Im Sothearith - A Public Service Broadcasting Model for Developing Countries the Case of Cambodia

8/6/2019 Im Sothearith - A Public Service Broadcasting Model for Developing Countries the Case of Cambodia

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A Public Service Broadcasting Model for Developing Countries: The Case of Cambodia

A dissertation presented to

the faculty of

the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University

In partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree

Doctor of Philosophy

Sothearith Im

June 2011

2011 Sothearith Im. All Rights Reserved.


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This dissertation titled


by

SOTHEARITH IM

has been approved for

the School of Media Arts and Studies

and the Scripps College of Communication by

_______________________________________________

Drew McDaniel

Professor of Media Arts and Studies

_____________________________________________

Gregory J. Shepherd

Dean, Scripps College of Communication


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Abstract

IM, SOTHEARITH, Ph.D., June 2011, Mass Communication


Director of Dissertation: Drew McDaniel

The study had three objectives. The first was to explore the potential for

establishing a Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) system in developing countries using

Cambodia as a case study. Four main factors - political circumstances, economic

conditions, civil society and donors, and socio-cultural compatibility -- were examined to

determine their impact on prospects for a future PSB system. The second was to develop

an organizational structure for a future PSB that would make it independent of political

and corporate influences. And the third was to develop a funding scheme for PSB that

would make it financially sustainable in the long run.

A qualitative method was used to conduct field research in Cambodia. In-depth

interviews and focus groups were undertaken with 68 informants, including

policymakers, media executives, media practitioners, civil society activists, and

representatives of donor organizations as well as with ordinary citizens from different

regions. Research data were also collected from primary materials.

The study reached two key conclusions. The first was that dependency media was

created by the interactions of a dominant political party, a weak economy and civil

society, and the absence of a participatory culture. Thus, the prerequisites for the

establishment of a PSB system hardly exist in Cambodia at the time the study was

conducted in 2008. This was due to the fact that the ruling party dominated the political

scene and strictly controls the existing media system, from which it derived important


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political benefits; Cambodias weak economic conditions and low living standards

severely limited the prospects for sustainable funding of a PSB system; civil society and

donors were neither sufficiently strong nor had an interest in exerting pressure on the

government to reform the existing media system and to place the establishment of a PBS

on its agenda; and Cambodian society lacked a participatory culture, which was one of

the crucial requirements for establishment of a PSB system as well as for democracy. The

second conclusion was that an independent media system such as a PSB could easily

emerge when political life was no longer controlled by a single political party.

Approved:_____________________________________________________________

Drew McDaniel

Professor of Media Arts and Studies


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To my mother, Kong Len,

To my son, Zanara Thearith

To my son, Santrana Thearith


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Acknowledgements

I have a few institutions to thank. First of all, I would like to express my

appreciation to UNESCO for offering me the UNESCO/Keizo Obuchi fellowship which

allowed me to complete writing of this dissertation. Ohio Universitys Student

Enhancement Award, Ohios Graduate Student Senate Original Research Grant Award,

and Ohio Universitys Graduate Student Senate Travel Grant must be acknowledged also

for their contributions to make the fieldwork of this study successful. Also, I would like

to express appreciation to the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DC-Cam) for

partially funding fieldwork and providing me with office space, Internet access,

transportation to the provinces, and a research assistant.

I also have many people to thank, but I selectively choose those who were directly

involved in making this dissertation a reality. My research over the past several years

would not have been possible without advice, encouragement, and support of Professor

Drew McDaniel, who has been my continuous mentor and chair of the dissertation

committee. I thank dissertation committee members: Professor David Mould, Professor

Robert Stewart, and Professor Judith Millesen. Don Jameson, who is a former U.S.

diplomat posted to Cambodia between 1970 and 1974 and who follows Cambodia hour

by hour, voluntarily copyedited the entire dissertation. Karla Schneider, Associate

Director of Ohio Universitys Center for International Studies, initially proofread two

chapters of the dissertation. Chris Decherd, a chief of Voice of Americas Khmer Service,

was very encouraging and adjusted my working schedule so that I could travel to consult

with my dissertation committee chair. Sinoun Kim, an Ohio Universitys graduate student


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Table of Contents

Page

Abstract .............................................................................................................................. iii

Dedication ..v

Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ vi

List of Tables ................................................................................................................... xiii

List of Figures .................................................................................................................. xiv

Chapter 1: Introduction ....................................................................................................... 1

Background and Purpose of the Study ............................................................................ 1

Problems and Research Questions .................................................................................. 3

Country Profile................................................................................................................ 6

Cambodias Media Landscape ........................................................................................ 8

Print media. ................................................................................................................. 9

Broadcast media. ....................................................................................................... 11

The growth of Cambodian broadcasting 1992-present. ............................................ 13

Challenges facing Cambodian broadcasters. ............................................................ 19

Professionalism. .................................................................................................... 19

Administration and management. ......................................................................... 23

Finance. ................................................................................................................. 24

Summary ....................................................................................................................... 25

Chapter 2: Review of Literature ....................................................................................... 26

Introduction ................................................................................................................... 26

Political Circumstances ................................................................................................. 27

Economic Conditions .................................................................................................... 32

Civil Society.................................................................................................................. 37

Socio-Cultural Compatibility ........................................................................................ 40


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Summary ....................................................................................................................... 43

Chapter 3: Methodology ................................................................................................... 45

Introduction ................................................................................................................... 45

Preliminary Study ......................................................................................................... 46

In-depth Interview ......................................................................................................... 48

Focus Group .................................................................................................................. 49

Analysis of Documents ................................................................................................. 52

Samples and Informants ................................................................................................ 53

Samples for in-depth interviews. .............................................................................. 55

Samples for focus groups.......................................................................................... 71

Data Analysis ................................................................................................................ 80

Data Organization Process. ....................................................................................... 82

Limitations and Exclusions ........................................................................................... 86

Summary ....................................................................................................................... 87

Chapter 4: Political Circumstances ................................................................................... 89

Introduction ................................................................................................................... 89

Direct and Indirect Control ........................................................................................... 89

CPP and government................................................................................................. 90

Opposition parties. .................................................................................................... 94

Station representatives. ............................................................................................. 98

Media professionals. ................................................................................................. 99

Ordinary citizens. .................................................................................................... 103

Independent observers. ........................................................................................... 108

Law and Regulations................................................................................................... 115

CPP and government............................................................................................... 118


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Opposition parties. .................................................................................................. 124

Station representatives. ........................................................................................... 124

Media professionals. ............................................................................................... 127

Independent observers. ........................................................................................... 128

Summary ..................................................................................................................... 129

Chapter 5: Economic Conditions, Civil Society, Socio-Cultural Compatibility ............ 131

Introduction ................................................................................................................. 131

Economic Conditions .................................................................................................. 131

National economy. .................................................................................................. 131

Economy of broadcast media. ................................................................................. 133

Peoples Living Standard. ....................................................................................... 140

Civil Society and Potential Donors ............................................................................. 143

Local civil society groups. ...................................................................................... 143

Potential donors. ..................................................................................................... 149

Socio-cultural Compatibility ....................................................................................... 156

Social structure........................................................................................................ 157

Participatory culture. ............................................................................................... 161

Publics attitudes toward broadcast media. ............................................................. 168

Summary ..................................................................................................................... 172

Chapter 6: Discussion and Conclusion ........................................................................... 174

