Imperatives, Modal Bases and Conditionals · 2013. 6. 11. · Introduction Proposal CC Analysis FD...

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Introduction Proposal CC Analysis FD References Imperatives, Modal Bases and Conditionals Yurie Hara and Shoichi Takahashi Kyoto University Tokyo University July 21, Cil18 Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 1 / 36

Transcript of Imperatives, Modal Bases and Conditionals · 2013. 6. 11. · Introduction Proposal CC Analysis FD...

Page 1: Imperatives, Modal Bases and Conditionals · 2013. 6. 11. · Introduction Proposal CC Analysis FD References Semantics of Imperatives and Modals Imperatives are often analyzed analogous

Introduction Proposal CC Analysis FD References

Imperatives, Modal Bases and Conditionals

Yurie Hara and Shoichi Takahashi

Kyoto UniversityTokyo University

July 21, Cil18

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 1 / 36

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Semantics of Imperatives and Modals

Imperatives are often analyzed analogous to root deontic modals.[Portner, 2006, Schwager, 2005]

(1) a. Study Swahili!b. You must study Swahili.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 2 / 36

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Semantics of Imperatives and Modals

Imperatives are often analyzed analogous to root deontic modals.[Portner, 2006, Schwager, 2005]

(1) a. Study Swahili!b. You must study Swahili.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 2 / 36

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Semantics of Imperatives and Modals

Imperatives are often analyzed analogous to root deontic modals.[Portner, 2006, Schwager, 2005]

(1) a. Study Swahili!b. You must study Swahili.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 2 / 36

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Semantics of Imperatives as the nuclear scope of themodal

Assuming Kratzer’s [1987] theory of modals as a quantificationover possible worlds, the previous analyses maintain that thesemantics of imperatives corresponds to the semantics of thenuclear scope of the quantification.

(2) a. Study Swahili! ≈You must study Swahili.b. For every world w compatible with the general laws,

you study Swahili in w .

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 3 / 36

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Semantics of Imperatives as the nuclear scope of themodal

Assuming Kratzer’s [1987] theory of modals as a quantificationover possible worlds, the previous analyses maintain that thesemantics of imperatives corresponds to the semantics of thenuclear scope of the quantification.

(2) a. Study Swahili! ≈You must study Swahili.b. For every world w compatible with the general laws,

you study Swahili in w .

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 3 / 36

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Semantics of Imperatives as the nuclear scope of themodal

Assuming Kratzer’s [1987] theory of modals as a quantificationover possible worlds, the previous analyses maintain that thesemantics of imperatives corresponds to the semantics of thenuclear scope of the quantification.

(2) a. Study Swahili! ≈You must study Swahili.b. For every world w compatible with the general laws,

you study Swahili in w .

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 3 / 36

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Asymmetry

In this view, however, it is puzzling why the Japanese focusparticle sae ‘even’ can appear in deontic modals, while it cannot inimperatives.

(3) a. Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sinakerebanaranai.must

‘You must study even Swahili.’(implicature: Swahili is the least likely subject to study.)

b. *Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

siro!do.IMP

‘Study even Swahili!’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 4 / 36

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Asymmetry

In this view, however, it is puzzling why the Japanese focusparticle sae ‘even’ can appear in deontic modals, while it cannot inimperatives.

(3) a. Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sinakerebanaranai.must

‘You must study even Swahili.’(implicature: Swahili is the least likely subject to study.)

b. *Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

siro!do.IMP

‘Study even Swahili!’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 4 / 36

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Asymmetry

In this view, however, it is puzzling why the Japanese focusparticle sae ‘even’ can appear in deontic modals, while it cannot inimperatives.

(3) a. Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sinakerebanaranai.must

‘You must study even Swahili.’(implicature: Swahili is the least likely subject to study.)

b. *Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

siro!do.IMP

‘Study even Swahili!’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 4 / 36

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Conditionals

Incidentally, sae ‘even’ can appear in the consequent of a conditional,but it cannot in the antecedent.

