that the relevant reading is the one in which the fronted phrase

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Indefinite subjects in Brazilian Portuguese→ Mary Kato (Unicamp)

In Galves (1987,2001) it is shown that Brazilian Portuguese (BP) is not only on the way to lose its referential null subjects, as claimed in Duarte (1993.1995) (see exs (1), but has retained the null subject pattern in place of the indefinite se construction, which is being lost. (exs 2)

1. a. Ø Falo inglês fluentemente. (19th century) b. Eu falo inglês fluentemente (20th century) 2. a. Não se usa mais saia na universidade. (19th century) b. Não Ø usa mais saia na universidade. (20th century)

Kato and Tarallo (1986) observe, however, that sentences with a subject with arbitrary/generic reading follow the same pattern as those with referential subjects, with the pronouns você, or its variant cê, and a gente substituting for the indefinite clitic se. The empty category would be just another variant for the indefinite subject, or a null variant for the personal indefinite with você or a gente. Kato & Duarte (2003) show that personalization affects even impersonal verbs like the existential ter and the impersonal parecer (seem):

3. a. Você não usa mais saia na universidade (20th century) you not wear anymore skirt at the university ‘One does not wear skirts at the university anymore’. b. A gente não usa mais saia na universidade (20th century) c. Você tem prédios lindos em São Paulo. (20th century) d. Você parece que ‘cê nunca viu um shopping. (20th century)

In the present paper we will show that personalization is also affecting embedded infinitive clauses with an arbitrary/generic reading (cf exs 4 and 5).

4. a.É difícil [Ø usar saia na universidade]. (19th century) b.É difícil você/a gente usar saia na universidade. (20th century)

5. a. É difícil ter prédios bonitos na universidade. (19th century) b. É difícil você ter prédios bonitos na universidade. (20th century)

The present paper will present a formal analysis to account for such constructions.

To account for the fact that BP still licenses null subjects with indefinite/generic reference, and also null subjects in embedded sentences, with a c-commanding antecedent, Kato (2000) proposed a “generalized control” treatment, namely that such null subjects are doubles of a PRO, analyzed as the strong null pronoun, in the left dislocated position:

The first objection that the view reported has to face is the one that remains in force against any explanation based on the idea of convention. Why do all languages share the same presuppositional triggers? If presupposition is a matter of convention, it would be expected that a trigger in a certain language would not be a trigger in another one. No theory devoted to cope with presupposition, and with the presupposition projection problem, has offered an appropriate answer to this question.

Besides the explanatory problems related to the conventional view, there are also some descriptive problems. Taking presupposition as a matter of convention commits oneself to accept that the presupposition, due to the use of a presuppositional trigger, is effective, unless there is something in the discourse responsible for a suspension. But there are many examples in which a presupposition normally triggered by a trigger does not survive, although one can’t find a discursive justification. Mandy Simons, working in the framework of Relevance Theory, has shown a considerable number of cases in which a presupposition doesn’t survive, despite the presence of a trigger and the absence of any canceling linguistic context (conditional sentences, sentences with a possibility operator, explicit denials). These cases pose challenges to the theories of conventional presupposition because the conventional nature of the triggers entail the projection of a presupposition whenever nothing prevents it from being inherited by the utterance.

This work intends to propose another explanation and description to presuppositions. The point of view presented here adopts a twofold solution: it is argued that the sense effect called presupposition must be explained considering the semantic properties of the triggers plus some general pragmatic assumptions about its discursive use. It is, therefore, a semantic-pragmatic solution. To demonstrate this proposal, an analysis of the trigger again in negative sentences is developed. In the semantic level, the trigger again is given a semantic analysis, showing the entailments due to its sense. After that, it is shown the scope relation between again, which is considered an operator over propositional contents, and the negation operator. That interaction is responsible for a first ambiguity, which is semantic. On the interpretation in which the negation operator has scope over the operator again, one more scope specification should be done, which is only possible in the pragmatic level. In that level, the preferred interpretation (the one considered presuppositional) is described by an approach which takes into account the epistemic states a speaker supposes his interlocutors are in, and some general pragmatic principles, due to the action of Grice’s quantity maxim.

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usually claimed. Hence, that formalism is not as restrictive as it seems at first. In and of itself, this is neither good nor bad. It is an empirical matter whether additional types of structure apparently overgenerated by AT correspond to representations of natural language sentences. However, since those were initially thought to be blocked by the mechanisms of AT, and initially though not to exist, it is worth showing that, unless AT is modified accordingly, such structures are indeed predicted to be well-formed, modulo the Linear Correspondence Axiom (LCA). In what follows, I presuppose full knowledge of AT from the reader, and I adopt the AT metalanguage to analyze each case. Given AT, the following configurations are supposed to be blocked by the LCA: (i) n-ary branching (n > 2); (ii) non-heads adjoined to heads; (iii) multiple specifiers; and (iv) multiple adjunction to heads. Let us look at (1-4) closely, though.

6. a. Não usa mais saia. b. [PROi [ não usaØi mais saia]]

When the weak pronoun (vo)ce doubles a strong VOCÊ, the arbitrary reading is lost. This means that, while in (8) the pronoun cê has phi-features, in (7) it does not. Its generic interpretation has to come from somewhere else. We propose that this generic/arbitrary interpretation obtains when cê is a double of PRO.

7. (Vo)cê não usa mais saia. you not wear anyore skirt ‘Youarb don’t wear skirts anymore.’

8. VOCÊ, cê não usa mais saia. you you not wear anymore skirt ‘YOU, you don’t wear skirts anymore.’

9. PROi [ cei não usa mais saia ]

In this paper, we show that the finite and infinitive sentences, with arbitrary/generic subjects acquire a parallel behavior when the agreement or the infinitive sufix are doubles of a PRO.

10. a. é difícil [PROi [ conserta-ri sapato]] b. é difícil [PROi [ cêi consertar sapato]]

REFERENCESKato, M.A. The partial prodrop nature and the restricted VS order in Brazilian

Portuguese.In: M.A.Kato & E.V. Negrao (orgs). Brazilian Portuguese and the Null Subject Parameter. 223-258, Frankfurt: Vervuert-LatinoAmericana 2000.

Kato, M.A. & F. Tarallo Anything YOU can do in Brazilian Portuguese IN: O. Jaeggli e C. Silva Corvalan (orgs) Studies in Romance Linguistics, Foris, 343-358.1986.

Kato, M.A. & M.E.L.Duarte. Semantic and Phonological constraints in the distribution of null subjects in Brazilian Portuguese. Paper presented at NWAV 32, Philadelphia. 2003.

On the strong generative capacity of standard Antisymmetry Theory→ Maximiliano Guimarães (UFPR)

The point of this talk is that the strong generative capacity of Kayne’s (1994) classical version of the Antisymmetry Theory (AT) is greater than

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Given that d(A) is a linear ordering of T in (4), we are forced to revise our conclusion about multiple specifiers above. In (4) we have two specifiers adjoined to the same category in a ternary branching. This configuration satisfies the LCA because (i) one specifier is a head an the other one a non-head, AND (ii) the category that hosts the adjuncts/specifiers further projects vacuously.

