ifda dossier 60 - Burma Libraryifda dossier 60 . july/august 1987 editorial A GLEAM IN THE SOUTH?...

ifda dossier 60

CONTENT

EDITORIAL . A gleam in the South?

LOCAL SPACE . Theatre, adult education and development:

a workshop at Kumba, Cameroon (Hansel Ndumbe Eyoh)

ESPACIO REGIONAL . Cambios criticos, sociedad emergence y alternativas populares

en America Latina (Luis Lopezllera)

GLOBAL SPACE . Global shifts and their impacts on national policies (J.Pajestka) . Les ONGs comma cheval de Troie (Dominique Temple) . Towards a people-oriented biotechnology (Chakravarthi Raghavan)

NEWS FROM THE THIRD SYSTEM DAWN: Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era Femmes sous 101s musulmanes Human Rights Internet Ngalu e Kisal D6veloppement Sahel India: The Ahmedabad Study Action Group (ASAG) Belize: Belize Enterprise for Sustained Technology (BEST) USA: PLENTY Asia: SAM and APPEN News Feature Service Pharmaceutical patents: the ARDA statement From organisation ... to organism, a Findhorn Conference

LETTERS

FOOTNOTES

MATERIALS RECEIVED FOR PUBLICATION

This issue has been planted i n 20,000 copies. ISSN 0254-3036

ifda dossier 60 . july/august 1987 editorial

A GLEAM I N THE SOUTH?

The ' in ternat ional ' media hardly noticed i t , and the South as a whole uas not inforned, but a h i s tor i ca l event took place i n March. Jul ius 'Syerere, former president of Tanzania, and Cartes Andre's Pirez, fomer (and probably fu ture) president o f Venezuela, uent together t o Vene- zuela, Cuba, Peru, Brazi l , Uruguay and Argentina. Thzs was the f i r s t time ever that an African leader v i s i t e d Latin America, and did it i n company of a leader of such continental s ta ture .

The t r i p MS not o f the usual k ind . I n Peru, for instance, Nyerere and Pdrez v i s i t e d V i l l a Salvador, an al ternat ive , self-managed 'pueblo joven' o f Lina, and sai led on the leader of the l e f t i s t opposition, Alfonso Barrantes, a t h i s home. In Brazil , they met not only with Fede- ra l Minister Celso Furtado, but a l so with Cardinal h s .

What made the two men join forces were the preparations for a South Com- mission t o be chaired by Nyerere. Both of thev have been working on it for several years, but now there seems t o be a consensus that it i s an idea whose time has come.

When Dossier S O reaches i t s readers, the 7 th UN Conference on Trade and Development w i l l be meeting i n Geneva. You don' t need t o be a great seer t o fear that UNCTAD VII may, a t bes t , achieve nothing of importance. This i s the only r e s u l t the present North-South balance o f pewer and North shortsightedness would permit. There i s no longer any dialogue; there i s not even preparedness among the governmental and economic powers of the North t o hear the Other. As long as it was somewhat on the defensive , t h i s North accepted UNCTAD as a sort o f Hyde Park Corner where the South was a1Zowed t o voice i t s concerns, grievances, hopes. Now that the North hard core rules the place, it no longer needs i t .

But the problems of development - hmeuer defined - w i l l s t i l l be with us. And they a f f e c t not only the Third World. They are t ru ly W In the present circumstances, the South i s where hope for the p anet may come from. This w u l d have nothing new. Those who suffered most from a s i tua t ion - the colonized peoples, the working c lass , the young, women, were always i n the forefront of the e f f o r t t o change.

The South Commission may embody t h i s . I t s chances i n i t s exercise o f se l f -ana lys i s and s t ra teg ic prospective l i e i n i t s independence from governments and other i n s t i t u t i o n s and i n i t s capacity t o draw upon the wide network of policy-oriented research centres now ac t i ve i n the South; t o l i s t e n (no t jus t t o speak) t o the unheard voices o f the c i v i l socie ty and t o c i t i z e n s ; and t o i n i t i a t e the South-South communication process, catted for by a s i tua t ion which the ML!alimu. acknowledged, i n Montevideo, when meeting wi th Enrique Ig les ias : "The South i s m a r e of the North and the Uorth i s w a r e of the South, but the South i s not auars of i t s e l f " , he said.

May the South Comiss ion be the gleam i n the South that our la te friend h e t Pdrez Guerrero (whose l a s t dra f t was that o f a memo on the South Comiss ion) was dreaming of and working for, t h i s gleam which w i l l en- l ighten a l t o f us.

i f d a dossier 60 . julylaugust 1987 local space

THEATRE, ADULT EDUCATION AND DEVELOPMENT

A WORKSHOP AT KUMBA ( C A M E R O O N )

by Hanse l Ndurnbe Eyoh S e c r e t a r y G e n e r a l o f t h e Union o f A f r i c a n P e r f o r m i n g A r t i s t s FOB 8 2 2 2 Yaounde, Carneroon

(Ed i to r ' 3 n o t e )

Popular theatre a s a consc i en i i za t i on t c o l has been a r e c t t r r i q there i n the IFCA doss i e r for the l a s t fi'Js y e n s . 3 ̂JS published, f i r instone's

. .Foss Kidd, "Popular t hea t re , c o m c i e n t i z a t i o n and s truggle" , l o s s i e r 30, pp 17-30;

. Ross Kidd, "Popular theatre and popular s t ruggle i n Kenya: the s to- r y o f the Kamirii thu cornunity educational and c u l t u r a l centre" , Dosszer 33, pp 17-30;

"Popular t hea t re d i a Z o p e : statement o f the Koi t ta iBa^.~~L~?ss'r]., ' workshop", Dossier 36, pp 74-76;

. Dickson M . Muansa, "Theatre a s a t oo t for csmicnisat ion , [Zmbia!" , Dossier 4 2 , pp 23-32;

Oga S. Abah, "Popular theatre as i n t egra t ion and consc ier . t i za t ionf ' [.Vigeria!, Dossier 43, pp 3-24;

. "PhiLippines: :dindanao c o m i t y theatre networt", 2 o s s i ~ r SO, pp 88-83.

During l a s t year we rece ived no l e s s than e igh t new papers, a l t from Afr i ca . They were Listed i n the "mater ia ls rece ived for publication" s ec t i on o f the Dossier and seven o f them are l i s t e d again be iou for ease o f re ference . We cannot, of course, reproduce them aLL. k'e 'have se lec ted a s'vanma'ry account o f a 1384 workshop held i n the t o w of Kmba (Cane- roan ) , w r i t t e n by the coordinator, Hansel ?;dude Syoh of the Univers i ty o f Yaounde, who i s a l s o Secretary General o f the Union o f Afr ican Per- form+ A r t i s t s . A more de ta i l ed desc r ip t i on and sr.aLqsis o f the W b a ' ~ o r k s h i ~ i s ava i lab l e i n H . I'ldnmbe E ~ & e t L, !i~,&oaks &d Bridge's ( Y a o u ~ ' $ Un iver s i t y , 1985).

H . NJ-lmbe Eyoh, Theatre ~f relevance: m in ter^ ieu g i t h S t m k Chi funyise , March 1985, 11 pp.

(continued on page 16)

Hansel Ndumbe Eyoh

THEATRE, ADULT EDUCATION AND DEVELOPMENT

A WORKSHOP AT KUMBA (CAMEROON)

In 1984, theatre people from eight African countries and one from Sweden, met in the town of Kumba (Cameroon) to carry out an experiment in the use of theatre as a method of adult education and development. The Kumba Workshop was not the first of its kind, but followed similar work carried out in Kenya, Nigeria, Swaziland, Tanzania and Zimbabwe.

The participants at the workshop included Tar Ahura and Yakubu Nasidi (Nigeria), Sophia Likko (Ghana), Daniel Labonne (Mauritius) , Kalinguy Mwambay (Zaire), Penina Mlama (Tanzania) , Stephen Chifunyise (Zimbabwe) , Debebe Eshetu (Ethiopia), Abubakar Toure (Cote d11voire) and Martha Vestin (Sweden). They were joined by Paul Mbanqwana (Head of the Department of English), Bole Butake and Etienne Ze Amvela from the University of Yaound6, twenty five students of the Community Development Specialization Training School in Kimba and six local liaison persons.

This team of resource and local liaison persons, including the student participants, were assigned to three different villages - Kake, Kurume and Konye. The workshop lasted two weeks and was organized to initiate theatre people, development cadres and villagers in the use of theatre for conscientization/mobilization; to demonstrate the process with the view to enabling the Cameroonian authorities to assess its potential as a development tool; to contribute to the search for new methodologies in the practice of theatre for development; to hold practical experience in village-based theatre involving villagers in data- analysis, story-improvisation and discussion; and finally to assess the effectiveness of the methodology, both in its immediate feasibility and long term impact.

The methodology adopted for the workshop was largely informed by that used in the ITIIUNESCO African Workshop on The- atre for Development held in Murewa, Zimbabwe, in August 1983, and which was developed by the International Popular Theatre Alliance (IPTA) . What is Theatre For Development (TFD) or Theatre for Inte- grated Rural Development (ThIRD)? The theatre is used as a method of non-formal adult education in rural and marqinal- ized areas. According to Ross Kidd, the theatre is part of an educational and organizational process used in bringing people together and creating contexts for collective reflec- tion and action. It draws out participation and encourages

expression and analysis. It could be used to overcome people's fears and rationalizations and help in building confidence and a sense of identity. The theatre can stimulate discussions as well as a critical understanding of problems, contradictions and structures underlying everyday reality, clarifying the possibilities and strategies for action, stirring people's emotions and mobilizing for action. The theatre is thus used to develop the consciousness of rural populations, using local media in the form of dance drama, songs, mime, etc.

The popular theatre, says Martin Byram, is "people's theatre speaking to the common man in his language and idiom and dealing with problems of direct relevance to his situation. As a dramatic representation of local problems, it provides a codification of reality which can be used by the participants in analyzing their situation and finally as a collective expression and a communal activity, it creates the context for cooperative rather than individual thinking and action - it creates the possibility for horizontal communication or peer learning, rather than top-bottom, centre- periphery one way communication".

One of the most important features of popular theatre is its representation of local situations and problems through a process of codification, which makes it a powerful tool for education. The participatory nature of the event provides a communal forum for an exchange of ideas, while the question of theatre provides fictional frameworks in which community issues can be approached.

The rehearsal process exploits improvisation and the story which is developed is unscripted. Authorship is communal and the theme topical.

All this makes for an easy approach to the villages, especially because the theatrical event provides firstly for entertainment through which a certain didactic purpose is underscored.

Originally conceived as a follow-up to the Murewa workshop, Kumba was designed to resolve a few of the problems encount- ered in Zimbabwe.

The workshop was to concentrate on the process rather than the product and was to be seen largely in the context of initiation, with the resulting performance as the actualiza- tion of the people's needs rather than an imposition brought in from without. It was also emphasized that resource persons see themselves as catalysts and not as teachers. Their role was animatory. The people's art forms were to form the basis of the work with the implication that as much as possible, resource persons would have to integrate themselves

fully within the communities in which they were assigned. This was achieved by having the workshop participants and resource persons actually live in the villages where they participated in all the local activities. This helped them to gain a deeper understanding of the reality of rural existence rather than the superficial knowledge often gathered through cursory visits to the villages. The fact of living in the villages facilitated information gathering. The workshop participants adapted themselves to the work schedules of the villagers and actually joined them in their daily chores which helped to build a working rapport, as well as generate confidence. While such integration is to be desi- red, it needs to be handled with care and nothing should be forced. In the Kumba workshop, the contradiction which emerged was while the participants were seeking integration with the villagers, relations were not often easy amongst themselves, much to the consternation of the group leaders who often laid emphasis on the need for group solidarity.

The Kumba workshop posed a few pertinent questions: How can theatre for development be sustained as an ongoing process? What mechanisms can be put into place to sustain the work? Can follow-up be effectively organized? Can workshops of the kind organized in Murewa and Kumba effectively take place without all sorts of support mechanisms from the state and international sponsors, and does the existence of such support mechanisms not compromise the liberating quality of the work, thus rendering the process domesticating? Can popular theatre be apolitical? Can initiators of popular theatre processes within certain Third World societies afford the luxury of confronting the status quo or will considerations of their personal survival dictate their approach? Does a people's development not necessarily involve their ability to articulate the contradictions existing within their societies, and will such articulation not lead to conflict? In case of conflict, who is the looser? May this not result in greater marginalization of the rural populations? The choice is often difficult to make but preferably, there is an argument for a strategy that follows a certain hierarchy of needs, and if the work is to be sustained, the need for such a strategy becomes even more pressing. The popular theatre worker is confronted with a labyrinth of problems through which s/he has to negotiate. The choice is often personal, involving neither compromise of the sort that negates the spirit of the process nor agitation of the kind that will jeopardize the whole process itself.

The Kumba workshop was the first of its kind to be organized in Cameroon, and this called for a lot of tact, especially because the letter from the Presidency of the Republic authorizing the workshop clearly warned against the development of themes of a political nature. But the resource persons were not thrown by this. Extensive discussions were held about the full implications of such admonishment and

appropriate strategies were designed to negotiate through this, as well as through all other ideological disagreements that were manifest amongst the group. Another interesting factor was that even amongst the resource persons, discussions on theory were discouraged as they could either be too high-brow or because they detracted from the purpose of the workshop itself. Resource persons were acquainted with Boa1 and Freire, they had read enough of Ross Kidd and Martin Byram, but were all cautious not to make meetings dwindle into taking irreconciliable positions.

At the end of the two weeks, it was generally agreed that the workshop had been a success. Besides the student participants who saw it a as a synopsis of their whole programme, many of the resource persons saw the workshop as a positive extension of methodologies in popular theatre. But all the comments were not as flattering. Tar Ahura was worried that the workshop did not concentrate on liberating the people and had virtually resulting in "modernising poverty".

Theatre for development or popular theatre involves cultural action for change, yet it is the cultural factor which is often neglected in development planning, especially because its impact cannot be quantified. The resistance often met by development cadres in the pursuit of their centre-periphery- generated development programmes is a clear illustration of the constant need to use methods of communication which bridge the gap between planners and people and which call for a participatory approach in project-design. Change- agents must recognize the absolute need for dialogue between them and the rural people with whom they work. In the workshop, such communication was generated through the theatre, resulting in a process of conscientization and mobilization for action. Because the work involved the local population the results were self-qenerated and not imposed on them.

Methodology

The methodology adopted for the workshop was a follows: introduction to popular theatre; methods of information gathering; methods of data analysis; data-collection in field; analysis; story improvisation; performance design; rehears- als and analysis; performance; discussion; evaluation; follow-up.

During the actual work there were a number of modifications to the methodology depending on the circumstances encounter- ed. The Kake group, for instance, met with a group of farmers who joined the process with alacrity and virtually took over by the end of workshop. The Konye group, on the other hand, met a conglomeration of three villages, virtually hos- tile to each other, and decided that the situation demanded that they work on their own improvisation based on the information gathered and the resulting analysis. The Kurume

group met a village which was almost self-conceited because of its achievements and needed to introduce methods of information gathering which would challenge the perceptions of the villagers.

What these adjustments proved was the fact that while keep- ing within a certain frame of reference and pursuing particular objectives, the methods of achieving these in the field are likely to differ from place to place and would necessarily be dictated by the prevailing environmental circumstances and social outlook of the people.

Introduction to TFD

The workshop opened with an introduction to theatre for development by Stephen Chifuniyse and Tar Ahura. This included a brief history of the development of the methodology, including experiments in Swaziland, Botswana, Zambia, Kenya, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe and the impact of the work there. This was followed by an introduction to the methods of information gathering, which included:

a) the flooding method, whereby a whole group would flood a village, meeting the villagers wherever they were and holding informal discussions with them;

b) the homestead technique, which involved living in with a family and trying to pick up as much information as possible through discussion and observation;

c) the interviewing method, through which formal interviews would be held with designated people in the villages;

d) the performance method, which involved improvisations through which both participants and villagers would obtain a deeper understanding of issues, with the improvisations changing as such understanding grew deeper and deeper;

e) the official eye technique, which simply meant obtain- ing information from official sources;

f) the hierarchical method whereby the participants talked with the village chief and councillors.

In the actual work it turned out that all these methods were used in varying permutations. Spending a total of six days in the field divided into two period of three days each, the workshop participants experimented with various methods of information gathering, meeting the village councils, talking to the villagers at their various work places and sharing their preoccupations. The days were often long since the participants had to adjust to the routine of the villages.

The Kake group experimented successfully with the improvisation method of information gathering, creating tiered pre-

sentations through which they gained collective understanding of the contradictions within the society. The Konye group, after preliminary information gathering and analysis, narrowed down their work to the village counsellors since they identified the division amongst these people as the principal inhibiting factor to their collective action.

In Kurume, the chief turned out to be a haughty spokesman of the achievements of his community and the participants decided to challenge the local myths by meeting the people in small informal groups and talking to them.

One thing that emerged was the need for tact because many villagers have come to be rather reticent in responding to questions from researchers who continue to use them as guinea-pigs for their experiments. A proper rapport must be built and it is often preferable to begin by asking general questions with occasional leads before going on to penetra- ting ones.

Analysis

The period of data-collection was often linked with analysis. Some groups were constrained to carry out initial analysis on their own, before doing so with the villagers, while others had the collaboration of the community from the start.

Story improvisation

Of the three groups, two decided to work on fully developed improvisations after an analysis of the data. The Konye group chose disunity as its principal theme, and this after extensive discussions within the group and with some villagers. The motto was United we stand, Divided we fall.

The story-line developed involved three sons who had inherited farms from their father. According to the late man's will, the eldest son had shared the land amongst the three of them, giving a patch of land nearest the river to the youngest son. Because of flooding, most of his land was being eroded. He then seeks the advice of an engineer who counsels him to build a kind of break-water. The youngest son puts money aside and buys the materials necessary for the construction, but the vehicule transporting them is not allowed to go across the other farms, and a violent quarrel ensues amongst the brothers. Unable to resolve the problem within the family, the younger brother takes the matter before the village council. A t this point in the play, the villagers are brought in as members of the village council and are asked to resolve the problem.

In retrospect, the choice for the group was not easy. The psychological tensions discovered in the village were of

such magnitude that the participants were scared about the outcome of their choice, but the risk turned out to be worth taking, for the villagers understood the allegory very well and have since come to work together, establishing a village-development committee and launching contributions towards the construction of a bridge and the installation of piped water.

The Kurume group had a more complicated story-line for its improvisation. This involved a newly married illiterate couple who live in perpetual tension because of traditional attitudes which do not encourage dialogue. The man, who is a farmer, turns out to be a squanderer and a drunkard, spending endless hours in the village beer-store where he offers drinks to whoever is willing to share his munificence, while his pregnant wife wallows in self-pity at home. She suffers a bout of malaria but her husband insists that these are symptoms of first birth and brings in a charlatan village medicine man who prescribes a foul-tasting concoction and accuses the woman of having broken a number of traditional taboos, including eating proscribed food. Fortunately for her, a friend of hers who is a nurse at the village health centre visits her, diagnoses her illness as malaria and ad- vises her to visit the health centre. Here she is given a lengthy prescription, but the drugs are not available. She looks for her husband in vain and is forced to borrow money from a neighbour to go to town to obtain the drugs. She re- turns to meet an irate husband who had called a party for his friends. During the party, the neighbour who lent the money comes in to ask for reimbursement, but the husband is adamant that he is not going to pay and accuses the neighbour of having an affair with his wife. A fight ensues which is only brought to an end with the arrival of a childhood friend of the young man who has spent a long time in the city and who conjures up wonderful pictures of the dainty life there. He manages to implant his ideas into the minds of a number of young men and suggests that they steal money from their parents to pay their way to the cities. This they do, but they are caught and brought before the village council. This provides the opportunity for a critique of the traditional power structures within the village. Parents do not give money to their sons; women have no voice and many other structures exist depriving both women and children from participating fully in the life of the village. The matter is brought before the village council, as in the case of the Konye improvisation, the audience becomes the jury and has to debate the issues raised. The discussion which followed lasted late into the night, since the performance was put on in the evening.

After the first discussion carried out during the intermis- sion, the play continues with the main plot. The young couple continues to have problems. The wife takes an over- dose of quinine because neither she nor her husband can read

the prescription. This results in a miscarriage. The inci- dent leads the audience to discuss the problems of illitera- cy and the demise of the village adult education programme.

The determination of the participants to probe deeper into this community paid off. From a community that had expressed such pride and conceit in its achievements, the group was to discover that there were more fundamental problems. Witch- craft, or a predominant belief in it, had, for instance, resulted in a massive exodus of the young men from the village. This, coupled with traditional methods of distribution of wealth and sharing of power, had come to deprive the community of vital labour. The consequence was that aqricultu- ral production was dropping and young men who inherited farms from their parents were either beginning to sell or lease them and take up the easier life in the cities. Women had become atrophied because of the same traditional structures which proscribed them to certain roles and denied them any substantial participation in the life of the village other than as procreators and labour. It was discovered that the existence of symbols of modernisation - the village school, a village cooperative, health centre, piped water, etc., were not matched by an accompanying change of attitudes. Traditional structures were permanently maintained even where the cultural structures supporting them had been eroded, the predominant belief in witchcraft by a church- going people.

The performance was therefore structured to reflect these contradictions and to highlight them, making them more per- ceptible. The rather heated debates that ensued even long after the performance is an indication of how the fiction- alized situation in the play was used to clarify many of the issues and to bring them in to sharper focus.

The impact was almost immediate. It is said that just after the participants had left the village, money for produce bought before was paid out to the fanners and every father made sure he gave money to his sons because they had all come to realise through the dramatisation that these children also needed money. Youths and women have now been in- corporated into the village council. The village health centre is now visited more often. The village is much cleaner than it had been prior to the workshop. The village chief is no longer the omniscient leader that he used to be. Issues are now discussed openly. Taboos have begun to disappear.

Many of the issues which had been discovered in Kurume also existed in Kake. The Kake group met with an enthusiastic following, particularly because the ground had been well prepared by the local liaison person who had already received formal training in animation techniques and extension work. He is a plantation owner and his workers, with whom he has developed a rather interesting rapport, became the nu-

cleus for the workshop. The Kake group used the stop/start improvisatory method with each improvisation, clarifying the situation as the group went along. In one of the improvisations, a farmer struggles to get his produce from his farm to the village cooperative. Here, the produce is graded and evaluated, but he cannot receive his money because he does not possess an identity card. He is directed to the police station in town where one can be issued to him. At the police station, he is confronted with the venality of law- enforcement officers who seek to extort money from him for a document which is free. A discussion followed the improvisation. Why do the police think they can extort money from the farmer? Because he is ignorant. Why is he ignorant? Why has he not been to school? Because he considers school belitt- ling and would therefore not take advantage of the adult education programmes existing in the village. After the discussion, the improvisation was carried further, challenging the perceptions of the villagers. Throughout, however, the participants were careful not to impose themselves on the community. The participation of the villagers was often so engaging that on occasion, they virtually took over.

The high-point of the improvisations in Kake involved a conflict with the Parent-Teacher Association which is supposed to be the governing body of the village primary school. Dur- ing the process of data-collection, it was discovered that the headmaster was being accused of high-handed management which had caused the PTA to withdraw its material and financial support to the school. The conflict had seemingly been provoked because monies contributed to the School Develop- ment fund were not being accounted for and there was growing suspicion that the headmaster had embezzled it.

This suspicion was reinforced because the headmaster had persistently refused to submit himself to any control. Nei- ther could the village chief, who was also chairman of the PTA, be persuaded to take any action against the headmaster and he was seen as colluding with him. It had also been discovered that the village chief was not actually resident in the village and as such did not have control over much that went on there.

The participants had talked to parents, to the pupils and teachers of the school, as well as to the headmaster and the village chief. They had gathered information from the various protagonists. There was no communication between them and that gap had to be bridged. The participants announced throughout the village that they were finally to leave the following day, but that before they left, they would like to share a final experience with the villagers.

The gathering was large. The participants began the improvisation, taking on the roles of the headmaster, parents, pupils, the village chief, etc. At one point, the headmaster

suddenly emerged from the crowd and took over the role from the participant who had been impersonating him and explained what the actual situation was. Other villagers joined in to replace the other characters and the fictional-cum-realistic situation built up. The village chief arrived just in time to hear one of the villagers/characters accuse him of collusion with the headmaster. He was so shocked about this that he jumped in and explained that he had never though that his people could think him so mean. There was no collusion between himself and the headmaster. The principle he defended was that the headmaster was employed by the Presbyterian Mission that owned the school and could therefore not be subjected to the censure of the villagers.

The outcome of this improvisation was a sudden discovery that much of the misunderstanding that existed in the village was the result of an absence of dialogue, and not because there had been any fraudulent action by anyone. The headmaster even presented bank statements in the name of the school which proved that he had actually deposited all the money collected for the school.

Evaluation

Remarks made at the very end of the workshop, either by the villagers, the student participants, the resource persons or the school administration were very positive. The chief councillor of Kurume, a septagenarian, said that it had been worthwhile for him to have gone through the experience before he died because never before had he been offered such an opportunity for detailed self-analysis or provided with so much meaningful entertainment.

The processes adopted by the three groups worked out well and were consequent on the circumstances met and the time available. Problems were identified, analyzed, codified into dramatic sketches, presented before the audiences made up of members of the community, discussed and action generated. The Kake group had the active participation of members of the community; the Konye group prepared their improvisation and then presented it to the community, while the Kurume group included some villagers in the cast. This indicated that the process, although well structured, ought to be pursued with flexibility. Actual methods of information gathering may differ from one situation to the other or may be carried out in any combination. The essence is that the communities be drawn into the process and made to participate fully in it. People should not be treated as objects. The advantage of participatory drama is that it stimulates ana- lytic and emotional response, and its dynamic nature has to be made use of to the fullest. By providing a mirror for critical self-analysis as well as a stimulus for discussion and action, the theatre becomes a didactic tool.

To achieve villager participation, which is one way towards ensuring villager control over the process, it is necessary that the work be carried out as an ongoing process, with emphasis on the process rather than the product. While folk media should provide the take-off point for the work, the methodology needs to be introduced in phases to avoid frus- tration on the part of both participants and the village communities. In workshops which combine initiation and research, as was the case in Murewa and Kumba, care should be taken to create sufficient balance in the ob]ectives. Ini- tiation will certainly have to take precedence over research objectives and resource persons will need to remind themselves constantly of the need to formulate their methodology carefully. Student participants need to be trained in the methodology, but this training is received on the job and resource persons need to be aware of the fact that their enthusiasm and know-how may not be easily matched by that of the participants. It is also necessary that ideology and theory be kept to the barest minimum, though articulated when the need occurs.

Workshop participants must be sure that they leave behind the local structures which could continue to work, although this would require constant backstopping and support. It is also necessary that facilitators be made aware of the socio- political repercussions of participatory education. They would have to ascertain that they have perfect control over the process. In the villages, participants need to generate enough interest in the process itself and discourage the tendency to wait for the final performance.

As was the case in Kurume, participants should be careful in dealing with resistance. Many village communities become sensitive to being used as case studies. Subtlety and tact must be exercised. Assumptions should be discouraged and prejudices avoided. Everything that is done should come out of empirical findings. Class attitudes should be avoided as much as possible and participants should be open-minded. In the villages, there is need for identification with the communities. It is essential that participants join the villagers in their occupations and use every opportunity to col- lect as much information as possible. F6rmal interviews with tape-recorders or note-books need to be limited. Villagers tend to be more relaxed if they are not being recorded. It is necessary to brief student participants and village communities well in advance otherwise expectations can be un- necessarily high.

Often enough in this kind of work, the contradictions manifest themselves first within the resource persons themselves. Having sympathy for workers and peasants, the resource person often finds him/herself faced with a situation in which his/her status cannot be ignored, but this should not be an impediment to the process. Rather, it should be

turned to advantage, especially as workers and peasants are likely to appreciate the fact that one more privileged shows concern for them.

A pertinent question posed after the Kumba workshop was: Having conscientized and mobilized the people, what next? Another was: Is it only the rural people who are in need of conscientization? What structures do you leave behind for the people to be able to continue the work on their own? Does dependence on various support mechanisms, including funding from the state or from foreign donors not compromise the very nature of participatory education? Rather than liberating the people, is this kind of work not being increasingly used to domesticate them and does this not result in the modernisation of poverty?

First, it can only be hoped that being qualitative, the positive results of such a workshop will manifest themselves in terms of a change of attitude over a period of time. In the Kumba situation, this occurred even faster than had been anticipated. The people in the three villages have been provided with structures through which they could justly vali- date their experiences, raise issues, discuss them, seek collective solutions and generate action. But to achieve these, full participation needs to be encouraged.

Overview

Ross Kidd has tried to establish a typology of popular theatre methods. He asserts that

as a means of expression which has tradi t ional ly been used t o edu- cate the young, uni fy community and art iculate the commonly f e l t concerns and aspirations of the people, popular theatre bui lds on an educational approach and means of comun'ication which i s already familiar t o and accepted by the community. I t i s t h e i r spontaneous means of education and grassroots communication. I/

He goes on to add that there is a wide spectrum of disparate activity operating under the label "popular theatre" ranging from message-oriented programmes on one end to grassroots processes of popular education and organizing on the other. He identifies five strands including:

a ) struggles for national independence; b) mass education and pura2 extension; c ) community or participatory development; d ) conscientization or popular education, e ) popular education and organizing.

I / Ross Kidd, "Popular Theatre and Sonformal Education i n the Third - World: Five Stands of Experience", International Review of Education (XXX, 1984) p p . 265-288.

The Kumba workshop could be situated within the last three, although there is hardly any clear division between them. A s he concludes, "popular theatre has a dual edged potential" in the sense that it can be technocratic, messaqe-oriented "domestication theatre" (in populist guise) on the one hand and, on the other, it can be used as a process of consciousness raising, organization-buildinq and struqgle.

The Kumba workshop was a personal initiative of the project leader in collaboration with the Union of African Performing Artists (founded in Zimbabwe in 1985) and the Department of English of the University of Yaounde. While the project be- nefited from material and financial support from the university authorities as well as from international agencies, one of the most positive aspects was that there was no official supervision to inhibit the pursuit of the methodology.