Summary of Study ...................................................................................................... 174

Prospects for the establishment of PSB in Cambodia. ................................................ 175

Impact of political circumstances. .......................................................................... 177

Impact of the interaction between politics and economy........................................ 180

Impact of the interaction between politics and civil society. .................................. 182


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Impact of the interaction between politics and socio-cultural compatibility. ......... 185

Impact of economic conditions. .............................................................................. 187

Impact of the interaction between economy and socio-cultural compatibility. ...... 189

Impact of civil society. ............................................................................................ 190

Impact of socio-cultural compatibility. ................................................................... 192

A Potential PSB System in Cambodia ........................................................................ 196

Approaches to the creation of a PSB system. ......................................................... 197

Transformation. ................................................................................................... 197

New creation. ...................................................................................................... 202

PSB organizational structure................................................................................... 203

Selection committee. ........................................................................................... 206

Broadcasting Council of Governors.................................................................... 207

Executive Board of Directors. ............................................................................. 209

PSB Financial Framework .......................................................................................... 209

Commercial revenue or underwriting. .................................................................... 213

Compulsory contribution by private broadcasters. ................................................. 215

License and utility fees. .......................................................................................... 215

Taxes. ...................................................................................................................... 216

Donations. ............................................................................................................... 218

PSB Program Funding ................................................................................................ 220

Conclusion .................................................................................................................. 222

Recommendations for Future Research ...................................................................... 224

Recommendations for Practitioners ............................................................................ 225

References ....................................................................................................................... 228

Appendix A: Sample of an Invitation Letter................................................................... 244

Appendix B: Sample of the Letter to Thank Participants ............................................... 245


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Appendix C: List of Research Informants ...................................................................... 246

Appendix D: Interview Guide ......................................................................................... 249

Appendix E: Terms and Abbreviation ............................................................................ 252


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List of Tables

Page

Table 1: Age and Gender of Research Participants .................78

Table 2: Gender and Education of Research Participants.....78

Table 3: Gender and Social Status of Research Participants.79

Table 4: Data of Fieldwork Interviews..84


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Chapter 1: Introduction

Background and Purpose of the Study

Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) serves as a public institution that educates

(Graham & Davies, 1997; Tharoor, 2006), informs (Tharoor, 2006) and entertains the

public, shapes public consciousness, and acts as a public forum (Garnham, 1986, 1992;

Habermas, 1989) through which the public can voice their opinions. These concepts

education, information, and entertainment are the principles formulated by the first

Director-General of the BBC John Reith (Coppens & Saeys, 2006). PSB can be of great

value to citizens who are willing to engage in policy making processes and political

discussions in a democratic society (McCauley, Peterson, Artz, & Halleck, 2003). This

role can only be possible in countries where the concepts of democracy and development

are fully exercised and implemented.

The dissertation aims to explore prerequisites for the establishment of a PSB

model and its applicability in developing countries, using Cambodia as a case study. In

seeking to identify the prerequisites for a PSB system, one must consider the interplay of

factors such as politics, economics, civil society, donors, social structure, socio-cultural

compatibility, and so on. Even without knowledge of the specific impacts of these factors

on PSB, one can assume that each individual factor and their interactions with others will

affect possibilities for creation of a PSB system in complex ways. Such complicated

conditions need to be explored in full detail. How these factors and their interactions

influence the introduction of a PSB system will be discussed in chapter 6.

As this is a feasibility study for PSB, the dissertation mainly focuses on three

major issues. The first one is the prerequisites for the establishment of PSB in a


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developing country such as Cambodia. The second is the most feasible organizational

structure for day-to-day operation of a PSB system in Cambodia. And the third is a policy

for financial sustainability of a PSB system in Cambodia.

A PSB system is being explored for Cambodia because: (1) the need for PSB

system in a developing country such as Cambodia, which lacks impartial and unbiased

news, is presumably high; and (2) broadcasting can play an important role in fostering a

countrys development (Colle, 1973; Eltzroth, 2006; Eltzroth & Kenny, 2003; Melkote &

Steeves, 2001) and can be a crucial factor in alleviating poverty (Eltzroth, 2006; Eltzroth

& Kenny, 2003). Cambodia was chosen as a case study because: (1) Cambodia has been

categorized as a least developed country (LDC) (United Nations, 2010), in which an

independent means of communication is needed for socio-economic development. On

this subject, Mr. Henrikas Youshkavitchu, adviser to Matsuura, UNESCO Director-

General, emphasized that PSB is the cheapest and most effective tool for supporting the

cultural and educational traditions and potential of a nation. At the same time PSB may

serve as a very powerful instrument for the harmonious development and the

strengthening of the democratic structures and institutes of states (Youshkavitchus, para

11, n.d.). And (2) it has never experienced politically and commercially independent

media such as PSB in its history.

This study may serve as a potential guideline for the creation of a broadcasting

law, which is lacking in Cambodia at this time. In addition, the results of the study may

be beneficial in deciding how to establish a PSB system, through which the Cambodian

people could participate in political debates, be involved in decision making, policy

making and policy implementation, and voice their opinions about social issues. This


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research may also contribute to policy making as well as to media education, which is a

recent development in Cambodia. In addition, it may serve as a model in other

developing countries with similar socio-cultural, political and economic conditions to

those in Cambodia.

Problems and Research Questions

In many developed countries, such as the United States, United Kingdom, Japan,

and Canada, PSB systems have been implemented. However, future challenges facing

current PSB organizations have been discussed by media scholars. The biggest challenges

facing PSB organizations in developed countries are economic and, technological factors

(Maherzi, 1997), and an identity crisis (Jakubowicz, 2003). In addition to these factors,

socio-cultural compatibility and political circumstances are particularly crucial for the

introduction of PSB systems into post-Communist (Jakubowicz, 2004) and developing

countries.

Cambodian broadcasting has been facing three immediate challenges: political

influences, a shortage of financial resources (McDaniel, 2007), and the absence of

broadcast laws. The absence of broadcast laws and the presence of financial problems are

directly related to politics and the economy because politics determine the possibility of

enacting broadcast laws and favorable economic conditions create the broadcast market,

from which broadcasters generate their incomes.

Based on previous studies, this study will first investigate the influence of macro

factors: political circumstances (Banerjee & Senevirate, 2006; Brown, 1996b; Hallin &

Mancini, 2004; Hrvatin, 2002; Jakubowicz, 2004; Kops, 2001; McChesney, 2008;

McDaniel, 2002; Raboy, 1994; Raboy, 1998; Scannell, 2000; Stiles & Weeks, 2006;


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Wells, 1996), economic conditions, (Jakubowicz, 2004; Kops, 2001, Lanara, 2002;

Maherzi, 1997; McDaniel, 2002; Mediacult, 1995; Mendel, 2000; Picard, 2003; Price

1999; Sousa & Pinto, 2005; Stiles & Weeks, 2006; Teer-Tomaseli & Tomaselli,1994;

Wells, 1996), civil society (Raboy, 1994), and socio-cultural compatibility (Jakubowicz,

2004; Raboy, 1998). These factors will be discussed in detail in Chapter 2. Thus, the first

research question is:

RQ1: Based on the current political circumstances, economic conditions, civil

society situations, and socio-cultural factors in Cambodia, can a politically and

financially independent PSB system be designed for that country?