REFERENCESAbels, K. & A. Neeleman. (2007) Universal 20 Without the LCA.

http://ling.auf.net/lingBuzz/000279.

Kayne, R. (1994) The Antisymmetry of Syntax. Cambridge: The MIT Press.

COMMON NOUN DENOTATIONS IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE→ Nize Paraguassu Martins (PG-USP) → Ana Muller (USP)

Focus: This paper investigates common noun (CN) denotations with respect to the mass-count distinction in natural languages. More specifically, it evaluates Borer’s 2005 framework in face of Brazilian Portuguese (BP) data.

Background: In order to explain the mass-count distinction within nominal systems, Borer 2005 claims that this distinction is brought about by functional structure. According to the author, count interpretations of Noun Phrases (NPs) are structurally licensed, whereas mass interpretations are not necessarily so. In this sense, mass denotations are default. The author proposes that plural morphology, in languages such as English, and classifiers, in languages such as Chinese, are licensed by Classifier Phrases (ClP) and give rise to count interpretations. ClPs are headed by an open valued operator (<e> div) that effects divisions into mass denotations. The absence of ClPs yields mass interpretations for NPs.

Data: Contrary to most Germanic and Romance languages, which allow bare plurals, but do not allow bare singulars in argument positions, BP has an extremely productive bare singular which occurs (almost) freely in argument position, as illustrated in (1-2).

The analyses of each tree above are given in Table 1 below. In all cases, d(A) is a linear ordering of T (transitive, total, asymmetric, irreflexive). Therefore, none of these phrase markers is ruled out by the LCA.

A= d(A)=

(1) {<X,Z>,<X,W>,<X,Y>,<X,QP>,<X,Q>,<ZP,YP>, <ZP,W>,<ZP,Y>,<W,Y>,<W,Q>,<QP,Y>}

{<x,z>,<x,w>,<x,q>,<x,y>,<z,w>,<z,q>,<z,y>,<w,q>,<w,y>,<q,y>}

(2) {<X,Z>,<X,WP>,<X,W>,<X,Y´>,<X,Y>,<X,QP>,<X,Q>,<ZP,WP>,<ZP,W>,<ZP,YP>,<ZP,Y´>,<ZY <ZP,QP>,<ZP,Q>,<WP,Y´>,<WP,Y>,<WP,QP>, <WP,Q>,<Y,Q>}

{<x,z>,<x,w>, <x,y>, <x,q>,<z,w>,<z,y>,<z,q>, <w,y>, <w,q>, <y,q>}.

(3) {<X,Y´>,<X,Z>,<X,Y>,<X,W>,<X,QP>, <X,Q>,<Z,Y´>,<Z,Y>,<Z,W>,<Z,QP>,<Z,Q>, <W,Q>, <W,Y>, <QP,Y>}

{<x,z>,<x,w>,<x,q>,<x,y>, <z,w>,<z,q>,<z,y>,<w,q>, <w,y>,<q,y>}

(4) {<X,Y´>,<X,Z>,<X,WP>,<X,W>,<X,Y>,<X,QP>, <X,Q>,<X,KP>,<X,K>,<Z,Y´>,<Z,W>,<Z,Y>, <Z,QP>,<Z,Q>,<Z,KP>,<Z,K>,<WP,Y´>,<WP,Y>, <WP,QP>,<WP,Q>,<WP,KP>,<WP,K>,<Y,Q>, <Y,KP>,<Y,K>,<KP,Q>}

{<x,z>,<x,w>,<x,y>,<x,k>, <x,q>,<z,w>,<z,y>,<z,k>, <z,q>,<w,y>,<w,k>,<w,q>,<y,k>,<y,q>,<k,q>}

TABLE 1

From (1) and (3), we conclude that the LCA prevents non-heads adjoined to heads only if the hosting head has a complement. Also, double adjunction to a head is blocked only if (i) the head has a complement, AND (ii) both adjuncts are non-heads or both are heads.

From (3) and (4) we conclude that the LCA prevents a head α from being a specifier only if α is symmetrically c-commanded by another head β immediately above it. But nothing prevents the sister of α from vacuously projecting so that this projection is the complement of the immediately higher head β, causing β to c-command α asymmetrically. Also, as shown in (2), multiple specifiers are banned only if all of them adjoin to the same category. Since nothing prevents a category sister to a specifier from vacuously projecting, creating a new category (cf. Abels & Neeleman 2007), there can be one specifier for each of these projections (all of them distinct categories, and not segments of one category).

From (3) and (4), we conclude that the LCA does not block ternary branching if (i) one of the three sisters is a segment of the mother category (which won’t c-command any of the sisters), AND (ii) the other two sisters are necessarily one head and one non-head.

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On the nature of covert operations The case of focus in Spanish pseudo clefts→ Olga Fernández Soriano (Universidad Autónoma de Madrid)

This paper deals two (related) properties of pseudo cleft structures in spoken Spanish: a) When a PP or an adverb are clefted, the complex relative is “reduced” to the simple neuter form lo que (“what”), b) This formal property has a semantic correlate that has never been addressed, neither by descriptive nor by theoretical studies: the element which is interpreted as focus can be extended in the interpretive component beyond the clefted element. A sentence like (1) may be interpreted as if the whole VP (and not just the clefted element) were focal.

(1) (En esos casos) lo que voy es a casa (In those cases) what I go is home ‘In those cases what I do is go home ’

The proposal that will be defended is that moved elements in pseudo cleft sentences (which are marked as focus) can be reconstructed in LF to their original (most embedded) position in the relative clause. From there, focus extends (covertly) up to VP (and even to TP/CP). An important property of this construction is that idioms are not excluded from this process, that is, sentences like (2) are perfectly possible, but only with a “wide” focus interpretation.

(2) Lo que lo mandó fue al infierno What he sent him was to hell ‘What he did was send him to hell’

One piece of evidence in support of the LF extension hypothesis is that implicit focus propagation only obtains if the extraposed DP/PP is the most embedded VP element. That is, it never takes place from IP subjects or from VP adverbs. It is nevertheless expected that internal subjects of verbs be excluded from the above generalization. This is what the contrasts in (3) show ((3c), as all the grammatical examples, is taken from real oral speech) .

(3) a. *Lo que tiene que hablar es tu padre What has to talk is your father b. *Lo que toca el piano es bien what he pays the piano is well c. Lo que se le apareció fue la virgen what appeared to him was the virgin ‘what happened was that he was really lucky’

(1) Ontem eu comprei carne/revista. yesterday I bought meat/magazine Yesterday I bought meat/magazine.

(2) Mercúrio/Linguist é muito raro. Mercury/linguist is very rare Mercury/Linguists is/are rare

Questions: If Borer (2005) is right, CNs in BP, when occurring in contexts such as (1-2), without any apparent dividing functional phrase, must be mass-denoting. When the author posits that, in the absence of ClPs, CNs have mass denotations, she predicts their denotations to be amorphous, undivided. We are then faced with following questions: (i) what is the default denotation of common nouns in BP? (ii) is the count-mass distinction in BP lexical or grammatical?