The Kumba workshop helped to conscientize people, to mobil- ize them for action, to join others in bringing about change in their lives by providing themselves with basic necessi- ties. The next step is yet to come. Whether this is desira- ble or not will depend on the communities themselves and neither can nor should be in any way imposed upon them. They should be allowed to be the architects of their own destiny.

(continued f rom page 3 )

1366, 21pp [Workshop Theatre, The Univers i ty o f Leeds, Leeds, L52 9 J T , UK].

. Stephen J . Chi funyise , Theatre for development i n Zimbabwe, August 1386, Spp. [M-in is tq o f Youth, Spor t 4 Cul ture , Pr ivate Bag 7 7 4 9 , Ca~seuay , Harare, Z-Lmbabuel.

. Gabriel G. Bandu, Theatre for development - the Zambian experience, Ju l y 1986, 4pp. [address above!.

' /avid Kerr, Beyond pretence: Theatre for primary hea l th education i n ,Malaui, June 1S86, 6 p . [FOB 280, iomba, I'-lal&l.

y iar t i~; :d. Kmengo 3 Zickoon K. X a n s c , Teuching &'it3 through thea t re : the Xamushekande experience, June 1986, i? pp. [The hi- v e r s i t y o f Zambia, Centre for cont inuing education, FOB 50516, Lusaka, Zambia].

j f d a d o s s i e r 60 j u 1 i o / a g o s t o 1987 e s p a c i o r e g i o n a l

CAMB IOS CRITICOS, SOC IEDAD EMERGENTE Y ALTERNATIVAS POPULARES

U N T A L L E R L A T I N O A M E R I C A N O DE REDES EN M E X I C O

Por Luis Lopezllera Promocifin del desarrollo popular TlSloc 40-3 11370 Mexico DF, Mexico

En An4rica Latina, Los mouimientos popdares de pr~onocidn sociaL ban ido adqu'iriendo cada vex mayor importancia como protagonistas m ? t < p Z e s y m i n u s d o s de un ccanino aLtemati-vo a Los triZLados modelos de desarro- l l o impuIsados a n i v e t e s macro por Los es tados c e n t r d i z a d o r e s y /o por Las grandes corporaciones transnacionaLes.

Durante tres o cuatro decadas de desarrollo, con resultados mas bien frustrantes, se experimentaron viejas tensiones entre modelos de libre mercado o de planeacifin tecnoburo- crztica, o de combinaciones politico-econfimicas, donde la participaci6n social con formas orqanicas autosuficientes result0 casi inexistente. Estos modelos con altos costos humanos, no han loqrado sino la heteronomia de la sociedad, su inconsciencia, su debilidad, su dependencia, en tanto que se ha fomentado el derroche consumista en las clases acomodadas cuya contrapartida en las clases mayoritarias es la violencia, como miseria, como respuesta o como represifin.

Experiencias revolucionarias o reformistas no han loqrado mucho en favor de las mayorias latinoam6ricanas. Los caminos para efectuar cambios estructurales y obtener logros sociales considerables y sostenidos han resultado bloqueados por intereses dominantes, que a1 interior de 10s paises fueron fincados en la explotaci6n y la acumulaci6n. A1 exterior de 10s paises, 10s bloqueos se producen con el desarrollo de las empresas que puqnan por mundializar la economla, qracias a1 uso en su exclusivo provecho de las tecnologlas de punta, 10s medios avanzados de comunicacifin y por si faltara, 10s armamentismos a niveles siderales.

Los dilemas Norte-Sur y Este-Oeste son expresifin de un mundo de dinosaurios - estados y corporaciones - cuyas instituciones para el desarrollo y cuyas ideoloqias sobre el uso y leqitimaci6n del poder, resultan obsoletas y hasta nocivas. En 10s inevitables enfrentamientos que en esos callejones se generan, 10s pueblos no encuentran caminos alternatives en la soluci6n de las necesidades basicas de sus humanidades.

Estan muy presentes en la conciencia latinoam6ricana 10s traumas de la Malvinas o de Granada, el fracaso de Can-Cun o la neutralization del Grupo Contadora.

En America Latina se da, viniendo por el Sur (Perfl, Argen- tina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Brasil), un revivir de la democracias parlamentarias como sucedaneas de dictaduras militares desastrosas, que en su moment0 fueron implantadas ferrea- mente ante impulsos populares, reformistas o revoluciona- rios, que pugnaban por transformar estructuras socioecon6mi- cas. Estas nuevas democracias heredan sin embargo un fardo de graves situaciones y obliqaciones, inflacifin, devalua- ci6n, deuda internacional, producci6n orientada a la agro- exportaci6n, enclaves industrializadores con gran dependencia del exterior, poblaci6n con escasas alternativas econ6- micas y aun con modelos clSsicos de polttica partidaria, que no permiten por hoy ser optimistas.

En America Central, el drama de Nicaragua, como protagonista principal en esa reqifin, a la luz de todo el mundo, ensena las virtudes y fragilidades de una revoluci6n nacional con procesos populares cercados y aqredidos por 10s Estados Uni- dos, en irrespeto practice a esfuerzos distensionadores del Grupo Contadora o a dictamenes del Tribunal de la Haya. En el Caribe, Cuba continua bloqueada, en tanto que en Haiti, un nuevo regimen, que desde arriba es respuesta a verdaderas movilizaciones populares por sacudirse una feroz dictadura, hace pensar en formas mas inteliqentes de retoma del control y menos brutales que las empleadas para retomar Granada.

En Mexico, la fosilizacifin de un regimen perpetuado desde la Revolucifin de 1910-20, retoricamente popular en 10s Gltimos cuarenta y seis aflos, has producido la mayor crisis nacional de este siglo, con la petrolizacifin de su economla, una in- mensa deuda impagable en 10s terminos que la creron, una corrupcifin estructural y una poblaci6n politicamente escep- tica. A cambio, se alimenta desde el Norte una reacci6n sa- neadora y democratizante per0 en terrninos neoliberales, pro- tagonizada por clases medias y empresariales, junto con la Iqlesia. En paises andinos, Colombia y Perfi, sus democracias parlamentarias se ejercitan sin resolver problemas de insurgencia arraiqada en sectores amplios o caracterlsticos de sus poblaciones; 10s pretendidos dialogos, como tampoco en El Salvador, aun no logran reducir la violencia, sorda o en estallido constante, que parece ya une maldici6n para 10s pueblos de Latinoam6rica. Es la violencia y el llamado desarrollo, un binomio inseparable?

En el context0 de subcontinente en crisis, en consonancia con una crisis mundial que afecta principalmente a 10s pueblos del Tercer Mundo, va surgiendo la convicci6n de que es necesario superar 10s modelos obsoletos y costosos en terminos humanos y econfimicos, que han sido impuestos sobre una mayoria de 10s pueblos por dominaciones y procesos externos.

Esta convicci6n se da tamblen en la constataci6n de que no basta la reaction directa e inmediata contra 10s sectores dominantes y explotadores, sin0 que se precisan sabias estrategias, procesos inteligentes y eficaces, que apliquen nuevas reqlas del juego, ineditas e irreprimibles, que resulten efectiva y sustancialmente a favor de 10s despojados y marginados.

En base a la practica de orqanizaciones civiles, educativas, promotoras, implementadores, que se han gestado en forma relativamente autonfima a 10s poderes dominantes y en estrecha conexi6n con 10s sectores populares, es que se ha susci- tado una serie de encuentros nacionales e internacionales, forrnales o informales, en vistas a procurar un mutuo apren- dizaje en las estrateqias propias de la orqanizaciones de base y de apoyo, para un mejor loqro en su autonomla, auto- gestifin y autosuficiencia.

Es en este context0 que se celebro el Taller Latinoam6ricano de redes "cambios criticos, sociedad emerqente y alternativas populares", en Mexico, abril de 1986.

Cambios criticos, porque la crisis es product0 de series reajustes a niveles macro, mundiales y porque sufriendo 10s efectos, Latinoamdrica empieza a movilarse a partir de distintos componentes de La sociedad en busqueda de soluciones. Los rnarcos de referenda se descomponen, las ortodoxias se revisan, las tacticas convencionales y las estrateqias de izquierdas y derechas se entrecruzan, en tanto que sectores ultra-conservadores insisten en prevalecer a cualquier costo con sus formulas desgastadas. Se hacen cada vez mas evidentes 10s desfases entre corporaciones transnacionales y empresas industriales atrasadas, entre formas partidarias, burocraticas y estatistas, y sectores orgSnicos de la sociedad. Los cambios estan en la orden del dia y quien se aferra a las forrnas estaticas, produce rnas violencia e imposicifin.

Sociedad emerqente, porque estan ernerqiendo nuevas instan- cias entre las capas componentes de la sociedad. Estas in- stancias se esfuerzan por materializar soluciones con menor grado de dependencia o sometirniento a poderes cuasi-absolu- tos. La sociedad civil, concept0 que se entiende y practica de diversas maneras, surge en medio de crisis que paralizan o relativizan a 10s poderes pollticos. Asl fue en la Cd. de Mexico, a raiz del terremoto que sufrio en Septiembre de 1985, cuando un Estado manipulador de situaciones calcula- bles no sup0 ser protaqonista ejemplar ante 10 imprevisible y fue rebasado por el actuar espontaneo y creative de una multidud de qrupos, instituciones y movimientos sociales. Er. 10s Gltimos afios, las dictaduras aqotaron sus recursos de control ante una crisis que las supero, acusando su incapa- cidad para resolverla. En paises tan distintos como Haiti o Chile, la movilizaci6n de la poblacion se da ya en terminos cualitativamente nuevos. En Brasil y Argentina, habiendose

experimentado intentos reformistas o radicales en torno a1 Estado y que produjeron dictaduras militares, ahora se ex- perimentan movilizaciones civiles en apoyo a democracias mas maduras, podriase decir de tendencia post-estatal y mas con- secuentes con el desafio del mundo maldesarrollado, post- industrial y hegemonica de hoy.

Alternativas populares, porque no se puede sequir disenando e implementando pseudosoluciones sin la participation de la poblaci6n mayoritaria en las tareas basicas por su realiza- ci6n humana, el la creaci6n de sistemas mas justos donde las oportunidades y 10s beneficios esten mas a1 alcance de todos. Se trata de superar modelos que en la practica resultan exclusivos y excluyentes, succionadores de poder econ6- mico y politico a favor de cada vez mas pequefias minorias. Se trata de implementar microrevoluciones en la conciencia y en la praxis de una infinidad de comunidades, grupos, fami- lias, que recentrandose en si mismos, decidan de una vez por todas asumir sus destinos y luchar desde adentro y desde abajo por su libertad de acclon y su progreso personal y colectivo. Se trata de reducir 10s costos humanos que formulas en caducidad haven pagar a las poblaciones. Se trata de ya no posponer indefinidamente anheladas soluciones pro- metidas por altos diriqentes y orqanismos piramidales, de ya no acumular frustraci6n en cada qeneraci6n.

Aqui, sera importante facilitar oportunidades a la inven- ci6n, la creatividad, el ensayo endogeno. Las formulas convencionales de actuaci6n estan muy controladas, se precisa generar alternativas en tiempos, espacios y formas organicas que resulten, con une logica y una sustancia distinta, ina- lienable~, indomables. La busqueda que 10s pueblos de Cen- troam6rica han estado protaqonizanda en estos anos es un ejemplo notable de una lucha radical por superar estructuras obsoletas, donde elementos caracteristicos como el compo- nente indigeno-campesino o el ancestral espiritu comunitario se combinan con otros, como 10s valores reliqiosos o 10s es- tetico literarios, y se rebelan contra un sistema impuesto con sanqre y que responde a prioridades geopollticas del mundo de 10s poderosos.

Dictaduras militares, democracias reformistas y revoluciones insurgentes han pugnado entre si, entrecruzandose en una sola regi6n "balkanizada" y disputada por intereses exoge- nos. Las intervenciones del exterior tratan de prevalecer oscilando entre dictaduras y democracias, en tanto que las mociones populares, tratando de encontrar 10 propio, 10 con- veniente, subsisten y resisten, oscilando entre democracias, insurqencias y revoluci6n. Son estas tres ultimas opciones las que interesa cualificar con la protagonizaci6n medular del pueblo: democracia participativa, insurgencia de la dig- nidad popular, revoluci6n en el loqro de autosuficiencias, son desafios que requieren el maximo de creatividad y sa- biduria.

PACT0 Dâ SOLIDARIDAD

Entre componentes de organizaciones populares de promoci6n social, asistentes a 1 Taller de Redes, Mexico, Abril 1986.

Desde hace ya varios anos, en Latinoamerica se ha venido promoviendo y posibilitando el dialogo y la concertaci6n entre Organizaciones de Pro- motion, OPs, que operan en la region, con el proposito de intercambiar y poner en comun avances y problematicas, y, as1 mismo, generar una cor- riente de alternativas populares que contribuyan a la creaci6n de una sociedad justa.

Es en este marco historico, que hemos podido generar algunos espacios privilegiados de encuentros: en 1981, El Taller "Fe y Acci6n Solidaria con 10s Pueblos de Centroamerica"; en 1984, el Curso-Taller sobre "Microproyectos de Desarrollo" y con esa ocasion, el Taller Latino- americano de Redes con el tema "Estrategias de Organizaciones de Base en la Crisis Regional".

Lo que a continuaclon expresamos es uno de 10s productos de un siguiente esfuerzo, que ha concertado a 128 personas representativas de mas de 78 OPs provenientes de todos de Centroamerica incluyendo Belice y Panama, mas Colombia, Ecuador, Chile, Argentina, Haiti, Republics Dominicana, Mexico, Estados Unidos, Francia y Suecia. Esta concertaci6n ha sida po- sible gracias a la convocaci6n mancomunada de CRES-ALOP y a las tareas organizadoras de un colectivo de organizaciones con sede en Mexico.

Ha sido un nuevo Taller Latinoamericano de Redes, bajo el titulo general de "Cambios Criticos, Sociedad Emergence y Alternativas Populares". Se compuso de dos fases y un foro. Une primera fase de intercambio y capa- citation, favoreciendo para ello el contact0 en La practica, visitandose a une serie de 15 organizaciones mexicanas. Con ellas, otras 20 OPs de la region participaron a traves de 39 personas delegadas, responsables directas en el trabajo de base. Una segunda fase dio un paso mas en el diseno de estrategias y en la clarification conceptual y operativa de La Redes existences.

Este Taller ha permitido apreciar, a partir de nuestras diversidades, una serie de desafios. Hay que subrayar que encontrar Los espacios de comunicaci6n, atraves de 10s cuales reconozcamos y compartamos como cada quien enfrenta sus desafios, es en si mismo, un desafio mas.

El Taller, reflexiono respecto de quienes somos, que tenernos, donde es- tamos y para donde vamos, desde varias perspectivas o panoramicas. Luego de un intercaabio de experiencias y una construcci6n colectiva de conceptos, se llego a puntos de coincidencia, desafios y recomendaciones. Sin pretender la tarea imposible de reflejar toda la riqueza que este Taller nos aporto en distintas dimensiones, una Comision integrada el ultimo dia, elaboro el siguiente reporte que subraya algunos de esos desafios y el Pacto que asumieron todos 10s participantes.

Desaf ios

Logica de magorias y civi'iizac'iSn de senc i l l e z . Ante e l fracaso de Los modeLos de desarrotto de Los paises llamados manzados se requiere una loqica de mayor-ias en la con&mccidn de una c w i l i z a c i d n de s&ci l l e z .

La c r i s i s es tructural que confronts Lat'inomerica, la aunt no solo se ezpresa en su d-hension econdmica, sin0 politics, social , cul tu- r a l , ambiental, con mayor premura en Centroameriea, nos represents un desaf io en terminos de las posibilidades de cambio que la misma conlleva. Es claro que pop e t ludo economico es ta en cuestion, e l modelo misrno de industr ial izacidn, con su pretencidn de generar una sociedad de consume en masa, s imi lar a La de Los paises llamados avanzados.

Este modelo no solo ha sido incapaz de in tegrar a Las grandes may- ar ias de nuestro continente, sino que ha dependido de un creciente pero a La misma vez insostenible ritmo de endeudarniento.

La c r i s i s dernanda toda uno nueva al ternat iva que anteponga La logica de La mayorias, en donde una opcidn econdmica viable solo puede ser comebida en funcidn de una c iv iLizaci6n de La s inpl ic idad, que parta de Las necesidades prinarias de la gente corno un nuevo mode20 de c iv iLizaci6n.

Esta c r i s i s , en su dimension inmediata or duradera, ha traido con- sigo e l surgimiento historicamente nuevo de protagonistas que per- ciben justanente a la c r i s i s como oportunidad de echar a andar proyectos propios, con arraigo popular, en eL marco de urn c i v i l i z a - c idn de In. senciLlez con acento latinoamericano.

Nuevos y diversos pro tagonistas. En la emergencia de nuevos pro tagonistas de Los cambios necesarios, se destaca wia diversidad de part ic i - pantes heterogeneos en La for ja de nuevos suje tos his tor icos .

El r e t o de e s t e punto e s t u en poder i d e n t i f i c a r las notas esencia- l e s que caracterizan la reatidad de protagonistas en cuanto sociedad emergente. Ante todo, nos aparece como data d i r e c t s del Tat ler , l a heterogeneidad de Los participantes hacia Los cambios. Un mosai- CO mas aZLa de La pic tor ico y 'Los diverse, s i g n i f i e s La contribu- cidn t o t a l de La mayorias a cons t i tu i r se como su je tos de un dest ino que Les pertenece.

Asi, Los hay en terminos de hornbres y mujeres, n ines , jovenes, adultos y ancianos; indigenas, mestizos y bLamos; hispanoparlan- t ea , anglofonos y fromofonos; migrantes y refug-iados.. . En f in , una America Latina que se re trae a sus propias raices socio-histo- v i sas p m emerger con nuevos contenidos y nuevas formas.

Pero s i n duda, La interrogante sobre La identidad de "1,s protago- n i s t a s apenas se i n i c i a , y to& respuesta no e s mas que t en ta t i va .

De ah i que es necesario una revalorizacidn c r i t i c a de lo popular. Esta tarea se real iza en un marco mas exigente que en e l pasado.

Debemos ser capaces de responder C L desaf io de los xueuos ?rota- gonistas en Las bases sociales y a t de La mergencia de for^as creativaa que aparentemente resul tan imprevistas o r.os rebasm.

Conooimiento popular y resistenc'ia. Se m c e s i t a superar m d e n i s m o s y empirismos mediante algo 'nas que una reLacidn estrecha entre t eor ia y practica, a part ir del conocimiento popular y las p a c z i c a s de s3bre- vivencia y r e s i s t enc ia .

Es necesario que e l trcbajo comun, l leve aL protagonists de subsis- tencia y r e s i s t enc ia h c i a procesos mas amplios y globules. La i n - vestigacidn-accidn part ic ipat iva - es 'vino de 20s metodos mas ade- cmdos.

Se Levanto e l desaf io de La reLaciones y a veces contradictori-as entre la teoria y eL ernpirismo. En e l trabajo de promocidn, 'La teo- r i a debe desarroLlarse en eL i n t e r i o r de La practica popular. Debe- mos cuida^nos de La teorizacidn ester-it y mermente academics.

Es necesario for talecer La vincuLaci6n y eL apoyo teorko-metodoto- qiao intimsnente articulado C L terreno mismo del saber, la accidn y La organizacidn popular. En e L Lo, d i ferenciar netodos de La meto- doloqia, para encontrar La cienci-a teorica de nuestro proeeso y a s f podernos conducir historicamente.

Respecto a La t eor ia que neces i tmos se recomienda avanzar en eL proceso de d e s m i t i f i c a c i h del conoc-hiento c i e n t i f i c o y de La re - valor-izaci6n del conocimiento popular, para reart icularlos y for- ta lecer La a l t e rna t i va popular que sea capaz de ofrecer sotuciones que nuestros pueblos necesitan.

En Los espacios cerrados par la represion, e s necesai'io aprender del pueblo para protegee e l trabajo y desarrollar formas de Laten- d a de La organizacidn y la movilizacidn.

La devolucidn hacia e l puebLo de Los Logros teoricos t i ene que ha- cerse en e l Lenguage del pueblo y con La requeza y fuerza de su capacidad de ezpresion.

Poder a L ternat ivo y convergencias . La participacidn popular genera pro- aesos de confrontaci6n o de poder a'i ternativo. Este a su vez requiere pro teccdn y defensa. Se deben e v i t a r prepotencias de conducaidn y s i favorecer consensus y convergencias comunitarias.

El trabajo debe inscr-Lbirse en e l marco de opciones de poder y par- t ic ipaci i fn popular. Hay que trabajar La simp Licidad en eL marco de La v i s ion mas global y de Largo plaza.

Se plantea tambien eL desaf io de for talecer desde La accidn La d i - n h c a i n t e r n de fomacidn y capacitacidn de La direcci6n popuLar de Luchas y procesos.

Las organizaciones de prmoc ' i fn OPs, &ben es tar a t a t a s a Los procesos uni tar ios o de convergencia que se dan en cada pais para poder ar t i cu lar su trabajo y mantener una comunicacidn fluids en e t m o o de redes que permitan e t conocimiento y eL desarrot to de esos esfuerzos de unidad popular.

Un desafio de las OPs pars que su ir.serci6n en Los przocesos popuZa- res favorezca La energenc<a de protagonistas, e s e v i t a r e l peligro de irrponer prepotentevente un papet de conduccidn de Los procesos populares.

i n desafzio importante e s e l que se presenta a las OPS mar..do sus espacios de trabajo se encuentrem aompren&d~s en s o w s en donde fuerzas revotucionar'ias hem togrado avanzar. 3e convierte en un r e t o de elevar n ive les de eomnicacibn y relaciSn hor%zontat con estructuras pol i t icas mas avpl ias .

Capacidad creatiua ante opresion y ezplotacidn. Proyectos y pronotores HO deben sobreponerse a t mouiniento popular sino ser f ici-Ii tadores de La capacidad creat iva del pueblo. So se debe escamo'cear una reatidad de opresion y explotacidn.

Es necesario afrontar e l desaf io de como mantener La i n i c i a t i v a y l a creatividad s i n arriesgar e t conjunto del trabajo Â¥ de como acumular y s-isternatizar las experiencias s i n que BUS ensenanzas sean refuncionalizadas y cooptadas para usarse en contra del pueblo.

Debemos es tar atentos para que 10s procesos uni tar ios de nuestros pueblos no sean ins t rmen ta l i zados cuando se encuentran en su fase de consolidaci6n y desarro Llo.

Los prornotores no pueden es tar desligados de la bases. Tienen que surgir de e l l a s . Cuando provienen de una ins t i tuc i6n , t ienen que ser suscitudores y faci l i tadores y poseer capacidad creat iva y corn- promiso con e l pueblo.

En e l manejo de proyectos la logica de las organizaciones de promo- c-iiSn ne debe sobreponerse sobre l a logica de la necesidades y las peculiaridades del rnov-imiento popular y su es trategia social .

En l a tarea de impulsar La autosuf ic iencia de 20s grupos de base, e s necesario cuidar que 10s recursos externos no se conviertan en object ives centrales y que pop otra parts, La autosuf ic iencia ad- quirida no s i rva para ocul tar o escamotear La realidad de opresi6n y exptotacidn.

Aqencius, in-formac-iSn y replanteos. Entre las agendas de cooperaci6n aL desarrollo ex i s t en aquellas mas sensibles a Los procesos de cambio. E3 precis0 generar informacidn adecuada y replanteamientos conjuntos para profundizar en l a solidaridad.

Existen agendas y sectores que se cornprometen rnas con e l proceso de liberacibn, tanto en 10s paises del Norte corno en 20s nuestros. En relaci6n con las agendas no debe aplicarse un c r i t e r i o general de relacidn u t i l i t a r - i s ta Norte-Sur sin0 encontrar a l t e m a t i v a s de mayor congruencia entre medios y f ines .

Las agendas manejan fondos e Â¥informaci6n que se suelen d i s t r i b u i r a su a r b i t r i o exlus ivo. Esta asimetria en la re laci6n requires ser transformada. no con mecanismos s u t i t e s de dependencia sino con aperturas, convergencias y equivalencias reales .

En forma reciproca es necessario Lograr una informacidn adecucda sobre Las agendas . Las redes es tan en posibiLidad de LograrLa.

Es necesario plantear la relacidn con las agencias no solo circun- scribiendose a proyectos contretos sino en eL contexts de procesos en la realidad del pais y de 10s acontecimientos que son signi-fica- t i v o s para esa realidad.

Es necesario buscar relacidn con 'La base social de las agencias ya que eL in te res en l a re lacion no e s solo econdmica, sino e s elevar y r epersond i zar 10s niveles de conunicac-idn para c l a r i f i c a r y profundizar la solidaridad.

Se hace indispensable que OPs y redes avencen en direcci6n a eLabo- rar pronuncianientos y pLmteanientos conjuntos ante agencias, en terminos al ternat ivos e inclus ivos . Poco a poco se iron denotando aquellas agendas abier tas a un di-alogo real .

Tej idos y mementos no formates de 10s procesos populares: redes y t u l l e - res . Es necesario vincuLar organiaamente to es trategico a La co t id ian i - dad y Las neeesidades popuzares. Las redes son formas multi-polares de comnicaci6n-accidn. Los t a l l e r e s son fornas adecuadas que habra que n u l t i p l i c a r .

Se reconienda La d i fus ion y sistematizacidn de La experiencias en nater ia de Redes. Para e l l o , u t i l i z a r un Lenguaje conun, senciLLo y funcional.

Respecto de problemas es trategicos de La organizacidn en Redes, se reconoce la necesidad de vincuLar organicmente 10 es trategico a La cotidianidad y necesidades populares. Se t ra te de procurar por todos Los nedios que nuestra actividad no coarte o Linite Las posibi- Lidades es trategicas .

En cuanto a La sistematizacidn se reconienda: recuperacidn de 10s elenentos de l a cul tura popular traditional a1 i n t e r i o r de procesos concretes de Los nuevos protagonistas de Lo his tor ico-social y con exmen de t e j i d o de t o no formal en Los procesos populares.

Se impone l a necesidad de elaborar un d i rec tor io de Redes. Hacer un inventories de Los elernentos caracter is t icos de La netodologia en La experiencia de Redes.

Se considera indispensable, que e l encuentro sostenido en e l Ta l l e r no se convierta en una s i tua t ion pasajera. Los t a l l e r e s son un espacio idoneo y privilegiado para La produccidn de conocirnientos. A e s t e respecto se hace indispensable un mecanisno operativo de in - formacidn de 20s t a l l e r e s que cada grupo o Red pretenda en e l futu- ro proximo. En cada pais ser ig u t i l impulsar La celebracidn de t a l - Leres entre grupos similares.

Comunicacidn en pro de producciones a L ternat ivas rea Les. El rescate de La nenoria popular, formas tecnoL6gicas u t i l e s y procesos nasivos a l t e r - nat ives deben ser aprovechados en una comunicacidn productiva que se base en La esperanza.

Se v io como tarea permanent2 'La recuperacibn de 'La palabra del pueblo, sus codigos y tradiciones, aow apoyo a1 rescate de La memoria popular y a La creacibn de a Lternativas.

Desafios evidentes son La s inbiosis o e l vacio entre procesos no formates de comunicaci<Sn tradiciones, o arcaicos y Los aportes universales de La tecnologia de punta.

Fara avanzar en La direccidn ya senalada de un trabajo teorico den- t r o de La practica social se sugiere un bo le t in que aproveche recursos como 'La microcomputacidn que ya poseen alqunas redes, para una circulacibn de informacibn y retroaLimentacidn coleet iva, en contacto estrecho con Los trabajos de base.

Mecanismos o canales alternatives de comunicacibn deben ensayarse. Desde Los m i s m movimientos sociales a r a i z de la c r i s i s : migra- ciones econbmicas o desplazamientos masivos po l i t i cos , e x i l i o s , movi'Lidad transfrontera, v iajeros constantes, turismos a l t e m a t i v o s hasta recursos cas i olivadados, como las palornas mensajeras.

Necesidad de c ircular directories de grupos, reeursos hunanos y tecnicos disponibles, e t c .

Una comunieacibn productiva se basa en Los hechos y testimonies que producen confianza, amistad, esperanza. Rara vez se encuentra en formas masivas de comunicacidn tan prost i tu idas . Se impone La ne- eesidad de una repersonalizacidn de La relaciones, en todas las dimensiones del ser humano, tanto individuates como coLectivas.

Paeto de solidaridad

For to tanto y basados en l a ezperiencia k i s tor i ca , de primordial importancia, de la solidaridad en e l proceso de liberacidn de nuestros pueblos , Los partieipantes en e l Ta l l e r Latinoamericano de Redes, realizado en Mdxieo, de 5 a t 18 de Abril de 1986, proponen y acuerdan:

Establecer un PACT0 DE SOLIDARIDAD entre las organizaciones popda- r e s y de promoci6n social participantes en las dos fuses del Ta l l e r de Redes a e f ee to de cornprometernos a trabaj.ar tesoneramente por fortalecer La solidaridad entre nuestras organizaciones y en busca de perfeccionar nestros metodos de trabajo, gracias a t intercambio de experiencias y a un compromise permanente con las aspiraciones de nuestros pueblos por conservar, defender y acreeentar La vida. Invitamos a las organizaciones latinoamericanas que no pudieron a s i s t i r a adherirse a e s t e paeto.

Hacer un fraternal Urnado a todas aquelzas organizaciones populares de promocibn de toe paises de SUP y de l Norte a sumarse a Los esfuerzos de solidaridad de 10s pueblos Latinoamericanos, en proceso de ernergencia, protagonismo y busqueda de al ternat ivas propias, e spee iahen te en aquellos marginados y desposeidos en jus t i c ia .

Los m t e r i o r e s desaf ios y recomendae'iones se emarean dentro del h i s tor i eo esfuerzo por for talecer Los procesos de l iberacibn in te r - gral de todos nuestros pueblos, que nos conduzean a todos hacia una mayor plenitud de vida.

i f d a d o s s i e r 60 . j u l y / a u g u s t 1987 g l o b a l space

FROM T H E N I E O T O T H E P A R T I S A N G L O B A L P O L I C Y

GLOBAL SHIFTS AND THEIR IMPACTS ON NATIONAL POLICIES

by J6zef Pajestka* Chairman, Polish Economic Association Instytut Nauk Ekonomicznych Palac Kultury i Nauki 00-901 Warsaw, Poland

1. Introductory comments on methods of Gglobal Analysis

Economic literature is divided into micro and macro economics, hence micro and macro theories, analyses, etc. Though macro economics could refer, etymologically, to a broad spectrum of subjects, it usually refers to national economy.