After the four macro factors have been investigated and if prospects for the

establishment of a PBS system exist in Cambodia, the feasible organizational structures

and financial schemes for PSB system will be explored. The way in which a PSB system

is created and how it is governed and managed determine the independency of a PSB

system. Eltzroth and Kenny (2003), Jayaweera and Mottaghi (2000), and UNESCO

(2001) emphasize that a PSB system can be independent only if its governing board is

independent. Thus, the second research question is:

RQ2: If it is possible to create a PSB system, what approach transformation or

new creation should be taken? And what organizational structure for a PSB

system is necessary and feasible to keep it separate from political and commercial

interference while still successfully fulfilling its mission? Institutional

organizational structure, in this sense, refers to the organizational structure of the

governing board as well as to day-to-day operational management.


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Another important factor determining the independence of a PSB system is the way in

which PSB is funded. Funding is crucial for a PSB organization (European Broadcasting

Union, 2000); OHagan & Jennings, 2003); Witherspoon & Kovitz, 2000). In addition, in

a working paper prepared for the Asia-Pacific Institute for Broadcasting Development

(AIBD), Kops (2001) suggests that the behavior and output of PSB systems are driven by

their revenue structure, not by their legal basis. In the funding of public service

broadcasting, European Broadcasting Union (2000) points out that the choice of funding

framework influences the operation of PSB organizations. PSB funding models vary from

country to country. For instance, as will be discussed in a later chapter, while the BBC of

the United Kingdom and NHK of Japan depend on license fees, SABC of South Africa is

funded by commercials, license fees, and donations and Thai PBS is financed by sin

taxes. Therefore the third research question is:

RQ3: What sources of funding are available to support and sustain a PSB system

to separate it from outside influences so it can be a neutral institution that serves

the interests of the entire population?

Furthermore, the issue that matters to most to the audience is program content. In

order to be successful, a PSB system needs to be program driven (Raboy, 1998); and a

diverse range of quality programs should be produced and made widely available to

everyone in the society. PSB programs have to be free from interference by governments

and corporations regardless of their source of funding (Varney, 2004). Thus, a program

funding model needs to be developed. It is worthwhile developing a system in which the

newly established PSBs programs are financed so that the program content is not


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influenced by either corporations, politics, or even by individuals. The fourth research

question is

RQ4: How should PSB programs be produced and funded so that they are not

under political and commercial influences?

Country Profile

Cambodia has been a laboratory for ideologies and a variety of political

structures. It is a country that has experienced feudalism, absolute monarchy,

colonialism, populism, republicanism, Maoist and Leninist socialism, and constitutional

monarchy. Cambodias modern history has also been scarred by almost 30 years of civil

war that not only hindered its development, but also caused the destruction of all sectors

of its society, including the media.

Geographically, Cambodia is located on a land area of 181,035 sq kilometers

(slightly smaller than Oklahoma) on the Indochinese peninsula of Southeast Asia. Its

population was estimated in July 2010 to be 14,494,293 (Central Intelligence Agency,

2010). It shares borders with Vietnam in the east and northeast, Laos in the north,

Thailand in the west and northwest, and the gulf of Thailand in the southeast. Cambodia

was under a French protectorate for almost a century from 1863 (Ghosh, 1960, p. 272)1 to

1953 (Chandler, 1972, p. 77).

Cambodia gained its independence from France on November 9, 1953 (Chandler,

1972). After independence, Cambodia was one of the most developed countries in the

region. It was considered a golden age in Cambodian history after the Angkorian period

(12-14 centuries), when the Khmer Empire built the stunning architectural structures of

1 Manomohan Ghosh specified that the treaty of Protectorate was signed on August 11, 1863. However, theFrench power was not felt in Cambodia until 1877 for two major reasons: (1) A stiff resistance byVietnamese and (2) Preoccupation of the French emperor Napoleon III with the Mexican War (1863-1867).


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Angkor Wat, listed by UNESCOs world heritages sites as one of the worlds seven

wonders. Following independence, Cambodia enjoyed relative peace and prosperity until

March 18, 1970, when Prince Norodom Sihanouk, who was then the head of state, was

ousted by a coup masterminded by Lon Nol, Sihanouks former Minister of Defense. The

monarchy was then abolished and Cambodia became the Khmer Republic led by Lon Nol

and supported by the U.S. Government. The Lon Nol government was overthrown by a

guerrilla fanatical communist group, the Khmer Rouge, on April 17, 1975. Under the

ultra Maoist Khmer Rouge, the name of the country was changed to Democratic

Kampuchea, and all people were forced to leave the cities and work in the countryside

on large irrigation and agricultural projects. Because of the harsh conditions about two

million of Cambodia's seven million population, including many of the educated, were

killed or died of hunger and diseases. Some of them fled to refugee camps along the

Cambodian-Thai border. Democratic Kampucheas policy was to introduce an absolute

central-command economy by abolishing all private ownership. No one during this

regime had the right to possess anything, even their own lives. Everything, including

human lives, belonged to the state. Those who were accused of being enemies of the

government (Angkar) were killed without any judicial process. All social structures were

destroyed and religious buildings, such as Buddhist temples, were destroyed or used as

prisons called security centers; all schools were also closed.

Democratic Kampuchea was toppled by a Marxist-Leninist communist group,

supported by Vietnam and the Soviet Union bloc, on January 7, 1979. The people who

had been forced into the countryside during the Khmer Rouge regime moved back to


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cities and life there gradually returned to relative normality, with private ownership

reintroduced. However, a central-command economy was still practiced.

A free market economy was reintroduced to Cambodia after the collapse of the

Soviet Union and the withdrawal of the Vietnamese occupying forces that had established

and supported the new government. A general election, overseen by the United Nations,

took place in 1993, when a new constitutional monarchy was established with Prince

Sihanouk as king. However, civil war between the newly elected government and the

Khmer Rouge guerrillas continued until 1998.

Cambodias Media Landscape

Like other emerging democratic countries, Cambodias political pluralism is a

relatively recent development and the notion of the media as societys watchdog is not

well understood by the government or even by many media practitioners themselves.

In general, ordinary people can make good decisions about their nation only if

they are well informed and are able to share their thoughts with others, including their

leaders. This can be done through the media. The ability of media practitioners to

identify, comprehend, and explain events and issues helps societys members understand

and respond to events and issues. The need, therefore, is for the media to be reliable and

ethical in gathering and disseminating the information citizens require to understand their

world.

There was a time when the media in Cambodia were highly respected and trusted

by the public. When I was young, my grandfather told me to study hard to become a

journalist. He saw how Cambodian people honored journalists, who were considered

highly professional and ethical by the majority of Cambodian people even though such


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highly professional journalism actually has never existed in Cambodia. This was all

before 1975, when Cambodia began a short, but harrowing, descent into hell.

Print media.

In ancient times, Cambodians inscribed documents, achievements, and regulations

on stones and palm leaves. Print media were introduced to Cambodia by the French

during their colonial rule. The press was in the French language to report official French

activities and decisions. According to Jarvis, et. al. (2001), the three early French-

language journals in Cambodia included theBulletin official du Cambodge, which was

published in 1884, theAnnuaire illustr du Cambodge, which was published in 1980, and

Le petit Cambodgien, which was distributed from 1899 to 1900, and was the first private

newspaper in Cambodia.Reachkech was the first official Khmer-language gazette, which

continues to the present and issometimes known asRothakch; itcommenced its activities

in 1911. The first newspaper printed by typography wasLa Gazette Khmer,published

from 1918-1919.Limpartial de Phnom-Penh, La Gazette de Phnom-Penh, and

LEducateur Franaise were also seen in the following years (Jarvis et. al., 2001, p. 73).