(4) moshiif

Swahiligo-oSwahili-ACC

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-ni-saeTokyo.Univ-DAT-sae

goukakupass

surudo‘If you study Swahili, you will pass even Tokyo University.’(implicature; Tokyo University is the least likely university topass.)

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 5 / 36

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Conditionals

Incidentally, sae ‘even’ can appear in the consequent of a conditional,but it cannot in the antecedent.

(4) moshiif

Swahiligo-oSwahili-ACC

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-ni-saeTokyo.Univ-DAT-sae

goukakupass

surudo‘If you study Swahili, you will pass even Tokyo University.’(implicature; Tokyo University is the least likely university topass.)

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 5 / 36

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Conditionals

When sae appears within the antecedent of the conditional, it does nothave the ‘least-likely’ meaning.

(5) */Xmoshiif

Swahiligo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-niTokyo.Univ-DAT

goukakupass

surudo‘If you even study Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.’

a. *If you study Swahili and Swahili is the least likely think youstudy,...

b. XIf you study only Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.(Studying Swahili is sufficient for passing Tokyo University.)

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 6 / 36

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Conditionals

When sae appears within the antecedent of the conditional, it does nothave the ‘least-likely’ meaning.

(5) */Xmoshiif

Swahiligo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-niTokyo.Univ-DAT

goukakupass

surudo‘If you even study Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.’

a. *If you study Swahili and Swahili is the least likely think youstudy,...

b. XIf you study only Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.(Studying Swahili is sufficient for passing Tokyo University.)

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 6 / 36

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Conditionals

When sae appears within the antecedent of the conditional, it does nothave the ‘least-likely’ meaning.

(5) */Xmoshiif

Swahiligo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-niTokyo.Univ-DAT

goukakupass

surudo‘If you even study Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.’

a. *If you study Swahili and Swahili is the least likely think youstudy,...

b. XIf you study only Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.(Studying Swahili is sufficient for passing Tokyo University.)

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 6 / 36

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Conditionals

When sae appears within the antecedent of the conditional, it does nothave the ‘least-likely’ meaning.

(5) */Xmoshiif

Swahiligo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-niTokyo.Univ-DAT

goukakupass

surudo‘If you even study Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.’

a. *If you study Swahili and Swahili is the least likely think youstudy,...

b. XIf you study only Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.(Studying Swahili is sufficient for passing Tokyo University.)

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 6 / 36

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Punchline of the Day

Punchline Imperatives contribute as a modal restriction of an implicitmodal expression;hence the semantics of imperatives is analogous to thatof if-clauses.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 7 / 36

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Outline

1 Introduction

2 Proposal of Imperatives

3 Conditional Coordinations

4 Analysis

5 Further Data

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 8 / 36

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Proposal

Intuitively, issuing an imperative entails that there is some desire aboutthe outcome brought by the instantiation of the action.

Proposal Imperatives contribute as the modal restriction (the modalbase) X of the implicit future modal expression F(X )(h)(w )

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 9 / 36

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Proposal

Intuitively, issuing an imperative entails that there is some desire aboutthe outcome brought by the instantiation of the action.

Proposal Imperatives contribute as the modal restriction (the modalbase) X of the implicit future modal expression F(X )(h)(w )

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 9 / 36

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Semantics of the imperative

The nuclear scope of the modal quantification corresponds to theimplicit outcome h, which is brought by the compliance of thecommand.

(6) F(X )(h)(w)(t) = ∀w ′[w ′ ∈ R[w ]⋂

X ][∃t ′ ≻ t[h(w ′)(t ′)]] (adaptedfrom Russell [To appear])

Assuming Kratzer’s [1991] analysis of conditionals, therefore, thesemantics of an imperative is analogous to the semantics of theantecedent of a conditional.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 10 / 36

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Semantics of the imperative

The nuclear scope of the modal quantification corresponds to theimplicit outcome h, which is brought by the compliance of thecommand.