Analysis: We claim that there is a lexical mass-count distinction in BP. The distinction in BP becomes transparent when bare singulars occur as arguments of predicates that require individuation, as shown by the contrast illustrated in (3). With a predicate such as cai um atrás do outro (‘fall one after the other’), sentence (3) with médico is grammatical (or inappropriate), whereas it is the other way around with mercúrio. The difference in grammaticality (or felicity) must be attributed to the difference between the denotations of médico (‘doctor’) and mercúrio (‘mercury’). This shows, contra Borer, that médico has atoms in its denotation (i.e., its denotation is not amorphous), whereas mercúrio has not.

(3) Médico/*Mercúrio cai um atrás do outro. Doctor/Mercury falls one behind of-the other Doctors/*Mercury fall(s) one behind the other

Conclusion: We conclude that data from BP show, contra Borer (2005), that the mass-count distinction is not always constructed in syntax. CNs may already come out of the lexicon either mass or count.

REFERENCE

Borer, Hagit 2005. Structuring Sense. Oxford:OUP.

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a vocabulary item, and a (projecting) root is not a single term: a root is an application of a specific functional nucleus to a vocabulary item; the vocabulary item provides informational content to the functional nucleus which can (but is not obliged to) project an argument. Moreover, internal arguments are projected into the specifier position of these functional nuclei, thus imparting a symmetric treatment to argument projection; all the arguments are projected into specifier position, internal arguments being no exception.

The proposal claims that this symmetric treatment of argument projection brings a computationally more refined solution to formal niceties (functional nuclei with multiple signatures, sometime applying directly to DPs, sometimes to projections that involve DPs) raised by (low) applicative nuclei proposed by Pylkkänen 2002 and further employed to Spanish by Cuervo 2003 and to Mandarin by Lin 2004, among many others. Particularly, it is shown that Lin’s analysis of some stative structures actually displays epiphenomena of a deeper computational phenomenon.

This approach follows a long termed program posed by Hale and Keyser1993 and extended by Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993, 1994; Marantz 1997) in its project of taking seriously Chomsky’s minimalist assumption that the faculty of language has only one computational system, and of asserting that, as a consequence, all the grammatical operations are processed in the syntax.

The assumption that internal arguments are projected by functional nuclei to the specifier position is found too in Ramchand 2002 and Borer 2003. Ramchand’s proposal is grounded on configurational ideas that constitute an alternative to the present computational approach. Borer’s proposal radically asserts that vocabulary items are devoided of information meaningful to the syntactic system. The present approach is a bit more conservative, and assumes that the semantic content of a vocabulary item codifies information visible to the syntax, but in a non-syntactic, indirect, way.

TO MOVE OR NOT TO MOVE?: Puzzling evidence for the derivation of free relatives (approaching brazilian portuguese data) → Paulo Medeiros Júnior (Unicamp/CNPq)

The Free Relative subject has been touched from very interesting perspectives in late and recent generative studies. Two main proposals

Another prediction of the above hypothesis is that this is not a restricted phenomenon: cases of covert focus propagation and scope expansion are found in sentences with negative particles like ni (“not even”), focus markers like solo (“only”), hasta (“even”), particles like casi (“almost”), among other. Some (real speech) examples are provided in (4).

(4) a. No tengo frío, de hecho, me voy a quitar hasta el abrigo I am not cold; in fact I am going to take off even my coat ‘I am not cold, in fact I am even going to take off my coat’

b. El diputado volvió al trabajo tras morir casi ahogado The deputy went back to work after dying almost drown ‘The deputy went back to work after almost dying drown’

But the most interesting piece of evidence is that the situation also extends to other instances of wh movement. Cases can be found of interrogative sentences in which the question target covertly expands beyond the fronted element up to VP or TP. In these cases, “wh reduction” is also obligatory. This phenomenon is found in so called “split interrogatives”, where complex wh words are simplified as qué (“what”). What has not been observed so far, is that when that happens, the interrogative can “propagate” up to VP. Idioms can also be affected by this type of wh movement. In (5) these properties are exemplified.

(5) ¿Qué lo mandaste, al infiierno? What did you send him, to hell? What did you do, send him to hell?

From this unanalyzed data we will conclude that there is more to covert operations than it could seem at first glance, i.e., that both scope and focus marking (including wh movement structures) operations can take place in the interpretive component.

Arguments on Specifiers→ Orlando Alcântara Soares (PG-UFPR)

This paper proposes a derivational constructionist theory of argument projection implemented in a syntactic way. According to this proposal, the projection of an internal argument by a root is not a single primitive operation of grammar: any projection of an internal argument is due to the action of root building nuclei that processes semantic material contained inside a vocabulary item (which is not itself a root and is understood as a binding of a phonological matrix and semantic features relevant to grammar). Hence, an internal argument is not projected directly by

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______________ (2002). Free Relatives as DPs with a Silent D and a CP Complement. In: SAMIIAN, V. (ed.). Proceedings of the Western Conferences on Linguistics, 2000 (WECOL 2000), Fresno, California: California State University.

______________ (2003). The Semantic contributions of Wh-words and Type Shifts: Evidence from Free Relatives Crosslinguistically. Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory (SALT) XIV. Itaca, NY: CLS Publications, C. University.

CITKO, B. (2004). On Headed, Headless and Light-headed Relatives. In: Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 22: 95-126.

CHOMSKY, N. (2005). On Phases. Ms. MIT.

DONATI, C. (2006). On Wh head movement. In L. Cheng e N. Corver (a cura di). Wh-Movement: Moving on, MIT Press, Cambridge, pp. 21-46

GROSS, A & RIEMSDIJK, H. v. (1981). Matching Effect in Free Relatives: A parameter of Core Grammar. In: Proceedings of Pisa Coloquium on Markedness, Annali dela Scuola Normale superiore, Pisa.

KAYNE, R. (1994). The Antisymmetry of Syntax (Linguistic Inquiry Monographs, 25) Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

MARCHESAN, A. C. (2008). As Relativas Livres em Português Brasileiro e os Efeitos de Compatibilidade. Master Thesis. Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina-UFSC. Florianópolis, Brazil.

MEDEIROS JUNIOR, P. (2005). Sobre Sintagmas-Qu e Relativas Livres no Português. Master Thesis. University of Brasília, Brazil.

_____________________ (2006). Relativas Livres: Uma Proposta para o Português. In Revista de Estudos da Linguagem, 14 (2) pp. 429-455. UFMG. Belo Horizonte, MG.

____________________ (2007). Sobre Orações relativas livres em posição de adjunto: considerações sintático-semânticas acerca das construções com quando e onde In: V Congresso Internacional da Associação Brasileira de Lingüística / Caderno de Resumos, 2007. v. 01. p. 521 – 522.

VERGNAUD, J. R. (1974). French Relative Clauses. Doctoral Dissertation, MIT.