Other French-language newspapers includeLEcho du Cambodge andLImpartial de

Phnom Penh. The first periodical in Khmer language,Kambuja Surya (Cambodian Sun),

appeared in 1926. The first Khmer-language newspaper,Nagaravatta, was circulated

from 1936 to 1942 (Jarvis, et. al., 2001, p. 74; Lor, n.d.). The newspaper acted as a public

mouthpiece for facilitating negotiations between the French rulers and Cambodian elites.

In 1937,Nagaravattas circulation reached 5,000. It became an anti-French and pro-

Japanese newspaper when the Japanese arrived in Cambodia in the early 1940s (Clarke,

2000, p. 245).


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In the 1960s, Cambodia had 13 daily newspapers, two weekly newspapers and

three monthly newspapers, one Sunday supplement, one daily mimeographed press

summary and a daily journal with a combined circulation of about 70,000 (Lor, n.d.)

Most of them were politically influenced. During the 1960s, all political parties were

merged into one political party, Sangkum Reastr Niyum, formed by head of state

Norodom Sihanouk, who exercised autocratic power. This move curbed freedom of

expression. All Western journalists were banned in mid-1965, and by the late 1960s no

foreign journalists were granted entry visas to Cambodia (Clarke, 2000, p. 246).

Press freedom was reintroduced to Cambodia after Sihanouk was ousted on

March 18, 1970. During the mid-1970s, 30 daily newspapers circulated (Lor, n.d.). The

private print media were seen to play an important role as watchdog since they criticized

the corruption and mismanagement of the new U.S.-supported government led by Lon

Nol. In June 1972, a press law was passed that granted freedom of expression and

criticism of the government, but limited publication of information that harmed the honor

of individuals or national security or that undermined morality (Clarke, 2000).

During the Khmer Rouge regime, there was a paucity of publications of all kinds,

except for the Communist Partys dogma, and the media came under state control.

Official monthly state publications, including Yuvachun ning Yuveakneary Padevat(Boys

and Girls of the Revolution) and Tung Pakdevoat(National Flag), were circulated from

January 1974 to November 1978 and from January 1975 to September 1978 respectively

(Jarvis, et. al., 2001, p. 74). Many journalists were killed or died of hunger and diseases

during this period.


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During the regime of the Peoples Republic of Kampuchea (1979-1987), a

number of mouthpieces of the Central Committee of the Peoples Revolutionary Party,

now known as Cambodian Peoples Party (CPP), were established. Those publications

included the weeklyKampuchea newspaper, established in January 1979; the military

journalKangtoap Padevoath (Revolutionary Army), established in 1979; the

municipalitys newspaper,Phnom Penh, established in 1981;anda party newspaper

Pracheachun (The People), which appeared in 1985 (Jarvis, et. al. 2001, p. 74).

According to the Ministry of Information (2008), there were 327 newspapers, 129

magazines, 36 bulletins, 27 foreign newspapers in Cambodia in 2008 (p. 6). According to

information acquired during this projects fieldwork, most of these print media outlets

excepting a few foreign language newspapershave been directly and indirectly funded

by political parties. Some representatives of print media I interviewed said their

newspapers made profits from advertising, but acknowledged that their employees were

underpaid (approximately from $50 to $150 dollars monthly) and facilities were

underdeveloped. Due to the poor pay, they said that the quality of Cambodias print

media content was below an acceptable professional standard.

Broadcast media.

According to Clarke (2000), under French colonial rule, the first Cambodian

radio station, calledRadio Cambodge (Cambodia Radio) was established in 1946 using

leftover Japanese equipment, replaced by a new and more powerful American transmitter

in 1951. The total number of radio sets in Cambodia in 1951 was about 3,500, increasing

to about 7,000 by 1958 (Clarke, 2000, p. 249). In 1955, under the Ministry of

Information, four AM radio stations came into existence, two with 1 KW transmitters and


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the other two with 10 KW transmitters. By 1958, only one national radio with a 10 KW

transmitter survived, and its transmitter was replaced by a 20 KW transmitter donated by

China in 1959 (Clarke, 2000, p. 249). The government TV station (TVRK) was

completed in 1965 and began programming on February 2, 1966. At that time, there were

only about 300 TV sets, but the number increased to 25,000-30,000 in 1974 (Lichty, &

Hoffer, 1978, p. 119).

During the Khmer Rouge regime (1975-1978), TV broadcasting stopped. This

was due to Khmer Rouges policy of confiscating all private belongings. During this

period, people had no right to possess anything, including TV sets, and if people had

them, they were taken away. However, the Khmer Rouge government used the AM state

radio station left by the former government to broadcast its policies and activities for six

hours per day (Clarke, 2000, p. 250). The radio station was basically a government

propaganda machine. Although only high-ranking officials had the right to carry radio

sets, ordinary people who were forced to work in the fields could hear the radio via

loudspeakers, which were installed in some work sites.

After the Khmer Rouge regime was toppled in 1979, the new government of the

Peoples Republic of Kampuchea, which was supported by the Soviet bloc, established a

national AM radio station called Voice of the Kampuchean People. According to Sem

Huot, a former public official who worked for the Phnom Penh municipalitys Office of

Information, the municipality as well as provincial Offices of Information put up a

number of loudspeakers along main roads in the provincial towns because of the limited

number of radio receivers (personal communication, June 11, 2008). He said

loudspeakers enabled those who did not have radio sets to access news and entertainment


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programs broadcast on national radio. The local broadcasts on loudspeakers usually were

aired for a few hours in the morning, at noon, and in the evening. The local news was

broadcast usually about an hour before national programs were relayed. The loudspeaker

era ended after UNTAC arrived in Cambodia in 1992, when short-wave and FM radio

was introduced and thousands of free radio sets were distributed throughout the country.

TVK did not commence its transmission until December 1984, when it began

broadcasting, using a black and white transmitter. In July 1986, color transmission began

to be broadcast for two hours every evening and four days a week in the Phnom Penh

area only. At that time, Cambodia had about 200,000 radio receivers and 4,000 TV sets

(Clarke, 2000, p. 250). Between 1975 and 1986, all entertainment produced by former

regimes and Voice of America radio, which broadcast in Khmer language from

Washington D.C. and relayed from Bangkok, were banned. The Khmer Rouge guerrilla

groups radio broadcast twice a day on a shortwave frequency from the Cambodian-Thai

border until 1997, when it was captured by the newly elected governments armed forces.

Radio Free Asia, which is funded by the U.S. government, started broadcasting in Khmer

language live from Washington D.C. in 1997 (Clarke, 2000, p. 250).

The growth of Cambodian broadcasting 1992-present.

A major turning point for Cambodia and its media sector came in 1992, when

UNTAC arrived to help prepare the first democratic election in Cambodia. A multi-party

political system was introduced in Cambodia. As a result, 21 political parties participated

in the general election (Sek, 2000, p. 221).