(6) F(X )(h)(w)(t) = ∀w ′[w ′ ∈ R[w ]⋂

X ][∃t ′ ≻ t[h(w ′)(t ′)]] (adaptedfrom Russell [To appear])

Assuming Kratzer’s [1991] analysis of conditionals, therefore, thesemantics of an imperative is analogous to the semantics of theantecedent of a conditional.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 10 / 36

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Semantics of the imperative

The nuclear scope of the modal quantification corresponds to theimplicit outcome h, which is brought by the compliance of thecommand.

(6) F(X )(h)(w)(t) = ∀w ′[w ′ ∈ R[w ]⋂

X ][∃t ′ ≻ t[h(w ′)(t ′)]] (adaptedfrom Russell [To appear])

Assuming Kratzer’s [1991] analysis of conditionals, therefore, thesemantics of an imperative is analogous to the semantics of theantecedent of a conditional.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 10 / 36

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Illustration

A simple imperative like (7-a) can be represented as in (7-b) andinterpreted as (7-c):

(7) a. Swahirigo-o benkyoo-siro! ‘Study Swahili!’b. F(study(addressee)(swahili))(h)(w)

for a contextually supplied outcome hc. ∀w ′ ∈ R[w ]

⋂{w ′ : study(addressee)(swahili)(w ′)} : h(w ′)

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 11 / 36

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Illustration

A simple imperative like (7-a) can be represented as in (7-b) andinterpreted as (7-c):

(7) a. Swahirigo-o benkyoo-siro! ‘Study Swahili!’b. F(study(addressee)(swahili))(h)(w)

for a contextually supplied outcome hc. ∀w ′ ∈ R[w ]

⋂{w ′ : study(addressee)(swahili)(w ′)} : h(w ′)

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 11 / 36

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Illustration

A simple imperative like (7-a) can be represented as in (7-b) andinterpreted as (7-c):

(7) a. Swahirigo-o benkyoo-siro! ‘Study Swahili!’b. F(study(addressee)(swahili))(h)(w)

for a contextually supplied outcome hc. ∀w ′ ∈ R[w ]

⋂{w ′ : study(addressee)(swahili)(w ′)} : h(w ′)

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 11 / 36

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Outline

1 Introduction

2 Proposal of Imperatives

3 Conditional Coordinations

4 Analysis

5 Further Data

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 12 / 36

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Russell 2007

There is an independent motivation for our proposal from Englishcoordination structures (discussed by Russell [To appear]).

Conditional Cooridations involve imperatives as their firstconjuncts, and the future modal tense in their second conjuncts.

As a whole, these constructions are interpreted as conditionals:

(8) Drink another can of beer and you’ll win the game. [Russell, Toappear]

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 13 / 36

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Russell 2007

There is an independent motivation for our proposal from Englishcoordination structures (discussed by Russell [To appear]).

Conditional Cooridations involve imperatives as their firstconjuncts, and the future modal tense in their second conjuncts.

As a whole, these constructions are interpreted as conditionals:

(8) Drink another can of beer and you’ll win the game. [Russell, Toappear]

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 13 / 36

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Russell 2007

There is an independent motivation for our proposal from Englishcoordination structures (discussed by Russell [To appear]).

Conditional Cooridations involve imperatives as their firstconjuncts, and the future modal tense in their second conjuncts.

As a whole, these constructions are interpreted as conditionals:

(8) Drink another can of beer and you’ll win the game. [Russell, Toappear]

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 13 / 36

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Russell 2007

The imperative in the coordinate construction can contribute asthe modal restriction X of the future tense in the secondconjunction via anaphoric reference and modal subordination.

(9) FutureX (p)(w)(t) =def ∀w ′ ∈ R[w ]⋂

X : [∃t ′ ≻ t[p(w ′)(t ′)]][Russell, To appear]

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 14 / 36

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Russell 2007

The imperative in the coordinate construction can contribute asthe modal restriction X of the future tense in the secondconjunction via anaphoric reference and modal subordination.

(9) FutureX (p)(w)(t) =def ∀w ′ ∈ R[w ]⋂

X : [∃t ′ ≻ t[p(w ′)(t ′)]][Russell, To appear]

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 14 / 36

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Russell 2007

Russell’s data also demonstrates that an imperative force isalways associated with its desirable consequence.