For a redefinition of the notion of compounds and compouding→ Rafael Minussi (PG-USP) → Julio Barbosa (PG-USP)

In this work, we propose a redefinition for the notion of compounds, comparing the definitions made by Snyder (1995) and Minussi (2008). The Compounding Parameter (Snyder, op. cit.) proposes that expressions such as ‘worm can’, ‘tattoo man’ and ‘bunny girl’ are compounds, i.e., have their interpretation constructed compositionally. On the other hand, Minussi (2008) claims that in Hebrew, contrary to the languages claimed

have occupied the scenario of discussion since the paper by BRESNAN & GRIMSHAW (1978), which interprets Free Relatives as headed structures in a non movement fashioned derivation and a wh-element base generated outside the relative clause, along with the publication of the ideas by GROOS & RIEMSDIJK (1981), which in general terms consider a movement derivation for those structures and pose the possibility of interpreting such syntactic constructions as CPs, with the wh-element in Comp.

Most recently, Free Relatives have been analyzed as DPs (Cf. CAPONIGRO 2001, 2002, 2003, CITKO 2004, MEDEIROS JUNIOR 2005, 2006, 2007 and MARCHESAN 2008), all posing a movement fashioned procedure for the derivation of such clauses. Besides these studies, there are also interesting approaches by GROHMAN, HORNSTEIN & NUNES (2004) and KATO & NUNES (IN PRESS), which also set a derivation involving wh-movement of some sort.

The point of this paper is to analyze how some island effects concerning Portuguese data may evidence that in some contexts wh-phrases are base generated outside the relative clause, just as proposed by Bresnan and Grimshaw in the very beginning, something surely related to the possibility Portuguese language shows of generating a null pro inside the subordinate, which stays for the gap of the relative clause, while movement takes place in free relatives with an irrealis verb form. This base generating hypothesis would be strictly connected to the requirement of matching (category matching, mostly) that those clauses must present, along with the impossibility of having pied piping of the preposition in most of the constructions analyzed.

This approach also suggests that the derivation of a Free Relative involves a head incorporation procedure of the C0 and the D0 considered to be directly implicated on the relativization process (see VERGNAUD (1974) and KAYNE (1994)) and that this complex operation in syntax happens to be responsible for the final morphological form of the wh-phrase that heads these clauses. Some sugestive close ideas can be found out in CHOMSKY (2005) and DONATI (2006).

REFERENCESBRESNAN, J. & GRIMSHAW, J. (1978). The Syntax of English Free Relatives in

English. Linguistic Inquiry 9:331-391.CAPONIGRO, I (2001). On the semantics of indefinite free relatives. In: KOPEN, M.

v., SIO, J & De VOS, M. (eds.). Proceedings of ConSOLEX, Leiden: SOLE. pp. 49-62.

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Post-Sentential Negation in Brazilian Portuguese→ Rerisson Cavalcante (PG-USP)

In this paper, I analyze the structure of sentential negation in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) with negation markers occupying a VP-final position, namely [Não VP não] and [VP não], and syntactic restrictions involving this marker and the sentence’s left periphery filling. These negatives have been analyzed as (i) involving adjunction of NÃO to the VP or (ii) being generated as the nucleus of the sentence polarity category (PolP) and the movement of the sentence to Spec,PolP. These analyses present problems for foreseeing the possibility of occurrence of these negatives in any type of sentence. Cavalcante (2007) points, though, that [Não VP não] and [VP não] are ungrammatical in wh-interrogatives and in focus sentences (1-2), and that [VP não] is also ungrammatical in any type of embedded (3-4) and topicalization structures (5), but [Não VP não] is acceptable in (complement) embedded clauses (6-7). I propose that post-VP NÃO doesn’t occur under PolP, but in the same category of assertive particles (sim, é, não) which occurs in pre-sentential position (8). It’s a specific category of the CP system, responsible for presupposition confirming and denying, since these particles, when in pre-sentential positions, do not necessarily alter the polarity of the sentence it introduces. Both pre and post-sentential particles take scope over an antecedent element, and not over a c-commanded constituent. Pre-sentential particles take scope over a null topic which resumes a proposition; post-sentential particles take over a “sentential constituent” dislocated to the specifier position of the relevant functional projection, which stays under scope of negation. That fact brings about the general incompatibility between post-VP negation and elements with focus features (wh-interrogatives and focalization). The different structures [Não VP não] e [VP não] and its distinct syntactic behaviors are generated by movement of different constituent types: (i) [VP não], by VP topicalization (9a); (ii) [Não VP não], by movement of any constituent larger than VP itself, such as a TP, carrying automatically the pre-verbal marker, which explains the absence of [VP não] in embedded and topicalization sentences, in which [Não VP não] occurs.

(1) * Quando você (não) está ocupado não? (2) *? EU que vi não. (3) *Se ela (não) tocar não, o show vai ser cancelado. (4) *Eu sei que ele conseguiu não. (5) ?? O show de Ivete eu vi não.

by Snyder to have compounds1 (Hebrew included), new meanings can be conveyed by juxtaposition of two nouns:

(1) a) beyt (ha-)sefer house.CS.m.sg (the)book “(the) school” b) orex (ha-)din editor.CS.m.sg (the)law “(the) lawyer”

Hebrew compounds resemble another kind of construction in that language: the Construct State Nominal (CSN). Both constructions, according to Pereltsvaig (s.d.), possess:

(2) a) Prosodic word: both compounds and CSN constitute a phonological word. b) Not-modified head: When an adjective modifies a head, this modifier can not immediately follow the modified head. This fact is also verified with the definitude marker ha-. c) The non-head member must be realized. d) Spread Definiteness: definiteness is marked in the genitive member, but the compound and the CSN as a whole are definite.

However, it is possible to find some differences between these constructions :

(3) a) Semantic Compositionality. Compounds meanings are not compositionally formed. b) Semantic Opacity. The number mark in the second member of the compounds does not have a relevant role in determining the compound meaning as a whole. c) Direct modification of the second member. It is possible to modify the second member of the CSs, but this is not so in case of the second member of compounds.

Thus, the goal of this work is to question the definition of compound proposed by Snyder, showing that Snyder’s compounds are more likely to be close to the class of the CSN than the “real compound” class. We will also propose a Distributed Morphologybased syntactic analysis that points this difference in terms of the number of roots involved in this construction, accounting for the distinction proposed.

If our claim is correct, we will have arguments for a revision of the Compounding Parameter as it is stated, as well as for the definition of nominal constructions in Hebrew. 1 Notice that Snyder (op. cit.) does not consider CSN to be an instance of compounding.

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someone utters ‘João leu o livro’ (John read/perfective the book), in our account, what s/he says is: there was an event of reading the book, the agent is João and this event is no longer the case. Nothing is said about the achievement of the telos, but the hearer and speaker knows that the event is telic. If the speaker knew that the event was still the case, and he is cooperative, he would have said ‘João estava (ainda) lendo o livro’ (John is (still) reading the book). Given that the speaker chose the perfective form, and the event is telic, the hearer has reasons to infer the achievement of its telos using the I-implicature, which says “amplify the informational content of the speaker’s utterance, by finding the most specific interpretation” (Levinson, 2000, 114). Informally the steps of the inference are: the speaker chose the perfective form, so the event is no longer the case; a telic event which is no longer the case prototypically – that is ceteris paribus – has reached its telos. This is an economic and intuitive account, which doesn’t need any new maneuvers or operations.