With the introduction of democracy, freedom of expression and the press were

encouraged. UNTAC enacted a number of laws, including media guidelines, which aimed


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to facilitate the establishment of media outlets in Cambodia. It was commonly believed

that in order to promote public awareness of the importance of citizen participation in the

election process, as many media outlets as possible should be established. Therefore, the

guidelines not only guaranteed freedom of expression, but also encouraged the

government to issue as many licenses as possible to commercial media applicants. The

government granted licenses to applicants even though clear standards for frequency

allocation and criteria for granting licenses were not in place. Article 13 of UNTACs

media guidelines stated

existing administrative structures should facilitate the profusion of

publications and broadcast stations by, for example, the processing

without undue delay of any necessary applications for registration or

assignment of broadcast frequencies. If an application has not received

an answer within one month, UNTAC encourages the automatic

approval of that application (UNTAC, 1991, p. 2).

Political parties then took this opportunity to establish their own media outlets to

act as propaganda machines for the upcoming election campaign. They paid a great deal

of attention to broadcast media because, according to a survey conducted by the

Womens Media Center, TV and radio were the first and second most important sources

of information respectively, while newspapers were third (Womens Media Center,

1998). However, Marston (2000) found that radio was the single most important medium

in Cambodia to truly reach all parts of Cambodia and all segments of the population,

regardless of level of education. This was due to the fact that more radio receivers were

available than TV sets. According to the Ministry of Planning (1999), in 1997 about 20


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percent of all households possessed TV sets while 41 percent of total households had a

radio. In addition, radio had the widest coverage of all media. Radio sets were also

cheaper than TV sets. Another advantage enjoyed by radio was that it operated with

batteries, and electricity was not available in most parts of the countryside.

Consequently, almost all broadcasters were owned by or aligned with political

parties. For instance, FM 88 aligned with the former Buddhist Liberal Party; FM 90 was

owned by the FUNCINPEC party; FM 95 and Bayon TV belonged to the Cambodian

Peoples Party (CPP); FM 96, AM 540, AM 740 and TVK, the national radio and TV,

served the interests of the CPP; FM 97 and Apsara TV were owned by the CPP; FM 98

and TV5 were jointly owned by a Thai company and the Ministry of Defense; FM 99

aligned with the CPP; FM 103 and TV3 were jointly owned by a Thai company and the

Phnom Penh Municipality; FM 105 (Beehive) belonged to the President of Beehive

Social Democratic Party, which acted as one of the opposition parties; FM 107 and TV9

aligned with the FUNCIPEC party; and FM 102 was owned by a nonprofit organization

called the Women's Media Center (WMC), and was then the only station considered

independent of political influence. It is clear that the broadcast media were dominated by

the CPP, which had been in power since 1979. The six major TV stations were directly

and indirectly influenced by the CPP (Edman, 2000, p. 17).

On November 9, 1992, UNTAC established its own radio station called Radio

UNTAC on MW 918 KHz (Puy, 2007, p. 15) to promote voters awareness of freedom

of expression, democracy, and the importance of their rights for the 1993 general

election. Kek Chhiv Pung, director of Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense


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of Human Rights (LICADHO), said thousands of free radio sets were distributed to

Cambodians across the country (personal communication, May 13, 2008).

In May 1993, the first commercial television station IBC (International

Broadcasting Corporation), which is now known as Royal Khmer Armed Forces TV5,

commenced its operation (S. Huot, personal communication, June 11, 2008). Huot said it

was jointly owned by a Thai company and the Ministry of National Defense. This station

was very popular until early 2003, when a violent anti-Thai riot took place. On January

29, 2003, angry rioters burned the Thai Embassy and major Thai businesses in Cambodia.

That unfortunate incident happened because of disinformation spread by local media that

a popular Thai soap opera star said that she would accept an invitation to perform in

Cambodia only if Cambodia returned Angkor Wat to Thailand; she further reportedly

said that if she were reincarnated, she would rather be a dog than a Cambodian. The

actress insisted that the rumor was false. However, this rumor was spread by local media.

Since then, Thai TV programs were no longer broadcast in Cambodia.

The second privately-owned TV station was TV9, which was allied with the

political party FUNCIPEC. Although this station was one of the first private TV stations,

it was not popular due to the low quality of its programs and transmission. The third TV

station that came into existence was Municipal Television TV3, which was jointly owned

by the Phnom Penh municipality and a Thai company. Kea Puy, Kyodo News

correspondent, said this station became the second most popular station in Cambodia

because of the quality of its entertainment programs and transmission (personal

communication, June 10, 2008). He said TV3 program formats were very similar to those

of TV5 as they were both jointly owned by Thai companies. Therefore, most


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entertainment programs were either imported from Thailand or locally produced but

modeled on Thai TV programs. However, both TV stations were criticized for promoting

Thai cultural imperialism. In response to these criticisms, local programmers tried to

Cambodianize the imported Thai TV programs by dubbing the programs into Khmer.

Songs were sung in Khmer and all TV announcers had to dress in Cambodian-style

clothing.

Two CPP-owned TV stations were APSARA TV and Bayon TV. These TV

stations program formats were more conservative and traditional. These TV stations

were not very popular because they were very political. However, Bayon TV has the

largest coverage geographically in Cambodia (InterMedia, 2010). According to K. Puy,

Kyodo News correspondent, each of these stations was linked with a radio station and

both were purely propaganda machines for the CPP because they were owned outright by

the party (personal communication, June 10, 2008).

Cambodian Television Network (CTN), the first Cambodian privately-owned TV

station, was launched in 2003. Since its introduction, CTN gained popularity and became

the most watched channel across the country. According to a survey conducted by

InterMedia in 2010 among 2,000 Cambodian adults, 61.8 percent had watched CTN in

the previous 12 months, the highest percentage achieved by any TV station in Cambodia

(InterMedia, 2011, p. 70). This is because it produces its programs locally at high quality;

its coverage was as wide as the national television TVK, and it could be accessed not

only in Cambodia but also in other countries, such as U.S.A. and Australia via satellite.

It is apparent that there were three different types of broadcast media operating in

Cambodia. These are political party, state, and commercial stations. PSB has not yet been


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established in Cambodia. It is worth noting that state broadcasters, such as the national

television TVK and NRK FM96, which were supposed to be purely funded by the

government, accepted advertising; their major sources of revenues came from

commercials. Thus a hybrid (state-commercial) model of broadcasting was adopted by

Cambodian state broadcasting. In addition, some broadcast media which received their

funding from political parties also sought additional funding from commercials. Thus,

regardless of broadcasting type, all broadcasters were involved in competition in a free

market economy. No matter what, free and fair competition of broadcasting benefited the

Cambodian people as a whole, because, according to Napoli (2001), within the electronic

media context, competition provides a greater variety of choices, lower prices, increased

efficiency, enhanced quality, and innovation.

Kek Chiv Pung, a president of a human rights organization LICADHO said with

numerous media outlets and a certain degree of press freedom, the press began to reveal

scandals in the former government and identify corrupt individuals. In the past, corrupt

government officials had not been afraid of anyone, not even the courts, which were

perceived to be corrupt as well. However, this time around, corrupt officials became

fearful of the media (personal communication, May 13, 2008).