For some two decades we have been observing the emergence of global concern, global thinking and also considerations of global strategies related to the notion of global economy and global economics. They are, indeed, slowly emerging in the current stream of economic thinking, particularly in connection with various institutional and conceptual initiatives of the United Nations. The UN should be justly considered to have a built-in "bias" for international and global thinking.

We have had the notion of "world economy". Is there any difference between "world economy" and "global economy" ? Both terms can be and are often used as synonyms. However, while the term "world economy" has been used traditionally to describe some aggregate behaviour on a world-wide scale, the term "global economy" might be used rather to imply a kind of organic entity of world-wide processes. The term "global economy" would then be synonymous of "national economy", which denotes not just a mere aggregate but an economic organism, having some laws of behaviour. Recent thinking tends towards this kind of terminology.

There has been relatively long experience in describing the world economic processes in quantitative terms and in analysing the performance of the world economy. This experience has accumulated mainly within the United Nations, which has

* The following a r t i c l e was original ly presented a t a workshop on East- West European Economic Internaction organized by the Vienna I n s t i t u t e for Comparative Economic Studies. J6zef Pakestka i s a member of the IFDA Counci I .

also developed a unified system of statistical notions and classifications for that purpose. These analyses which can called of survey-type are mostly descriptive, though not devoid of certain explanatory values. They operate with aggregated data concerning:

. outputs (GDP, GNP, sectors, main commodities)

investments (with some break-down),

. international trade and financial flows,

. various social indicators.

Time-series of the aggregated data are given for world economy as a whole and for important country groupings and are also available for many individual countries.

Descriptive analyses of this type can ascertain trends and fluctuations in performance of the world economy and differ- entiation of trends of change for various country groupings, hence growing or diminishing descrepancies in socio-economic levels of the various groups of countries; behaviour of factors influencing the development : capital investment, foreign trade, financial flows, structural change and a certain explanation of the reasons of changing performance. If carried on continuously, descriptive analyses can lead to even better understanding of the processes of economic change within the global framework. Thus, the continuous description of economic developments on the world scale was certainly useful in promoting comprehension of processes in the economic environment of individual countries, helping them to have a better understanding of the necessary premises for their own policies.

Description of some features and trends of change, though necessary for better understanding of socio-economic reality, is certainly not yet sufficient. Deeper insight is required for better anticipation of the changes most likely to occur in the future, which is a condition sine qua non of a more efficient development policy. Explanations of the survey-type of analysis have been insufficient. By and large, this has been understood and has led to various attempts to improve this aspect of world economic analyses.

For a number of years, experimental application of economic models for analyses and projections of the world economy has been taking place. It seems to have started in the mid- 1960s, with applications of the very aggregated models of the world economy within the UN Secretariat, used for projections prepared for the Second UN Development Decade. As far as I know, they were based on a conceptual model of "two gaps", i.e. of capital investment and of balance of trade, developed by Prof. Chenery. More disaggregated projects were produced in the Second Report for the Club of Rome (Pestel and Mesarovic) . A known, disaggregated projection was also

prepared for the UN by Prof. V. Leontief. Continuous studies and projections are carried out in application of a global S.C. Link Model (Prof. Klein).

Projection models are always based on some theoretical assumptions with respect to the behaviour patterns of the set- up under consideration. This is also true of global models, whether the theoretical assumptions are explicitly or impli- citly formulated. However, there are also global models that are not in the form of quantitative formulae. They may serve for diagnosing the global processes. A good example here is the "centre-periphery" model of Raul Prebisch.

I do not intend to evaluate the whole experience in global models, quantitative and others. Suffice it to say that they demonstrate a certain progress in understanding the global processes. I believe that something can be learnt from global projections, and it should not be neglected. I am of the opinion, however, that applying models of comprehensive, disaggregated projections, going down to country behaviour, is not the only method for better understanding of global economic performance and anticipation of the changes most likely to emerge in the future. Let me stress that we should try various methods that offer any chance of increasing our understanding of the global processes.

I am now going to apply a method somewhat different from the ones indicated hitherto. It puts the main emphasis, not on presentation of the trends of change, but rather on the logic of change", therefore not on the behaviour of various economic variables, but that of the various agents and institutions involved in the policy of change.

This methodological approach assumes that there are agents influencing the global processes and, indeed, carrying on some kind of global policy. This assumption would appear to reflect the real contemporary world scene. Description of the behaviour of agents can also be made by way of description of certain specific actions, what may be a convenient way of describing and analysing the ongoing process of change on the global scale. The process can then be presented by the following scheme :

------ Situation 2------ Act ion

3 - - - - - - - Situation 3

No uniform description of situations or actions seems appropriate since they are supposed to reflect the actual set up. Any description of global processes of the kind discussed has to rely on some theoretical approach. My description and interpretation are based on a conceptual frame of the "centre-periphery" type. This defines in particular the choice of agents, though I attach greater significance to identification of real agents that to any general scheme.

I leave it to the reader to appraise the merits of the method applied. Let me indicate, however, that they should be seen in the explanatory context. This is not a substitute for other methods of global analysis of the types indicated above, but rather, another type.

2. Major shift resulting from OPEC's action

It is widely considered that the 1970s opened a new era in global developments. The 1970s were anything but a continuation of the trends appearing throughout the post-war period. World economy entered into a period of turbulence, trying convulsively to find new patterns. What happened was, of course, a result of forces and tendencies which had been at work for a long time. They surfaced, however, not by way of continuation but of unexpected change which, it should be stated in retrospect, the power of vision of the social scientists as well as that of politicians was clearly too weak to anticipate. Policy then had to catch up with change and adjust to it with the least possible delay. What we saw, instead, was policy taken by surprise, accompanied rather by convulsive than by conscious, purposeful action. This is not an universal characteristic, but still a proper one for a number of cases.

The first major change came with the decision to increase the price of oil. What followed was called the "energy crisis", though this is a rather misleading term. What really happened was a dramatic step taken by a group of countries to impose a new international distribution of income by increasing the price of the most important commodity - oil - the main source of energy on which contemporary civilisation relies very heavily. Reliance on oil proved to be so deep and universal that it proved impossible to dispense with or substitute in a short time. That is why the OPEC's action proved so effective.

The dramatic change came about in the entourage of the global issues. This was in a way prepared by the rising new global awareness created i.a. by the Report of the Secretary General of the UN, U Thant, by the publications of the Club of Rome and by a number of other studies on natural environment, world disproportions, etc. It is important to note that:

The OPEC's action was intended to dramatically change international distribution of income in favour of the Third World countries, which it achieved, gaining support and solidarity from practically all the Third World countries. Never before had this solidarity ap- peared so strongly on a global scale.

It came as a manifestation of the two most critical global issues : that of the appalling socio-economic discrepancies dominating the world scene and of the most serious, indeed, dangerous, potential resource limitation - energy.

The action had an historical dimension: it came about as a manifestation of factors accumulating historically, bringing about the necessary change, and it ushered in a period of altered patterns. For the first time in human history global issues came to the surface very strongly, not as mere intellectual arguments, but as real forces, exercising a profound influence on interhuman relations on a global scale. They can be said to have created new challenges which are here to stay and to be solved in one way or another.

It is not so much OPEC's action as the reaction to it that has had the deepest impact on the patterns of further global developments. World history has known bigger changes in terms of trade involving international income distribution, without such major repercussions. This time, however, it was also a real (power struggle) on the global scene, appearing against the background of forces bringing about historical change. That is why the OPEC's action ushered in a new period of global processes.

3. A strategic response to the challenge

While it is widely agreed that the OPEC's action started the upheaval of the 1970s, there is almost universal silence on the counteraction. Can one imagine that a blow as heavy as that dealt by OPEC, inflicting immediate losses on the major industrial powers and threatening their continuation, met no opposition? It is certainly not the major industrial powers which lack strategic vision in world economic relations, though one should not exaggerate their capacities in that field. The silence observed by politicians is understand- able, but why are the economists silent? I will revert to this later.

I believe that the OPEC's challenge was met with great efficiency by a strategic counteraction. This consisted prin- cipally of two measures:

. stagflation in global scope,

. energy saving and the search for alternative sources of energy.

The latter could be expected to bring gradual solutions over a longer period. Hence the particular role of stagflation as an immediate countermeasure.

As I have indicated several times already, stagflation :

1. by virtue of stagnation, withheld the demand for energy on a global scale, and

2. by virtue of inflation, upset the new price relations resulting from OPEC's action even further, in favour of the energy importing industrialised countries.

Whether global stagflation was a consciously devised strategy or not is of little importance. Had it not happened, it would have to have been invented. If anyone were to argue that it was not purposely devised, but rather supported, or at least not strongly counteracted because of its inherent features, I would not disagree. In any case, today it can be stated that stagflation proved to be an extremely effective response, counteracting OPEC's action. Still, this was not understood and it continues to be a way of not understanding the global interactions in question. This is perhaps why we had a second oil price hike in 1979, followed by the deepest global economic recession, or rather depression, of the early 1980s.

Summing up the experience gained in counteracting the OPEC's action, the following evaluation seems justified :

(i) Strategic counteraction taken by the oil importing industrialised countries proved most effective in upset- ting the price structures imposed by OPEC, i.e in counteracting the intended income distribution patterns in favour of the Third World countries.

(ii) Counteraction proved, however, to be very painful. Its costs consisted of deceleration of economic growth, particularly, the heavy depression of the early 1980s and the various human problems and economic repercussions that followed, i.a. mass unemployment, inflation, etc.

(iii)It should be observed that as far as the long-term global issues are concerned, adjustment processes developed positively. People have become more energy conscious: energy savings have contributed to a better balance between civilisation and the ecosphere. This change is still very new and no long-term conclusions can be drawn from it.

(iv) Another global issue, that of glaring disproportions and inequalities among the various nations has, however, become even more blatant. This leads one to ob-

serve that mankind has proved once again more able to solve technological problems, thus achieving a better balance between human beings and nature, than those no less crucial of interhuman relations. This appraisal, though valid for the period of time under consideration, seems to pose a threat to future.

4. Proclamation of the NIEO and its failure

The 1970s were not only period of global turbulence and global shifts. They were also, at least for some time, a period of great hope in the ability of the international community to arrange global relations more rationally. These aspirations were embodied in the New International Economic Order - NIEO - proclaimed by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1974. Other significant documents aiming at re- forming international economic relations within the global framework, in the direction of greater global rationality and more justice, were also accepted. Among the various actions discussed in this paper, proclamation of the NIEO was the best known. However, all this has not increased its real efficiency. Unilateral actions have been more successful that multilateral action proclaimed by consensus in the highest spheres of the UN.

It is significant that the NIEO came to life after OPEC's successful action and it was based on a belief that solidarity of the Third World and some economic leverage at its disposal, such as that of OPEC, would herald a new era in international economic relations in which patterns more be- neficial to the South could be established. The NIEO was a great idea but its impact on real life in international relations proved almost nil. In retrospect, one could say that this was to be expected. Still, this international experience requires serious reconsideration.

With the hopes put into the NIEO, the forces required to carry it out were insufficient. Proclaiming of the NIEO tes- tified to the fact that the global economy needed some rationality and guidance and that this need was maturing in human minds. The inability of the international community to implement it proved that the path between a great idea and reality is particularly difficult in this field. One cannot escape from the conclusion that all accounts of feasability of the NIEO in the concrete historical period proved credu- lous.

The failure of NIEO does not mean that it was a useless exercise. It was a first try at institutionalizing greater purpose and rationality, undertaken in a multilateral framework within the global scope. The evolutionary process of human civilization found a substitute for it: the global policy exercised by the main capitalist metropolis came into being. It proved more efficient because it had the most po-

werful forces on its side. This solution occupies the stage today. One may like it or not, but it is better to understand it because it plays a crucial role in determining global processes. I call the new solution substituting for the NIEO the "partisan global policy". Since it is a competitive solution, it is also inimical to NIEO and its origin.

5. Major institutional change making up "partisan global policy"

Before analysing further developments in the recent global processes, it seems relevant to indicate certain changes taking place in the constitution of the major agents operating on the global scene, creating a new fabric of the global economy.

As already mentioned, the NIEO was born as a result of spec- tacular growth of solidarity and of the apparent new economic power of the Third World. In other words, using Raul Prebisch's terminology, the "periphery" became more united and energetic as an agent of global processes. However, far deeper changes have taken place on the other side, in the the main capitalist "centre". In countering the action of OPEC, the industrialised countries developed their solidarity matching that of the Third World. One might argue that solidarity of the rich and powerful proved to be more efficient, though I would not attribute the greatest significance to it in historical terms. It was not the solidarity which brought about the new global pattern. Of much greater importance was a profound institutional change which had been going on for some time. It comprised two crucial elements :

1. the development of a network of transnational enterprise dominating international trade, finance and transfer of technology;

2. the global monetary system which, after detachment from gold, became extremely manipulatory.

Transnational corporations have a longer history and nothing resembling any kind of "institutional reform" took place during the 1970s. Still, their growth in numbers and in scope made a new pattern on global economy. The international monetary system has also, at least formally, remained within the framework of the Bretton Woods agreement. The main change which came about - detachment of the dollar from gold - was undertaken unilaterally, without involving a new international agreement. Consequently, the international monetary system was seemingly not subject to any reform during the 1970s. It was criticized as being "no system", and there have been many appeals for its reform. In fact, the international monetary system acquired new features.

While there was no visible deep reform of international economy, the real change in these two fields during the 1970s was profound and ushered in a completely new phase in global economic relations. This change was, in my view, much deeper than the one officially proclaimed and loudly publicized under the heading of the NIEO. It has not yet been suffi- ciently documented in economic literature.

This institutional change deeply modified the fabric of international economy in two important ways:

1. The global economic system acquired some new features allowing it to be guided or manipulated in a much higher degree than ever before. While it should be noted that socialist countries remained outside the direct inf luence of the new guidance, they were experiencing the impact of the monetary system of activities of the TNCs more than ever before.

2. The ensuing global guidance has fallen on the US, both because of the role of the dollar in the international monetary system and because of the role of transnation- a1 corporations operating within the scope of influence of the US administration. While some authors indicate the diminishing role of the US in global economy, based on its role in foreign trade, they ignore the institutional change bringing increased influence of the US in global economy.

One might speculate that modification of international fabric, though potentially called for by institutional change, was still latent and only emerged during the confrontation with OPEC. In my view, however, OPEC's action could only slightly accelerate the latent development, working like a catalyst.

It is against this background that a system of guidance of global relations, which I call the "partisan global policy", developed. It is this system, which opposed the NIEO and indeed substituted for it, which proved much more efficient that the NIEO.

Theoretically, one could visualise two alternative systems: one initiated by the NIEO, the Development Decades of the UN, shaped and managed multilaterally, and the second one shaped by a leading country or group of countries working in the interests of the managing agents. As mentioned above, an evolutionary process brought about the second alternative which established itself and shaped institutions and behaviour patterns. It can, of course, be changed, but it is already developing its survival forces. Therefore, any consideration of reinstitutionalising of the NIEO or something similar has to take into account the new international facts.

Understanding the agents operating on the global scene is most important for the analysis of global processes. The method applied in this paper is based on the institutional change explained above and its consequences in the field of global policy. However, this is not how global processes are usually presented. Traditional but still dominating presentation relies on existence of an open international market mechanism. Of course, it ignores what I called the "global policy", but cannot be ignored if one wants to develop thinking which is relevant to reality. Ignoring global policy has rendered most economic analysts incapable of analysing the strategic response to OPEC's action. We see continuation of this position in analyses of further global processes. Let me put forward a proposition that without reconsidering the methodological premises, the economic analysis will not be able to follow the global processes adequately.

6. Recession of the early 1980s and debt

To continue the foregoing argument, a drop in the global economic performance of the early 1980s can be presented as a result of the strong reaction the "centre" to the OPEC's new action in 1979. Accepting this interpretation, one would have to state, however, that it was really overreaction. The blow was extremely strong and therefore, also efficient. OPEC received a blow that deprived it of its energetic drive and slowed its chances of regaining some of its former power. This in turn weakened Third World hopes of being able to build up economic power and implement the NIEO.

On the other hand, the costs of the victory for the centre were terrible. It was a real Pyrrhic victory with the deepest recession of all the post-war period and its painful social, economic and political consequences.

I am well aware that many, if not most, economic analysts would reject this interpretation of the recent recessions. Let us therefore look at it in more depth.

Distinguish an originator from a purposeful actor. It should not be difficult to reach an agreement with respect to the originator of the deep fall of world economy during the early 1980s and of the shocks it caused. I quote a most knowledgeable judgement on that subject : "...came all of the post 1979 shocks that stemmed in considerable part from the unintended effects of the monetary, budgetary and reve- nue policy choices made by the US administrations." l/ In the language applied in this study, the same would be ex-

l/ John Lewis, Development Strategies Reconsidered (Washington: Over- - seas Development Council, 1986) pp. 28.

pressed in the following form: the shocks stemmed from the partisan global policy of the main capitalist metropolis, Leaving terminology aside as not the most important, the difference of opinion seems to be reduced to judgement as to whether the effects of the actions were "unintended" or consciously aimed at or anticipated as the necessary side effects. Judgements on that subject are coloured with emotion, e.g. the statement that the OPEC's action was counteracted with great efficiency may sound very nice, while the statement that the downfall of economic activity was deliberately brought about will not sound no nice.

It is not my intention to define here to what extend this global policy was deliberate and to what extend it was acci- dental. Policy is usually both, and it is rather a question

of measure and not of "yes or no". A proposition that the partisan global policy has been operating well or badly, intentionally or not, seems more important in this case. Its operation became a "natural pattern" once the institutional change described above took shape. Speaking of the "partisan global policy" is not an indictment but a statement about the real state of affairs.

This global policy also gave birth to the debt crisis. Again, I am not asserting that the debt crisis was deliberately provoked. However, there are arguments to show that without the new patterns of the global set up, debt would hot have assumed the same proportions as it has done. The origins of the international debt crisis lie in a combination of international factors and specific to the internal causes of each case. The former include :

petrodollar recycling" originating from oil price in- creases after 1973;

dollar inflation;

. unsound lending practices by many commercial banks;

increase in interest rates to unprecedented levels, originating in the US;

. appreciation of the value of the US dollar;

. the deep 1981-83 world recession.

When evaluating the origins of the international debt crisis, one should not forget the fact that throughout the second half of the 1970s, almost till 1982, (the "Black Friday" of August in Mexico) there was no awareness of the great debt crisis. Again, the intellectual power of anticipation proved critically weak. This also demonstrates the fact that the ultimate source of the international debt crisis was the

global recession of 1981-83 which was initiated to a substantial degree by the global policy of the main industrial countries, particularly by US policy, which controls the most efficient instruments of global policy.

Thus, we are accumulating new historical evidence of the partisan global policy. To the deep recession of the early 1980s and the international debt crisis, one should add famine in Africa, the potential dangers of destabilisation in Latin America (due to indebtedness) and the ensuing political tensions in East-West relations. This initial record cannot yet be evaluated positively.

On observing from a distance, one may be tempted to think that the global policy is really short-sighted and self- centred, but it may change, learning from reality. However, can it change its own patterns to such an extent that it stops being "partisan" and acquires features of a more universal rationality seen in a longer time span? I would rather leave this question open.

7. Lessons for national policies

Drawing lessons for national policies from the experience of global turbulence in the 1970 and 1980s is a very fashion- able subject of economic debate at present. Let me make a few observations on the subject without going into it in depth.

In the debate, various policy patterns are being evaluated from the point of view of how they survived the global turbulence. This is correct. Evaluation on that basis is very often applied with respect to the future. It implies then that the future will be similar to what we know from recent experience. For this, we have no grounds. This line of thought resembles the generals trying again and again to fight the last war, while the new war is usually different. It is my view that the "new war" in global affairs is going to be rather different that the recent ones. Therefore, we should concentrate more on global developments, trying to see national policies in the light of anticipated future conditions that than of past patterns.

There appears to be a revival of most of the old contro- versies: a pattern that is inward-looking versus export oriented, industry-led versus agriculture-led, state-guided versus market-oriented, etc. Words of caution are called for to prevent simplistic alternatives of the either-or type as being universally valid. In framing strategy, there can be no substitute for many-sided and complex analysis. Recent historical experience has certainly not changed that.

LES ONGS COMME C H E V A L D E T R O I E

Par Doininique Temple Place de la Fontaine 34570 Montarnaud, France

1. ONGs et economicide

Les valeurs de prestige d'un systsme de redistribution et reciprocit6 expriment naturellement la puissance du donateur et exaltent les caract&res qui lui sont propres mais en meme temps pretendent temoigner de 1'Gtre social auquel chacun participe. Celui-ci ne peut se reduire A une expression par- ticuliere car dans la reciprocite, 1'2tre social nalt de la relation A l'autre, c'est-&-dire que la conscience d'etre est d'abord communautaire et ne se retire pas A l'identite ou de 1'un ou de l'autre mais 2 un tiers commun. Le prestige de l'autre est alors aussi important que Ie sien propre. C'est la une raison de ce que 1'on appelle le "mim6tisme" occidental du Tiers Monde. Cependant cette soif des valeurs de prestige d'autrui n'explique pas seule que Ie Tiers Monde adopte les representations du prestige occidental.

Le syst+me capitalists est, lui, int6ressd A substituer aux valeurs de prestige indigene des marchandises qui en tien- nent lieu. I1 s'agit d'imposer au systeme indigene de produire les biens d'exportation qui lui assurent les devises necessaires pour acheter les bien de prestige qui lui sont proposes en lieu et place de ses propres valeurs.

Le moyen d'imposer cette production est Ie credit. Du point de vue indigene, le credit se traduit par une distribution immediate de marchandises de prestige qui peut Stre inter- pretee dans ses categories c o m e une redistribution justi- fiant la reciprocite, ici la reciprocity productive et in- feodee: celle-ci se convertit en production de biens pour l'exportation qui peut se convertir en monnaie d'echange.

Le credit, ou plut6t la dette, engendre une forme de tribut de production pour 1'6change qui explique que les theories monetaristes aient pu s'imposer dans Ie Tiers Monde. Rappe- Ions que ces theories pretendent que Ie developpement des pays du Tiers Monde exige qu'ils se convertissent en producteurs de marchandises les plus avantageuses sur Ie march6 de l'echange afin de disposer de la traduction monetaire qui leur permettra ensuite d'acheter ce qui leur est devenu necessaire A ceux qui Ie produisent au moindre coiit.

Cependant si l'independance des 6tats du Tiers Monde permet une reorganisation des secteurs de l'economie de subsistance dans Ie cadre de la reciprocite & partir duquel se reconstituent les valeurs traditionnelles, l'axe "production occi-

dentale de marchandises de prestige - production indigene de valeurs d'6change pour l'exportation" s'oppose a 1'axe "production indigene de valeurs de consommation - regeneration de valeurs de prestige indigenes".

Par cons6quent, pour les defenseurs du libre Cchange, il est imperatif de detruire les systdmes de reciprocite tradition- nelle, aujourd'hui c o m e hier, partout 09 ces systemes sub- sistent ou se manifestent de nouveau.

Pour les Occidentaux, il faut empecher dbfinitivement que puisse se reconstituer des systemes de rCciprocit6 communautaire. I1 s'agit aussi de favoriser 11int6gration de ces soci6t6s & 1'6conomie occidentale capitaliste afin dt6viter leur exploitation par les mouvements communistes: il s'agit done de remplacer la production indigene de reciprocit6 par une production destinke 116change.

Les programmes internationaux d'aide technique, financiere ou de cooperation Cconomique et scientifique (r6volution verte, transferts de technologie, etc.) se sont multiplies, contribuant & la destruction ou A la d6pendance des 6cono- mies r6gionales et nationales mais sans parvenir 5 atteindre definitivement les communaut6s rurales les plus isoldes ou les comunaut6s indigenes les plus r6sistantes A ltint6gra- tion.

Et c'est ici que les d6fenseurs du libre ^change et des theories mon6taristes laissent la parole aux Organisations Non Gouvernementales (ONGs) . Celles-ci, en effet, utilisent des capitaux qui ne sont pas tributaires d'une n6cessit6 immediate de rentabilit6 et qui ^chappent aux contraintes de la production capitaliste. U s peuvent done etre, au moins partiellement assimil6s, mieux encore que Ie credit, A des investissements A fonds perdus, crest-A-dire au Don.

Les ONGs peuvent toutes se pr6valoir d'etre donatrices ou protectrices. Plus que leur efficacit6 @conomique, ces titres expliquent leur credit et leur succ6s dans Ie domaine de l'aide et de la coop6ration des pays occidentaux. La reconnaissance du prestige qui est n6cessairement li6e au don par les communaut6s indigenes les @tablit c o m e autorit6 politique.

On peut distinguer les ONGs donatrices et les ONGs d'assistance technique qui ne disposent pas directement de fonds et de pouvoirs 6conomiques. Les ONGs donatrices peuvent avoir leur propre service de techniciens c o m e certaines organisations nationales de cooperation bilaterale ou bien elles utilisent les ONGs d'assistance technique c o m e intermediaires pour gerer, controler ou redistribuer les fonds des programmes d'aide.

Les organisations indigenes et paysannes contestent cette tutelle. Apres avoir revendique le contact direct avec les

ONGs de financement et le contrale des ONGs techniciennes, elles recherchent aujourd'hui des contrats de reciprocite directs avec des "professionnels" ou encore des partenaires de r6ciprocite; c'est-&-dire qu'elles desirent maltriser l'orientation et la definition des programmes de developpement et remplacer les techniciens occidentaux par les leurs.

Inutile de dire qu'il n'existe pas d'ONG de financement ou technicienne qui ait accept6 ce type de contrale ou de con- trat.

Face A ces revendications des organisations indigenes ou paysannes, les ONGs preferent chercher des partenaires na- tionaux, relais des ONGs techniciennes nationales qu,i se proposent c o m e nouveaux intermediaires et qui se legitiment au nom de 11ind6pendance nationale.

I1 reste cependant aux ONGs pour 6tre efficaces, de s'adapter aux dimensions des structures de reciprocit6 indigenes ce qui justifie une strategic d'intervention au niveau micro-6conomique car les structures de reciprocite indigenes ont 6t6 dissociees voire atomis6es par la colonisation. I1 s'agit d'adapter les projets de d6veloppement au niveau de l'entreprise comunautaire du village, c'est-A-dire au niveau de l'unit6 principale de reciprocity.

Ce redeploiement de l'action des ONGs sur les structures de r6ciprocit4, cette adaptation, permet la substitution du pouvoir A un niveau ethnique ou familial selon les cas et, grace A cette substitution d'autorite, le technicien ou l'organisme de financement peut decider des projets des investissements en lieu et place de l'autorite villaqeoise, de l'autorite comunautaire ethnique ou familiale. C o m e il traduit son autorit6 dans les termes de ses competences, il induit, qu'il le veuille ou non, un d6veloppement de type occidental.

On peut illustrer ce comportement ~conomicidaire d'un exem- pie nord-am6ricain en Bolivia.

On sait que dans les cormnunaut6s de reciprocit6, lors des c6r6monies rituelles qui permettent SL des particuliers d'ac- ceder ou de participer A un statut superieur, une personne autorisee est choisie pour exprimer la tradition ou dire la loi de la communaut6. Lors du mariaqe, par exemple, dans les comunaut6s des Andes, la personne Glue pour temoigner de la comunaut6 et de sa tradition doit donner l'exemple de ce qui enqendre la valeur pour la comunaut6: Ie Don. Etre choisi pour b6nir Ie mariaqe, pour en etre Ie parrain oblige d'abord & donner puis A unir par la parole les deux parties qui souhaitent fonder une relation de reciprocite matrimo- niale. Donner est ici l'acte qui 6tablit Ie parrain dans son role de reference ethique. Dans d'autres circonstances, il ne donne pas lui-meme mais assure la redistribution des of-

frandes des uns et des autres c o m e un centre collectif de relations de reciprocit6 symetrique afin que toutes se tra- duisent par un sentiment commun, une loi et une parole unique. I1 redistribue les dons qu'il recoit et cette redistribution lui confere l'autorite qui consacre l'identite ethnique.

Une des ONGs les plus importantes de Bolivie, nord-americai- ne, s'est nominee "Plan para el Padrino" (Plan pour Ie parrain). Elle pretend etablir des relations similaires & celles de la parent6 entre families indigenes et nord-am6ri- caines. Ces dernieres restent anonymes mais offrent de l'argent. Le parrainage est assure par 1'ONG elle-meme qui redistribue les fonds. A travers ces dons, elle s'assure de l'autorite indigene mais proclame des valeurs religieuses nord-americaines et non pas 12s valeurs de l'ethique des communaut~s Aymaras ou Quechuas.

La substitution de pouvoir est evidente. La substitution de references aussi, tant au niveau economique 03 l'argent vient remplacer les valeurs de redistribution indigene (feuilles de coca par exemple) qu'au niveau de la representation culturelle oil les idees religieuses et les croyances se substituent aux valeurs traditionnelles. L'anonymat des families nord-americaines permet a l'institution de gerer librement les fonds selon une strategic qui ne permet jamais & 1'Aymara ou au Quechua d'echapper & la nouvelle loi, c'est-&-dire l'infeodation morale quand ce n'est pas Ie tri- but materiel. En reality, c'est l'infeodation morale que recherche cette ONG afin de substituer au prestige Aymara Ie prestige defini en termes occidentaux et au "padrino" indien un dieu nord-m6ricain.

Si toutes les ONGs ne declarent pas si ouvertement leurs intentions toutes doivent leur autorite au don.

Certaines ONGs pr6tendent defendre les cultures autochtones et font meme appel a une caution anthropologique mais il est facile de remarquer que sous Ie pretexte du respect de la culture indigene, il s'agit en realit4 de la dissocier de l'6conomie de reciprocit6. Pour reussir cette separation, elles definissent 116conomig politique en termes occidentaux (la production de valeurs d'echange). C o m e il n'existe g&- neralement pas d'economie de ce genre dans Ie monde indi- g&ne, elles se ref6rent A la th6se anthropologique selon laquelle l'economie d'6chanqe serait en realit6 cachee, mas- quee ou int6gr6e. I/ Cette th6se autorise done les techniciens occidentauxa la decouvrir, la demasquer ou plut6t

I / Ce t t e these aberrante e s t soutenue en par t ieuLier par Pierre C las t r e s - &ns sa prdface au L i m e de ?4arshaLL Sahl ins Age de p ierre , &g d 'abondance (Par is : Gallunard, 1 9 7 6 1 .