The symmetrical nature of the tense-aspect Latin system→ Rodrigo Tadeu Gonçalves (UFPR) → Luana de Conto (IC-UFPR)

The tense-aspect system in Latin is usually approached in traditional grammars as being symmetrical regarding the two aspectual sub-systems called perfective and imperfective and the distribution of the tenses into the two sub-systems. The goal of this poster will be to present the Latin tenses both under the relationship of symmetry between the two aspectual sub-systems and under a tentative formal approach. The ultimate goal is to demonstrate the alleged completeness of the Latin verbal system as to the possibilities of occurrence of most tenses and aspects which are common to the Indo-European languages. In our proposal, we analyse as well what is considered to be the first proposal of this sort: the treatment given to the perfective-imperfective Latin sub-systems by Roman grammar Marcus Terentius Varro (from the first century B.C.). Varro identified the symmetry where others considered to be “anomaly” by comparing, i.e., forms like didici, disco, discam (“I (have) learned”-perfect, “I learn”-present and “I will learn”-future). According to him, the anomalists were not segmenting the tenses appropriately, and, by doing so, he intended to show that there was analogy in these verbal forms: on one side, there are the forms discebam, disco, discam (“I (used to) learn”-imperfect, “I

(6) Eu sei que ele não conseguiu não. (7) O show de Ivete eu não vi não. (8) — Sávio concluiu o trabalho. a. É / não, ele não concluiu ainda. b. [XP é / não [CP [TP ele não concluiu ainda]]] (9) a. [XP [VP concluí o trabalho] [X’ não [CP (...) [ tVP]]]] b. [XP [CP / TopP o show de Ivete [TP eu num vi ]] [XP não [ tCP/TopP]]]]

A semantic-pragmatic account of the “perfective-paradox”→ Roberta Pires de Oliveira (UFSC/CNPq) → Renato Miguel Basso (Unicamp/FAPESP)

In this presentation, we propose a semantic-pragmatic analyses of the so-called perfective paradox (Singh 1998). The intuition behind the paradox is the possibility that a telic and perfective sentence does not entail that the event has achieved its telos. Here is an example: ‘João construiu a casa, mas não terminou’ (John built/perfective the house, but didn’t finished it). The first step in our proposal is the evaluation of Klein’s (1994) semantics for the perfective:

(1) [[perfective]] = λ P. λ τ . ∃ε [τ ( ε ) ⊆ τ & P( ε )]

The formula in (1) says that in perfective sentences the interval in which the event occurs is within the reference time. But one can interpret this in two ways: either (i) the interval in which the event occurred includes the time during which an event was the case (with or without achieving its telos, whenever it has one), or (ii) this interval necessarily includes the telos. We claim that Klein’s semantics does not entail that a perfective telic event achieves its telos, although this is the way in which his semantics is currently interpreted in the literature.

After showing the possibility of a “weaker interpretation” (i) of Klein’s semantics, we show that the “stronger interpretation” (ii) is empirically inadequate. We analyze then Singh’s (1998) proposal for the perfective paradox, which relies upon Krifka’s (1998) semantics for (a)telicity, and aims at an explanation of the perfective paradox with the notions of graduality and partial objects. We show that this kind of solution leads to ad hoc assumptions and also to erroneous predictions. Finally, we present our own proposal, in which a theory of generalized conversational implicatures, following Levinson (2000), plays a fundamental role. When

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answering SQ1 or by answering SQ1’:

(1) <Q:> < How did Mr. Büring’s seminar end? > <A:> < With> Everyone of us got </getting> an old classic to read and to report to Mr. Büring <SQ:> < Who got which book?> (a) <SQ1:> < Who got Jackendoff’s book? Who got Selkirk’s?> <A:> Jackendoff’s book was assigned to Mary; and Selkirk’s (was assigned) to Me. (b) <SQ1’:> < Which book did Mary get? Which book did you get?> <A:> Mary got jackendoff’s book; and I got selkirk’s.

Based on this, Büring (2003) proposes that the role of contrastive topics is: (i) to signal the presence of a topic-forming question (e.g., SQ in (1)) that can be answered by two or more “strategies”; and (ii) to signal the precise “strategy” chosen (e.g., if the discourse (1) is continued by (b), the strategy chosen is answering SQ1’). This provides an attractive view of the way IS interacts with DS: basically, a sentence’s IS must reflect the role the underlying question has in the DS.

The SDRT approach. SDRT is an extension of standard DRT (Kamp & Reyle 1993) and, as such, it incorporates the idea that the DS contains a hierarchy of propositionally-based “domains of reference” (i.e., defined by logical operators such as the universal quantifier and the disjunction). In addition, SDRT claims that the discourse hierarchy also incorporates domains defined by relations proper to the discourse level, called rhetorical relations (RRs): every new sentence S must have a “rhetorical purpose” with respect to a previous segment SG of the discourse. S may, for example, be an Elaboration of SG; or it may be in Contrast with SG; or it may provide Counterevidence to SG, etc. The set of RRs is thought be limited, but not defined by general principles; so, the inventory of RRs must be determined empirically. Thus, unlike the QUD approach, SDRT cannot offer any principled connection between IS and discourse relations. Rather, the role IS plays in DS depends on the particular semantics of a RR. Consider the two “text structuring” RRs, Parallel and Contrast: they both join text segments in order to compare elements; but Parallel treats the compared elements as “semantically similar”, whereas Contrast treats them as “dissimilar” (Asher & Lascarides 2003:152-155, 168-169). This entails a requirement for partial homomorphism between the two related segments; in particular, they must have the same informational status (cf. Umbach 2004):

learn”-present and “I will learn”-future) and, on the other, didiceram, didici and didicero (“I had learned”-pluperfect, “I (have) learned”-perfect, and “I will have learned”-future perfect). This segmentation of two parallel groups, considering especially the verbal roots, points exactly to the aspectual distinction between the two paradigms which correspond to the imperfective and perfective, respectively. Also, a look into the voice system will help clarify the existence of the two aspectual sub-systems and their perfect symmetry of forms.

Constrastive Topicalization, and the relation between Information Structure and Discourse Structure→ Sergio Menuzzi (UFRGS) → Gabriel Roisenberg (UFRGS)

Overview. Current truth-conditional approaches to discourse structure [DS] offer different ways of characterizing the role the information structure of clauses [IS] plays in discourse. In this talk, we will compare two such ways, namely, the Questions-under-Discussion [QUD] approach (van Kuppevelt 1995, Roberts 1996, Büring 2003) and the Segmented Discourse Representation Theory [SDRT] approach (Asher 1993, Asher & Lascarides 2003, Umbach 2004). In order to do this, we will discuss the use of contrastive topic structures and argue that: (i) such structures play various roles in the segmentation of the discourse, and (ii) this indicates that the connection between DS and IS is indirect – as in SDRT but unlike a QUD analysis.