(8) Drink another can of beer and you’ll win the game. [Russell, Toappear]

(10) Drink another can of beer and you’ll puke. [Russell, To appear]

The first conjunct of (10) is not an imperative, but a subject-lessbare VP declarative, while that of (8) is ambiguous between animperative and a bare VP.

The first conjunct of (10) does not carry an imperative force.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 15 / 36

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Russell 2007

Russell’s data also demonstrates that an imperative force isalways associated with its desirable consequence.

(8) Drink another can of beer and you’ll win the game. [Russell, Toappear]

(10) Drink another can of beer and you’ll puke. [Russell, To appear]

The first conjunct of (10) is not an imperative, but a subject-lessbare VP declarative, while that of (8) is ambiguous between animperative and a bare VP.

The first conjunct of (10) does not carry an imperative force.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 15 / 36

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Russell 2007

Russell’s data also demonstrates that an imperative force isalways associated with its desirable consequence.

(8) Drink another can of beer and you’ll win the game. [Russell, Toappear]

(10) Drink another can of beer and you’ll puke. [Russell, To appear]

The first conjunct of (10) is not an imperative, but a subject-lessbare VP declarative, while that of (8) is ambiguous between animperative and a bare VP.

The first conjunct of (10) does not carry an imperative force.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 15 / 36

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Russell 2007

Russell’s data also demonstrates that an imperative force isalways associated with its desirable consequence.

(8) Drink another can of beer and you’ll win the game. [Russell, Toappear]

(10) Drink another can of beer and you’ll puke. [Russell, To appear]

The first conjunct of (10) is not an imperative, but a subject-lessbare VP declarative, while that of (8) is ambiguous between animperative and a bare VP.

The first conjunct of (10) does not carry an imperative force.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 15 / 36

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Russell 2007

Indeed, issuing a command when the outcome brought by thecompliance of the command is not desirable results in aninfelicitous utterance (11-b).

(11) a. Drink another can of beer. If you do, you’ll win the game.b. #Drink another can of beer. If you do, you’ll puke. [Russell,

To appear]

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 16 / 36

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Russell 2007

Indeed, issuing a command when the outcome brought by thecompliance of the command is not desirable results in aninfelicitous utterance (11-b).

(11) a. Drink another can of beer. If you do, you’ll win the game.b. #Drink another can of beer. If you do, you’ll puke. [Russell,

To appear]

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 16 / 36

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Russell 2007

Indeed, issuing a command when the outcome brought by thecompliance of the command is not desirable results in aninfelicitous utterance (11-b).

(11) a. Drink another can of beer. If you do, you’ll win the game.b. #Drink another can of beer. If you do, you’ll puke. [Russell,

To appear]

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 16 / 36

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Japanese Imperatives and Desirability

(12) a. Tobi-oriro!Jump-off.IMP

Tasukarusurvive

kara.because

‘Jump off! Then, you will survive.’b. #Tobi-oriro!

jump-off.IMPSinudie

kara.because

‘Jump off! Then, you will be dead.’c. Tobi-ori-temiro!

Jump-off-trySinudie

karabecause

‘Dare you jump off! Then, you will be dead.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 17 / 36

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Japanese Imperatives and Desirability

(12) a. Tobi-oriro!Jump-off.IMP

Tasukarusurvive

kara.because

‘Jump off! Then, you will survive.’b. #Tobi-oriro!

jump-off.IMPSinudie

kara.because

‘Jump off! Then, you will be dead.’c. Tobi-ori-temiro!

Jump-off-trySinudie

karabecause

‘Dare you jump off! Then, you will be dead.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 17 / 36

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Japanese Imperatives and Desirability

(12) a. Tobi-oriro!Jump-off.IMP

Tasukarusurvive

kara.because

‘Jump off! Then, you will survive.’b. #Tobi-oriro!

jump-off.IMPSinudie

kara.because

‘Jump off! Then, you will be dead.’c. Tobi-ori-temiro!