4 2

l'inventer en reinterpr6tant en termes occidentaux les categories indigenes, et, ainsi, justifier leur intervention.

L'anthropoloque culturaliste pour sa part y trouve 1'interSt d'acquerir une autorite sur la culture indigene elle-meme.

L'un pretend 6tre le specialiste de la culture, l'autre de l'lconomie. 11s se partagent la communaute ou l'ethnie, l'un Ie corps, l'autre l ' h e , chacun selon ses competences.

Mais cette mani&re de dissocier la culture indigene de 1'6conomie qui la soutient en refusant d'admettre qu'exis- tent d'autres syst6mes 6conomiques qui celui de l'lchange permet aux Occidentaux de dlvelopper la production pour l'lchange sous couvert du respect de la culture indigene, ce que l'on peut appeler une politique "de la fleur couple".

Au niveau des racines dconomiques, Ie travail du technicien occidental est de remplacer Ie processus de reciprocite in- digdne par un proces de production "rentable" (qu'il estime, lui, rentable en termes de valeur d'echange). L'effet de cette politique est de developper sur les territoires d6- laissls par les entreprises coloniales ou capitalistes (ou par la coop6ration technique bilaterale, internationale) des formes de production privatis6es ou collectivis6es qui orientent la production indigene vers 1'6change et vers la creation de monnaie d16change.

I1 est cependant tres difficile de dbnoncer ces ONGs c o m e ethnocidaires. Elles se defendent de cette accusation avec beaucoup de conviction, faisant imm6diatement appel A la garantie anthropologique. Elles exploitent d'autre part un certain capital de confiance indigene. Parfois elles se pr6- sentent meme derriure des responsables indigenes. Bref, elles se pr6sentent comrne les Grecs dans Ie cheval de Troie face aux Troyens. Le cheval de Troie est ici Ie Don, l'aide au Tiers Monde elle-meme. L/ II faut reconnaftre que leur action ethnocidaire n'est qu'indirecte. Ce sont les infrastructures 6conomiques mises en place qui joueront ce role: elles engendreront en effet leurs propres representations lesquelles entreront en concurrence avec les representations traditionnelles. La substitution de r6f6rences culturelles s'effectuera par la solution d'un conflit de g6n6ration mais ce sont les indigenes eux-m6mes qui assureront cette transformation. Ici l'ethnocide est particulierement bien masque.

L'action des ONGs n'en est pas moins directe au niveau 6co- nomique: elle consiste A substituer A l'infrastructure de

2/ Le cheval de Troie S t a i t aussi. une o f f rande, un don. -

reciprocity une infrastructure d'echange. C'est ce que je ropose d'appeler l'economicide. C'est la fonction essen-

tielle et syst6matique des ONGs occidentales.

L'economicide n'est pas l'exclusive des ONGs. I1 est aussi caracteristique de la cooperation technique et de l'aide internationale. Mais les ONGs sont pratiquement les seules forces occidentales qui puissent intervenir sur les communautes indigenes. Elles constituent Le front "pionnier" du developpement de la production pour l'echange, mais "masque", car ces organisations 5 caractere caritatif, reliqieux, humanitaire se presentent c o m e une alternative aux institutions gouvernmentales et intergouvernementales. Elles drainent l'aide desinteress6e de particuliers, des associations occidentales privies, au nom de la solidarity, de la lutte pour la justice sociale, des droits de 1'Homme et des Peuples. Si la cooperation officielle ignore Ie plus souvent les communaut6s paysannes et indigenes et ne trompe plus personne, les ONGs elles se trompent d'abord et trompent deux fois, les donateurs occidentaux et les comunaut&s in- diqanes . Les cons6quences de leur intervention sont cependant devenues si evidentes qu'elles sont aujourd'hui de plus en plus contestees par les communaut6s et organisations indigenes quand celles-ci ont droit a la parole et qu'elles ont acces aux medias.

On doit preciser que cette remise en cause n'a rien a voir avec l'exploitation de 1'6chec des ONGs par une critique 1-160-liberale aux motivations douteuses. Cette critique a pour effet d'autoriser une justification tiersmondiste qui a facilement raison d'arguments dhagogiques mais qui profite de l'occasion offerte pour 6touffer la critique faite par les conununaut6s indigenes.

Cela ne veut pas dire que les peuples du Tiers Monde igno- rent l'kchange. On peut dire au contraire que depuis les origines toutes les communaut6s connaissent lt6change mais elles l'utilisent seulement A leurs frontieres ou pour des activit6s serviles et non pas pour engendrer la valeur. Pour engendrer la valeur, elles ont recours A la reciprocit6 de telle facon que l'echanqe reste finalement peu utilise voire plus du tout, au sein des communaut~s indigenes. Or, aujourd'hui, Ie liberalisme 6conomique pretend que l'echange doit diriger l'economie des comunaut6s et engendrer la valeur de reference.

On ne peut non plus pretendre que les communaut6s ne souhaitent pas pratiquer elles-memes 1'6chanqe avec les Occiden- taux, puisque c'est l& Le seul moyen de commercer avec eux, du moins lorsque cela est A leur avantage. Elles d6veloppent d'ailleurs certaines bases de production destinee l'echange ce qui explique quelques alliances de comunaut6s indige-

nes avec des entreprises occidentales, mais, dans ce cas, on doit souligner que ces activit6s sont dirigyes vers Ie mar- ch6 d16chanqe, & 11ext6rieur des communaut6s et non A l'in- t6rieur des frontieres conununautaires. De telles initiatives restent normalement inf6od6es A l'autorite indigene determi- n6e, elle, exclusivement par les lois de la reciprocity intra-communautaire. C'est la r6ciprocit6 qui, dans ce cas, inf6ode 1'6change et non le contraire. C'est dire qu'il existe une alternative indigene au d6veloppement promu par les Occidentaux et c'est pourquoi les autorites qui dirigent Ie processus yconomique indigene doivent affronter les tu- telles 6trangeres de type ONG.

Cette autorit6 indigene est cells des responsables legitimes du d6veloppement communautaire ou de l'ethnod~veloppement, et il existe done bien une ligne de front entre les responsables des communaut6s et les representants 6conomistes ou ethnologues de 1'Occident sur la question de la definition du d6veloppement et du contr8le des moyens de celui-ci.

Cette ligne situe les avant-postes d'une part de la soci6t6 de "l'homme unidimensionnel" ou de "l'homo aequalis" avec son mat6rialisme id6ologique, son 6conomie dr6change et de concurrence, ses alienations id6alistes et religieuses et, d'autre part, des soci6t6s du Tiers Monde fond6es par la r6ciprocit6, des valeurs 4thiques et une praxis oil la vie concrete et spirituelle ne sont pas ali6n6es l'une par l'autre.

Cependant, pour ces dernitres, il est dramatique que ne soient pas reconnues les lois de leur systeme et que chacune reste prisonni6re de son imaginaire quand la reconnaissance de leurs raisons th6oriques leur permettrait de se comprendre les unes les autres et d'institutionnaliser, de frontie- re A frontiers, des relations de respect mutuel et de solidarity, de Â£ai;o peut-Etre universelle.

2. La confusion entre la charity et Ie don

On a coutume de dire que c'est en toute bonne Â£0 qu'agis- sent les ONGs et que leurs actions vis-A-vis du Tiers Monde ne s'inscrivent pas dans un plan concert6 d'ethnocide. Mais comment expl~quer les faits: faut-il les consid6rer come l'actualisation de leurs principes fondamentaux? Ce qui pourrait les expliquer serait peut-Stre une confusion de ces institutions entre la charity et Ie don.

I1 est symptomatique que 1'6glise catholique par exemple essaie de r6duire la th6ologie de la liberation au silence c o m e le rappelle 1' interdiction fait au th6oloqien L. Boff d'exprimer ses id6es sous Ie pretexts que la traduction de la foi dans une praxis marxiste aux c5t6s des paysans en lutte constitue un compromis avec le monde, un compromis politique, alors que les oeuvres missionnaires qui se fon-

dent sur la pratique du don d6sintlresse materiellement se- raient, elles, des oeuvres spirituelles et l6gitimes car apolitiques.

Le don ne repr6sente pas pour les religieux un acte d'6cono- mie politique mais, au contraire, un acte anti-6conomique car ils se ref6rent aux definitions de 116conomie politique occidentale. (I1 est anti-6conomique en effet dans une 6co- nomie d06chanqe.) Mais une telle definition de 1'6conomie est caract6ristique d'un ethnocentrisme occidental exacerb6 que l'on peut rapprocher du racisme. On appelle 6conomie politique l'economie politique de 1'6chanqe et l'on consi- d6re ensuite que 1'6conomie de r6ciprocit6 des socilt6s du Tiers Monde doit Gtre une forme archaique de celle-ci sinon il ne s'aqit pas d'6conomie ... A partir de cette tautologie, il est facile aux lqlises de dire qu'elles ne pratiquent pas de compromis 6conomique ou politique lorsqu'elles ltablissent leur pouvoir sur Ie don. Cependant, l'autoritl des missions sur les communaut6s indigenes est celle que les indigenes reconnaissent aux donateurs et la pacification religieuse, depuis la fondation des reductions en Amerique du Sud par les Franciscains et les J6suites jusqu'k celles des missions nord-amkricaines d'aujourd'hui, est fondle sur Ie don.

Les lglises ont d'ailleurs traduit l'autorit6 acquise en termes de prestige pour qu'elle soit reconnue des indigenes eux-memes: c'est ce que manifesto en Amlrique l'extraordi- naire faste des clrlmonies religieuses. I1 est vrai, cependant, que les fetes religieuses sont des lieux d'affronte- ments culturels complexes car les Indiens utilisent, en effet, les images des saints, des vierges et des dieux pour, c o m e A leur abri, conserver leurs propres traditions qui, elles, correspondent ?I leurs structures de r6ciprocit6 et non pas 21 des motivations chrltiennes. Mais il serait difficile aux lglises de soutenir qu'elles utilis6rent les fetes et Ie prestige sans connattre Ie benefice qu'elles pouvaient en retirer. En reality pour obtenir l'autorite, elles utili- serent et utilisent toujours sciemment le don et utilisent les fetes, danses, chants au profit de representations religieuses dans l'espoir de substituer les croyances occidentales a 1'6thique des peuples indigenes.

Autrefois, les missionnaires dependaient de l'administration ou des colons pour disposer des biens materiels qu'ils re- distribuaient, hzches de fer, machettes, betail, tissus manufactur6s, etc. Aujourd'hui ils distribuent une part de l'aide au Tiers Monde (dispensaires, hopitaux, lcoles, ate- liers, scieries, coop6ratives, services de presse et d'6di- tion, imprimeries, etc.) mais c'est Ie meme principe qui leur permet d'usurper l1autorit6 politique et spirituelle.

J'en donnerai un exemple partir d'un souvenir personnel. Un jour oil j'accostai dans un endroit is016 dlAmazonie ofl

vivait un missionnaire en contact avec une communaut6 diri- gee par un chef l6gitime, ce dernier me dit: "Ce prstre est venu ici il y a dix ans apportant avec lui un bateau, plus tard il apporta un dispensaire; ensuite une scierie. Pour qu'il demeure encore ici, le temps est venu qu'il donne autre chose: pourrais-tu lui sugq6rer qu'il apporte des t6les ondulees pour les toits car depuis que nous sonunes installes ici, les palmiers alentours ont tous 6 t e coupes et nous n'avons pas de palmes pour renouveler les toits de nos mai- sons". Le missionnaire ne se rendait pas compte, semble-t- il, que son pouvoir venait uniquement de ses dons. Le jour 03 ses services disparaltraient, son pouvoir s16vanouirait. C'est ce que confirmait 1'6vgque de la region. "I1 y a quatre cents ans que nous sonunes ici et quand nous partirons, nous pourrons dire qu'il ne restera aucune trace de notre passage".

La raison me sernble en 6tre que 11autorit6 conquise par le don doit @tre reproduite p4riodiquement par un autre don et lorsque ce n'est pas Ie cas, le prestige disparalt. C'est l&, la difficult6 des missions qui pensent pouvoir 4tablir leur autorite sur le don.

Elles rencontrent cependant une autre difficult6 qui explique que leur pouvoir reste toujours sans contenu. Dans le systr5me de la reciprocity, la 16gitimit6 de 11autorit6 appartient S qui produit Ie don et les Indiens par exemple savent bien que ce ne sont pas les pretres qui produisent ce qu'ils distribuent... L'autorit6 que les indigenes concedent aux missionnaires devrait, dans leur esprit, etre restitube aux producteurs du don. Les indigenes acceptent facilement que les missions soient tributaires des administration coloniales sans voir en elles autre chose qu'un pouvoir politique transitoire ou de d616gation mais qui renvoie S un pouvoir sup6rieur, celui de la soci6t6 occidentale tout en- ti6re et done S son systr5rne iSconomique, Ie systeme capitalists.

Si Ie don des missionnaires et des pretres est tributaire du systeme qui Ie produit mat6riellement, cela rev+le leur alliance avec le systSme de production et d'exploitation capitaliste. Ainsi le compromis politique des eqlises, en d6pit de leurs protestations d'autonomie, est tr6s clair.

Le don oblige celui qui le recoit S le reproduire, quand cela est possible, pour reconqu6rir sa dignit6 perdue lorsqu'il accepte Ie don d'autrui, sinon S s'infeoder et accepter Ie nom du donateur, Ie nom de chr6tien par exemple. C'est pour cette raison que les missionnaires purent chris- tianiser les indigenes et organiser leur production au service de notre civilisation. Mais donner c'est toujours dominer et recevoir se soumettre et c'est par cette voie que les missions et reductions out impose leur loi aux soci6t6s du Tiers Monde.

On ne peut malheureusement identifier les representations religieuses occidentales avec celles de la reciprocit6 indi- q6ne. En effet, la societe occidentale, en r6duisant 116co- nomie politique A l'economie d'echange reduit la notion de valeur 6conomique & celle de richesse materielle et les autres dimensions de la valeur sont rejetees dans un univers mytaphysique qui devient le champ de predilection de l'in- conscient et de la religion.

Cette dichotomie quasi schizophr4nique de 1'6conomie politique et de la religion s'oppose 5 ce que les missionnaires et les anthropologues appellent le syncretisme indigene. Mais le syncretisme semble plut6t etre une coherence des faits et de leurs representations, une vie dialectique des uns et des autres, une praxis et aussi l'integration de l'image de l'autre A la construction de l'identit6 et de l'unite humaine. En realit6 les eqlises occidentales ont peu d'espoir de parvenir A imposer leurs ideologies, leurs croyances, si elles ne r6ussissent pas, au pr6alable, & d6- truire les systemes de reciprocity indigene. Pour obtenir un quelconque succes, elles doivent s'associer lonqtemps A la r6pression coloniale directe ou indirecte conune au temps de Marcos aux Philippines, de Duvalier A Haiti, de Somoza au Nicaragua, de Stroessner au Paraguay, etc., avant d'heriter d'une situation 03 elles pourront tenter de reconstruire des bases sociales conformes A leurs objectifs, des bases occidentales en some. L'bthnocide est un prealable des eqlises, et 114conomicide est en reality leur principale arme pour le r6aliser. C'est A ce niveau que se trouve l'alliance pro- fonde, indefectible des eqlises avec la colonisation et au del& avec le libre 6change et Ie systhe capitaliste.

On peut resumer: Donner c'est dominer mais la domination de la mission est tributaire de la colonisation du systeme capitaliste dont la logique est de dominer pour prendre. La politique des 6qlises est une politique d'alliance tout A fait objective que 1'on peut qualifier de politique conser- vatrice.

Pour ceux qui ne veulent pas se compromettre avec la politique de droite, c'est-A-dire avec Ie systeme capitaliste, reste la solution d'entrer reellement dans Ie jeu r6volu- tionnaire indigene, ce qui est alors denonce par les conser- vateurs comme politique de gauche (la theologie de la lib&- ration par example au Bresil ou au Perou). Mais cette 6qlise silencieuse, cette eglise du silence ou "des pauvres" est alors confront6e A un probleme theorique encore plus grave qui exige de sa part une conversion importante.

I1 faut se rappeler ici que les comunautes de reciprocit6 et les societes de redistribution sont fondees sur des structures de reciprocity generatrices de valeurs ethiques y compris lorsqu'elles se sont ali6n6es dans des evolutions 03 la reciprocit6 devient inegale et 03 l'ethique est dominie

par l'imaginaire du prestiqe. DerriSre les structures les plus complexes de la r6ciprocite on retrouve toujours des structures de base qui assurent A l'etre social sa rkalite la plus humaine. L'echange s'oppose directement ?i cette dynamique de creation d'un etre superieur, comunautaire, parce qu'il est l'expression de l'interet individuel, de l'interet privb. Dans la rbciprocite, la definition de l'homme ne peut se reduire celle d'une quelconque identity, ni la sienne ni celle de l'autre; elle est celle du "grand Autre", celle d'un etre superieur A soi-meme et a l'autre pour re- sulter de leur interaction: un "tiers inclus" dont, c'est-A- dire exactement le contraire du "tiers exclu" de la logique de l'echange (qui est aussi la logique occidentale). Ce "tiers inclus", dans les socibtes de reciprocite, est l'etre mSme de la communaut6. I1 recoit evidemment Ie norn de l'hu- manitb.

Tous ceux qui participent de relations de reciprocite peuvent se prevaloir du titre "nous les vrais homes". Bien que ce norn soit spkcifique de chaque communaut6 en vertu des caract6ristiques, des conditions materielles de la r6cipro- cite, bien que ce nom-l& puisse se petrifier dans des representations imaginaires sinquli6res qui peuvent devenir anta- gonistes les unes des autres, il se reproduit de facon sys- tbmatique, partout 03 se reconstituent des structures de r6ciprocite. C'est pour cela qu'il peut etre defini c o m e Ie norn de toute 11humanit6 et non pas c o m e celui d'une seule communaute5 ethnique et done recevoir un norn propre univer- sel: Dieu, par exemple.

Mais il vaut mieux appeler cette realit6 de 1'Stre social du norn de l'humanite elle-meme et conserver Ie norn de Dieu pour son alienation en un absolu dont la fetichisation devient l'arme d'un pouvoir particulier, celui des religieux et des pretres.

Mais peut-etre est-ce pour cela que beaucoup de reliqieux se sentent mal a l'aise dans leurs Vglises lorsqu'ils sont au contact du Tiers Monde et qu'ils rompent avec elles pour se reconnaltre en tant qu'hommes au sein des nouvelles comunautes en lutte dans le Tiers Monde. Cette rupture semble Stre le phenomene reliqieux Ie plus important de notre epo- que dans les socibtes occidentales parce qu'elle r6v61e une vraie vie spirituelle au coeur meme de 1'Occident et qui a un sens universe!. Cependant ces religieux se trouvent confront^~ aux forces de liberation populaires dont la praxis est souvent de type occidental et nombreux sont ceux qui doivent accepter d'emprunter Ie sillon des analyses marxistes et pratiquer l'id6oloqie marxiste, idboloqique parce que c'est pure ideologie de vouloir imposer ?i la realite du Tiers Monde une voie de liberation fondle sur la critique de l'alibnation du syst&me occidental, alors que les soci6tds du Tiers Monde n'appartiennent pas ?i ce syst6me. Cette critique ne se justifie que sur les marches coloniales de l'em-

pire capitaliste et i l'interieur du syst6me capitaliste; au deli de ses fronti6res elle n'est plus pertinente et doit laisser la place aux theories de la reciprocite.

3. Collectivisation et communaut~

La principals confusion marxiste qu'il est possible de de- noncer ici est celle de la collectivisation c o m e syst6me de production communautaire.

Le marxisme oriqinel est la critique du syst6me economique de la societe de droit priv6 occidental, determine par 1'6change. Cette critique denonce la privatisation des moyens de production qui a pour consequence l'exploitation du travail et la reduction de la valeur A une quantity de travail biologique, en definitive une quantity d'6nergie "materielle". Avant d'etre materialiste par lui-meme, Ie marxisme denonce Ie mat6rialisme de 116chanqe qui conduit A la reduction de "l'home total" A une (Snerqie de production A l'interieur d'un monde prive de praxis 6thique et contraint A la d6pendance de religions et morales mytaphysiques, 6therees.

Cependant, apr6s la critique, Ie marxisme se trouve devant la necessity de proposer une alternative. C'est lA que le comunisme s'est fourvoye car S partir de ce point zero il reste riv6 A la notion de l'6change; ce qu'il propose c'est l'echange &gal gen6ralis6 mesure par la quantity de travail produit. I1 requiert, pour ce faire, la socialisation des moyens de production. Ce que generalise le marxisme, c'est toujours une production de valeurs mat6rielles. La proposition de base continue d'etre matdrialiste. A d6faut d'une critique de l'echange lui-meme, Ie syst6me communiste reste materialiste, et en ce sens, inhumain.

Ici, il faut bien comprendre en quoi consiste l'antaqonisme entre &change et reciprocit6. Par 1'6chanqe s'enqendre une valeur exlusivement materielle alors que par la ryciprocitk s'engendre une valeur enrichie d'autres dimensions jusqu'a la plus haute qui est celle de 1'fSthique. I1 faut regretter que le marxisme n'ait pas reconnu cet antagonisme et qu'il soit deneure prisonnier de 1'6change et d'une conception mat6rialiste de la valeur aussi materialiste en definitive que celle du liberalisme 6conomique. I1 est vrai que la valeur 6thique peut s'alidner dans les imaqinaires du prestige propres ?I chaque identity ethnique; on pourrait parler d'ethnicite peut-Gtre comme alienation de 1'6thique universelle mais, elle ne s'y ali6ne jamais autant que dans l'echange 03 elle disparait compl6tement.

Cette alienation de 1'6thique dans les limites de l'imaginaire ethnique qui peuvent conduire A des exlusions recipro- ques a conduit des critiques A interpreter ces limites c o m e sources de racisme. D'autre part, l'alienation du don a per-

mis d'interpreter les valeurs de renomee ou de prestige c o m e des signes de despotisme et done des obstacles A la revolution.

Mais il ne faut pas oublier que dans tous les syst6mes de reciprocity, la valeur de prestige traduit aussi la valeur ethique. Cette equivalence est d'autant plus precise que la reciprocite est plus eqalitaire. Elle est moins precise quand la rdciprocit4 devient inggale ou tributaire comme elle 1'4tait devenue dans les grands syst6mes de redistribution des anciens empires. Mais la colonisation a desorganise ces empires, decouvrant les bases du systgme c o m e d'innom- brables structures de reciprocit6 6lGmentaires, liber6es de l'inegalit4 et du tribut. Celles-ci sont devenues autant de sources autonomes de la valeur 6troitement liyes au sentiment de justice. C'est ce qui fonde la justice c o m e moteur economique. On peut dire que la justice a sa propre force en tant que dynamique de l'dconomie pour etre un besoin de l'homme plus important encore que les necessites de subsistance meme.

C'est alors que peut se realiser une alliance avec les organisations marxistes, sur Ie th+me de la justice sociale, bien que les revendications des uns et des autres proc+dent de determinations diametralement oppos6es: en effet, les uns veulent ameliorer les conditions de 116change tandis que les autres essaient de diminuer son importance pour retablir la reciprocite. Mais une alliance sur l'objectif d'un "prix juste" est empiriquement possible. Les uns voient dans Ie prix juste la r6mun6ration de leur force de travail, les autres entendent par lA Ie respect de leurs 6quivalences de reciprocite. Ethique et matbrialisme apparaissent ici c o m e un couple de forces produisant leur effet dans Ie meme sens centre un adversaire conunun mais qui, une fois au pouvoir, r6veleront qu'elles sont contradictoires.

Mais il est clair que la collectivisation va A l'encontre de cette dynamique d'entralnement de la production. Elle sup- prime en effet l'individualisation de la renomee, Ie prestige ou la responsabilite personnelle et par consequent en- trave toute concurrence entre les uns et les autres pour produire plus ou mieux. L'annulation du prestige a pour consequence immediate de rendre inutile Ie travail cr6ateur ou producteur d'excedents. I1 ne reste aux individus pour moti- vation de la production que l'autoconsommation biologique. La collectivisation constitue done une dynamique du sous- developpement des communaut6s de reciprocit6. Son 6chec est d'ailleurs evident dans les societ6s paysannes de 1'Union Sovietique, de la RDA, de la Pologne, de la Tch~coslovaquie, du Vietnam, du Nicaragua, de la Chine, du moins avant que celle-ci ne rehabilite l'exploitation familiale et communautaire.

Dans ces pays, Ie moteur de la production collectiviste est surtout la necessite, la penurie dans la consommation,

l'auto-subsistance biologique. La confusion entre communaute et collectivite est en definitive aussi grave que celle de la charit6 avec Ie don. Elle provoque en effet l'arr6t dans la croissance et 1'6volution 6conomique.

On peut done dire que de la privatisation A la collectivisation occidentales, les communaut6s du Tiers Monde vont de Charybde en Scylla.

Le tiersmondisme d'inspiration marxiste ne vaut pas beaucoup mieux que l'aide au Tiers Monde capitaliste. L'un utilise Ie don c o m e cheval de Troie pour dktruire 1'6conomie du Tiers Monde, l'autre refuse de reconnaftre le don et la r6cipro- cit6 c o m e fondements d'un autre systeme 6conomique que celui de l'echange generalise. Aucun des deux ne reconnalt le don et la r6ciprocit6 c o m e bases de la comunaute et principes d'un ddveloppement post-capitaliste (et post-marxiste).

Chacun veut dytruire, et en cela ils ont objectivement al- li6s, les frontieres des communaut~s du Tiers Monde pour imposer sa loi: la loi de lt6change in6gal pour les uns, pour les autres celle de l'echange 6gal mais collectivis6. Cependant, les deux montrent qu'ils ob6issent bien SL la lo- yique de 1'6change alors que c'est sur la reciprocity que se fonde la communaute.

L'economicide consiste done A dytruire les bases 6conomiques de r6ciprocit6 des communaut6s soit pour imposer la privatisation soit pour imposer la collectivisation. Cet 6conomi- cide est aujourd'hui l'arme la plus secrete mais peut-6tre la plus efficace, en tout cas, la mieux masqu6e de 1'Occi- dent face au Tiers Monde.

TOWARDS A PEOPLE-ORIENTED BIOTECHNOLOGY

The Dag Hammarskjold Seminar on " t h e soc io-economic impac t o f new b i o - t e c h n o l o g i e s on b a s i c h e a l t h and a g r i c u l t u r e i n t h e T h i r d World"

BIOTECHNOLOGY REVOLUTION NEEDS GLOBAL RESPONSE

by Chakravarthi Raghavan IFDA/ IPS Room C 502, Palais des Nations 1211 Geneva 10

Biotechnologies now under development will introduce the greatest technological revolution, and this could have great potential benefits but also pose great threats to environment, health and economic security of millions, and thus, a global issue needing a global response.

Such a global response requires active involvement of citizen groups acting in the national and international spaces and on governments and international organisations, to ensure rational biotechnology (BT) geared to satisfaction of real needs of the majority of the world's people and creation of more equitable and self-reliant societies working in harmony with the environment.

These are among the broad conclusions of representatives of citizens' groups, scientists and other experts from diverse networks who have been looking at the issues raised by the new BT revolution underway.

The citizens' groups decided to coordinate their efforts in a campaign for "a people-oriented biotechnology" and formulated a number of recommendations for action in the national and international spaces and by citizens groups.

In the national space they have called for establishing and strictly enforcing regulatory requirements for safe testing and introduction of BT, as well as to secure control of the BT in the public sector rather than its monopolisation by private interests.

In the international space, there should be a wider-ranging discussion of the impact of BT and a major revision undertaken of intellectual property rights and of the World In- tellectual Property Organisation (WIPO) to safeguard Third World interests.

Third World qoverunents should develop appropriate BT and explore South-South cooperation in all aspects of BT, and, in particular, use of its genetic raw materials, the group recommended.

Citizens' groups have been called upon to monitor industry activities in BT, develop and secure a code of conduct for safe and adequate application of these technologies through UN system agencies.

The five-day seminar at Bogeve, France, and a two-day symposium in Geneva with wider participation, including diplomats and representatives for international organisations, was organised by the Dag Harnrnarskjdd Foundation of Uppsala, Sweden.

Participants considered the socio-economic impact of new biotechnologies on basic health and agriculture in the Third World and issued a Bogeve Declaration which is reproduced below.

Science and technology, Amir Jamal, Tanzanian ambassador and member of the Board of the Dag Hammarskj6ld Foundation, told the symposium, permeates the daily life of the industrial world and increasingly determines the options for Third World development.

Capital combined with science and technology, when given free play in the market, might succeed in developing the most efficient techniques to shortcut evolution and natural selection, but could also create social and economic consequences for the disenfranchised vulnerable sections of humanity with little counter-vailing power to safeguard their short-term as well as long-term interests.

Explaining some of the concerns raised by BT, Anwar Fazal of the International Organisations of Consumers' Unions (IOCU) and chairman of the symposium, said discussants at the seminar and symposium were concerned that the technology is not being controlled from the health or safety point of view, and field tests are being conducted without the knowledge of governments and peoples.

The issue is global, Fazal explains: "Science is global. The TNCs operate this industry globally, and micro-organisms created do not respect national boundaries and need no pass- ports. Hence the need for a global response". Things are also moving at great speed, and "everyone wants to make money quickly, get control over this technology, and patent genes and micro-organisms".

A lot of work on this technology, Fazal notes, is being done in secrecy, and even in universities and research institutions not much is being publicised. "The actual work, and the people who do this work are hardly ever seen, nor would the micro-organisms that would be created and let loose. And all this is frightening, and there has to be greater public knowledge, discussion and awareness, to enable informed decisions", Fazal says.

"Basically, the organisations and networks who have been considering this would like to move towards a rational BT policy, and organise global campaigns involving information and actions at the UN and international agencies, to get this issue on their agenda, and for specific actions directed at companies and governments to get BT under control", he says,

For the first time in the era of scientific and technological revolution and discoveries, the birth of BT has been accompanied by awareness of and concerns over its social implications, Surendra Patel, former Director of UNCTAD's Technology Division points out. "We can therefore act now, everywhere, to make sure that the technology is controlled and used beneficially, and not harmfully, and that it has no harmful consequences for the masses of peoples.