The QUD approach. This approach claims that DS arises as the result of the speaker’s attempt to satisfactorily answer a (implicit) “main topic-forming question”. To answer this question, the speaker may need to answer a number of subquestions satisfactorily – i.e., the segmentation of the discourse emerges from a hierarchy of topic-forming questions. Under this view, there will be a direct connection between a clause’s IS and its role in DS: the clause must have an IS that is congruent with the (implicit) question it answers; and its discourse role is the one this question has within the discourse’s hierarchy of topic-forming questions. Consider contrastive topics: as shown by the possible continuations (a) and (b) of the discourse in (1), the IS associated with contrastive topics is congruent with a multiple-WH question; but such questions can actually be answered in alternative ways – e.g., the question SQ in (1) can be answered either by

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The aspectual and thematic domains of deadjectival verbs in Brazilian Portuguese→ Teresa Cristina Wachowicz (UFPR) → Maria José Foltran (UFPR/CNPq)

The study of adjectives has received special attention in formal linguistic approaches, particularly from the onset of the gradability treatment. Kennedy & McNally (2005) present a typology of gradable predicates based on scale properties, along which the predicate arrange their arguments (scale structure). Gradual predicates are classified according to two parameters: according to whether the scale they use is open (with no minimum and maximum values) or closed (without those values), and whether the comparison pattern is relative (contextually fixed) or absolute (context-independent).

The aim of the present work is to present a syntactical-semantic treatment of BP deadjectival verbs (acalmar ‘to appease’, esclarecer ‘to clarify’, inovar ‘to innovate’, etc), especially in issues related to lexical representation and to problems raised when we try to account for certain semantic generalizations, such as the property of graduality of adjectives and actionality of the mentioned verbs – deadjectival verbs inherit the scale property of the adjectives they derive from, and this property determines the aspectual properties of the verb. According to Kennedy & McNally 2008, closed-scale adjectives lead to telic verbs, and open-scale adjectives generate atelic verbs.

The present work develops this treatment and describes the behavior of such verbs from three perspectives: a) the aspectual; b) the syntactical; and c) the thematic ones. Under the aspectual perspective, certain properties lead us to classify them as degree achievements (Dowty 1979), for they foresee a gradual change of state that is proportional to the time of event (Tenny 1994), which produces vagueness in the interpretation of the sentence; as far as telicity is concerned, as stated before, the adjectival basis will be determinant. From the syntactical perspective, they accept the unaccusative form and are characterized as verbs that allow causative alternation. This is justified by the prototypical event structure of an achievement in which the main subevent is the resulting state and, therefore, predication falls onto the object, which gains prominence in the sentence and forces the unaccusative form. Finally, from the thematic perspective, the deadjectival verbs reinforce an argument structure [Trigger (Control), Affected] (Cançado 2002), in which the subject has a triggering role - controling or not - and the object is necessary affected, considering

(2) (a) John speaks french; (and/??but) Bill speaks GerMan. [Parallel] ?? John speaks french; (and) German is spoken by bill. (b) John loves Mary; (and/but) Bill hates her. [Contrast] ?? John loves Mary; (and/but) Bill hates her.

Hence, under the SDRT approach, there is no principled explanation for the role IS plays in DS; it basically depends on the specific properties of RRs. Single-focus structures, for example, are required when Parallel or Contrast compare the related segments for only one element; contrastive topics – which are multiple-focus structures – are be required when Parallel or Contrast compare the segments for two or more elements. Clearly, the QUD approach looks more appealing than SDRT.

On the discourse roles of contrastive topics. Still, we will argue against a QUD-only approach to the IS-DS interaction. One argument comes from Occam’s razor: the QUD analysis cannot distinguish Parallel from Contrast; but these RRs are independently required to account for the choice between and and but (cf. (2) above). Another argument is that the IS-DS interaction cannot be “too direct” as in the QUD approach: this would entail, for example, that different IS’s could not have the same DS role; however, we will show that cases like (3) (from Lambrecht 1994, p.160) reveal that this can actually be the case:

(3) I graduated from high school as an average student, not more than that. History I found to be dry. Math courses I was never Good at. I was ok in sciences and I sort of enjoyed WritinG, but football was my bag.

On the basis of these and other facts, we will conclude that: (i) SDRT is better equipped that the QUD approach to handle the IS-DS interface; still, (ii) SDRT must incorporate the basic insight the QUD approach expresses so nicely, as hinted above.

REFERENCESAsher 1993 Reference to Abstract Objects in Discourse. | Asher & Lascarides 2003 The Logics of Conversation. | Büring 2003 On D-Trees, Beans, and B-Accents. | Kamp & Reyle 1993 From Discourse to Logics. | Lambrecht 1994 Information Structure and Sentence Form. | Roberts 1996 Information Structure in Discourse. | Umbach 2004 Contrast in Information Structure and Discourse Structure | van Kuppevelt 1995 Discourse Structure, Topicality and Questioning.

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(process + result) - tend to be interpreted as processes by children and as results by adults.

3) The equally complex achievement verbs tend to show a twofold behavior: some are punctual (to stumble) while others are imminential (to arrive) (Bertinetto 2005).

In order to support the reading of the lexical aspect that guides our tests, we must inevitably resort to event theories whose theoretical representation includes these structures: Moens & Steedmann 1988; Pustejovsky 1991; Rothstein 2004.

Number agreement and conjoined nouns in (Spanish) DP’s with and without adjectives. AGREE at the syntax-semantics interface.→ Violeta Demonte (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC) Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales (CCHS)Instituto de Lengua, Literatura y Antropologia)

The problem. The syntax-semantics of sentences like (1), an example of ‘split-reading’ or ‘group-forming and’ in [[ Dsg [Nsg and Nsg]] Vpl ] structures --namely, cases where a conjunction meaning plurality of individuals takes a singular determiner-- has recently been a lively linguistic topic (King & Darlymple 2004 [K&D], Heycock & Zamparelli 2004 [H&Z] or Kung & Sadler 2007, a.o.) On the other hand, it has been asserted that sentences like (1) do not exist in Romance due to a parametric difference [H&Z]. However, (2) is largely attested in the two corpus of Spanish language (CREA and Davies) I have examined in order to revisit the problem:

(1) [This boy and girl] are eating pizza.

(2) [La fascinante flora y fauna] que la componen.

‘The fascinating flora and fauna that compose3pl it’.

The point provided by Spanish data is not only that the ‘singular D split interpretation construction’ exists in Romance, it is also crucial to notice that this reading can also be found with a plural determiner, in the latter case only if a prenominal adjective appears between D and the conjunct.

the morphological nature of the verb. The morphological regularities relatively expected in the deadjectival verbs guarantee the syntactical-semantic traces developed in the present work.

THE LEXICAL ASPECT IN BP ACQUISITION DATA→ Teresa Cristina Wachowicz (UFPR)

The aim of the present work is to present an on-going research on tense and aspect acquisition, entitled “Data bank for studies on tense and aspect in BP” and registered at the Linguistics Department of the UFPR. Both test formulation and the resulting theoretical inferences are based on Crain & Thornton 1998’s theoretical and methodological assumptions, which could be narrowed down to two points: 1) assuming that language ability between them is the same, there is modularity between child and adult languages, but the child makes use of the Language Acquisition Device from which learning is modulated; b) following this first principle, the initial grammatical hypothesis can be tested through production and comprehension strategies in adults and children, which will subsequently confirm it.