Jump-off-trySinudie

karabecause

‘Dare you jump off! Then, you will be dead.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 17 / 36

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Interim Summary

(True) imperatives are felicitous only when the outcome which willbe brought by the compliance of the command is desirable.

Our treatment of imperatives above can be considered as a furtherextension of Russell’s insight of the coordination construction.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 18 / 36

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Interim Summary

(True) imperatives are felicitous only when the outcome which willbe brought by the compliance of the command is desirable.

Our treatment of imperatives above can be considered as a furtherextension of Russell’s insight of the coordination construction.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 18 / 36

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Outline

1 Introduction

2 Proposal of Imperatives

3 Conditional Coordinations

4 Analysis

5 Further Data

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 19 / 36

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Back to sae and imperatives

(3-b) *Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

siro!do.IMP

‘Study even Swahili!’

(5) *moshiif

Swahiligo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-niTokyo.Univ-DAT

goukakupass

surudo‘If you even study Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 20 / 36

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Back to sae and imperatives

(3-b) *Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

siro!do.IMP

‘Study even Swahili!’

(5) *moshiif

Swahiligo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-niTokyo.Univ-DAT

goukakupass

surudo‘If you even study Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 20 / 36

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Informal Approximation

Sae ‘even’ induces likelihood implicature(‘p is least likely among alternatives.’)

We understand likelihood as a probability calculated based on thespeaker’s knowledge space.

In other words, sae denotes a relation between the speaker’sknowledge and a particular instantiated event/situation (ratherthan a property of events/individuals).

Now, imperatives and antecedents of conditionals denotehypothetical/non-veridical situations.

Sae cannot occur in hypothetical/non-veridical contexts.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 21 / 36

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Informal Approximation

Sae ‘even’ induces likelihood implicature(‘p is least likely among alternatives.’)

We understand likelihood as a probability calculated based on thespeaker’s knowledge space.

In other words, sae denotes a relation between the speaker’sknowledge and a particular instantiated event/situation (ratherthan a property of events/individuals).

Now, imperatives and antecedents of conditionals denotehypothetical/non-veridical situations.

Sae cannot occur in hypothetical/non-veridical contexts.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 21 / 36

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Introduction Proposal CC Analysis FD References

Informal Approximation

Sae ‘even’ induces likelihood implicature(‘p is least likely among alternatives.’)

We understand likelihood as a probability calculated based on thespeaker’s knowledge space.

In other words, sae denotes a relation between the speaker’sknowledge and a particular instantiated event/situation (ratherthan a property of events/individuals).

Now, imperatives and antecedents of conditionals denotehypothetical/non-veridical situations.

Sae cannot occur in hypothetical/non-veridical contexts.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 21 / 36

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Introduction Proposal CC Analysis FD References

Informal Approximation

Sae ‘even’ induces likelihood implicature(‘p is least likely among alternatives.’)

We understand likelihood as a probability calculated based on thespeaker’s knowledge space.

In other words, sae denotes a relation between the speaker’sknowledge and a particular instantiated event/situation (ratherthan a property of events/individuals).

Now, imperatives and antecedents of conditionals denotehypothetical/non-veridical situations.

Sae cannot occur in hypothetical/non-veridical contexts.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 21 / 36

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Introduction Proposal CC Analysis FD References

Informal Approximation

Sae ‘even’ induces likelihood implicature(‘p is least likely among alternatives.’)

We understand likelihood as a probability calculated based on thespeaker’s knowledge space.

In other words, sae denotes a relation between the speaker’sknowledge and a particular instantiated event/situation (ratherthan a property of events/individuals).

Now, imperatives and antecedents of conditionals denotehypothetical/non-veridical situations.

Sae cannot occur in hypothetical/non-veridical contexts.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 21 / 36

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Assumption about sae

Assumption sae ‘even’ is a sentential operator that takes a prejacentproposition as its argument and generates a conventionallikelihood implicature.