Pat Mooney, author of the "Law of the Seeds", Development Dialogue, (1983:l-2) and "Seeds of the Earth", said recently the US Government had authorised tests and release of new micro-organisms in the environment, and this was causing considerable concern.

Many BT enterprises, he says, are under pressure to produce quick results through marketable products, and given the rigorous controls on testing in industrial countries, many of these micro-organisms and products are likely to be tested in the Third World, and without the knowledge or authori- sation of their governments, he worries.

Mooney cites a recent case, when a US enterprise produced a new rabies vaccine through BT, got it tested in Argentina on cattle, with the tests carried out through the Panamerican Health Organisation (PAHO) , a regional organisation of the World Health Organisation.

The Argentine Government came to know about the test only when a PAHO official inadvertently mentioned it, Mooney notes.

~t was strictly "legal", in the sense that there was no law in Argentina requiring prior government clearance or consent, but even the people working at the facilities where the animals were tested were not aware, and this could not be called "informed advice and consent" that the ethical rules for testing are supposed to require.

"We have to alert Third World governments to prepare and put in place regulations for safe testing and controlled introduction of these products of BT well in time before they are marketed", Mooney suggests.

Vandana Shiva, of the Indian Research Foundation for Science, Technology and Natural Resource Policy, points to

the disastrous consequences, now becoming apparent, of the Green Revolution - where a single variety was evolved and spread, and the "environment" was changed to suit the variety, through fertilizers, irrigation, pesticides, etc.

Apart from the economic consequences to the smaller peasan- try, the ecological consequences of the Green Revolution are now very much apparent, Shiva and other experts explained at the symposium.

BT has a "uni-cell syndrome", and instead of the natural processes of gene evolution, single genes to provide a particular characteristic are being created and spread, without adequate understanding and study of the consequences to the environment and ecology.

Mooney refers to efforts, already successful as in tobacco, to develop plants with a particular gene that could resist the herbicides, while the weeds and pests would be destroyed. Instead of tackling the problem of dangerous herbicides, research and development is going in the direction making crops safe for herbicides, he points out.

BT is a science-intensive industry, and scientists are moving out of universities to creat enterprises, and even their corporate forms are changing, Celestous Juma of the Public Law Institute, Nairobi, told the symposium.

While the enterprises started out as small ones, there is already evident a growing concentration, with TNCs (involved in energy, seed production or other agribusiness) acquiring such BT firms or entering into contracts with them.

The total global investment is now of the order of four bil- lion dollars. About 60 percent is focussed on recombinant DNA or genetic engineering, about 30 percent in cellular biology and creating monoclonal antibodies or cloning single cells, and 8 percent in fermentation technologies. About ten organisations now account for 63 percent of the investments - a very high degree of concentration. New patent treaties and regulations to patent these micro- organisms are being rushed, and Third World countries and NGOs must take care and focus on activities at WIPO, UNCTAD, etc., to make sure that wider public interests, and not mo- nopoly interests are served, Mooney and others argue.

But the rules of the game are changing, and the fight is shifting to new battlegrounds - from universal and compara- tively transparent organisations to the GATT, Chakravarthi Raghavan of IFDA warned the symposium.

By simply tacking "trade" on to them, the issues of intellectual property rights, investments rights for TNCs and

so-called services, are now being sought to be addressed through the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations (MTNs) . GATT's opaque practices, he told the symposium, enable the three majors (US, EEC and Japan) to negotiate among themselves and try to impose the accords and codes on the Third World, by holding out a few "carrots" of trade concessions and threats of trade retaliation if it does not fall in line

But the Third World collecticely is not so helpless and can use its market power of taking in over 30 percent of North- ern exports to block such moves, he suggested. Citizens' groups, both in the North and the South, would have to join forces to bring pressure on their own governments to resist such moves.

Susanta Goonatilake of Sri Lanka complained that Third World governments, UN agencies, citizens' groups and intellectuals were constantly reacting to moves and ideas of the North. It was time they evolved their own strategies and tactics and chalked out their own course of action, he suggested.

Citing the experience of the Indian Freedom Movement and Gandhi's insistence on using home-made goods (swadeshi), Vandana Shiva suggested that the Third World people need not mere "lookers-on", or to merely react to events and forces of others in GATT or elsewhere over BT. The raw materials concerned, and even the genes and seeds, come from them, and the peoples of the Third World are the ultimate markets for all these BT products of TNCs.

Peoples and governments of the Third World should begin to rely on themselves and just refuse to deal with these products or developments except on their own terms, and instead rely on themselves and their raw materials and products for self-reliant development.

(This article was originally published in IFDA's daily Special United Nations Service (SUNS) No. 1674, 17.03.87.)

THE BOGEVE DECLARATION

Tuenty-eight participants from qineteen cow.?ries met a t Eogdve, Frmce, March 7 -12 , for the 1987 Dag H m a r s k j o l d Seminar on "The socioeconomic impact o f new biotechnologies on basic heal th and agricul ture i n the Third WcrLd". The seminar uas organized by the Dag A'ffimarskjold Founda- t ion, Uppsala, Sweden, and the Rural Advancement Fund International (RAFI), Pittsboro, USA, and Brandon, Canada, i n cooperation with the International Organization of Consumers Unions (IOCUi, Penang, Malaysia, the International Coalit ion for Development Action (ICDA), Brussels, Belgium, and the United !/ations Son-Governmental Liaison Service (tSGLSI, Geneva.

We, the seminar participants, met in Bogeve, France, to discuss the impact of new biotechnologies on health and agriculture in the Third World, where the vast majority of the world's people live. In discussing the nature of the new biotechnologies, and their significance for humanity, we recognize that:

Biotechnology is a global issue. It cannot be assigned such attributes as positive, negative, or neutral. Like any other technology, it is inextricably linked to the society in which it is created and used, and will be as socially just or unjust as its milieu. Therefore, we conclude that in today's world this most powerful new technology is more likely to serve the interests of the rich and powerful than the needs of the poor and powerless.

We fully recognize the potential of biotechnology to improve the quality of life of humanity. But it is important to em- phasize the risks and hazards associated with biotechnology, including serious and possibly irreversible health, safety, environmental and socioeconomic consequences, as well as the use of such technology in biological warfare.

In agriculture, for instance, while biotechnology may promise to increase production and reduce costs, it is more likely to accentuate inequalities in the farm population, aggravate the problem of genetic erosion and uniformity, undermine life-support systems, increase the vulnerability and dependence of farmers and further concentrate the power of transnational agribusine'ss.

In health, for instance, biotechnology promises more effective diagnostic tools and new ways of preventing and curing diseases. However, the pharmaceutical industry is more likely to focus on the most profitable commercial opportunities and divert attention from basic health requirements.

In view of the above, we make the following recommendations:

As citizens:

. that we accept a major role in the development of public discussion and policy related to biotechnology;

. that we monitor industry activities in this field;

. that we commit ourselves to taking action in this field with the relevant UN bodies including FAO, GATT, ILO, UNCTAD, UNEP, UNIDO, WHO and WIPO;

. that we agree to carry our concerns back to the networks with whom we are engaged, such as Health Action International (HAD, International Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN) , Pesticide Action Network (PAN) and Seeds Action Network (SAN) in order to facilitate cooperation;

. that we seek to promote appropriate tehcnologies that are socially just and ecologically sustainable, including regenerative agriculture, alternative crop protection stategies, preventive medicine, recycling of resources and wastes, etc.

Nationally:

. that a dialogue be established to determine the real needs of society and the main requirements for a national biotechnology strategy based on these needs;

. that the socioeconomic and environmental implications of such a strategy be fully considered;

. that the regulatory requirements for the safe testing and introduction of the technology be established and stringently enforced;

. that the control over the technology be assigned to the public sector and that the monopolization of the technology by private interests be resisted.

Internationally:

. that as in the national space, a wider-ranging international discussion of the impact of biotechnologies be encouraged and begun as soon as possible, noting particularly the initiatives begun in UNIDO/ICGEB (The In- ternationa Centre for Genetic Engineering and Biotech- noloqy), UNCSTD/ATAS (The Advance Technology Alert Sys- tem) and other international bodies;

. that Third World governments take measures to develop appropriate biotechnologies and further explore the opportunities for South-South cooperation in all as-

pects of the development and use of biotehcnology, in particular with regard to the utilisation of genetic raw materials;

. that the evolution of research and development of biotechnology be closely monitored so that the interests and rights of the Third World are kept foremost in institutions working on these issues;

. that changes in existing intellectual property rights discussed in WIPO, which deny the rights of the Third World, be closely monitored and that a major revision of the Paris Convention be encouraged in order to safe guard the intersts of the Third World.

In conclusion, we wish to reaffirm that a rational biotechnology policy must be geared to meet the real needs of the najority of the world's people and the creation of more equitable and self-reliant societies while working in harmony with the environment.

Martin Abraham, IOCU (Malaysia); Karim Ahmed, Natural Resources Defense Council (USA); Anneiies Allain, IOCU/IBFAN; Erna Bennet; Pierre Benoit Joly, SOLAGRAL (France); Praful Bidwai (India); Tim Brodhead (Canada); Anwar Fazal, IOCU; Cary Fowler, RAFI (USA); Daniel J. Goldstein (USA); Susantha Goonatilake (Sri Lanka); Kwaku Haligah, PAFATU (Togo); Henk Hobbelink, ICDA; Calestous Juma (Kenya); Martin Kenney (USA); Eva Lachkovics, RAFIIIIZ (Austria); Thierry Lemaresquier, UN-NGLS; Jiraporn Limpananont, The Drug Study Group (Thailand); Jose Lutzenberger, Tecno- logia Convivial (Brazil); Pat Mooney, RAF1 (Canada); Olle Nordberg, DHF (Sweden) ; Surendra Pate1 (India) ; Daniel Querol (Peru) ; R e d Salazar , SIBAT (The Philippines); Pilar de Sevilla, Fundacion Natura (Ecuador); Hope Shand, RAFI; Mira Shiva, VHAI (India); Vandana Shiva, Research Foundation for Science Technology and Natural Resource Policy (India).

For more information, contact:

International Organization of Consumers Unions (IOCU), Regional Of f ice for Asia and the Paci f ic , POB 1045, 10830 Penang, Malaysia (At tent ion: Dr. Martin Abraham) or Rural Advancement Fiend International (M) , POB 1029, Pittsboro, NC 27312, USA (At tent ion: MS Hope S ? ) .

i f d a d o s s i e r 60 . j u l y l a u g u s t 1987 news f r o m t h e t h i r d system

DAWN: DEVELOPMENT ALTERNATIVES WITH WOMEN FOR A NEW ERA The world has been moving from one crisis to another, causing devasta- ting impact on the lives of women and men. Many attempts have been made to understand such crises, but they rarely place women in the centre, to find alternative solutions and provide new avenues for the future. Yet, the cultural factors that maintain women's subordination such as family hierarchies, religious fundamentalism and violence against women, are interlinked to global and local economic factors accounting for the fact that women constitute the major ranks of the dispossessed.

Women's subordination is reinforced by the tendency for policy makers to transfer family structure hierarchies to the overall development planning process, thereby perpetuating inequalities between men and women, as well as within society as a whole.

A growing group of Third World women is convinced that the analyses of such crises has to be based on both cultural and economic factors related to women's participation in development. This concern matured and converged into a unified approach and action oriented programme in 1984, in Bangalore, India. There, a group of women researchers, activists and policy makers, which became know as the DAWN group, decided to prepare a position paper which was presented during the 1985 UN World Women's Con- ference in Nairobi at the "NGOs" Forum. The discussion of this document offered the main platform for DAWN'S upsurge.

In Nairobi, through panels and workshops, as well as through non-conven- tional presentations such as theatre groups, singers and other activities known as dialogues, DAWN gained new insights and consciousness as a group. The positive resonance and engagement in DAWN'S activities at that conference encouraged the initial group to continue its work.

Today DAWN has consolidated its initial conceptual framework and platform, by defining a programme of action and a flexible operational framework. In February, 1986, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, DAWN defined its main objectives and areas of activities, including specific priority areas for research and its present organizational structure.

Objectives and activities. The group aims at proposing and implementing new alternatives for the future through influencing policy changes, research and community action. These efforts also advocate women's full participation in the decision making process. Within this context, DAWN is particularly interested in participating in the formulation and im- plementation of specific demands and programmes geared towards the esta- blishment of a New International Order which advocates a more equal international exchange for a more just socio-economic development in the Third World.

DAWN'S activities stimulate cross cultural comparative research in the national, regional and global spaces on the following issues : Food,

energy and t h e d e b t c r i s i s i n r e l a t i o n t o women and women's v i s i o n and movements. The group a l s o f a c i l i t a t e s communications and networking among T h i r d World women's g roups , i n c l u d i n g p u b l i c a t i o n s and t h e u s e of media. The group o p e r a t e s mainly a s a network and c a t a l y s t .

S t r u c t u r e . DAWN is an autonomous o r g a n i s a t i o n . I t s programme was formu- l a t e d by t h e Founding Advisory Committee a f t e r wide c o n s u l t a t i o n . Al- though i t r e c e i v e s funds from i n t e r n a t i o n a l o r g a n i s a t i o n s t o s u p p o r t i t s a c t i v i t i e s i t , does s o on ly on t h e c o n d i t i o n t h a t i t s autonomous charac - t e r be p r e s e r v e d . While DAWN h a s a c o o r d i n a t i n g o f f i c e , i t does n o t have a f i x e d membership. I t h a s s i g n a t o r i e s who i d e n t i f y themse lves w i t h i t s approach and c o n c e r n s . The S e c r e t a r i a t p r o v i d e s t h e l i n k between t h e S t e e r i n g Committee and s i g n a t o r i e s , a l t h o u g h t h e programme a r e a coord i - n a t o r s may a l s o be c o n t a c t e d d i r e c t l y . DAWN i n v i t e s t h o s e who i d e n t i f y themse lves w i t h i t s g o a l s t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n p r o j e c t s of t h e i r i n t e r e s t .

I n o r d e r t o a r t i c u l a t e and implement i t s a c t i o n programme and o b j e c t i - v e s , DAWN a l s o promotes communication i n t h e l o c a l s p a c e s th rough meet- i n g s . workshops, p a n e l d i s c u s s i o n s seminars and s o f o r t h . An i n f o r m a t i o n o f f i c e working a t t h e Genera l S e c r e t a r i a t i s i n charge of p u b l i s h i n g a n e w s l e t t e r and i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h o t h e r i n t e r e s t e d media networks.

DAWN is a T h i r d World o r g a n i s a t i o n . The S t e e r i n g Committee i s t h e main p o l i c y making body and i t is composed of s i x members chosen from a l l r e g i o n s of t h e T h i r d World. One g e n e r a l c o o r d i n a t o r i s e l e c t e d t o func- t i o n a s t h e s e c r e t a r i a t w i t h a mandate of two y e a r s . A t t h e end of t h e mandate, t h e s e c r e t a r i a t s h i f t s t o a n o t h e r r e g i o n . The f o l l o w i n g persons have been e l e c t e d and d e s i g n a t e d t o c o o r d i n a t e DAWN'S major a r e a s of a c t i v i t i e s and form t h e S t e e r i n g Committee:

Research C o o r d i n a t o r (As ia ) Hameeda Hossa in , Bangladesh I n s t i t u t e of Development S t u d i e s , Dhaka, Bangladesh;

Communications C o o r d i n a t o r ( P a c i f i c ) C l a i r e S l a t t e r , Dept of P o l i - t i c s , Sou th P a c i f i c U n i v e r s i t y , Suva, F i j i ;

Advocacy C o o r d i n a t o r (Car ibbean) L u c i l l e H a i r , ISER, U n i v e r s i t y of West I n d i e s , Mona, Kingston 6 , Jamaica ;

I n t e r n a t i o n a l R e l a t i o n s C o o r d i n a t o r (As ia ) Devaki J a i n ; ISST, Tharanga, Rajmahal V i l a s Ex tens ion , Banga lore 56006, I n d i a ;

P u b l i c a t i o n s Coord ina to r ( L a t i n America) Lourdes A r i z p e , Museo Nac. C u l t u r a s P o p u l a r e s , AV. Hida lgo 2 8 9 , Mexico 04000 DF, Mexico

T r a i n i n g C o o r d i n a t o r ( A f r i c a ) t o b e i n d i c a t e d ;

Genera l C o o r d i n a t o r ( S e c r e t a r i a t ) Neuma Aguiar and I n f o r m a t i o n Of- f i c e r Noracy Ruiz de Souza, b o t h a t IUPERJ, Rua P a u l i n o Fernandes 3 2 , Rio d e J a n e i r o RJ 2 2 . 2 7 0 Bota fago , B r a z i l .

FEMMES SOUS LOIS MUSULMANES

Reseau international de solidarite 34980 Comballlaux (Montpellier) France

Lors de la reunion qui s'est tenue du 18 au 24 avril 1986, 2 laquelle assistaient des femmes de huit pays ou communautes vivant sous lois musulmanes (Soudan, Egypte, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nigeria, Algerie, Tuni- sie, Maroc), des discussions d6taillees ont eu lieu, concernant 1'6cono- mie politique des femmes, l'histoire des luttes des femmes et le statut des femmes dans les divers syst6mes legaux.

Quoique dans des contextes differents, beaucoup de points communs exis- tent :

Nous attirons l'attention, et sp6cialement celle des femmes des pays et communaut6s vivant sous lois musulmanes, sur le fait que certains de nos pays n'ont pas hesite i passer des lois favorables aux femmes sans craindre d'y perdre leur identit6 culturelle, religieuse ou nationale, mais au contraire, avec la certitude que celle-ci en sortirait renforcee.

Nous appelons toutes les femmes des pays et communaut6s musulmans i soutenir massivement et sans distinction de nationality toutes les actions des femmes qui ont pour but d'ameliorer leur statut et leur situation et de changer les lois injustes qui les gouvernent.

I1 faut accorder une attention specials i l'oppression spgcifique - et double - des femmes des minorites, soit qu'elles appartiennent i des minorites non musulmanes soumlses aux lois musulmanes, soit qu'elles appartiennent aux minorices musulmanes dans un pays 03 1'Islam n'est pas religion dlEtat. Dans ce dernier cas, 11 est important de remarquer que des groupes reactionnaires, exploitant les sentiments dtidentit6 et d'appartenance & la communaute, et les sentiments religieux de ces minorites, reclament que soient imposees des lois musulnanes qui vont & l'encontre de l'interet des femmes en general.

Nous soutenons les actions pilotes menees par des femmes telles que Sheenaz Sheikh et Shah Bano qui one contest6 divers aspects de la lot musulmane en Inde, ainsi que toutes les actions qui en ont de- code. Toutes ces actions tendent ii ameliorer la situation des femmes musulmanes, que ce soit par Ie biais de reforme des lois musulmanes ou par celui de l'adoption d'un Code Civil unifi6 applicable & l'ensemble des citoyens.

Nous soutenons la Declaration du groupe "Les femmes musulmanes par- lent", regroupant des females de 8 pays differents qui se sont ren- contrees 2 Lahore (Pakistan) du 28 fevrier au 3 mars 1986 et reclament la mise en place d'une legislation progressiste et humanitaire, afin que cesse la discrimination envers les meres divorcees en matiere de garde d'enfants (cf. texte plus bas).

Nous soutenons les actions des meres divorcees, de toutes natio- nalites, dont les enfants ont et6 enleves de force au non des 101s musulmanes. En consideration des droits de l'enfant, nous soutenons les revendications des meres concernant Ie droit de visite incondi- tionnel ainsi que la libre circulation des enfants entre leurs fa- milles paternelle et matemelle. En particulier, nous soutenons le cas des cinq meres francaises qui reclament l'application des droits sus-mentionnes devant les tribunaux algeriens.

Nous exigeons de nos gouvernements la ratification de toutes les conventions multilaterales internationales concernant les droits des enfants, et l'acceleration de l'adoption de conventions bilat6- rales qui garantissent les droits elementaires des femmes et des enfants. I1 va de soi que pour qu'un quelconque benefice puisse Ztre tire de la signature de telles conventions, il faut non seulement qu'elles soient traduites dans les lots des pays concernes, mais aussi qu'on veille 2 leur application.

Nous exprimons notre solidaritg et notre soutien aux efforts des femmes qui luttent contre les formes d'oppression qui leur sont imposees au nom de quelque religion que ce soit, et nous encoura- geons tout dialogue entre femmes de religions differences.

DECLARATION DE LAHORE

Les femmes musulmanes d1Alg6rie, Bangladesh, Canada, Malaisie, Pakistan, Philippines et Sri Lanka, attirent l'attention des Gouvernements des pays musulmans dans Ie monde et des pays 2 minorites musulmanes sur la situation critique des femmes divorcees s6par6es de leurs enfants.

Dans Ie systsme patriarcal qui pr6vaut dans les soci6tes concernees, des millions de ces femmes sont privees du droit de garde de leurs enfants 2 partir d'un certain age.

Nous demandons aux gouvemements concernes d'introduire une legislation progressiste et humanitaire pour mettre un terme 2 cette discrimination.

S i g d c? Lahore, Le 3 mars 1986, par Les femmes de La confiSrertce "Les femmes musulmanes portent" organises par Simorgh du 28 fiSvrier au 3 mars 1986.

HUMAN RIGHTS I NTERNET

The Human Rights Internet is an international communications network and clearinghouse on human rights with universal coverage. Over 2,000 organisations and individuals contribute to the network.

Since accurate information is a precondition to effective action, the HRI furthers the defense of human rights through the dissemination of information. This information is available to human rights organisations, scholars, asylum lawyers, journalists, policymakers and the general public. The HRI also engages in extensive networking and actively promotes teaching and research on human rights. Internet's services and publications include :

. The Human Rights Internet Reporter, the best current awareness tool for following international human rights developments and the most comprehensive bibliographic reference for research and advocacy;

. HRI's Human Rights Directories, which describe the work of human rights organisations on all continents;

. HRI's unique documentation centre, particularly rich in the publications of human rights organisations and ephemeral material difficult to obtain elsewhere;

Internet's computerized databases, to assist asylum lawyers, advocacy organisations, scholars and policymakers to retrieve information on the status of human rights in all countries;

Internet's annual microfiche collection of the publications of non- governmental human rights organisation;

. Resources for teaching and research;

An internship programme to train students in the use of human rights documentation.

Located at Harvard Law School, Internet works in close association with HLS's Human Rights Programme. A non-partisan educational and international organisation, Intetnet has Consultative Status I1 with the United Nations (ECOSOC and UNICEF). In the area of documentation and information, Internet has close working relationships with human rights organisations throughout the world.

The Human R i g h t s I n t e r n e t Repor ter

Published bimonthly, every issue of the Reporter is fully indexed and cross-referenced by subject, by geographic focus and by organisation. A specialised indexing vocabulary has been developed to meet the needs of human rights advocacy organisations and scholars. Accompanying the Re- porter is a Master List of organisations, publications and indexing language.

The Reporter contains:

. Commentary on issues of importance to the human rights community;

A calendar of upcoming events;

News of major national and international developments in the Ameri- cas, Africa, Asia, the Pacific, Europe and the Middle East;

Highlights of fact-finding missions;

. Reports of attacks on human rights defenders;

. Information on the concerns and work of human rights citizens' groups;

. Reviews of the work of inter-governmental organisations;

. News about human rights conferences;

. Resources for teaching and research;

. Information about funding and awards;

. Developments in the area of documentation and computerisation.

Each issue of the Reporter also abstracts and indexes hundreds of publications in many languages. These focus on such violations as torture, political imprisonment, disappearances and general repression; on civil and political rights and on social economic and cultural rights; on the rights of women, children, refugees, labour minorities, indigenous population~ and other vulnerable groups; on the work of human rights organisations, the policies of governments and the protection and promotion of human rights through international organisations.

Human rights documentation on microfiche

For the past several years, HRI has been serving as an unofficial depos- itory for documentation produced by citizen's human rights organisations world-wide. For the first time, a substantial portion of this material is available on microfiche.

Compiled and edited by HRI for the Inter Documentation Company, Switzer- land and Netherlands, this collection will aid in the preservation and dissemination of this important record of the human rights struggle.

The collection offered covers the years 1980-1983 and is being updated. It currently includes the material of over 200 organisations, and provision is made for new organisations to join the collection so that it become as comprehensive as possible. This may be ordered as a complete collection, or by region, from : Inter Documentation Company AG, Post- strasse 14, 6300 Zug, Switzerland; or Inter Documentation Co., Hogewoerd 151, 2311 HK Leiden, Netherlands.

(Harvard Law School, Pound Hall Roan 401, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA).

NGALU E KlSAL DEVELOPPEMENT SAHEL

Groupement d'interet 6conomique a Sinthiane, Matam, S4nyqal pour l'autosuffisance, la quality d e vie, l'emploi dans la region d u fleuve

Sinthiane, village d'un millier d'habitants, se dgpeuple, perdant avec les jeunes ses elements les plus dynamiques. En cela, 11 subit Ie sort de la majorits des villages saheliens. Longtemps restee saisonniere et celibataire, l'emigration sinthianoise se sedentarise et devient familiale. Elle est disseminee au Senegal, notamment dans la region dakaroi- se et un peu partout en Afrique francophone: Burkina-Faso, CEte d'lvoi- re, Congo, Gabon, Guinee-Conakry, Mauritanie, Zaire, etc. Les mandats et les contributions materielles et financieres des associations de sa diaspora representent une partie importante des ressources du village et, pour beaucoup de foyers, l'unique ressource. Or, avec la crise Gco- nomique mondiale, Ie chSmage qui frappe particulierement les migrants, ces contributions se rarefient, menacant l'equilibre precaire de nom- breuses families. Pour faire face 2 cette situation un groupe d'immigres originaires de Sinthiane a tree l'association Ngalu e Kisal (Prosperit6 et Bien-etre) pour la realisation de projets de developpement. Ngalu e Kisal se fixe 5 court et 2 moyen terme trois objectifs:

1. l'autosuffisance alimentaire;

2. lfam61ioration de la qualite de la vie;

3. 1'arrGt et l'inversion de l'exode rural par la creation d'emplois.

Pour atteindre ces objectifs, une vingtaine de Sinthianais en France, en union avec des compatriotes restes au village ou emigres ont elabor6 un programme de projets realisables en quatre annees:

. une exploitation agricole polyvalente produisant des cereales, des legumes, des fruits. Cette exploitation, realises progressivement, contribuera 2 la lutte contre la famine et la malnutrition. Les techniques, tout en s'appuyant sur les moyens et savoir faire locaux, s'ouvriront 5 la modemite;

. une banque alimentaire jouera Ie role d'un grenier collectif S fonctions multiples: transformation et production alimentaire: fa- rine, pain, jus de fruits et de legumes, etc.; approvisionnement en produits de premieres necessite: mil, riz, huile; constitution d'un stock de securite alimentaire en prevision des mauvaises recoltes; lutte contre la speculation et Ie gaspillage. Come les autres villages de la region, Sinthiane fait face 2 un deficit vivrier et aux speculations des commereants.

une fenne avicole pour produire des oeufs et surtout des poulets de chair. La viande, malgre son importance nutritionnelle, devient un luxe dans Ie village.

. Un centre de technologies 2 vocation multi-fonctionnelle. I1 sera 2 la fois un lieu de production d'equipements villageois: meubles,

matgriels agricoles ou domestiques, reparations; formation aux different~ metiers; distribution et echange de biens et de savoir- fairs.

Un centre mutualiste de santg qui paliera au manque d'infrastructures sanitaires dans Ie village. Au debut des annees 70, face aux grandes secheresses saheliennes, Ie village, avec l'aide de sa diaspora, construisit 2 la hate une "pharmacie-dispensaire" - petit batiment de deux pieces - qui ne fonctionne plus depuis 10 ans. Plusieurs raisons expliquent cette ferneture : absence d'un personnel soignant; penurie de medicaments et d'6quipement; gestion de- fectueuse; exCguit6 et vetuste des locaux. Situes respectivement 2 3 et 18 km Ie dispensaire et l'hzpital les plus proches, faute de materiel, de medicaments et d'un personnel, ne peuvent satisfaire une demande croissante de soins. Pernettre au plus grand nombre de se soigner, tel est Ie principal objectif de ce centre.

Outre la necessaire mobilisation de ses membres recrutes sur la base du volontariat, Ngalu e Kisal, dans une volonte d'ouverture efficace, recherche un partenariat actif et diversifie : services technique de 1'Ad- ministration senegalaise, organisations nationales et internationales, collectivit6s locales, groupes de citoyens, institutions, experts, population~.

La realisation des diff6rents projets passera par Ie respect des pratiques et des usages sociaux du village et dans la perspective de son d6- veloppement par des etudes et expertises qui seront menges au village par les membres du groupement; la mobilisation des ressources, notamment locales, qui seront combin6es avec les techniques et Ie savoir-faire import6s; la prise en charge et l'organisation des formalices necessaires que requisrent la gestion et la realisation des diff6rents projets.

Sinthiane est situ6 dans la communaut6 rurale de Kanel (Dspartement de Matam, Region de Saint-Louis). Population: environ 1,000 habitants d'ethnie Halpulaar. Les Halpularen qui sont de confession musulmane et, majoritairement, de la confrerie des Tidianes, sont la population la plus nombreuse du departement de Matam.

Emigration: plus de 85% de la population masculine (15 i 50 ans) et 20% des families sont fix6es 2 l'etranger. Cet exode n'est pas recent. I1 date de l'avant-indzpendance du Senegal (1960) et etait generalement saisonnier. C'est dans les annees 70, avec ses sgcheresses successives, que l'exode s'est amplifie, depeuplant Ie village de sa jeunesse masculine. La tendance s'accentue.

Vie associative: Ie tissu associatif du village touche l'ensemble de la population. En moyenne chaque habitant appartient S trois associations: association de solidarite familiale, de voisinage, association "jeunesse" qui rassemble l'ensemble des jeunes, "caisse de la diaspora". Ces deux associations participent 2 la realisation de projets tels que: Â£0 rage de puits, constitution d'un grenier collectif, realisation d'une mosquee et des salles de classe, etc.

2 5 b , chemin Arabesque, 35800 Cergy Saint-Christophe, France).