Fear of their wrongdoings being exposed by the media, however, resulted not in

reforms by politicians, but in attempts to corrupt journalists. Some political parties went

to the extent of trying to set up media companies of their own. Soon, articles and

programs were being written, published, and broadcast largely because money was being

exchanged between media practitioners and politicians. Most of the local news being

published and broadcast became blatantly politicized, with no serious effort to present


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information in an unbiased and impartial way (K. C. Pung, personal communication, May

13, 2008). She said at the same time, the increasing competition between media

companies led to frequent exchanges of insults. However, there was a significant growth

of broadcasting in Cambodia during and in the post-UNTAC. This growth was due the

fact that (1) a multi-party political system was introduced, which encouraged freedom of

expression and the press; and (2) a free-market economy was introduced to Cambodia,

which opened access by any interested company to Cambodias broadcasting market.

Challenges facing Cambodian broadcasters.

Although Cambodian broadcasting was growing remarkably in the transitional

period, Khieu Kanharith, the Minister of Information, said Cambodian broadcasting has

not yet reached a satisfactory standard due to a lack of professionalism, administration

mismanagement, and financial problems (personal communication, May 3, 2008).

Professionalism.

Professionalism, which plays a crucial role in leading an enterprise to its success,

is badly needed by Cambodian broadcasters. Gershon (2000) said good broadcast

managers should have knowledge in media or media-related fields and give their staff

proper training to do their jobs effectively. In the case of Cambodia, very few people

working in media, especially broadcast managers, have a degree in media or a media-

related specialization, although some have completed short training courses. Cambodian

broadcasters have made clear their desire for greater opportunities to engage in advanced

professional and academic studies. Many of them wish to become recognized experts in

the fields in which they work. Up to now these people have learned by doing and

observation. Although they are able to operate broadcasting stations, the quality of


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broadcast programs does not yet meet satisfactory standards (K. Khieu, personal

communication, May 3, 2008). In addition, Kong Sothanarith, VOA reporter and Tieng

Sopheak Vichea, acting director of RUPPs Media and Communication Department,

echoed Khieus views. The blatant bias exhibited by media may have been caused by the

lack of media education and critical thinking. The lack of education, professional training

or creative thinking leads broadcasters to work unprofessionally and slows the

development of broadcast professionalism. These obstacles to development may be due

to the fact that broadcasters are unable to keep themselves informed about what is going

on in the outside world and unable to adapt to the changes in the external environment.

Keeping updated on changes in the external environment is important for all media

practitioners (Napoli, 2003).

As for professionalism, radio newscasts were nothing but the reading of stories

about robberies, murder, and traffic accidents, etc. from a number of local newspapers.

Um Sarin, the President of the Cambodian Association for the Protection of Journalists

(CAPJ), noted that often reporters dont go into the field. Sometimes they make a phone

call, but other times they just dream [stories] up (cited in Bainbridge, 2001).This clearly

indicates inadequate training or no training at all. Most journalists come straight from

high school without going through journalism training, and some have not even finished

high school. During this period, corruption within the journalism profession was also

apparent. I personally recall unethical behaviors displayed by a group of Cambodian

journalists. On January 14, 2002 at the opening ceremony of the Royal University of

Phnom Penh (RUPP)s Department of Media and Communication (DMC), which I

chaired, I was given a list of journalists who asked for money in exchange for reporting


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stories about the ceremony. I refused to give any money to them, and they warned that if

they did not receive any money, they would not write the stories. At the ceremony, Hun

Sen, Cambodian Prime Minister, also acknowledged that some local journalists worked

like kidnappers by demanding money from government officials or they would blackmail

them. However, high-ranking government officials often invited journalists to go with

them on visits to the provinces, and gave these journalists money in exchange for

favorable stories about their activities. After this, it became commonplace that journalists

expected compensation for their stories. Khieu Kola of the Club of Cambodian

Journalists (CCJ) accused the government of involvement in the corruption of journalists

(cited in Bainbridge, 2001). Reach Sambath, a professional journalist who graduated

from Columbia Universitys Journalism School and was an instructor at the DMC and

Chief of Public Affairs of Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC),

said that from 1993-1995, Cambodian journalists were like birds freed for the first time,

flying in the dark, knocking into trees and walls (personal communication, July 15,

2005)

However, the journalism profession has changed gradually because many

journalists have attended training offered by international nonprofit organizations. The

organizations involved in training journalists include the Asia Foundation of the United

States, which began media training programs in 1995; IMPACS of Canada started a

media training project in November 1999. Training has also been offered by GRET of

France; Agence intergouvernementale de la francophonie; American Assistance to

Cambodia; Australian AIDP; Danida in Bangkok; Diakonia; Forum Syd; Freedom

Forum; The French Embassy; German Ewangelisch Zentralstalle fur Entwicklungshilfe;


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Japan Relief for Cambodia; Netherlands Embassy in Hanoi; NOVIB; UNESCO;

UNICEF; the University Agency for French-speaking communities; the U.S. Embassy;

and the British Embassy. The Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAF) helped the RUPP to

establish the DMC to offer a first four-year degree program in media management, which

started in 2001. The media education program is still operating with major financial

support from KAF and UNESCO. On its web page, the DMC (2008) wrote

students are taught a broad range of media-related academic disciplines to gain a

solid understanding and a variety of perspectives on media environments. The

course prepares students to be the standard bearers of the media profession. The

DMC aims to assist in the development of high-quality independent journalism

and media management. During their training, students learn skills that will help

them become effective, creative and ethical practitioners and managers of the

mass media, fostering a free, viable and socially responsible media in Cambodia.

They learn to identify, understand and explain political, social and economic

events and issues and to share this information with Cambodian citizens, allowing

the public to understand and respond to their world.

According to Vichea S. Tieng, acting director of the DMC, DMCs graduates

have worked as media practitioners at many local and international media agencies or as

researchers and media officials within government agencies and local and international

NGOs (personal communication, July 3, 2007). He said that with the high demand for

manpower in the field of media, many of DMCs graduates were given scholarships to

pursue further education abroad and to come back to contribute to development of the

media profession in Cambodia.


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In addition, Tieng said some of DMCs graduates have been working with various

media organizations, such as BBC World Service Trust, to produce programs for

broadcast by Cambodian broadcasting outlets. During my preliminary study, I found that

BBC World Service Trust, an independent, international charity set up by the BBC, has

mass media projects funded by the British Government's Department for International

Development (DFID). The BBC World Service Trust uses media to advance development

and works with the Cambodian government and Cambodian broadcasters to create high

quality programming produced by international and Cambodian media professionals,

some of whom graduated from DMC.

Because of the gradual development of media professionalism, broadcast

programming is obviously better than in the past, which is something, pro-government

individuals argued Cambodia should be proud of. For instance, Kem Gunawadh, Director

General of TVK said TVK has been working with UNDP to produce Equity Weekly,

an on-going current affairs TV show, broadcast every Sunday since May 2007 (personal

communication July 18, 2007). He said TVK aired more than 100 shows on a variety of

topics, including politics, economy, culture, society, environment and healthcare.

Gunnawadh said such shows were good models for other broadcasters to follow, and they

showed that Cambodian broadcast programming had been improved.

Administration and management.

Based on my experience as a media professional working in Cambodia,

inadequate qualified staff has led to management deficiencies in Cambodian broadcasting

stations. Often the duties of personnel are not clearly delegated. Some have too many

things to do whereas others have too few. Overlapping responsibilities hinder good


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program production as well other operations. At the same time, some unskilled and

unproductive staff members have been employed although they do not contribute as

much as expected to broadcast stations.