(13) sae(φ)(KS(w)) implicates that according to the knowledgespace KS accessible from w, φ is less likely than any otherrelevant alternatives.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 22 / 36

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Assumption about sae

Assumption sae ‘even’ is a sentential operator that takes a prejacentproposition as its argument and generates a conventionallikelihood implicature.

(13) sae(φ)(KS(w)) implicates that according to the knowledgespace KS accessible from w, φ is less likely than any otherrelevant alternatives.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 22 / 36

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Implementation

As its argument, sae takes a proposition of type 〈s, t〉 rather thanan event predicate 〈ǫ, st〉 or a property of individuals 〈e, st〉.

Now, the antecedent of a conditional is of type 〈ǫ, st〉 since it is therestriction of quantification.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 23 / 36

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Implementation

As its argument, sae takes a proposition of type 〈s, t〉 rather thanan event predicate 〈ǫ, st〉 or a property of individuals 〈e, st〉.

Now, the antecedent of a conditional is of type 〈ǫ, st〉 since it is therestriction of quantification.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 23 / 36

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Type Mismatch

Therefore, having sae within the antecedent of the conditional resultsin a type mismatch (5).

(5) *moshiif

Swahiligo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-niTokyo.Univ-DAT

goukakupass

surudo‘If you even study Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.

According to our current proposal, imperatives also denote modalrestrictions, hence sae is not available within imperatives (3-b).

(3-b) *Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

siro!do.IMP

‘Study even Swahili!’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 24 / 36

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Type Mismatch

Therefore, having sae within the antecedent of the conditional resultsin a type mismatch (5).

(5) *moshiif

Swahiligo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-niTokyo.Univ-DAT

goukakupass

surudo‘If you even study Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.

According to our current proposal, imperatives also denote modalrestrictions, hence sae is not available within imperatives (3-b).

(3-b) *Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

siro!do.IMP

‘Study even Swahili!’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 24 / 36

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Type Mismatch

Therefore, having sae within the antecedent of the conditional resultsin a type mismatch (5).

(5) *moshiif

Swahiligo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-niTokyo.Univ-DAT

goukakupass

surudo‘If you even study Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.

According to our current proposal, imperatives also denote modalrestrictions, hence sae is not available within imperatives (3-b).

(3-b) *Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

siro!do.IMP

‘Study even Swahili!’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 24 / 36

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Type Mismatch

Therefore, having sae within the antecedent of the conditional resultsin a type mismatch (5).

(5) *moshiif

Swahiligo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

sur-eba,do-COMP

Toodai-niTokyo.Univ-DAT

goukakupass

surudo‘If you even study Swahili, you will pass Tokyo University.

According to our current proposal, imperatives also denote modalrestrictions, hence sae is not available within imperatives (3-b).

(3-b) *Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoostudy

siro!do.IMP

‘Study even Swahili!’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 24 / 36

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Universal Quantifier

sae is not available under a relative clause when it serves as therestriction of universal quantification.

A relative clause needs to be of type 〈e, st〉 (set of individuals),while sae takes a proposition as its argument; hence it causes atype mismatch.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 25 / 36

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Universal Quantifier

sae is not available under a relative clause when it serves as therestriction of universal quantification.

A relative clause needs to be of type 〈e, st〉 (set of individuals),while sae takes a proposition as its argument; hence it causes atype mismatch.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 25 / 36

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Universal Quantifier

(14) *Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoushitastudied

donowhich

seito-mostudent-INDET

daigaku-niuniversity-DAT

goukakushita.passed‘Everyone who studied even Swahili passed the university.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 26 / 36

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Floating Q and Non-restrictive Rel

(15) a. Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoushitastudied

seito-gastudent-NOM

min’naall

daigaku-niuniversity-DAT

goukakushita.passed

‘The students who studied even Swahili all passed theuniversity.’

b. Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoushitastudied

watashi-nomy

seito-gastudent-NOM

daigaku-niuniversity-DAT

goukakushita.passed

‘My students, who studied even Swahili, passed theuniversity.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 27 / 36

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Floating Q and Non-restrictive Rel

(15) a. Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoushitastudied

seito-gastudent-NOM

min’naall

daigaku-niuniversity-DAT

goukakushita.passed

‘The students who studied even Swahili all passed theuniversity.’

b. Suwahirigo-saeSwahili-even

benkyoushitastudied

watashi-nomy

seito-gastudent-NOM

daigaku-niuniversity-DAT

goukakushita.passed

‘My students, who studied even Swahili, passed theuniversity.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 27 / 36

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Interim Summary

Sae is not available in hypothetical/non-veridical contexts.