I N D I A : THE AHMEDABAD STUDY ACTION GROUP (ASAG)

For the past ten years, the Ahmedabad Study Action Group (ASAG) has been engaged in low cost housing and community development activities in Gujarat State. ASAG's exclusive concern has been for the urban and rural poor - slum dwellers, landless agricultural labourers, village artisans, small/marginal farmers and disaster victims.

ASAG is a voluntary, no-profit-no-loss organisation of concerned professionals committed to utilising their skills and training for the benefit of society - particularly the disadvantaged sections. Professionals from various fields of activity - design, planning, social sciences, archi- tecture, engineering, education, economics, medicine, community work and rural studies - have joined their energies in an interdisciplinary team to promote housing and development activities where they are needed most.

Evolution of thought

The original inspiration for forming ASAG came from a a small group of young student architects who questioned their future role in society. They recognised that their training, like that of all professions, was confined to serving the privileged few. Traditional professional practice revolved around the wealth and aspirations of the urban elite while the survival needs of the great majority in the villages and disadvantaged settlements in the cities remained unattended. Given an opportunity, they wanted to use their skills and training to serve society.

From the search for an "alternative client" and a new professionalism relevant to society's real needs came a second recognition that a substantial departure also had to be made in the method of working. With poor communities as the new client, a comprehensive involvement was necessary. The sectoral approach became invalid because "poverty" was the issue - not housing, education, or health. Therefore, professional commitment would have to extend beyond the narrow bounds of conventionally defined specialisations. The single-disciplined professional had to be replaced by a multi-disciplinary team. As professionals traditionally did not work together, it was necessary to create a new ethos and work culture in which an integrated strategy for development could be cul- tivated. Hence, the concept of the group became all important.

Work methodology

ASAG was conceived to be an assertive advocacy organisation. Towards this objective, the Group is endeavouring to evolve an appropriate work methodology which combines the stages of problem statement, research, action, evaluation and communication in addressing the complex issues of development.

One of ASAG's guiding principles is that the Group should not accept projects - it should "create" them on behalf of depressed communities. Hence, Group members are continuously sensitive to problems and issues which need to be addressed, but on which no action is being taken. Re-

c o g n i s i n g a s p e c i f i c problem t o be w i t h i n i t s scope of competence, ASAG u n d e r t a k e s i n v e s t i g a t i v e s t u d i e s t o c l a r i f y t h e d imens ions and n a t u r e of t h e problem. Based on t h i s problem d e f i n i t i o n , approaches towards a so- l u t i o n a r e h y p o t h e s i s e d by t h e Group and an a c t i o n p l a n developed. A t t h i s p o i n t , ASAG a d v o c a t e s t h e need and p o s s i b l e approach f o r a d d r e s s i n g t h e problem. T h i s i n i t i a l involvement i s pursued v o l u n t a r i l y i n response t o t h e needs of t h e poore r s e c t i o n s of s o c i e t y .

D i r e c t a c t i o n i n t h e form of p r o j e c t s and exper imenta l p i l o t a c t i v i t i e s is then under taken t o v a l i d a t e t h e p remise of t h e s t u d y . The Group does n o t depend on d o n a t i o n s o r g r a n t s f o r implementa t ion a c t i v i t i e s , b u t r a t h e r o r g a n i s e s e x i s t i n g r e s o u r c e s (from people a s w e l l a s Government), t o s u p p o r t t h e programme, t h e u n d e r l y i n g p r i n c i p l e b e i n g t h a t development i s fundamenta l ly d i f f e r e n t from c h a r i t y ; t h a t d i r e c t a c t i o n shou ld be s u p p o r t e d by a v a i l a b l e r e s o u r c e s meant f o r t h a t purpose , and t h a t t h e p i l o t a c t i v i t y shou ld s e t an example f o r subsequen t a c t i o n by t h e r e s - p o n s i b l e a u t h o r i t i e s and a f f e c t e d communit ies .

Continuous moni to r ing of t h e a c t i o n c h a n n e l s i n f o r m a t i o n back t o t h e p r o j e c t t o improve implementa t ion and t o gauge i t s e f f e c t i v e n e s s i n mee t ing t h e o b j e c t i v e s and needs of t h e c l i e n t g roups . P o s t - p r o j e c t eva- l u a t i o n p r o v i d e s u s e f u l f eedback f o r subsequen t a c t i o n .

Moni to r ing and e v a l u a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s a n i m p o r t a n t component of t h i s work methodology. The l e s s o n s ga ined from d i r e c t a c t i o n a r e communicated t o p o l i c y makers , a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , fund ing a g e n c i e s , c i t i z e n s ' g r o u p s , r e s e a r c h i n s t i t u t e s , o t h e r c l i e n t communities and t h e p u b l i c a t l a r g e .

F a c i l i t a t o r r o l e

Through t h i s work methodology, ASAG endeavours t o work a s a f a c i l i t a t o r - a c a t a l y s t - i n t h e development p r o c e s s . F ree of many of t h e con- s t r a i n t s o p e r a t i n g on p r o f e s s i o n a l s and government a g e n c i e s , t h e Group a t t e m p t s t o mus te r more a c t i v e f r e s h e r f o r c e s t o c o n f r o n t i s s u e s . By i t s own d i r e c t invo lvement , ASAG hopes t o evoke i n t e r e s t and a c t i o n from t h e concerned communities themse lves a s w e l l a s o r g a n i s a t i o n s w i t h g r e a t e r f i n a n c i a l r e s o u r c e s , p o l i t i c a l power and r e l e v a n t s k i l l s .

ASAG b e l i e v e s v o l u n t a r y a g e n c i e s t o be i n f l u e n t i a l a g e n t s of change. I t views t h e v o l u n t a r y s e c t o r a s a genu ine v e h i c l e f o r s t r e n g t h e n i n g demo- c r a t i c i n s t i t u t i o n s and i d e a l s and p l a c e s heavy emphasis on i t s r o l e a s a n i n t e r f a c e between peop le and power - between needs and r e s o u r c e s .

(ASAG, Dalcl Building, behind Capri Hotel , R e l i e f Rd, Ahmedabad 1 , India) .

BELIZE: BELIZE ENTERPRISE FOR SUSTAINED TECHNOLOGY (BEST)

We a r e a p r i v a t e , n o n - p r o f i t B e l i z e a n f o u n d a t i o n , o p e r a t e d by B e l i z e a n s , d e d i c a t e d t o improving t h e economic and s o c i a l we l l -be ing of low income peop le o f B e l i z e , c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e c o u n t r y ' s o v e r a l l agro-economic development s t r a t e g y . We prov ide management, f i n a n c i a l , a c c o u n t i n g , t e c h n i c a l , marke t ing and t r a i n i n g s e r v i c e s t o community-based e n t e r - p r i s s s engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e , a g r o i n d u s t r y , f i s h e r i e s and r e l a t e d na tu - r a l r e s o u r c e development a c t i v i t i e s .

BEST was founded on t h e s e v a l u e s :

The development of B e l i z e is t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of B e l i z e a n s and e x t e r - n a l a s s i s t a n c e must promote s e l f - r e l i a n c e , p r i d e and d i g n i t y , de te rmina- t i o n of t h e a s p i r a t i o n s and g o a l s , p l a n s and accomplishments by B e l i z e a n s . Development shou ld promote t h e economic and s o c i a l we l l -be ing of t h e l e s s p r i v i l e g e d m a j o r i t y , n o t j u s t t h e p r i v i l e g e d few. We b e l i e v e t h a t development i s b o t h complex and long-term and t h a t long-term problems r e q u i r e long-term s o l u t i o n s . Development must be d e f i n e d i n terms of e d u c a t i o n , hous ing , h e a l t h , s e l f - w o r t h and r e l i a n c e , a s w e l l a s economic; i t must be h o l i s t i c .

We b e l i e v e t h a t c o o p e r a t i v e s , a s s o c i a t i o n s , e t c . , a s p a r t of t h e new p r i v a t e s e c t o r , have an i m p o r t a n t r o l e t o p l a y i n t h e economic and so- c i a l development of B e l i z e and i n e n s u r i n g an e q u i t a b l e d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h e n a t i o n ' s r e s o u r c e s . "Bottom up" is b e t t e r t h a n " t o p down", more l a s t i n g , promotes f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , p r i d e of accomplishment and owner- s h i p i n t h e development of t h e human p o t e n t i a l .

We b e l i e v e t h a t p e o p l e must p a r t i c i p a t e f u l l y i n s t a g e s of t h e development p r o c e s s - from i d e n t i f i c a t i o n th rough p l a n n i n g , d e s i g n , imple- m e n t a t i o n , moni to r ing and e v a l u a t i o n of t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n o r d e r t o a c h i e v e mean ingfu l and s u s t a i n a b l e p o s i t i v e changes. We a c t merely a s f a c i l i t a t o r s o r c a t a l y s t s i n t h i s p r o c e s s . We b e l i e v e i n t h e comprehen- s i v e approach t o development a s s i s t a n c e and t h a t t h e p i e c e meal approach t o a s s i s t a n c e i s n o t s u s t a i n a b l e i n t h e long-term. We l e n d a h e l p i n g , we do n o t p r o v i d e hand o u t s ; t h o s e we a s s i s t must pay something, however, s m a l l f o r o u r s e r v i c e s .

To o p e r a t e , we depend a lmos t e x c l u s i v e l y on c o n t r i b u t i o n s ; t h e r e f o r e , we must be f i s c a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e . i n t e l l e c t u a l l y h o n e s t and must be h e l d ac - c o u n t a b l e f o r and p r o v i d e a measurement of o u r s e r v i c e s and a c t i v i t i e s . We w i l l n o t d i s c r i m i n a t e on t h e b a s i s of r a c e , c o l o u r , c r e e d , l anguage , p o l i t i c a l a f f i l i a t i o n o r s e x b u t a r e committed t o r e c o g n i z i n g , promoting and enhancing t h e r o l e of women i n development . We w i l l be law-abiding i n a l l r e s p e c t s and w i l l no t p a r t i c i p a t e i n g r a f t , k ickbacks o r cor rup- t i o n .

Members of t h e Board of D i r e c t o r s , s t a f f and employees w i l l n o t u s e t h e i r p o s i t i o n o r i n f o r m a t i o n f o r economic and p o l i t i c a l advan tage and w i l l m a i n t a i n s t r i c t c o n f i d e n t i a l i t y i n a l l m a t t e r s a t a l l t i m e s . We a s s e r t t h a t we a r e a mora l i n s t i t u t i o n d e d i c a t e d t o t h e development of B e l i z e and w i l l be guided by e t h i c a l s t a n d a r d s a t a l l t i m e s , i n c l u d i n g s t a n d a r d s on c o n f l i c t s of i n t e r e s t .

[FOB 6, Belmopan, B e l i z e )

USA: PLENTY

PLENTY USA was born from t h e r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t a l l people a r e members of t h e human f a m i l y , and t h a t , i f we w i s e l y u s e and s h a r e t h e abundance of t h e e a r t h , t h e r e i s p l e n t y f o r everyone .

The r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t we a r e one fami ly i n s p i r e s k i n d n e s s and g e n e r o s i t y i n response t o s u f f e r i n g , courage and moral o u t r a g e i n response t o i n - j u s t i c e . Today, a s a r e s u l t of modern communications and t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , t h e world is s h r i n k i n g . We a r e more aware of each o t h e r than e v e r b e f o r e and more a b l e t o answer a c r y f o r h e l p .

S i n c e i t s founding i n 1 9 7 4 , PLENTY v o l u n t e e r s have worked i n twe lve c o u n t r i e s on f o u r c o n t i n e n t s , l i v i n g among t h e peop le i n t h e i r v i l l a g e s , s h a r i n g t h e i r pover ty and e x p e r i e n c i n g t h e i r s t r u g g l e and t h e i r j o y . We have found t h a t good development i s much more t h a n a i d o r c h a r i t y . The most s u c c e s s f u l p r o j e c t s b e g i n w i t h l o v e and grow w i t h t r u s t , f r i e n d s h i p and mutua l r e s p e c t .

PLENTY'S p r o j e c t s a r e des igned t o enhance s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n , h e a l t h and wel l -be ing . They a r e under taken w i t h t h e f u l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n of t h e peop le who a r e supposed t o b e n e f i t from them. Through a g r i c u l t u r e , n u t r i t i o n , pr imary h e a l t h c a r e , p o t a b l e w a t e r , sa- n i t a t i o n , a l t e r n a t i v e e n e r g y , communications, c o t t a g e i n d u s t r i e s , l i t i- g a t i o n , t r a i n i n g and e d u c a t i o n , PLENTY s e e k s p r a c t i c a l s o l u t i o n s t o po- v e r t y , i n j u s t i c e and m i s f o r t u n e .

PLENTY f e e l s a s p e c i a l k i n s h i p w i t h I n d i a n c u l t u r e s around t h e wor ld , many of which a r e t h r e a t e n e d w i t h e x t i n c t i o n . We b e l i e v e i t t o be essen- t i a l t h a t n a t i v e s o c i e t i e s , w i t h t h e i r a n c i e n t t r a d i t i o n s of r e v e r e n c e f o r l i f e and t h e e a r t h , no t be swept a s i d e i n an u n t h i n k i n g r u s h f o r "p rogress" and p r o f i t . PLENTY is working t o s t r e n g t h e n and p r e s e r v e na- t i v e communities and h e i g h t e n p u b l i c awareness abou t ind igenous peop le .

The p r o j e c t s : PLENTY s t a r t e d o u t by g i v i n g away food t o needy p e o p l e l i v i n g n e a r our o r i g i n a l o f f i c e i n r u r a l Tennessee . We were fa rming and had s u r p l u s e s . G r a d u a l l y , we expanded t h i s food a i d program f u r t h e r a f i e l d a s we d i s c o v e r e d p o c k e t s of hunger i n u rban N a s h v i l l e , Memphis, Chicago and D e t r o i t . By 1975 PLENTY was s h i p p i n g food t o h u r r i c a n v i c - t i m s i n Honduras and famine v i c t i m s i n H a i t i .

When a massive e a r t h q u a k e s t r u c k Guatemala i n 1976 , k i l l i n g 23.000 peo- p l e and l e a v i n g one m i l l i o n homeless , PLENTY s e n t v o l u n t e e r s t o a s s i s t t h e medica l r e l i e f and r e c o n s t r u c t i o n . We d i s c o v e r e d t h a t t h e Mayan In- d i a n s , who make up more than h a l f of t h e t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n , had borne t h e w o r s t of t h e d e v a s t a t i o n . We s t a y e d on f o r f i v e y e a r s . We saw how a n i n s i d i o u s combinat ion of f o r c e s can o p e r a t e t o keep a peop le i n t h e g r i p of p o v e r t y . Poor h e a l t h , i n a d e q u a t e n u t r i t i o n , l a c k of m e d i c a l c a r e , complete absence of s a n i t a t i o n and runn ing w a t e r , a s h r i n k i n g l a n d b a s e and d e f o r e s t a t i o n : t h e s e a r e t h e spokes i n t h e wheel of p o v e r t y . Dr iven by g r e e d , r ac i sm and v i o l e n c e , t h e wheel goes round and round. We met I n d i a n f a r m e r s who t a u g h t u s abou t amaran th , t h e h igh p r o t e i n g r a i n of t h e pre-conquest Mayan c i v i l i z a t i o n , and we i n t r o d u c e d them t o t h e soy- bean. L a t e r , r e sponding t o e n t h u s i a s t i c r e q u e s t , o u r v o l u n t e e r s pe r -

formed public demonstrations to teach families how to prepare mild and cheese from soybeans in their homes. In one village we helped a local cooperative build a soy dairy where soy foods are manufactured for sale in local markets. We built a two-storey Community Centre and installed an FM broadcast station for the use of the Caktchikel Mayans. Other projects focused on primary health care training and the construction of schools, clinics and gravity-feed water systems. Civil war and a worse- ning campaign of indiscriminate violence waged against the highland Mayans forced us to withdraw our volunteers from Guatemala at the end of 1980. Today, PLENTY is aiding some of the more than 150'000 Mayan refugees in Mexico and the United States and is supporting indigenous developments within Guatemala.

In Bangladesh PLENTY volunteers took part in an effort to establish a health clinic and orphanage near Dacca.

In Baja California, our volunteers built emergency housing for barrio dwellers whose makeshift dwellings were washed away in a flash flood.

In Haiti, we trained the staff of a home for orphans and abandoned children to prepare nutritious soy foods.

In Lesotho, an independent Black country completely surrounded by South Africa, we have promoted "integrated village development" involving reforestation, agriculture, solar energy and, most recently, setting up a rural health centre.

The South Bronx attracted our attention after we saw a television report about the "sweat equity" urban pioneers and their heroic efforts to re- build low-cost housing in the midst of the burning ghetto. In 1978 we renovated an abandoned tenement for offices and volunteer quarters. When we put a free ambulance on the street, operated by PLENTY Emergency Me- dical Technicians, the PLENTY Ambulance Service was born. As city ambulance services improved their coverage of the South Bronx, the project evolved into a training program in which local residents have been able to become licensed EMTs and get jobs with professional ambulance companies.

In Washington DC, PLENTY founded a free medical clinic and health care training class which serves the fast-growning Latin American refugee population in the capital.

On Indian reservations PLENTY is supporting the efforts of Native Ameri- cans to regain a measure of sovereignty and self-determination by helping them start a reservation ambulance service, or create a community radio station, or re-establish an economic land base through agriculture, reforestation and the use of alternative energy sources.

(PLENTY USA, Midwest O f f i c e , P.O. Box 90, Swmertown TN 33483, West Coast O f f i c e , 610 S i x t e e n t h S t r e e t , S u i t e 5 2 1 , Oakland CA 34612. PLENTY Canada: R.R. 3 , Lanark, Ont. KOG 1K0, Canada}.

SAM AND APPEN NEWS FEATURE SERVICE

Sahabat Alam Malaysia (SAM - Friends of the Earth Malaysia) is a citizens' organization involved with development and environment issues, formed in 1977 when the country had embarked on a process of rapid economic growth and concomitant environmental deterioration.

SAM works closely with, and makes representations for, affected communities throughout the country, like farmers whose crops are destroyed by pests and pollution; fishermen whose livelihood are threatened because of depleting fish resources; estate workers whose health and well-being are affected by the pesticides they use without any safeguards; indigenous communities whose lands are taken for timber exploitation, etc.

The Asia-Pacific People's Environment Network (APPEN), an informal group of development and environment associations from the Asia-Pacific region, is being coordinated from SAM. APPEN was formed in 1983. Its main objectives are : the collection and dissemination of information per- taining to development and environment issues; contributing towards regional collaboration on such issues; investigating, reporting and making representations on those urgent issues in the region.

Another part of SAM and APPEN work is the publication of books and materials to serve as an effective communication tool so that the public can have access to news and information about the latest developments concerning the environment.

We have started, in 1984, a SAM and APPEN news feature service as news and information on development and environment from the Third World is limited. The SAM features cover general and local issues while the APPEN features touch on issues in the Asia-Pacific region.

SAM features have touched upon topics like "~ala~sia's Nuclear Energy Programme"; "The Highway Fiasco in Malaysia"; "Herbicide Use in Estate"; "The Papan Radioactive Waste-Dump Controversy"; "1984 Fisheries Bill"; "Native Land Rights" and many others.

The APPEN features have included issues such as "Seed Business is Big Business"; "2, 4, 5-T Pesticides"; "Controversy of the Eucalyptus Tree"; "The People Behind the Fishing Industry"; e et er gents in the Third World"; "Exporting Pollution - Japanese Style"; "Rats - How Pesky Can They Get" and many others.

Features appear fortnightly. The yearly subscription rate (by air mail) is US$80.00. This will also allow you to receive our other materials published by SAM such a campaign materials, publications and news- letters.

(SAM and APFEV /Jews Feature Serv i ce , 37 Lorong Birch, 10250 Penang, Malaysia).

PHARMACEUTICAL PATENTS

An in t e rna t iona l seminar organised by the In t e rna t iona l Organisation of Consumers Unions (IOU), Chulalongkorn ' Jn i ve r s i t y and Socia l Research i n s t i t u t e (CUSRI), the 2 m g Study Group (DSc), the Coor&~na+Â¥in Comic - t e e for Primary 'n.eaLth Care o f Thai Y W s (CCPW, took place on 4 Apri.1 l d S 7 a t Chi la longkom Un iver s i t y Socia l Research i n s t i t u t e , Bangkok, Thai land.

The seminar, which uas attended by 34 r epre sen ta t i ve s from 1 5 organisa- t i o n s o f 10 coun t r i e s , uas organised a s part o f t he programe o f Act ion for Rational Drugs i n Asia (ARDA), a network o f hea l th , consumer and development groups i n the region.

The seminar i ssued the following statement :

T H E A R D A S T A T E M E N T ON P A T E N T S A N D P H A R M A C E U T I C A L S

1 . The g o a l t o a c h i e v e t h e h e a l t h of peop le and communities must b e met by a commitment t o a n o t h e r deve lopmenta l paradigm based on s e l f - r e l i a n c e and comprehensive R a t i o n a l Drug P o l i c i e s .

2 . A r a t i o n a l d rug p o l i c y must be based on d r u g s s a t i s f y i n g t h e f i v e p r i n c i p l e s o f :

( a ) mee t ing r e a l m e d i c a l needs ; (b) hav ing s i g n i f i c a n t t h e r a p e u t i c v a l u e ; ( c ) b e i n g a c c e p t a b l y s a f e ; (d ) o f f e r i n g s a t i s f a c t o r y v a l u e f o r money; and ( e ) a v a i l a b i l i t y and a c c e s s a b i l i t y .

3 . The r o l e of p a t e n t s i n c o n t r i b u t i n g t o such r a t i o n a l drug p o l i c i e s i s a t b e s t a v e r y l i m i t e d one. On t h e c o n t r a r y , p a t e n t s can become i n - s t r u m e n t s f o r promoting p r i v a t e monopolies a t t h e expense of t h e p u b l i c i n t e r e s t , c o n t r i b u t e t o c r e a t i n g dependancy and h i n d e r t h e r e a l development of r a t i o n a l d rug p o l i c i e s .

4 . I n t e r n a t i o n a l and r e g i o n a l o r g a n i s a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g WIPO, UNCTAD, UNIDO, WHO, ESCAP, t h e Non-Aligned Movement and t h e Group of 7 7 , have e x p r e s s e d many and v a r i o u s l e g i t i m a t e concerns of T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s . The f o l l o w i n g t h r e e p r i n c i p l e s have emerged and a r e wide ly accep ted :

( a ) p a t e n t s shou ld a s s i s t i n n a t i o n a l economic and s o c i a l development and have s p e c i a l r e g a r d f o r t h e needs of deve lop ing c o u n t r i e s ;

(b ) t h e p u b l i c i n t e r e s t shou ld always p r e v a i l ; and

( c ) p a t e n t s shou ld n o t become an o b s t a c l e t o l e g i t i m a t e i n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a d e .

5 . I n t h e p r e s e n t g l o b a l c o n t e x t , t a k i n g i n t o account t h e l e g i t i m a t e needs of T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s and , i n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e i r h e a l t h r e q u i r e - ments , t h e aim shou ld be t o work towards a p a t e n t - f r e e environment f o r p h a r m a c e u t i c a l s .

6. Any patent law should explicitly exlude both pharmaceutical products (all kinds of drugs or combinations of then) and processes (the methods or techniques of making such drugs or combinations). Instead, as an alternative, laws on intellectual property should provide for a system of protection through inventors' certificates to encourage and stimulate real technical innovation in Third World countries.

7. If patent protection is granted at all, it should be limited to process patents only and not be granted to products. It is important to provide adequate safeguards aimed at ensuring satisfactory working of the patented invention. The safeguards must include the following:

protection granted to a process is not extended to products so that "product by process" is not applicable;

provision that importation does not constitute working of the patent;

a clear definition of the terms "exploitation", and "working" of the patent;

shorter duration of patent, and use it to ensure working of the patented invention;

an expeditious system of compulsory licensing;

ensuring the fullest use of locally available resources in working the patent; and

forfeiture or revocation of the patent on specific grounds.

Wherever intellectual property protection laws exist, there should . . . .

be a mandatory multi-sectoral National Commission to review policies and practices at fixed regular periods. Citizens' groups must have a right to participate fully in such reviews and their involvement should be ensured.

9. Policies on intellectual property protection must be seen in con- junction with and subject to a comprehensive Rational Drug Policy. The impact of any patent policy on health, economic, social and technological development must be properly determined, particularly through indigenous research, prior to the granting of any patents.

10. Third World countries and citizens' groups involved in health and development issues both in the North and the South have the responsibility to work in solidarity to ensure that intellectual property protection policies respond to the real health needs of society.

(ARDA, C/O IOCU RegionaL Office f o r A s k and the Pacifi:c, FOB 1045 , 10830 Penang, Va Laysia.) .

7 6

FROM ORGANISATION., . TO ORGANISM a new view of business & management at a findhorn conference

The stable organisation has become an anachronism. Rapid and on-going changes in technology, individual expectations and value systems, plus the impact of a global marketplace mean that organisations and business- es are having to maintain a state of continuous change to survive. To- day's challenge is to create resilient, responsive organisational structures which nourish the human spirit, yet still meet goals and fulfil1 responsibilities. An organisational revolution is upon us.

Viewing the organisation as organism with a social, cultural and ecological context is providing a new framework within which individuals and groups can experiment with new forms. Large organisations are refining their structures to create smaller, more responsible units; cooperative ventures of all sizes are on the increase. Is this just current fashion, or does it indicate a deep and lasting change in the heart of our culture?

To examine these changes and possibilities we are convening a conference "From Organisation to Organism: a new view of business and management" from 10 to 17 October 1987. Our intention is to create a week of inspiration, participation and mutual support for those who are working with, and interested in, new ideas in business, management and organisational development for the future.

Specific themes will include:

. changing perspectives: the impact of wholism; group as living system; implications of interconnectedness; shifting cultural values;

. a new ecology: right livelihood at the organisational level, social responsibility and conservation awareness;

innovation and creativity: unleashing the individual; ways and means to stimulate initiative and increase productivity;

. innovations in organisational structures: new working relationships, formal and informal; creating teams and networks;

power in the organisation: relationships between power and structure; changing employer/employee relationships; role of women;

. qualities for the future: applied inner-directedness, vision, creativity, intuition.

Our faculty will include not only the visionaries and thinkers who are the forefront of this movement, but those who have actually put these ideas into practice in their own situations. Through a combination of lectures, discussions, workshops and active participation, we will create together an opportunity to learn from each other, a time to discover how to bring our values and aspirations more into our working life.

( F o r further d e t a i l s : CLuny 3 I L I College, Forres Scotland, 1736 0RD.l.

ESPANA: CURSOS DEL INAUCO

El INAUCO es un centro creado por la Fundacion Laboral de Asistancia y Promoci6n de Empress que realiza une labor investlgadora, docente y pub- licista sobre 10s conceptos de autonomla, autoorganizaci6n y autogesti6n y las formas conunitarias y participativas en Economla, Politica y el conjunto de la Ciencias Sociales. El INAUCO ofrece 10s siguientes cursos de postgrado:

Mode10 para una economla social, desarrollo alternativo y nueva economla: la situation econ6mica vigente; la busqueda de una nueva economla; un desarrollo alternativo o una nueva forma de pensar algunas hip6tesis e intuiciones.

Descentralizaci6n. autonomla, federalism0 y participacion popular: problemas constitucionales de la descentralizaclon territorial en 10s Estados federates y unitarios; descentralizacion a nivel local; descentralizacion, derechos humanos y participacion popular.

3. Promotores de desarrollo experimental y acci6n comunal: desarrollo experimental, integrado y de acci6n comunal; el mode10 de empresa comunitaria como element0 de desarrollo; iniciativas locales para la creation de empleos y el desarrollo experiental de acci6n comunal.

Requisites para 10s tres cursos: Titulaci6n academics superior suficien- te o experiencia profesional en la funci6n pGblica. Duraci6n: Cada uno de 10s cursos tiene una duracion de cinco meses y medio ( 15 enero - 30 junio de 1988). Inscription: hasta el 30 de noviembre de 1987.

(Dr. Antonio CoZomer Viade l , I n s t i t u t o i n t e r c u l t u ra l para l a outages t i b n y La acc'LSn comunaL, Departmento de Dereaho P o l i t i c o , Universidad Autd- noma de Madrid, Campus de Canto Blanao, 28049 Madrid, Espanai.

NOTE TO OUR READERS IN SWITZERLAND

The practice of including a 'bulletin de versement' in each issue is yielding positive results and we thank those who have already used it. For practical reasons, however, it is impossible to be selective in en- closing the 'green bulletin' and we apologize to those who have already contributed for its continuing inclusion.

NOTE A NOS LECTEURS EN SUISSE

Le fait d'inclure un bulletin de versement dans chaque livraison du Dossier a don& des rgsultats positifs et nous remercions ceux d'entre vous qui l'ont utilise. Cependant, pour des raisons pratiques, il nous est impossible de proceder 5 cette adjonction d'une manisre selective; aussi, nous nous excusons aupres de ceux qui, ayant dGj2 contribug, trouvent r6guliSrement un 'bulletin vert' dans leur Dossier.

i f da doss i e r 60 . ju ly /august 1987 l e t t e r s / l e t t r e s / c a r t a s

DE AARAU, SUISSE Votre p u b l i c a t i o n e s t v ra iment e x c e l l e n c e e t s u r t o u t t r s s n e c e s s a i r e . Merci!

FROM ADELAIDE, AUSTRALIA T h i s ( E d i t o r i a l "We a r e a l l P a l e s t i n i a n s " , D o s s i e r 57/58) convinced me t h a t I want no more of your p u b l i c a t i o n s . P l e a s e remove my name from your m a i l i n g l i s t .

D.T. Healey

FROM AMMAN, JORDAN We a t QOU applaud t h e concern and humani ta r i an c a u s e s i n g e n e r a l and

h e l p t h a t t h e t o P a l e s t i n i a n

IFDA h a s rendered t o i s s u e s i n p a r t i c u l a r .