In this sense, our initial hypothesis, specifically in what concerns aspect, is that there are assumed complex structures of events in the child’s lexicon. In other words, the tense models of English verbs (Vendler 1967) - in the widespread terminology of states, activity, accomplishment and achievement - underlie the lexical aspect (Verkuyl 2005, Rothstein 2004) or the situational aspect (Smith 1997) and are observed in the language behavior of children. However, there is a strong interaction with the grammatical aspect and tense readings, which evidence the tendencies of children in a specific stage of acquisition (3 to 6 years old).

Based on the preliminary results of tests carried out among children (10 in the 5-6 years old group, 10 in the 4-5 years old group and 10 in the 3-4 years old group) in a preschool institution in Curitiba-Pr – Brazil, as well as on 5 adults, some inferences may be presented for discussion:

1) The state verbs are produced by children in small clause structures (Aarts 1992). As for the activity verbs, these are produced by children in gerund structures. Adults answer with sentences in which the auxiliary verb appears.

2) The accomplishment verbs - due to their complex structure

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A new approach to vocative DP→ Virginia Hill (University of New Brunswick Canadá)

The internal structure of nominal domains and the conditions for their licensing and identification have been well clarified in generative grammar. Nevertheless, some aspects of noun syntax still raise questions for the theory. Notably, vocative nouns, as in (1a), seem to escape the general conditions on argument-hood (Longobardi 1994) or to behave only as predicates (Szabolcsi 1994). This paper brings a contribution to the debate on vocatives by looking at data from three languages: Bulgarian, Romanian, Umbundu. The analysis argues that vocatives are regular DPs; however, these DPs are embedded in a higher functional projection (RoleP) that ensures their licensing and identification within a speech act field at the pragmatics-syntax interface.

Theoretical background. This paper draws on research that provides empirical evidence and formal justification for a syntactic computation of speech acts at the highest level of the left periphery of clauses (Cinque 1999, Speas 2004, Tenny 2005). The speech acts merge as heads that project a pragmatic predicative phrase (SAP), in which discourse roles (speaker, hearer, sentience) are checked in the same way th-roles are in a vP.

Data. Discourse roles are overtly identified in forms of address: vocatives identify the hearer, in direct address (1a); exclamatives identify the speaker (his/her point of view) in indirect address (1b). Beside overt DPs, the languages I surveyed also provide discourse role identification through specific morphemes, traditionally classified as interjections (2). Tests on these morphemes show them sensitive to word order: they are restricted to matrix clauses and obligatorily adjacent to DPs. Hence, the pragmatic markers for discourse roles qualify as syntactic items that must be relevant to the syntax of the vocative and the exclamative DPs they accompany.

Analysis. First, the analysis shows that vocative nouns are DPs vs. NPs (cf. Longobardi 1994); e.g., Romanian vocative constituents may display the sequence adjective-noun with a definite article (3). Second, the relation between such a DP and an adjacent discourse role marker is such that the role marker must precede the DP (4) and must be eliminated under repetition (5). Hence, the role marker c-commands the DP. Is the role marker adjoined to DP or a selector of the DP? The tests show that the role marker behaves differently than a floating constituent like all and interferes with the merging of adjectives (pre- or post-nominal). Hence,

These data have gone unnoticed so far, to my knowledge:

(3) [Las *(incipientes) industria y artesanía] españolas se estancaron. ‘Thepl initial Spanish industry and art craft stagnate’

In this paper, I will concentrate on the cases in (2) and (3) and try to develop a new analysis showing that in certain languages the probe D can select more than one goal.

Background. Relevant theoretical approaches have been used to articulate explanations for the previous puzzle. A) Combining formal semantics with a derivational syntax, H&Z propose that split interpretation is the result of the combined ‘filtering’ effect of semantic and syntactic number features and operators associated with functional heads in a DP structure. B) K&D rest their LFG analysis of (1) on the distinction between concord and index features as well as on the one among distributive and non-distributive features. C) As far as I know, the construction at stake has not been directly addressed in the theory of AGREE (feature movement and long distance agr.) developed by Chomsky 1999, 2001, Carstens 2000 or Becker 2008, a.o.

Proposal. After a short critical revision of the A and B approaches, and a brief statement of the semantics internal to the split reading, I will develop an account framed on a minimalist view of agreement. My solution is closer both conceptually and technically to H&Z although with less formal semantic apparatus; it also tries to capture the cross-linguistics appeal of LFG and HPSG analyses.

My basic assumptions and hypotheses are the following:

a) DP has the layered structure like the one in (4):

(4) [DP [NumP [CoP/ PlP [N + N]]]] (where the first conjunct N is in Spec Cop).

b) Co P (Coordinating)P is equivalent to (Plural)P (H&Z 2004) and only projects if N+N has a ‘cumulative reading’, and no when NP has a Boolean semantics (‘joint reading’). c) Num P only projects if either its head or its specifier has phonetic content (e.g. an adjective). d) Both N and CoP/ PlP are goals for probes D and A giving rise to ‘closest conjunct agreement’ [CCA] and ‘semantically driven agreement’, respectively. T always probes the phi features of Pl P. e) If Num P project there is feature percolation upwards from Pl P to D. If this is not the case, CCA takes place.

I intend to show (although it is question not definitively set) that all these processes occur in narrow syntax.

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(7) (Epa) *(a) Pedro,… you-Fam.sg you-VOC Pedro// ‘Pedro,….’

(8) The structure of nominal forms of address

RoleP fo Spec Role’ Umb.epa Rom. măi Role DP Umb. a-D/N Bulg. D/N-le

REFERENCESCinque, G. 1999. Adverbs and Functional Heads. New York: Oxford University Press.Longobardi, G., 1994. Reference and Proper Names: a Theory of N-movement in

syntax and Logical Form. Linguistic Inquiry 25 (4), 609-665.Speas, M., 2004. Evidentiality, logophoricity and the syntactic representation of

pragmatic features. Lingua 144 (3), 255-276.Szabolcsi, A., 1994. The noun phrase. The syntactic structure of Hungarian. In C.

Kefier and K. Kiss (eds), Syntax and Semantics 27, Academic Press, New York, pp. 179-275.

Tenny, C., 2005. Predicate-Argument Structure and the Grammar of Sentience. Paper presented at Issues on the Form and Interpretation of Argument Structure Workshop, July 1, 2005, Harvard University.