Sae is a sentential operator which takes an argument of type 〈s, t〉.

An imperative denote restrictions (〈ǫ, st〉) just like an antecedent ofconditional and a restriction of universal quantification (〈e, st〉).

Hence, sae is not available under imperatives, since it wouldcause a type mismatch.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 28 / 36

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Interim Summary

Sae is not available in hypothetical/non-veridical contexts.

Sae is a sentential operator which takes an argument of type 〈s, t〉.

An imperative denote restrictions (〈ǫ, st〉) just like an antecedent ofconditional and a restriction of universal quantification (〈e, st〉).

Hence, sae is not available under imperatives, since it wouldcause a type mismatch.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 28 / 36

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Interim Summary

Sae is not available in hypothetical/non-veridical contexts.

Sae is a sentential operator which takes an argument of type 〈s, t〉.

An imperative denote restrictions (〈ǫ, st〉) just like an antecedent ofconditional and a restriction of universal quantification (〈e, st〉).

Hence, sae is not available under imperatives, since it wouldcause a type mismatch.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 28 / 36

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Introduction Proposal CC Analysis FD References

Interim Summary

Sae is not available in hypothetical/non-veridical contexts.

Sae is a sentential operator which takes an argument of type 〈s, t〉.

An imperative denote restrictions (〈ǫ, st〉) just like an antecedent ofconditional and a restriction of universal quantification (〈e, st〉).

Hence, sae is not available under imperatives, since it wouldcause a type mismatch.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 28 / 36

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Outline

1 Introduction

2 Proposal of Imperatives

3 Conditional Coordinations

4 Analysis

5 Further Data

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 29 / 36

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Japanese non-veridical minimizers

Another similarity between imperatives and antecedents ofconditionals.

Japanese minimizers formed with the particle demo are notlicensed in veridical nor in anti-veridical contexts.

(16) a. *John-waJohn-Top

sake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

nonda.drank

‘John drank a drop of sake.’b. *John-wa

John-Topsake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

noma-nakat-ta.drink-Neg-Past

‘John didn’t drink a drop of sake.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 30 / 36

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Japanese non-veridical minimizers

Another similarity between imperatives and antecedents ofconditionals.

Japanese minimizers formed with the particle demo are notlicensed in veridical nor in anti-veridical contexts.

(16) a. *John-waJohn-Top

sake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

nonda.drank

‘John drank a drop of sake.’b. *John-wa

John-Topsake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

noma-nakat-ta.drink-Neg-Past

‘John didn’t drink a drop of sake.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 30 / 36

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Japanese non-veridical minimizers

Another similarity between imperatives and antecedents ofconditionals.

Japanese minimizers formed with the particle demo are notlicensed in veridical nor in anti-veridical contexts.

(16) a. *John-waJohn-Top

sake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

nonda.drank

‘John drank a drop of sake.’b. *John-wa

John-Topsake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

noma-nakat-ta.drink-Neg-Past

‘John didn’t drink a drop of sake.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 30 / 36

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Japanese non-veridical minimizers

Another similarity between imperatives and antecedents ofconditionals.

Japanese minimizers formed with the particle demo are notlicensed in veridical nor in anti-veridical contexts.

(16) a. *John-waJohn-Top

sake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

nonda.drank

‘John drank a drop of sake.’b. *John-wa

John-Topsake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

noma-nakat-ta.drink-Neg-Past

‘John didn’t drink a drop of sake.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 30 / 36

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Imperative

Unlike English imperatives, Japanese imperatives license theseminimizers.