Dr Watid KOJHhaui, President, al-Quds Open Un iver s i t y

FROM AMSTERDAM, THE NETHERLANDS On b e h a l f of t h e I n t e r NGO Conference on IGGI m a t t e r s (INGI) I would l i k e t o thank you f o r your e f f o r t s t o in form u s on i n t e r n a t i o n a l NGO a c t i v i t i e s th rough your IFDA D o s s i e r . INGI is t h e f i r s t NGO Conference t o complement a c o n s u l t a t i v e group of d o n o r - c o u n t r i e s (of I n d o n e s i a i n t h i s c a s e ) . T h e r e f o r e , any i n f o r m a t i o n concern ing i n t e r n a t i o n a l NCO n e t - working is v e r y much welcome.

Peter van TuijZ

D E COLIMA, MEXICO Agradezco mucho e l e n v l o d e s u i n t e r e s a n t i s m a r e v i s t a IFDA D o s s i e r . Hacemos n u e s t r o s mejores v o t o s p a r a que c o n t r i b u y a n con e s a s p u b l i c a - c l o n e s a l a b r a r un mundo mujor , que mucha f a l t a hace hoy d l a . Q u i c i e r a - mos s e g u i r r e c i b i e n d o e s a s v a l i o s i s i m a s p u b l i c a c i o n e s .

Francisco Jav i e r Cardenas Mmguia, Pres idents de Pro-Ecolog<a de Colima

FROM COTABATO, PHILIPPINES May we thank you f o r t h e D o s s i e r s o t i m e l y s e n t . My s t a f f and I recog- n i z e i t s impor tance and how i t can open-up avenues of b e t t e r development c o n c e p t s f o r Region X I I , P h i l i p p i n e s . We a r e g l a d t o l e a r n P h i l i p p i n e s ' PROCESS ( a s c o n t a i n e d i n D o s s i e r 5 4 ) . Th i s NGO has n e v e r been known t o u s b u t , much t o o u r exc i t ement when when we l e a r n e d t h a t t h e i r development approach is n e a r l y e x a c t t o what t h e M i n i s t r y of Human S e t t l e m e n t s , Region X I 1 had been do ing . We s h a l l be communicating w i t h PROCESS t o r e c o p r o c a t e development i d e a s good f o r our c o u n t r y . Again, our s i n c e r e t h a n k s and a p p r e c i a t i o n s t o t h e IFDA.

Enpico B. Palorna, Minis t ry o f Human Set t lements

FROM ZANZIBAR, TANZANIA I am w r i t i n g t o e x p r e s s my profound thanks t o Marc N e r f i n p e r s o n a l l y and th rough him t o t h e Foundat ion f o r c o n s t a n t and k ind p r o v i s i o n of m D o s s i e r s . They have been ex t remely u s e f u l t o my depar tment . Once a g a i n , I thank you very much and hope t h a t you w i l l c o n t i n u e t o p rov ide u s w i t h t h e s e impor tan t D o s s i e r s .

Ati. 0 . Korsheni, Direc tor , Departnsnt o f Fore i y . A f f a i r s .

FROM AN AFRICAN STUDENT IN THE UK Thank you f o r your l e t t e r a s k i n g t h o s e who can a f f o r d i t t o pay a sub- s c r i p t i o n f e e f o r your v e r y u s e f u l p u b l i c a t i o n IFDA D o s s i e r . Unfortu- n a t e l y , be ing a s t u d e n t h e r e from A f r i c a w i t h o u t any g r a n t , I f i n d i t very d i f f i c u l t t o meet your r e q u e s t a t t h e moment. I hope however t h a t you w i l l keep me on your m a i l i n g l i s t . Your IFDA D o s s i e r h a s been s o f a r ve ry u s e f u l t o me. A s soon a s I am a b l e t o c o n t r i b u t e , e i t h e r by some a r t i c l e o r f i n a n c i a l l y , I w i l l g l a d l y do s o .

Miche l Ongo Lo Sdongo, Manchester, UK

FROM HONOLULU HAWA I ' I I g r e a t l y enjoyed your r e c e n t a r t i c l e on " N e i t h e r P r i n c e n o r Merchant: C i t i z e n " . I have used i t i n t h e e n c l o s e d a r t i c l e on t h e P h i l i p p i n e s which t h e D o s s i e r may f i n d of some u s e . Thank you once a g a i n f o r t h e D o s s i e r , I and o t h e r s i n Hawaii u s e i t r e g u l a r l y . P l e a s e s e e t h e en- c l o s e d rev iew from a D o s s i e r a r t i c l e f o r t h e J u d i c i a l F u t u r e s news- l e t t e r , Nu Hou Kanawi ( s e n t t o j u d g e s , a d m i n i s t r a t o r s and a t t o r n e y s ) .

l a h i r Sohail InayatuZ Lah

FROM POZNANI POLAND Thank you f o r J a n u a r y / A p r i l i s s u e of t h e IFDA D o s s i e r . I found t h i s p u b l i c a t i o n very i n t e r e s t i n g and u s e f u l f o r my t e a c h i n g and r e s e a r c h .

P i o t r Pezalsk i

FROM SEVIERVILLE, TENNESSEE Your a r t i c l e "Nei the r P r i n c e nor Merchant: C i t i z e n - An i n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h e t h i r d system" is n o t o n l y c l a r i f y i n g b u t a l s o p r o v o c a t i v e l y s t i m u l a - t i n g . Thanks f o r i t .

Harry B . Pr ize

FROM S T J U L I A N I MALTA Bravo pour 1 ' 5 d i t o r i a l s u r l a P a l e s t i n e , q u i m'a a i d 5 2 v o i r c l a i r .

FROM S. LEOPOLDO, BRAZIL I read and l i k e d very much your e s s a y on UN f u t u r e i n IFDA D o s s i e r 56 and i n Development Dia logue 1 9 8 5 : l . I i n t e n d t o work on and h e l p g e t t i n g it d i s c u s s e d .

Carlos Cardoso Avel ine , President Agapan-SL

ifda dossier 60 . july/august 1987 footnotes/notes/notas

Y.5. Domen ' t s ,Ter.tiored in the fo t ' icuGq sea t ion a r e n o t ma3ab'i-e f r o r J F C i bu$, depen2irg ox thz case, f r m pb : i s+e r s , ~ G O ~ O ~ S G? $he address i nd ica t ed a f t e r the desc r ip t ion cf the dcc.mmt.

LOCAL SPACE

. Robert Theobald, The Rapid of change: Social Entrepreneurship in Turbulent Times (Indianapolis: Knowledge Systems Inc., 1987) 254pp. Peo- ple's ability to deal with rapid, fundamental change will be challenged more in the last thirteen years of the twentieth century than in the first eighty-seven. Change has been produced by revolutions in compu- ters, weaponry, the environment, population, biology, and human rights. Decision-making, from personal to global spaces has been driven by our effectively unlimited productive and destructive power. Now we must make choices which will enhance human dignity and preserve the environment. Providing a framework for these opportunities is the task undertaken by Robert Theobald. He says the immediate challenge is to unite the growing number of mainstream decision-makers who are looking for new directions with the social entrepreneurs who have already developed necessary skills and models. The social entrepreneur, or change agent, has moved beyond unrealistic optimism and deadening despair, and is operating out of "realistic hope", where the danger of our current situation are accepted but also being used as triggers to create a higher quality of life. The arguments in The Rapids have been endorsed by over 70 organizations active in the areas of ecology, education, housing, economics, community, health, leadership development, peace, politics, work, social justice and spirituality. The organizations are listed in the book and the description of their activities provides an overview of the social entrepreneurship now taking place. (7777 West Morris St., Indianapolis, IN 46231, USA) US$ 18.45

. Carlos Barrios N. y Mario Padron C. (editores), Comunidad campesina y empresa comunal (Lima: CLA/CEDEP/DESCO, 1986) 202pp. Pueden las Comu- nidades Campesinas Andinas y las Comunidades Nativas de la Amazonia peruana ser entendidas y comportarse como sujetos de un proceso de mo- dernizacion y desarrollo? En qu6 condiciones y como? Qu6 papel cabe a las Empresas Comunales y otras formas de organization empresarial vin- culadas a las Comunidades? Hay experiencias que responden positivamente a estas preguntas, seiialando en sus reflexiones las limitaciones y problemas que existen. Esto libro da cuenta de algunas de estas experiencias (DESCO, AV. Salaverry 1935, Lima 14, Peru).

. Nelson Manrique, Mercado interno y region: La Sierra central 1820- 1930 (Lima: DESCO) 281pp. La histografia republicans traditional creia que el Estado en el Peru representaba efectivamente a la Sacion: bastaba entonces estudiar a aquel para comprender a Gsta. La Historia del Peru se redujo as! a una historia del Estado peruanao (y gsta, en buena medi- da, a una historia de Lima). Pero un Estado obligZrquico, representante de una minorla de espaldas a 10s intereses de las mayorias nacionales,

no p o d i a e x p r e s a r 1 0 s r a d i c a l e s cambios que l a soc iedad peruana e x p e r i - mento en s u p r imera c e n t u r i a de v i d a republicans. Mercado i n t e r n o y r e - & t r a s l a d a e l e j e d e l a n z l i s i s de l a soc iedad p o l f t i c a a l a soc iedad c i v i l . De l a reconstruction d e l p roceso de c o n f o m a c i 6 n d e l mercado i n - t e r n o en l a r e g i o n c e n t r a l emerge una v i s i o n d i f e r e n t e d e l a h i s t o r i a d e l Peru r e p u b l i c a n o , que da nuevas l u c e s s o b r e problemas contemporZneos c r u c i a l e s : e l d e s a r r o l l o capitalists en e l Peru y l a c u e s t i o n r e g i o n a l ; l a l o g i c a y l a s modal idades de l a penetration imperialists e n l a econo- mfa peruana ; e l o r i g e n y l a n a t u r a l e z a de l a s c l a s e s s o c i a l e s en e l in- t e r i o r ; l a c o n f l i c t i v a r e l a c i o n e n t r e e l Estado y l a Nacion, p a r a s o l o c i t a r a lgunos d e 1 0 s MZs r e l e v a n t e s .

. J a a p Lemere i s , La l u c h a por e l agua d e 10s Aymaras d e l Nor te de C h i l e , 116pp. (CIREN, C a s i l l a 2223, I q u i q u e , C h i l e ) .

. S e r g i o G6mez y J o r g e Echenique, T r a b a j a d o r e s t emporeros d e l a a g r i - c u l t u r a moderna d e l C h i l e c e n t r a l , 72pp. (FLACSO) C a s i l l a 3213 Correo C e n t r a l , S a n t i a g o , C h i l e ) .

. Eemando R e l l o , Burgues ia , campesinos y Estado en MGxico: e l con- f l i c t ~ a g r a r i o d e 1976, 119pp. and S t a t e and P e a s a n t r y i n Mexico: A Case Study of Rura l C r e d i t i n La Laguna, 116pp; S i l v i a R i v e r a Cus icanqui , Oppressed b u t n o t Defea ted : P e a s a n t S t r u g g l e s among t h e Ayamara and Qhechwa i n B o l i v i a , 1900-1980, 222pp. and P o l i t i c s and Ideo logy of t h e Colombian Peasan t Movement, The c a s e of ANUC, 226pp.; Andrew T u r t o n , P r o d u c t i o n , Power and P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n R u r a l T h a i l a n d : Exper iences of Poor Farmers ' Groups, 132pp. (UNRISD, P a l a i s d e s N a t i o n s , 1211 Geneva 10 , S w i t z e r l a n d ) .

. T.N. Kaul , R e f l e c t i o n s of a Non-Conformist: L i f e i n a Himalayan Hamlet (New Delh i : Lancer I n t e r n a t i o n a l , 1986) 103pp. T.N. Kaul j o i n e d t h e I n d i a n C i v i l S e r v i c e i n 1936 and was one of t h e f i r s t d i p l o m a t s of independen t I n d i a . He r e p r e s e n t e d h i s c o u n t r y i n Washington, Moscow, B e i j i n g , London. He t h e n r e t i r e d t o a hamle t i n t h e Himalaya and looked a t I n d i a from a n o t h e r a n g l e . The r e s u l t of h i s o b s e r v a t i o n s w i l l be r e a d w i t h i n t e r e s t and p l e a s u r e i n a l i t t l e book (lOOpp) which was t h e s imple and i r r e p l a c e a b l e t a s t e of l i f e . The a u t h o r t e l l s h i s r e a d e r s of t h e d a i l y l i f e of t h e h i l l p e a s a n t s , t h e i r c u l t u r e , t h e i r problems - in - c l u d i n g t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e s t a t e , t h a t i s w i t h i t s l a s t r epresen- t a t i v e s , t h e t e a c h e r s , t h e h e a l t h workers - and how cou ld t h e i r s i t u a - t i o n b e improved. He speaks p l a i n l y : u n l e s s t h e l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s of t h e r u r a l peop le - h a l f of whom a r e below t h e pover ty l i n e - a r e changed, "our march towards t h e 2 1 s t c e n t u r y w i l l be meaningless" , h e w r i t e s . ( P o s t Box 3802, New D e l h i 110 049, I n d i a ) .

. Sushma Kapoor and Anuradha, Women and Media i n Development (Cendi t , 1986) 65pp. (D-l Soami Nagar , New D e l h i 110 017 , I n d i a ) .

. Kamla Bhasin and Nighat S a i d Khan, Some Q u e s t i o n s on Feminism and i t s Relevance i n Sou th A s i a ( K a l i f o r Women, 1986) 22pp. (N 84 P a n c h s h i l a P a r k , New D e l h i 110 017, I n d i a ) .

. Kamla Bhas in , Vasant P a l s h i k a r and Lakshmi Rao, The Role and T r a i n - i n g of Development A c t i v i s t s (FFHCfAD, 1983) 62pp. (FAO, 55 Max Muel le r Marg, New D e l h i 110 003, I n d i a ) .

. Kamla Bhas in , Formula t ing P r o j e c t s w i t h People (1985) 32pp; Are we on t h e Righ t Track? (1986) (New D e l h i : FFHCJAD, a d d r e s s a b o v e ) .

. From t h e C e n t r e f o r Women's Development S t u d i e s , New D e l h i , oc- c a s i o n a l p a p e r s : Kursud Sharma, I n t e r a c t i o n between P o l i c y Assumption and Rura l Women's Work ( ? l , 1985) 40pp; Govind K a l k a r , Women and S t r u c t u r a l Vio lence i n I n d i a ( ? 4 , 1985) 13pp; Narayan K . B a n e r j e e , Wonen P a r t i - c i p a t i o n and Development: A Case Study from West Bengal (?5, 1985) 25pp; Kamlesh J h u r a n i , Women P a r t i c i p a t i o n and Development: A Case S tudy from Rura l Punjab (N06, 1985) i 6 p p ; B a l a j i Pandey, Post-Independence E d u c a t i o n a l Development Among Women i n I n d i a (N09, 1987) 26pp. The Cen- t r e r e c e n t l y o r g a n i z e d a workshop on Rura l Women and Development (Hyderabad, 9-11 February 1987) , t o which i t submi t t ed a c o l l e c t i o n of a r t i c l e s , Women and Rura l Development, Some I s s u e s . I t a l s o p u b l i s h e s - s i n c e 1983 - a n a n n u a l j o u r n a l , Samaya Shak t , a j o u r n a l of women's s t u - d i e s (B-43 Panchshee l Enclave, New D e l h i 110 017, I n d i a ) .

. Dolores T. P o e l z e r and I r e n e A. P o e l z e r , I n Our O w n Words: Nor thern Saskatchewan M e t i s Women Speak Out (Saskatoon: One Sky, 1986) 161pp. T h i s i s t h e f i r s t p u b l i c a t i o n i n Canada t h a t g i v e s c e n t r a l importance t o t h e p e r c e p t i o n s and e x p e r i e n c e s of M e t i s women a s a n e s s e n t i a l e lement i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e dynamics and e f f o r t s of change i n n o r t h e r n Saska t - chewan. I r e n e P o e l z e r s p e n t months t r a v e l l i n g t h e r o a d s of n o r t h e r n Saskatchewan. She met and conversed hours w i t h M e t i s women. Dolores P o e l z e r o rgan ized t h e g r e a t v a r i e t y of t o p i c s and i n s i g h t s t h a t s u r f a c e d i n t h e s e t a p e d c o n v e r s a t i o n s . (134 Avenue F South , Saska toon , Sask. S7M 1S8, Canada) .

. S e l f De te rmina t ion and Ind igenous Peop les : Sami R i g h t s and Nor thern P e r s p e c t i v e s (Copenhagen: IWGIA, 1987) 172pp. The p a p e r s i n t h i s document were f i r s t p r e s e n t e d a t a seminar h e l d 1984 i n Copenahgen. The t o - p i c of t h e seminar was t h e r i g h t s of ind igenous p e o p l e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y SZmi, of t h e Nor thern Cap - i . e . Norway, Sweden, F i n l a n d , Greenland and Canada. The seminar focused p r i m a r i l y on t h e d e g r e e t o which t h e p o l i t i - c a l p r i n c i p l e of s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n i s r e f l e c t e d i n p r e s e n t l e g i s l a t i o n and f u t u r e l e g i s l a t i o n now under p r e p a r a t i o n f o r t h e p e o p l e s i n t h e r e - g i o n . ( F i o l s t r a e d e 10 , 1171 Copenhagen K , Denmark).

. P e t e r F . F f o l l i o t t e t John L . Thames, P l a n i f i e r l a r e f o r e s t a t i o n r u r a l e (ENDA, 1986) 158pp. (BP 3370, Dakar , S e n e g a l ) .

. Le semis du sorgho d e d e c r u e a u f u u t a : Une t e c h n o l o g i e t r a d i t i o n - n e l l e de semis en zone seche (ENDA, 1986) 60pp.

. Mas con menos/More w i t h l e s s (Amsterdam: TOOL, 1987) 90pp. Reha- b i l i t a t i o n is aimed a t o f f e r i n g t h e p h y s i c a l l y handicapped t h e p o s s i b i l - i t y t o f u n c t i o n a s i n d e p e n d a n t l y a s p o s s i b l e i n o n e ' s l i v i n g and working s u r r o u n d i n g s . Simple t o o l s can be a n enormous h e l p i n pe r fo rming D a i l y a c t i v i t i e s . More w i t h l e ss /Mas con menos shows 90 a i d s f o r d a i l y l i v i n g . An u n d e r s t a n d a b l e i n s t r u c t i o n is g i v e n w i t h each i l l u s t r a t i o n i n Engl i sh and Span ish . The t o o l s d e s c r i b e d a r e r e l a t i v e l y cheap and made from ma- t e r i a l s a v a i l a b l e i n many p l a c e s on e a r t h . The book t r i e s t o i n s p i r e d i s a b l e d persons and t h e i r t h e r a p i s t s from a l l over t h e world i n s e a r c h f o r and i n manufac tu r ing of a i d s f o r d a i l y l i v i n g . (En t repz tdok 68a /69a , 1018 AD Amsterdam, Holland) Df l .10 . -

. Agnes Chepkwony, The Role of Non-Governmental Organizations in De- velopment: A study of the National Christian Council of Kenya (NCCK) 1963-1978 (Uppsala: 1987) 393pp. The demand for more development efforts in the Third World has increased and there has been attempts on the part of the 'NGOs', both secular and religious, to combat the socio-economic and political crisis that faces the poor. The recent debate points out the failure of Governments to bring about meaningful and effective change for the majority of the people and focuses on the 'NGOs' as possible alternatives. The present study - a Doctoral dissertation from the Faculty of Theology, University of Uppsala, Sweden - focuses primarily on the nature and scope of a religious NGO's contribution to development in a Third World setting. The author discusses the historical basis of the NCCK's, its constituency and the interaction with the nationalists. She goes on with an analysis of the Council's contribution to national development. A discussion of thrusts and shifts in the methods of work, programmes and ideas is undertaken. Three levels of analysis are pursued: the NCCK/Church-State relationship, the NCCK-Donor agencies relationships and the NCCK-member churches relationship. The last section consists of an evaluation and structural analysis of the NCCK's work. It includes a detailed evaluation of a sample of representative projects and an attempt to identify the bottlenecks. The study concludes with a critique of the present NGO debate. Underlying each chapter are the questions of the role of external aid and more significantly, the pro- phetic function of a Church-related NGO in a Third World setting where development is hitherto centralist.

NATIONAL SPACE

. S.M. Mohamed Idris, Malaysian Consumers and Development (Penang: Consumers' Association, 1986) 97pp. The President of CAP writes on a wide range of critical issues affecting Malaysian consumers in this turbulent age. Among the topics are health, basic needs and national unity; the environmental crisis; education; law and social justice; rural development and human rights; the Third World crisis; and more appropriate forms of development. (87 Cantonment Rd, 10250 Penang, Malaysia).

. From Penang also: four more CAP reports on drugs and the Third World: =: "Phenacetin Risks, Benefits and Marketing in Malaysia"; Noll: "Pizotifen: Double Standards in Marketing"; U: "Cyproheptidine: Risks and Unethical Marketing in Malaysia; and G: "Stanozolol: Toxi- city and Unethical Marketing in Malaysia and the Third World". The Malaysian government banned the sale of all the four drugs following these reports (address above).

. Evelyne Hong, Natives of Sarawak: Survival in Borneo's Vanishing Forests (Penang: Institut Masyarakat, 1987) 259pp. This book is an in- depth analysis of the problems faced by the native peoples of Sarawak, most of whom live in long-house communities in Borneo's tropical forests. It describes the traditional social and economic system of swidden agriculture, and how their forest resources and way of life are increasingly threatened by the forces of 'modernisation'. Included are testimonies from several native communities. The book also analyses the social and environmental impact of logging activities, and provides sug-

g e s t i o n s a s t o what can be done t o r e s o l v e t h e problems. E s s e n t i a l r ead- ing f o r t h o s e i n t e r e s t e d i n Sarawak, and i t s n a t i v e s , t h e f a t e of t h e t r o p i c a l f o r e s t s and t h e r i g h t s of ind igenous peop les i n t h e Th i rd World. US$ 10 ( a d d r e s s : c / o CAP above) .

. Chandra Muzaf fa r , I s l a m i c Resurgence i n Malays ia ( P e t a l i n g J a y a : P e n e r b i t F a j a r B a k t i Sdn. B h d . , 1987) 114pp. Through i t s s o c i o l o g i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , t h i s book shows t h e r e a s o n s f o r I s l a m i c r e s u r g e n c e , i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , i t s consequences , and t h e i d e o l o g i e s of t h e g roups i n - vo lved . Chandra Muzaffar a r g u e s t h a t t h e major f o r c e beh ind t h e phenomenon i s e t h n i c d i c h o t o m i z a t i o n , and t h a t t h e re-awakening of I s l a m h a s i m p l i c a t i o n s n o t on ly f o r r e l a t i o n s between M a l a y s i a ' s d i f f e r e n t r e l i - g i o u s communit ies , b u t a l s o f o r t h e whole p a t t e r n of i t s p o l i t i c a l development . ( 3 J a l a n 1313, 46200 P e t a l i n g J a y a , S e l a n g o r , M a l a y s i a ) .

. Ruth G a l l e t a l . Las a c t i v i d a d e s e s p a c i a l e s en Mexico: Une r e v i s i o n c r l t i c a (Mexico: Fondo de C u l t u r a Economics, 1987) 219pp. La p r imera p a r t e d e e s t e l i b r o c o n s i d e r a l a s a p l i c a c i o n e s economicas, c u l t u r a l e s , p o l l t i c a s y m i l i t a r e s r e l a c i o n a d a s con l a utilization d e l e s p a c i o . La segunda p a r t e s e c o n c e n t r a en La d e s c r i p c i 6 n y v a l o r a c i o n de l a s a c t i v i - dades e s p a c i a l e s e n Mexico; e l d e s a r r o l l o de l a s c i e n c i a s b a s i c a s espa- c i a l e s en l a UNAM; l a s a p l i c a c i o n e s de 10s s a t e l i t e s en l a detection de 10s r e c u r s o s n a t u r a l e s r e a l i z a d a por d i v e r s a s i n s t i t u c i o n e s . Tambien s e t r a t a n s u s a s p e c t o s s o c i a l e s , con e n f a s i s e s p e c i a l en e l us0 d e 10s sa - t e l i t e s de comunicaci6n y l a p o s t u r a mexicana d e n t r o d e l c o n t e x t o d e l de recho international e s p a c i a l . (AV. d e l a Univers idad 975, 03100 Mexico DF, Mexico) .

. Eugenic T i r o n i , E l l i b e r a l i s m 0 r e a l (San t iago : Ed ic iones SUR, 1986) 165pp. T r a n s c u r r i d o s t a n t o s anos desde e l Golpe d e Estado d e 1973, no hay una explication compar t ida a c e r c a de l a p e r s i s t e n c i a d e l regimen m i l i t a r c h i l e n o . A j u i c i o d e l a u t o r , e l l a obedece a 1 t i p 0 de soc iedad c r e a d a en e s t e p e r l o d o , donde l a m i l i t a r i z a c i o n d e l Estado t i e n e como c o n t r a p a r t i d a l a d e s a r t i c u l a c i 6 n d e l a c i u d a d a n l a . E s t e l i b r o r e l a t a 10s o r l g e n e s , e l mode10 y e l derrumbe d e l a u t o p i a l i b e r a l , cuya imposition ha hecho d e C h i l e e l caso m5s puro d e un nuevo t i p 0 h i s t o r i c o : e l " l i b e - r a l i s m ~ r e a l " . (Roman Diaz 199, S a n t i a g o , C h i l e ) .

. Rosemary B . Jommo, Ind igenous E n t e r p r i s e i n Kenya's Tourism Indus- = (Geneva: IUED, 1987) 201pp. The r e a d e r w i l l s e e i n a minu te why t h e e d i t o r thought a s p e c i a l word about t h e a u t h o r was i n o r d e r : Rosemary Berewa Jommo was born i n N a i r o b i , Kenya, where s h e d i d h e r e a r l y school - i n g and went on t o work a s a s e c r e t a r y i n t h e d e f u n c t E a s t A f r i c a n Com- munity i n Arusha, Tanzania. I n 1976 s h e t r a v e l l e d t o Europe t o s e e k wider h o r i z o n s . Before resuming h e r s t u d i e s a t t h e I n s t i t u t u n i v e r s i - t a i r e d ' e t u d e s du d6veloppement (IUED), Geneva, s h e worked w i t h IFDA f o r a few y e a r s . I n A p r i l 1986, s h e was appo in ted Deputy Execu t ive S e c r e t a r y of t h e A s s o c i a t i o n of A f r i c a n Women f o r Research and Development, Dakar, Senega l . (Case 136, 1211 Geneva 21, S w i t z e r l a n d ) .

. K . Rajeswaran, A p p r o p r i a t e Technology i n Zambia: Suggested P o l i c y I m p l i c a t i o n s and Research D i r e c t i o n , 20pp. (IDS, U n i v e r s i t y of H e l s i n k i , Annankatu 20, 00100 H e l s i n k i , F i n l a n d ) .

. C h r i s t o p h e r F l a v i n , R e a s s e s s i n g Nuclear Power: The F a l l o u t from Chernobyl (Washington: Worldwatch P a p e r , N075, 1987) 91pp. When t h e

Chernobyl n u c l e a r p l a n t exploded on 26 A p r i l 1986, t h e r e s u l t i n g con- f l a g r a t i o n e n g u l f e d more than a S o v i e t r e a c t o r . A few days l a t e r , much of Europe was e x p e r i e n c i n g t h e h i g h e s t l e v e l s of r a d i o a c t i v e f a l l o u t e v e r recorded t h e r e , and w i t h i n two weeks, minor r a d i o a c t i v i t y was de- t e c t e d th roughout t h e n o r t h e r n hemisphere. But t h e p o l i t i c a l f a l l o u t from Chernobyl w i l l be i t s l a s t i n g l e g a c y . S i n c e t h e a c c i d e n t t h e pro- n u c l e a r consensus has c o l l a p s e d i n c o u n t r y a f t e r c o u n t r y , and t h e f u t u r e of n u c l e a r power, a l r e a d y hanging by a t h r e a d i n some n a t i o n s , i s now i n g r e a t e r j eopardy than e v e r . Chernobyl i s t h e w o r l d ' s most s e r i o u s nu- c l e a r power a c c i d e n t s o f a r . The d i r e c t c o s t s i n c l u d e 1 ,000 immediate i n j u r i e s , 31 d e a t h s , 135,000 peop le evacua ted from t h e i r homes i n t h e Ukra ine , and a t l e a s t $ 3 b i l l i o n i n f i n a n c i a l l o s s e s . But t h e long-term i m p l i c a t i o n s a r e f a r more t r o u b l i n g and u n c e r t a i n . I t may n o t be pos- s i b l e s imply t o "remove t h e consequences of t h e a c c i d e n t " , a s S o v i e t o f f i c i a l s p u t i t . The h e a l t h of peop le and of t h e environment i n t h e Ukraine and th roughout Europe cou ld be a f f e c t e d f o r decades . E s t i m a t e s of r e s u l t i n g c a n c e r d e a t h s by r e s e a r c h e r s i n t h e f i e l d range from l e s s t h a n 1 ,000 t o a lmos t 500,000. The IFDA D o s s i e r does n o t i n d u l g e i n f r e - quen t judgement a n d l o r a d v i c e on books. T h i s i s a r e a l l y s p e c i a l c a s e . T h i s 91pp. r e p o r t on Chernobyl i s a must . (1776 M a s s a c h u s e t t s Avenue, NW, Wasington, DC 20036, USA). US$ 4 . -

. E . Goldsmith and N . H i l d y a r d , The S o c i a l and Environmental E f f e c t s of Large Dams (Cornwall : The Wadebridge E c o l o g i c a l C e n t r e ) , V01.1: E- view, 1984, 346pp. and Vol .11: Case s t u d i e s , 1986, 331pp. , c o n s i d e r s such i s s u e s a s t h e p o l i t i c s of damming, t h e problems of r e s e t t l e m e n t , t h e s p r e a d of wa te rborne d i s e a s e s , f l o o d c o n t r o l , wa te r - logg ing and s a l i n i s a t i o n , t h e problems of management and main tenance , and t h e e f - f e c t s of hydropower and i r r i g a t i o n p r o j e c t s on l and and w a t e r u s e . The r e p o r t a l s o c o n s i d e r s t h e v e r n a c u l a r i r r i g a t i o n methods of f i v e t r a d i - t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s - and t h e i r r e l e v a n c e t o d e t e r m i n i n g a v i a b l e i r r i g a - t i o n p o l i c y . Vol. I1 c o n t a i n s 31 c a s e s t u d i e s on t h e e f f e c t s of dam pro- j e c t s i n 23 d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s . I t i s t h e f i r s t t ime t h a t such a l a r g e c o l l e c t i o n of a s s e s s m e n t s h a s been p u b l i s h e d i n a s i n g l e volume. Some c a s e s t u d i e s d e a l w i t h t h e problems of r e s e t t l e m e n t , o t h e r s w i t h t h e e c o l o g i c a l d e s t r u c t i o n caused by dams, and s t i l l o t h e r s w i t h t h e problems of i r r i g a t i o n a g r i c u l t u r e and t h e r o l e t h a t w a t e r p r o j e c t s p l a y i n s p r e a d i n g d i s e a s e . Goldsmith and Hi ldyard a l s o p o i n t t o t h e a d v e r s e economic impact of dam b u i l d i n g . "Bui ld ing dams is p r o d i g i o u s l y expens ive . The w o r l d ' s l a r g e s t h y d r o - e l e c t r i c complex - t h e I t a i p u Dam on t h e Parana River between Paraguay and B r a z i l - c o s t $ 16 b i l l i o n . Few Thi rd World Governments a r e a b l e t o l a y t h e i r hands on such sums. They must t h e r e f o r e borrow. But t h e l o a n s t h a t a r e made t o them a r e made on t h e assumpt ion t h a t t h e dams w i l l p r o v i d e a n e t r e t u r n on inves tment . I n a l l t o o many c a s e s , they have t u r n e d o u t t o be economic w h i t e e l e p h a n t s . Whi l s t some of t h e c o n t r i b u t o r s s h a r e t h e e d i t o r s ' view t h a t l a r g e dams a r e i n e v i t a b l y d e s t r u c t i v e , and t h a t t h e i r s o c i a l and env i ronmenta l c o s t s w i l l a lways outweigh t h e i r b e n e f i t s , o t h e r s do n o t go s o f a r . (Whitehay, W i t h i e l , N r . Bodmin, Cornwall PL30 5 N Q , UK).