Correspondences in Syntax-Semantics Interface in a Game-Theoretic Perspective→ Yukio Takahashi (Marioka College, japan)

Adopting the insights of the work in Game Theory (cf. Dixit and Skeath (2004)), the present paper submits a thesis that the correspondence relations assumed in the Tripartite Parallel Architecture (cf. Ray Jackendoff (1987)) are “equilibria among grammatical processing gadgets.” The equilibria among grammatical processing gadgets (henceforth, GPG) are formally definable points at which several relevant GPGs acquire payoffs that are strategically the most highest. The significant corollary of the thesis is that we may do away with the set of what are called the correspondence rules.

the role marker is not adjoined to DP but it is merged in a separate phrase that selects the DP. Indeed, Old Bulgarian vocatives indicate that the role marker behaves as an enclitic head (-le) that attracts D movement (6). I label this head as Role (with D-to-Role movement). The Umbundu data also display a Role head (a-) that is proclitic and may co-occur with a second hearer role marker (epa), the latter being a free morpheme (7). The co-occurrence [epa + a-DP] indicates that Role projects to RoleP: epa merges in Spec, RoleP to check the [familiar],[number] features against the head Role (8). Further tests extend the same analysis to exclamative nominal phrases. Crucially, the analysis shows that vocative and exclamative nouns are DPs selected by RolePs. This selection is justified on the basis of pragmatic features that become visible for syntactic checking. Within the theoretical framework adopted, RolePs also account for the mechanism that ensures argument-hood to the nouns: RolePs check the discourse role features of SA heads in the same way DPs check the th-roles within vP. Crosslinguistic variation follows from the +/-lexicalisation of Role or of Spec, RoleP.

(1) a. [hearer John], I cannot do that. b. [speaker My-my], how can you fix this mess?

(2) a. Particles of indirect address (speaker’s point of view) Bulg.: olele, lele, văh; Rom.: o, vai, aoleu; Umb.: avoyo ‘my-my’, ‘oh’, ‘my god’ b. Some particles of direct address (hearer’s identification) Bulg.: be/bre, -le; Rom.: măi/mă; Umb.: a,epa approx. ‘you’ in ‘you idiot!’

(3) Stimate cititorule, iată ultimele noastre publicaţii! respected-VOC reader-the-VOC here last-the ours publications-the ‘Dear readers, here are our latest publications!’

(4) Măi băiete,… vs. *Băiete măi,… (Rom.) you boy-VOC boy-VOC you ‘Hey lad,…’

(5) măi tovarăşi şi (*măi) prieteni,… you comrades and you friends// ‘Comrades and friends,...’

(6) a. goro!// *le!// gorole! (Bulg.) forest-VOC// you // forest-VOC-you b. moja goro; gorole moja// *moja gorole my forest; forest-VOC my// my forest-VOC

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REFERENCESDixit, Avinash and Susan Skeath (2004) Games of Strategy, 2nd edtion, W.W. Norton

& Company, New York and London.

Jackendoff, Ray (1987) “The Status of Thematic Relations in Linguistic Theory,” Linguistic Inquiry 19, 369-411.

ter Meulen, Alice G.B. (2000) “Chronoscopes,” J. Higginbotham, F. Pianesi and A.C. Varzi (eds.) Speaking of Events, Oxford UP, pp. 151-168.

Secondary Predication in Japanese and Aspectual Structure→ Yuko Asada (Sophia University, Tokyo, Japan)

Recent works on secondary predication argue that the two types of secondary predicates––depictives and resultatives, as in (1) and (2) respectively––represent two distinct aspectual structures (cf. Rothstein 2004, Tenny 1994).

(1) John drove the car drunk.

(2) John hammered the metal flat.

The evidence to support such a claim is not readily available in languages like English, due to a superficial syntactic similarity between the two types of constructions. Japanese, unlike such languages, has the two constructions that display a morphological difference. I argue that this variation, as discussed in previous works (Nishiyama 1999 and Takezawa 1993) but left unexplained, reflects the difference in the aspectual structure between depictive and resultative predication.

The nominal depictive predicate in Japanese is marked by de, not ni, whereas the resultative predicate is marked by ni, not de. My proposal to explain this de/ni-predicate distribution is the followings: i) the de is the contracted form of two syntactic items––ni and te; ii) ni is the head of PredP (cf. Bowers 1993), which takes an NP complement and te is a T (see Nakatani 2004), which takes the PredP as its complement. This proposal states that ni is a genuine NP predicate marker and that de appears only if ni is followed by te. The relevant structure of a de-predicate is [TP [PredP NP [Pred’ NP-ni]]-te]. Historical evidence and the relative acceptability of the “ni-te” sequence replacing de support this analysis.

This analysis is in line with recent developments in the study of secondary predication. With respect to depictive constructions, Rothstein

A mismatch between the two grammatical components we take up is the variations of when clauses as exemplified in Canonical When Clauses (henceforth, CWC) and Narrative When Clauses (henceforth, NWC):

(1) Canonical When Clauses and Narrative When Clauses a. I read the book when I was ill in hospital. (CWC) b. John was reading the book when in came the cat. (NWC)

The NWC can occur in isolation, while the CWC cannot:

(2) Occurrence in Isolation a. I read the book. #When I was ill in hospital. b. Jane was reading the book. When in came the cat.

The sequentiality of NWCs is an iconic idiosyncracy of the English conjunction when. A higher payoff is assigned to the combination of the strategies of the GPGs that provides the semantic and syntactic linking of clauses where sentences with past progressives precede those that describe accomplishments. At the discourse level, change of the order of simple-past and past-progressive sentences does not incur any drastic change in the description of the situation and the course of events: Jane was patrolling the neighborhood. She noticed a car parked in an alley (ter Meulen (2000:152)). The narrative discourse crucially includes the type of linked clauses with ground-figure advancement, which we formalize as two GPGs: [GPG (Progressive Forms)] → RPR and [GPG (Point Event)] → P, where R stands for “region in time” and P for “point in time.” These GPGs interact with the higher ranked GPG to yield (3), where the lower ranked GPGs give “0” or “1” while the higher ranked GPG of narrative gives “0” or “2”:

(3) Payoff Matrix for (2b)

Grammatical Processing Gadget (Narrative)

Grammatical Processing Gadget (Progressive Form)

ON OFFGrammatical Processing Gadget (Point Event)

ON 1, 1, 2 1, 1, 0 ON

OFF 0,0,0 0,0,0 OFF

The optimal strategic combination is signaled by “” in the matrix. Crucially, the GPG (Narrative) is OFF in (2a) because the subordinate clause I was ill does not have an endpoint to anchor on the temporal element of the structure that the GPG (Narrative) generates.

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(2004) argues that depictives contain the temporal dependency constraint between the matrix and the secondary events: the two events must go on simultaneously and their run time must coincide. In other words, the depictive predicate has its own aspectual property, that is, duration. On the other hand, a shared assumption on the resultative constructions is that the state described by the resultative predicate is associated with an incremental process: that is, its temporal property is inherently unspecified, and the state is attained only at a definite end point (see Rothstein 2004, Wechsler 2005). These arguments on the aspectual structures in secondary predication account for the de/ni-predicate distribution in Japanese. In depictives, a PredP (niP) requires a TP (teP) to indicate its aspectual property, giving rise to de. In resultatives, a nominal predicate is marked by ni, not de, because a PredP lacks an inherent temporal property, appearing without a teP.

Furthermore, this analysis makes the correct predictions on the (non-)occurrence of de/ni-predicates in small clauses and in so-called identity sentences.

The proposed structure of depictive constructions may hold cross-linguistically, to the extent that the presupposed analysis of the aspectual structures of the secondary predicates is valid across languages. Japanese depictives employ the overt T, te, while those in, say, English, use a covert counterpart.

In sum, the analysis of Japanese secondary predication provided in this paper empirically supports the argument that the depictive and resultative constructions differ in their aspectual structures.

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