I have also observed that an authoritarian leadership style is still practiced in the

Cambodian broadcasting industry. Cambodia was ruled by socialist regimes for decades,

and its broadcasters were under strict government control. This centralization and

bureaucratic red-tape still exists in almost all broadcast stations. This is due to the fact

that a majority of TV directors and managers were former media practitioners in the

socialist regimes, and are comfortable with the socialist system. As the result of this

leadership style, Cambodian broadcasters have been uncreative. Creativity not only can

sustain the existing media, but enable the existing media to become more profitable and

expand their audience (Covington, 1999). According to Kong Sothanarith, VOA Khmer

correspondent, since Cambodian broadcasters are predominantly uncreative, some

broadcast programs do not meet public satisfaction; the quality of broadcasting programs

is relatively low, and program content has been adopted from those of other countries,

which often does not work in Cambodian society (personal communication, June 11,

2008).

Finance.

Shortage of funding has hindered the development of every Cambodian

broadcasting station. Because of a shortage of money, broadcast stations have been

unable to employ skilled professionals and buy up-to-date equipment, including

transmitters. As a result, the stations produce poor quality programs, which neither attract

audience nor advertisers, the sources of financing for all broadcasting stations. For


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instance, most Cambodian radio stations broadcast news published in daily newspapers

instead of producing it themselves. Moreover, low paid media practitioners have accepted

bribes to broadcast specific content. In addition, advanced equipment such as transmitters

and other digital facilities are badly needed to catch up with the current state of

information technology. Most Cambodian broadcasters are still using analog equipment

and facilities, which leads to the low quality images shown on viewers screens.

Summary

As mentioned earlier, the main objective of this research is to explore the

prerequisites for the establishment of PSB in Cambodia. Since it is a feasibility study, I,

in addition to accessible documents, sought opinions from many people, such as

policymakers, decision makers, government officials, a Royal Palace representative,

executives, representatives of international NGOs, donor countries, local NGOs, civil

society groups, media professionals, representatives of broadcasters, media academics,

executives and news editors of foreign PSBs, ordinary citizens, and other stakeholders

about the conditions for the potential establishment of PSB in Cambodia, approaches to

the establishment, and funding. The methods of collecting data and findings of the

research will be presented and discussed in chapters 3, 4 and 5 respectively.


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Chapter 2: Review of Literature

Introduction

The concept of Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) is now more than 80 years old

(Coppens & Saeys, 2006, p. 261), and it has been an issue for debate among media,

scholars and social activists for the last few decades. The major concern is the uncertain

future of PSB. Scholars have expressed their concerns in research papers, reports,

conference papers, books, and other publications. Most previous studies on PSB systems

have focused on Western European PSB systems; in particular, the British Broadcasting

Corporation (BBC) has often been seen as a model for PSB systems around the globe.

According to Brown (1996b), PSB systems have two distinct models in terms of

management, production, and program transmission. A decentralized model is followed

in the United States and a highly centralized model is used in the United Kingdom,

Australia, and Canada. In the United States, local stations are the main public

broadcasting entities while in the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada, networks are

the main public broadcasters. United States stations have strong links to their

communities, and programs produced by local stations are diverse in nature. In the

United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia, a range of programs are broadcast by separate

networks; the United Kingdom has 5 radio and 2 television networks, Australia has 6

radio and 2 television networks, and Canada has 6 radio and 3 television networks

(Brown, 1996b, p. 79).

Kops (2001) emphasized that existing PSB systems around the world have

considerably different missions, financial resources, and legal competencies. In order to

study PSB systems, it is important to look beyond the BBC and PSB in Western Europe,


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and focus on the particular media environment within which PSB systems operate or are

going to operate. In addition, since the emergence of the BBC in the early 1920s (Scanell,

2000), both the BBC and PSB systems throughout the world have evolved significantly;

they have been influenced by the development of technology (McClauley, 2003;

McDaniel, 2002; Price, 1999; Schejter, 2003), political circumstances (Banerjee &

Senevirate, 2006; Brown, 1996b; Hallin & Mancini, 2004; Hrvatin, 2002; Jakubowicz,

2004; Kops, 2001; McChesney, 2008; McDaniel, 2002; Raboy, 1994; Raboy, 1998;

Scannell, 2000; Stiles & Weeks, 2006; Wells, 1996), economic conditions (Jakubowicz,

2004; Kops, 2001, Lanara, 2002; Maherzi, 1997; McDaniel, 2002; Mediacult, 1995;

Mendel, 2000; Picard, 2003; Price 1999; Sousa & Pinto, 2005; Stiles & Weeks, 2006;

Teer-Tomaselli & Tomaselli, 1994; Wells, 1996), socio-cultural context (Jakubowicz,

2004; Raboy, 1998) and civil society (Raboy, 1994).

There are many factors influencing the operations of PSB. This chapter will

address only significant macro factors, namely political circumstances, economic

conditions, civil society organizations, and socio-cultural compatibility, which previous

studies suggest have been the main influences on existing PSB and on determining

whether the establishment of a PSB system is possible in a particular society. These four

main factors were used as a framework for conducting the data collection for this study

and will be re-addressed in chapter IV and V, presenting fieldwork findings.

Political Circumstances

In The political economy of media: Enduring issues, emerging dilemmas,

McChesney (2008) argued that political economists studying the media believe that a

media system is usually established based upon policies made on behalf of the public,


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often without the publics informed consent; thus, how societies function can be

understood through media systems because the media systems reflect the nature of

societies within which they operate. Likewise, PSB systems, in particular, are believed to

be influenced by a countrys political circumstances (Banerjee & Senevirate, 2006;

Brown, 1996 a, 1996b; Hallin & Mancini, 2004; Hrvatin, 2002; Jakubowicz, 2004; Kops,

2001; McChesney, 2008; McDaniel, 2002; Raboy, 1994; Raboy, 1998; Scannell, 2000;

Stiles & Weeks, 2006; Wells, 1996). Brown (1996a) said it is a government's

responsibility to determine the broadcasting structure of a country. He emphasized that

the regulatory role of governments has a tremendous impact on the broadcasting systems

of a country. According to Brown (1996a), those impacts include decisions on, to

mention only a few, the introduction of broadcasting technologies, broadcasting

systems, financing methods, the number of broadcasters in a country or in a certain

market, and the regulations of program content (p. 3). If government has an impact on

broadcasting systems in general, it must influence PSB systems as well. In this sense,

political will and government intention are crucial for the establishment of PSB systems.

For instance, when the BBC began broadcasting, the British government defined

broadcasting as a public utility and established its mandate as serving the public interest

because the British government then believed that it would help to create an enlightened

and informed citizenry (Scannell, 2000). John Reith, the first Director General of the

BBC, conceptualized public service as a core element of broadcastings role in creating

an informed public and encouraging reasoned debate as pillars of a democratic society.