(17) a. sake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

nome!drink.Imp

attakakuwarm

narubecome

karabecause

‘Drink one drop of sake! You’ll be warm.’b. yubi

fingerip-pon-demoone-CLASS-DEMO

ugokase!move.Imp

‘Lift a finger!’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 31 / 36

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Imperative

Unlike English imperatives, Japanese imperatives license theseminimizers.

(17) a. sake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

nome!drink.Imp

attakakuwarm

narubecome

karabecause

‘Drink one drop of sake! You’ll be warm.’b. yubi

fingerip-pon-demoone-CLASS-DEMO

ugokase!move.Imp

‘Lift a finger!’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 31 / 36

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Imperative

Unlike English imperatives, Japanese imperatives license theseminimizers.

(17) a. sake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

nome!drink.Imp

attakakuwarm

narubecome

karabecause

‘Drink one drop of sake! You’ll be warm.’b. yubi

fingerip-pon-demoone-CLASS-DEMO

ugokase!move.Imp

‘Lift a finger!’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 31 / 36

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Conditional

(18) sake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

nome-ba,drink-Comp,

anata-wayou-Top

attakakuwarm

naru.become

‘If you drink a drop of sake, you’ll be warm.’

(19) ore-nomy

himitsusecret

nitsuiteabout

hito-koto-demoone-word-DEMO

ie-ba,say-Comp

en-orelation-Acc

kirucut

zo.Part

‘If you say a word about my secret, I’ll break off with you.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 32 / 36

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Conditional

(18) sake-osake-Acc

it-teki-demoone-drop-DEMO

nome-ba,drink-Comp,

anata-wayou-Top

attakakuwarm

naru.become

‘If you drink a drop of sake, you’ll be warm.’

(19) ore-nomy

himitsusecret

nitsuiteabout

hito-koto-demoone-word-DEMO

ie-ba,say-Comp

en-orelation-Acc

kirucut

zo.Part

‘If you say a word about my secret, I’ll break off with you.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 32 / 36

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Restrictions of Universal Q

(20) dokuiripoisoned

karee-ocurry-acc

hito-kuchi-demoone-bite-DEMO

tabetaate

zen’in-gaeveryone-nom

nyuuin-sitahospitalized-did‘Everyone who ate one bite of the poisoned curry ishospitalized.’

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 33 / 36

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Summary

Japanese Englishsae Minimzer even Minimizer

affirmative X ∗ X ∗negative X ∗ X X

imperative ∗ X X ∗antecedent of conditionals ∗ (‘only’) X X X

modals X X X ∗

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 34 / 36

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Conclusion

We have presented evidence in favor of the claim that thesemantics of imperatives is analogous to that of the antecedent ofa conditional.

In other words, an imperative denotes a modal restriction of animplicit modal expression, rather than the nuclear scope of thedeontic necessity modal.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 35 / 36

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Conclusion

We have presented evidence in favor of the claim that thesemantics of imperatives is analogous to that of the antecedent ofa conditional.

In other words, an imperative denotes a modal restriction of animplicit modal expression, rather than the nuclear scope of thedeontic necessity modal.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 35 / 36

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References I

Angelika Kratzer. Conditionals. In A. von Stechow and D. Wunderlich,editors, Semantics: an international handbook of contemporaryresearch, pages 651–656. De Gruyter, Berlin, 1991.

Angelika Kratzer. Modality. In A. von Stechow and D. Wunderlich,editors, Handbook of Semantics,, pages 639–650. Walter deGruyter, Berlin, 1987.

Paul Portner. Imperatives and modals. Georgetown University, 2006.

Benjamin Russell. Imperatives in conditional conjunction. NaturalLanguage Semantics, To appear.

Magdalena Schwager. Exhaustive imperatives. In Proceedings of the15th Amsterdam Colloquium. University of Amsterdam, Paul Dekkerand Michael Franke, 2005.

Hara and Takahashi (Kyoto/Tokyo) 36 / 36