Similarly, Banerjee and Seneviratne (2006) suggested that the commitment and

the capacity of governments are crucial to the success of PSB. The establishment of PSB


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is sometimes done through the transformation of existing state broadcasting outlets and

sometimes through the creation a new entity. They point out that transformation of state

broadcasting into PSB is facilitated by the use of existing resources, such as territorial

reach, committed public funding, and experienced staff members, which helps make

newly transformed public service broadcasters into effective broadcasting institutions. It

is questionable whether this argument is applicable in all circumstances; Jakubowicz

(2004) forcefully argued that the introduction of PSB through transformation of state

broadcasting in post-Communist countries is usually a complete failure. Newly

transformed public service broadcasters often fail to accomplish their missions and end

up serving political interests rather than the public good. Although the names have been

changed, their management and working culture remain, and there are other challenges,

such as overstaffing, poor programming, and lack of financial resources. Whatever

method is used to establish PSB, either through transformation of an existing state system

or the creation of a new institution, it is the government that determines this.

Banerjee and Senevirate (2006) and UNDP (2004) discovered that governments

or ruling parties rarely want to give up their control over media institutions, from which

they gain political benefits. This is especially true in developing countries, where

democracy has not yet become fully rooted (Stiles & Weeks, 2006). A research article,

Eltzroth (2006) asserted that governments dominate radio broadcasting in 75 percent of

the world (p. 20).

The results of an evaluation of PSB conducted by Stiles and Weeks (2006) and

supported by UNESCO, suggest that political will significantly contributes to the

establishment of PSB systems. UNESCO recognizes that a major challenge for the


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creation of a PSB system is a lack of political will on the part of many governments. The

opportunities for PSB exist only when governments recognize the importance of such

systems, through which democratic processes can be strengthened, human rights can be

actualized, and people can be better educated, informed, and entertained. Therefore, a key

factor in the establishment of PSB is strong political will and commitment on the part of

governments.

Kops (2001) said freedom of mass media is often threatened by governments, and

constitutional law plays a crucial role in keeping PSB systems from political interference.

Many governments have a strong interest in controlling PSB systems. Thus, the political

independence of PSB systems must be protected, and this can be done through the rule of

law (Kops, 2001). For instance, in some countries, such as Germany, broadcasting laws

forbid the government from interfering with public service broadcasters. However, it is

questionable whether PSB systems in developing and post-Communist countries can be

independent of political influences because governments in such countries rarely give up

control of the media, including PSB systems.

The PSB systems normally operate successfully in the developed world, where

political and economic conditions are stable, a prerequisite for proper operation of PSB

systems. In the case of post-Communist countries, including Cambodia, political factors

are of particular importance for the establishment of PSB systems (Jakubowicz, 2004).

Jakubowicz stressed that in the low-income world, public service broadcasters face

difficulties because the political and socio-cultural prerequisites for their operation do not

exist. He said the introduction of PSB systems in post-Communist countries is as difficult

as the introduction of democracy. The introduction of PSB systems has often failed


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because PSB organizations face a lack of social embeddedness and the right democratic

context (Jakubowicz, 2004, p. 53). In order for PSB systems to flourish, the legal and

institutional frameworks of PSB must be transplanted and this must be followed by

development of a political and journalistic culture. This is always challenging because,

according to Jakubowics (2004), new ruling elites in post-Communist countries must

accept full liberalization of the media and establish a balanced dual system of

broadcasting. However, they often cling to the command system from which the country

is emerging. In the end, media practitioners, instead of exercising their impartial and

critical watchdog role, are more likely to be cooperative with the authorities in order to

keep their jobs.

Thechai Yong, executive director of Thai PBS, said the recent political crisis in

Thailand is a perfect example of the effect of political circumstances on possibilities for

the establishment of PSB. The PSB concept has been discussed by Thai academic circles,

social activists, and media reform advocates for decades, but it could not be put in place

because of the absence of a favorable political environment (personal Communication,

May 28, 2008). McChesney (2007) suggested three conditions for media structural

reform. He said the critical juncture in media will occur when two or three of the

following conditions occur:

There is a revolutionary new communications technology that undermines theexisting system;

The content of the media system, especially journalism, is increasingly discreditedor seen as illegitimate; and


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There is a major political crisis with severe social disequilibrium in which theexisting order can no longer work, and there are major movements for social

reform (p. 10).

In case of Thailand, the last two conditions apply. Thaksin Shinawatra was able to

control both state and private media until 2005, the beginning of his second term, when

his strategy of silencing opposition broke down and the military staged a coup detat on

September 19, 2006, when the prime minister was about to deliver a speech at the UN

General Assembly (Siriyuvasak, 2008). The coup detat led to the dissolution of

parliament and abolition of the existing national constitution. A new constitution was

enacted in 2007 which included the Public Broadcasting Act of 2008, leading to the

transformation of Thaksins iTV into the Thai Public Broadcasting Service (Thai PBS) on

January 14, 2008 (Nitsmer, 2009). Without political crisis it is doubtful that the Thai PBS

could ever be established. This demonstrates that political circumstances contribute to the

creation of PSB.

Economic Conditions

The change of media system in a country often accompanies a change in the

national economic system (McChesney, 2008). Thus, in addition to the influence of

political circumstances, PSB systems are affected by economic conditions (Jakubowicz,

2004; Kops, 2001, Lanara, 2002; Maherzi, 1997; McChesney, 2008; McDaniel, 2002;

Mediacult, 1995; Mendel, 2000; Picard, 2003; Price 1999; Sousa & Pinto, 2005; Stiles &

Weeks, 2006; Teer-Tomaselli & Tomaselli,1994; Wells, 1996). Funding is among the

most crucial challenges for PSB systems (Lanara, 2002). The PSB funding issue has been

a subject of debate since the global economy came into existence (Lanara, 2002).


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Therefore, economic factors are taken into consideration by policymakers when

considering how to set up PSB systems. Many experts argue that GDP is a determining

factor in the establishment of PSB. Based on usual financial structure of PSB systems,

Eric. Johnson, Director of Internews International, in an email communication, said in

my experience, public broadcasting can't exist in a country with a per capita GDP of less

than perhaps USD3,000 (Cambodia is at about USD500). The government will always be

too tempted to meddle in the broadcaster's politics (personal communication, April 3,

2007). However, he said he would love to be proven wrong! His argument was based on

the fact that traditional PSBs are financed primarily through license fees paid by citizens,

along with state subsidies. In the case of license fees, people are not able to pay if they

are economically disadvantaged. In addition, people with low incomes are unable to

spend money on consumer goods. This has an effect on markets, which are the source of

dollars, and this affects PSB income directly or indirectly because in some countries,

private broadcasters are obliged to pay for PSB as a part of their social responsibility.

Less spending by people also affects the national economy, which is the source of

government subsidies for the operation and programming of PSB.

Teer-Tomaselli and Tomaselli (1994) said that because fiscal constraints have

affected PSB systems, depending on license fees alone is no longer possible. Because of

this, government subsidies and commercial advertising are required in some countries.

South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) is a good example of the model in

which the PSB system is allowed to accept advertising. As a result, two thirds of SABCs

income is derived from commercials and one third from license fees (Teer-Tomaselli &

Tomaselli, 1994, p. 6).


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In Western Europe, scholars began voicing their concerns and debating the future

of PSB systems decades ago, when private broadcasting systems and globalization came

into play. According to Mediacult (1995), PSB systems have been affected by the size of

domestic markets and competition. Fifteen smaller countries with weaker broadcasting

cultures have been dominated by the programs produced in five larger countries (France,

Germany, Great Britain, Italy, and Spain) with stronger broadcast industries (Mediacult,

1995, p. 7). This trans-border communication places public service broadcaste

Im Sothearith - A Public Service Broadcasting Model for Developing Countries the Case of Cambodia

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