GLOBAL S P A C E . Jacques Chonchol, Le d g f i a l i m e n t a i r e : l a f a im dans l e monde ( P a r i s : L a r o u s s e , 1987) 272pp. Ouvrage d e s y n t h g s e e t d e p r o p o s i t i o n s u r

Ie problsme de la faim dans Ie monde, ce livre propose des strategies pour ameliorer la situation alimentaire des populations du Tiers Monde. Malgr6 les progrgs de la production agricole, de grands pays vivent dans un etat permanent d1ins6curit6 alimentaire et sont p6riodiquement expo- ses i des famines meurtrisres. Environ un milliard de personnes souf- frent de la malnutrition, de la faim. Pourquoi cette incapacits 5 trou- ver la solution? Peut-on esp6rer parvenir 2 la satisfaction des besoins alimentaires? Jacques Chonchol s'efforce de repondre 2 ces questions. I1 appuie son analyse sur la notion de systeme alimentaire qui prend en compte l'ensemble de la chayne, de la production agricole i la consommation. (17 rue de Montparnasse, 75298 Paris Cedex, France).

. Henk Hobbelink, New Hope or False Promise? Biotechnology and Third World Agriculture (Brussels: ICDA, 1987) 72pp. Will biotechnology be the answer to the problems of hunger and malnutrition in the Third World? Drawing on experience of the Green Revolution, this book analyses the potential of agricultural biotechnology and describes the context in which it is being developed. The same transnational corporations which already control the agro-chemical and pharmaceutical market and which have taken control of a major part of the seeds sector, are also main actors in biotechnology. Application of biotechnology within the present socio-economic structures is likely to result in a new international division of labour, decreased value of the South's agricultural commodities, enhanced dependence and further marginalisation of the rural poor. Whether ot not biotechnology will be a 'new hope' for the Third World depends largely on whether this monopolistic control can be challenged. This booklet concludes with a discussion on the problems arising from the appropriation of biotechnology by the Third World for its own needs - and the role of citizens' groups in the process. (22 rue des Bollan- distes, 1040 Bruxelles, Belgium). $7.50

. Lester R. Brown et al. State of the World 1987 (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1987) 268pp. "Our relationship with the earth and its natura.1. systems is changing, often in ways that we do not understand", write Worldwatch Institute President Lester R. Brown and Senior Re- searcher Sandra Postel. "The scale of human activities threatens the hability of the earth itself. A sustainable society satisfies its needs without diminishing the prospects of the next generation. But by many measures, contemporary society fails to meet this criterion." The 1987 report assesses human-caused disruptions of global chemical cycles; eva- luates the worldwide reappraisal of nuclear power after the Chernobyl accident; profiles the accelerating urbanization of the world's population: discusses the shift to reliance on markets in a growing number of countries; and advocates new initiatives in recycling materials and raising agricultural productivity. (500 Fifth Ave, New York,NY 10110, USA).

. Hans Thoolen & Berth Verstappen, Human rights Missions: A Study of the Fact-finding Practice of Non-governmental organizations (Utrecht: SIM,1986) 184pp. The last decade has witnessed a dramatic increase in fact-finding by citizens' groups. Not only Amnesty International, but dozens of other organizations engage in on-site investigations into human rights violations. The international human rights instruments have created a universal normative framework, but a gap remains between norms and facts. Citizens' groups fact-finding, because of its origins and

r a p i d development , has a l l t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of a dynamic, b u t uncon- t r o l l e d phenomenon which has remained unchar ted even i n i t s q u a n t i t a t i v e a s p e c t s . How many and which m i s s i o n s went t o which c o u n t r y ? Are t h e r e g e n e r a l r u l e s f o r c o l l e c t i n g ev idence? How many members go on a m i s s i o n ? How p r o f e s s i o n a l a r e r e p o r t s ? Conc lus ions and recommendations a r e f o r - mulated by t h e a u t h o r s on t h e b a s i s of e x i s t i n g p r a c t i c e , t a k i n g i n t o account bo th t h e d i v e r s i t y of t h e m i s s i o n s and t h e need f o r b e t t e r pro- c e d u r a l a c c o u n t i n g . (Domplein 24, 3512 J E U t r e c h t , N e t h e r l a n d s ) .

. Andrew Gray, IKGIA Yearbook 1986, " Ind igenous Peop les and Human Rightsl ' (Copenhagen, 1987) 167pp. A d e t a i l e d and i l l u s t r a t e d account of t h e major e v e n t s which have t aken p l a c e i n t h e ind igenous world i n 1986. I n a d d i t i o n a s e c t i o n on i n t e r n a t i o n a l ind igenous r i g h t s and d i s c u s s i o n s of t h e main i s s u e s a f f e c t i n g ind igenous peop les p r o v i d e v a l u a b l e in- s i g h t s i n t o human r i g h t s of t h e o p r e s s e d . The Yearbook a l s o i n c l u d e s a su rvey of t h e work of IWGIA d u r i n g 1986. ( F i o l s t r a e d e 10 , 1171 Copen- hagen K , Denmark).

. S i r Robert Jackson , " D i s a s t e r s and t h e Uni ted Nat ions : I n t e r n a t i o n - a l O p e r a t i o n s , S c i e n c e and P o l i t i c s " , I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y S c i e n c e s Review ( V o l . l l , N 0 4 , 1986) pp.326-345.

. Ronald G . Musto, The C a t h o l i c Peace T r a d i t i o n (Maryknoll : O r b i s Books, 1986) 365pp. As a comprehensive h i s t o r i c a l examina t ion of peace o r i e n t a t i o n s w i t h i n Roman C a t h o l i c i s m t h i s book i s a remarkab le s c h o l a r - l y achievement . I n h i s t r e a t m e n t s of i n d i v i d u a l s and g r o u p s , of movements and i n s t i t u t i o n s , and of a c t i o n s and e v e n t s , t h e a u t h o r p r e s e n t s a f a i r and ba lanced account of t h i s peace t r a d i t i o n t h a t i n t e r a c t s w i t h t h e su r rounding v i o l e n c e of r e l i g i o u s and s e c u l a r h i s t o r y . I t s f a c t u a l d e t a i l , c o n s i s t e n t documentat ion, and p rob ing a n a l y s i s make t h i s book a r e s o u r c e w i t h o u t e q u a l f o r t h e s t u d y of church h i s t o r y g e n e r a l l y a s w e l l a s of h i s t o r i c movements f o r peace . (Maryknoll , NY 10545, USA).

. A . J o x e , R. P a t r y , Y . P e r e z , A. San tos e t J . S a p i r , F leuve n o i r : P r o d u c t i o n d e s t r a t e g i e s e t p r o d u c t i o n d e systgmes d ' a n n e s ( P a r i s : CIRPES, 1986) 139pp. La pensee s t r a t g g i q u e contemporaine e t l e s arme- ments q u i l 'accompagnent s o n t - i l s " p r o d u i t s " , chacun d e l e u r c 5 t 6 , a p r S s une c o n f r o n t a t i o n dans l a b o i t e n o i r e du "complexe m i l i t a i r e - i n d u s - t r i e l " ? Ce p r o c e s s u s long de 10 2 15 a n s , s e l o n l e s armes, m e r i t e I e nom d e F leuve Noi r , un f l e u v e 2 q u a t r e r i v e s ( m i l i t a i r e , p o l i t i q u e , f i n a n - c i s r e , t e c h n o l o g i q u e ) . Pendant l a phase d e g e s t a t i o n d 'une arme, l e s a f f l u e n t s de c e s q u a t r e r i v e s ( l e s i n p u t s ) v i e n n e n t s e mele r dans d e s b i e f s e n t r e c o u p e s d e b a r r a g e s i n s t i t u t i o n n e l s e t de r a p i d e s ; 2 l ' i s s u e de c e p a r c o u r s , l ' a r m e e s t p r o d u i t e . Sa n a t u r e e t s a s i g n i f a c t i o n o n t e t 6 m o d i f i e e s d e p u i s I e p remier p r o j e t d e l a "source". En g e n e r a l , e l l e e s t p l u t 6 t cause que consequence d e s s t r a t e g i e s done e l l e e s t l ' o u t i l . P a r f o i s e l l e e s t i n u t i l i s a b l e . ( 5 4 bd R a s p a i l , 75006 P a r i s , F rance) .

. Marek Thee ( e d ) , Arms and Disarmament : SIPRI F i n d i n g s (Stockholm: SIPRI, 1986) 491pp. To c e l e b r a t e i t s 20 th Anniversa ry , SIPRI has pub- l i s h e d a n an tho logy of s t u d i e s under taken over t h e p a s t t e n y e a r s . T h i s volume, e d i t e d by Marek Thee, from t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l Peace Research In- s t i t u t e , O s l o , f o r SIPRI. I t p r o v i d e s a comprehensive overview of t h e whole f i e l d of arms and arms c o n t r o l , and s e r v e s a s a n encyc loped ia of

t h e s u b j e c t . The book can be o b t a i n e d a t d i s c o u n t p r i c e from SIPRI a s long a s t h e s t o c k l a s t s . ( P i p e r s vag 28, 171 73 S o l n a , Sweden).

. Bhupendra J a s a n i and Toshibomi Saka ta ( e d s ) , S a t e l l i t e s f o r Arms C o n t r o l and C r i s i s M o n i t o r i n g (Stockholm: SIPRI, 1987) 176pp. Th is book shows how t h e u s e of reconna i ssance s a t e l l i t e s cou ld be expanded t o be- n e f i t t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o m u n i t y . I t reviews t h e t e c h n o l o g i c a l r e q u i r e - ments f o r s a t e l l i t e moni to r ing of arms c o n t r o l e agreements and show t h a t t h e r e i s no s e r i o u s t e c h n i c a l o b s t a c l e t o implementing an i n t e r n a t i o n a l s a t e l l i t e moni to r ing agency a l o n g t h e l i n e s sugges ted t o t h e I ' n i t ed Na- t i o n s i n 1978. The p o t e n t i a l of modern remote-sensing technology is il- l u s t r a t e d w i t h s a t e l l i t e pho tographs of a r e a s of c o n f l i c t ( I r a n - I r a q War), and c a t a s t r o p h e s (Chernobyl ) . The d a t a a v a i l a b l e from c i v i l i a n s a t e l l i t e s approach t h o s e r e q u i r e d f o r many v e r i f i c a t i o n t a s k s i n t h e arms c o n t r o l c o n t e x t . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e i d e a of a n i n t e r n a t i o n a l s a t e l - l i t e moni to r ing agency f a c e s major i n s t i t u t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l problems. S ince i t cannot be ach ieved w i t h o u t t h e c o o p e r a t i o n of t h e superpowers , c o n t r i b u t o r s f o c u s on t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of a r e g i o n a l agency, f i r s t of a l l i n Europe, where space reconna i ssance would w e l l become one of t h e n e x t g e n e r a t i o n of conf idence- and s e c u r i t y - b u i l d i n g measures . The p o s s i b i l i - t y of a s a t e l l i t e sys tem s h a r e d by t h e n e u t r a l and non-al igned s t a t e s i s a l s o d i s c u s s e d .

. Michael Brzoska , The Impact of Arms Produc t ion i n t h e Th i rd World (Cen t re f o r t h e Study of Wars, Armaments and Development, U n i v e r s i t a t Hamburg: 1987) 34pp. (Al lende-P la tz 1 , 2000 Hamburg 13, FRG)

. Archie S. Bahm, "Peace Union: A World O r g a n i z a t i o n of Peace Socie- t i e s " . The J o u r n a l of Peace S t u d i e s , (Vol .5 N02, 1986) pp.3-15.

. Sous La d i r e c t i o n de Tapio V a r i s , La c i r c u l a t i o n i n t e r n a t i o n a l e d e s e m i s s i o n s d e t e l e v i s i o n ( P a r i s : UNESCO, 1986) 61pp.

. Susan P. J o e k e s , Women i n t h e World Economy: An INSTRAW Study (New York: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1987) l61pp. T h i s book a n a l y s e s merging long-term t r e n d s i n t h e world economy a n d s h o w s t h e i r e f f e c t on t h e :c01 nomic p o s i t i o n of women i n t h e T h i r d World. S t r e s s i n g t h e i n t e r l i n k a g e s between t h e macro and micro l e v e l s of t h e economy, i t approaches t h e s u b j e c t from two p e r s p e c t i v e s : t h e p o s i t i o n of women who a r e engaged i n what i s d e f i n e d a s g a i n f u l employment - t h a t i s , women who a r e wage e a r n e r s - and t h e r o l e of women i n unpa id l a b o r such a s household work, farm work on t h e i r ova l a n d , and o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s t h a t p u t them i n a p o s i t i o n of managing r e s o u r c e s . Analyzing t h e employment t r e n d s f o r women by g e o g r a p h i c a l r e g i o n and by s e c t o r - i n c l u d i n g a g r i c u l t u r e , indus - t r y , and s e r v i c e s - t h e a u t h o r a s s e s s e s how t h e emergence of a modem i n t e r n a t i o n a l economy has a f f e c t e d t h e economic p o s i t i o n of women. She a l s o s u g g e s t s d i r e c t i o n s f o r i n n o v a t i v e development p o l i c i e s r e l a t e d t o women t h a t w i l l t a k e i n t o account t h e c u r r e n t i n t e r n a t i o n a l economic c l i m a t e . (200 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, USA).

. Diana T u s s l e , The Less Developed C o u n t r i e s and t h e World T r a d i n g System: A Chal lenge t o t h e GATT (London: Frances P i n t e r , 1986) 162pp. When r e a d i n g t h e l i t e r a t u r e on t h e North-South d e b a t e , one is s t r u c k by t h e paradox t h a t w h i l e t h e r e a r e a number of works on t h e r 3 l e of t h e

IMF in the South, there is no equivalent study of the General Agreement Tariffs and Trade (GATT), even though the debate owes its origins to trade problems. Why is is that those who criticise the free trade principles that GATT seems to stand for never bother to delve more deeply into it? Why is it neglected in academic circles yet, at the same time, governments from Third World countries continue to request accession to it? This book aims to address these questions and cover the gap in the available literature on the workings of GATT and to provide a critical understanding of the world trading system.

. At the Service of the Human Community: e h i c a l Approach to the International Debt Question (Vatican Polyglot Press) 32pp.

. Seizing the Trade Chance in '87: Proposals for Early Action in + Uruguay Round (Islamabad: North South Roundtable, 1987) 29pp. (FOB 2006, Islamabad, Pakistan).

. Les effets du commerce exterieur sur le modSIe de developpement (Neuchztel: EDES, 1986) lllpp. (Universite de Keuchztel, Suisse).

. Louis Malassis, Economie agro-alimentaire Tome 111, L'economie mondiale (CUJAS, 1986) 449pp. (4 rue de la Maison Blanche, 75013 Paris, - France).

. IUED, Annuaire Suisse-Tiers Monde 1986 (GenSve, 1987) 358pp. La 6e edition de 1'Annuaire - descendant d'une etude entreprise l'instiga- tion de la FIPAD - comporte quatre parties: des Gv6nements inter- Venus en 1985186 sur Ie plan des negotiations internationales, des relations economiques extgrieures de la Suisse et de la cooperation au diiveloppement. Analyses et positions regroupe les contributions d'au- teurs sur des sujets tels que Ie role des banques suisses face Zi l'en- dettement du Tiers Monde; les nouvelles initiatives en faveur d'un commerce equitable; la cooperation suisse dans le domaine de la promotion artisanale et industrielle. Bibliographies principaux ouvrages, articles et documents parus en 1985186 sur Ie theme des relations Suisse-Tiers Monde. Statistiques: chiffres et commentaires concernant les relations commerciales, les flux financiers et l'aide publique au developpement de la Suisse. (CP 136, 1211 GenSve 21, Suisse).

PERIODICALS (The addresses o f the 69 per iodicals mentioned belou appear, i n alpha- b e t i c a l order, a t t he end o f t h i s s e c t i o n )

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND CHANCE: I n A l t e r n a t i v e s (Vo l X I I , No 2 ) 'The g l o b a l promise o f s o c i a l

movements: e x p l o r a t i o n a t t h e edge of t i m e ' by Richa rd F a l k , ' A l t e r n a t i v e development as

s o c i a l p r a c t i c e ' by O.L. Sheth and 'The c h a l l e n g e o f t h e peace movement: c i v i l i a n s e c u r i t y

ana c i v i l i a n emanc ipa t i on1 by Zsuzsa Hegeaus. I n &ea~ th rougb (Vo i 8 , no 1 - 2 1 > 'Three

zones o f t r a n s i t i o n ' by Hazel Henderson. The N e w s l e t t e r o f I n t e r n a t i o n a l Labour S tud ies

(nos 32-33) i s devoted t o ' l a b o u r and t h e new s o c i a l movements'. En l a s Notas de l C laeh

(No 4 7 1 , ' o r gan i zac iones popu la res y es tado: e n t r e l a dependencia y ? a autonomia. Dans I e

B u l l e t i n C r i d e v (No 661, ' I n d e : I e s mouvements r u r a u x ' .

WOMEN * FEMMES MUJERES: 'What 's w i t h femin ism these days ' i n Utne Reader ( t h e b e s t o f

t h e [US] a l t e r n a t i v e p ress ) (No 21); ' Fem ic i de ' i n (No 3 3 ) ; 'Noven and h e a l t h ' i n

H e a l t h f o r t h e m i l l i o n s (Vo l X l l l , No 1 - 2 ) . 'FCminisme i l a q a r o c a i n e ' dans (No

5 8 ) ; ' Fo rma t i on des femmes dans un monde en chanqement' dans INSTRAW Nouve l l es (No 7 ) ,

!Le5 f e m e s gagnent l e u r v i e ' dans La T r i b u c e (No IO);, ' S & c u r i t e a l i ~ e n t a i r e f a r i l i a l e e t

r o l e des femnes en A f r i q u e sahe l i enne ' dans En fan t s e t femmes d f A f r i q u e (Nos 2 - 3 ) . 'Campe-

s i n a s y covuneras, I d f ue rza de 10s Ande5', un numero muy i n t e r e s d c t e y r i c o ( 6 D p ) de

y Soc iedad (Ano VI I , No 1 2 ) .

CONSUMERS: I n Timbangan, Jou rna l f rom t h e P h i l i p p i n e s ' Church-based consumers movement

(Vo l V, No 4 ) , 'The Ch r i s tmas message and t h e p l i g h t o f F i l i p i n o consumers ' . De Dakar, I e

No 6 (mars 1987) de V i v r e aut rer rent , C o n s m a t e u r s en A f r i q u e avec un d o s s i e r s u r Ab id j an ,

r 6 u s s i r , c ' e s t q u o i ? ' .

LOCAL SPACE: C u l t u r a l S u r v i v a l Q u a r t e r l y (Vo l 11, No 1) i s devo ted t o ' g r a s s r o o t s economic

deve lopment ' . As ian A c t i o n (no 62) p resen t s governmenta l /non-governmenta l responses t o S r i

Lanka ' s r u r a l p o v e r t y . Satyodaya (no 116) i s devoted t o 'a s e l f - e v a l u a t i v e r e p o r t of

Satyodaya i n 1986 ' . I n S o c i d l Change ( Vol 16, No 4 ) , 'The r o l e o f l o c a l governments i n

r u r a l development i n N i g e r i a : a s t r u c t u r a l a n a l y s i s ' . Rudoc News (Vo l 2 No l ) o f f e r s 'my

way t o s e l f - r e l i a n c e ' by Wibul Khemchalerm. I n Wor ld Development (Vo l 15, No 41, 'Oevelop-

ment t h rough Harambee: who wins and who l o s e s ? Ru ra l s e l f - h e l p p r o j e c t s i n Kenya'. De

Lima, A l t e r n a t i v a s (No 49) nos o f r e c e i deas sobre e l tema 'aqua ' . La L e t t r e du 01PA (No

4 1 5 ) examine d i v e r s aspec t s de l a p6che en A f r i q u e ,

WORK TRAVAIL: 'Work, money and l o c a l economy, some d i r e c t i o n s f o r t h e f u t u r e * by James

Rober tson i n t h e European Cen t re f o r Work and S o c i e t y ( No 1 2 ) . 'Labour and t h e Ja-

panese r e c e s s i o n ' i n t h e As ia Labour M o n i t o r (Vo l 3, No$ 5 /6 ) . F u t u r i b l e s (No 110) p o r t e

que lques ' r ega rds s u r l e v i e i l l i s s e m e n t ' .

CULTURES: 'Urdu, a l i n g u i s t i c qenoc ide ' i n Seminar (No 332) . I n t h e IWCIA News le t t e r (No

49). a r t i c l e s and no tes on t h e A r c t i c , A u s t r a l i a , Bangladesh, B r a z i l , Canada, Sa l vado r ,

H a n a i ' i , I n d i a , N icaragua, Peru, Suriname, T i g r a y and Venezuela. Dans l a Revue i n t e r n a t i o -

n a l e dos sc i ences s o c i a l e s (No I l l ) , 'Phknomenes ethn iques, na t i ona l i sme , c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s ,

p r e j u g e s ' .

DERECHOS HUMANOS * HUMAN RIGHTS: ' V i o l e n c i a y anomia' de Hugo N e i r a s i gue un e d i t o r i a l

'Por una e t j c a democ ra t i ca en l a democrac ia ' en Soc ia l i sm0 y P a r t i c i n a c i o n (No 37) . k t ~

mala Derechos Humanos, B o l e t i n international (No 22) t r a n s c r i b e e l resumen de l i n f o r m e

'Derechos humanos en Guatemala du ran te e l p r i m e r an0 de l P r e s i d e n t e Cerezo ' e s t a b l e c i d o

p o r l a o r g a n i z a c i o n Amer icas ' Watch y e1 Crupo p a r l a m e n t a r i o b r i t a n i c o de derechos huma-

nos. En 10s Cuadernos de l ClTCUA (No 1 2 ) . ' E s t r a t e g i a s popu la res de defensa c o n t r a l a r e -

p res ion , un a n a l i s i s comparative e n t r e e l Comit.6 de madres Oscar A r n u l f o Romero (Comadres)

y e l Crupo de apoyo mutuo (Cam) de Guatemala. I n t h e Scandinav ian Jou rna l o f Development

A l t e r n a t i v e s (Vo l V l , No l ) , ' I s r a e l i v i o l a t i o n s o f P a l e s t i n i a n human r i g h t s : a compara-

t i v e a n a l y s i s o f US human r i g h t s p o l i c y t owa rd t h e P a l e s t i n i a n s , I s r a e l and t h e S o v i e t

U n i o n ' by Chery l A. Rubenberg. I n Thai Development (No 12 ) , 'Human r i g h t s i n T h a i l a n d ' .

ENVIRONMENT: 'Co rpo ra te c r i m e and v i o l e n c e ' (Bhopal , Minamata, t ha l i dom ide , asbestos, e t c )

i n M u l t i n a t i o n a l M o n i t o r ( A p r i l 1987). The ESRC N e w s l e t t e r (No 59 ) d e a l s w i t h ' e n v i r o n -

menta l i s sues ' ; t h e EPA Jou rna l [Vo i 12, No 10) n i t h ' o u r f r a g i l e atmosphere: t h e green- - house e f f e c t and ozone d e p l e t i o n ' and (No 718) f r m t h e A i r P o l l u t i o n A c t i o n Ne t -

work w i t h ' t h e s i c k e n i n g a i r o f New D e l h i ' as w e l l as t h a t o f San t i ago , Tokyo, Mexico, and

o t h e r s . I n Eden (No 2 ) , ' a r e f l e c i o n on env i ronmenta l i s sues i n I n d i a ' by R a j a r a j e s w a r i

P a r i s o t , and 'Energy and p o v e r t y ' i n t h e IDS B u l l e t i n (V01 18, No 1 ) .

HABITAT: Development (1986:4) i s devoted t o urban s e l f - r e l i a n c e w i t h a r t i c l e s o f Ignacy

Sachs, Pab lo Cutman, R i ca rdo Navarro , Jo rge Hardoy, C 6 l i n e Sachs, Oav id M o r r i s and l van

111 i ch ( ' D w e l l i n g ' ) . H a b i t a t I n t e r n a t i o n a l (Vo l 10, No 4 ) conc ludes i t s t e n t h volume and

o f f e r s , i n t e r a l i a , S t e l i o s K a f a n d a r i s ' ' T r a i l i n g c l o u d s o f r esea rch i n b u i l d i n g econo-

m i c s ' . 'Hous ing prob lems o f t h e urban p o o r ' i n I n d o n e s i a ' s G rass roo t s (No 3 ) . En e, 'una e x p e r i e n c i a de participation y democracia en p l a n i f i c a c i 6 n urbana [en un pueb lo j oven

de Lima, Pe ru ] . En e l Bo le tTn de medio ambiente y u rban i zac16n (Ano 5 , No 17 ) , 'Ciudades

i n t e r n e d i a s y pequenas' y un suplemento espec ia l '10s asent iamentos popu la res y e l papel

de 10s [ONCs] en Aimerica l a t i n a . Dans l a L e t t r e u r b a i n e (No 12 ) , I e ' D e c l a r a t i o n de

Limuru, P r i n c i p e s d ' a c t i o n s e t recommandat ions ' , du n m du c e n t r e kenyan 06 se s o n t r 6 u -

n i e s , en a v r i l , 49 'ongs ' a c t i v e s en m a t i s r e d ' h a b i t a t .

DEBT * DEUDA: 'Dimes f o r do1 l a r s , t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l d e b t scandal ' i n @ (87 /2 ) , i n c l .

' M i l i t a r y d e b t ' by Michael Brzoska. En C m e r c i o E x t e r i o r (Vo l 37 , NGm l ) , ' E l endeudamien-

t o de America L a t i n a ' con un a r t i c u l o de Jo rge Eduardo Nava r re te , ' E l manejo de l a deuda,

p o l l t i c a s y consecuenc ias ' .

SOUTH-SOUTH: A s p e c i a l doub le i s s u e o f A f r i c a Development (Vo l X I , No 2-3) g u e s t - e d i t e d by

Sami r Amin, 'A f r o -A rab coope ra t i on : what f o rm o f i n s e r t i o n i n t h e w o r l d economy?' w i t h

a r t i c l e s by Be rna rd Founou, A k i n Fadahunsi, Charbe l Zarour and a b i b l i o g r a p h y . I n t h e

OAPEC Mon th l y B u l l e t i n (Vo l 13, No 31, an address by A l l A t t i g a on ' o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r co-

o p e r a t i o n between t h e Arab and t h e South As ian c o u n t r i e s ' .

PEACE * PAIX * PAZ: I n Peace News f o r N o n v i o l e n t R e v o l u t i o n (No 22911, 'Peace work i n Den-

mark and (No 2289). 'The Bo fo r s a f f a i r ' . La L e t t r e de S o l a g r a l (No 58) aborde egalement

l e s ventes d'armes au T i e r s Monde. En Comercio E x t e r i o r (Vo l 36, No 12 ) , 'Desarme, t ecno -

l o g f a m i l i t a r y d e s a r r o l l o ' con a r t i c u l o s de N i c o l e S a i l , A l f o n s o C a r c i a Robles, C a b r i e l

CarcTa MZrquez. P e r i Pamir y Miguel Wionczek. The i n d e f a t i g a b l e Inga Thorsson neve r s t ops

i n a d v o c a t i n g disarmament, f o r i n s t a n c e i n S o c i a l i s t A f f a i r s ( 1 /87 ) w i t h 'Disarmament and

development: t h e l i n k t h a t would save l i v e s ' .

PLACES: Jo rge Schwarzer pone en su c o n t e x t 0 l a p o l T c i c a econbmica a r g e n t i n a en E l B i m e s t r e

(No 32) . 'La l a r g a marcha de l a m o v i l i z a c i 6 n popu la r en B o l i v i a ' en In forme R (N01261.

C a r l o s P o r t a l e s comenta sob re 'Ch i l e -Es tados Unidos 1986-1987, I n f l u e n c i a para l a t r a n s i -

c i 6 n 1 en Cono Sur (Vo l V l , No 2 ) . ' H a i t i , que ha cambiado', en Pensamfento p r o p r i o (A60 'V, N049). Andrew Reading comnents on N i c a r a g u a ' s ' r emarkab le new C o n s t i t u t i o n ' i n Wor ld Con-

n e c t i o n s (March 87 ) . On t h e P h i l i p p i n e s : seve ra l a r t i c l e s on t h e t r a n s i t i o n and a l t e r n a -

t i v e s i n K a s a r i n l a n (V01 2, No 2 ) ; i n A l t e r n a t i v e (Vo l l , No 2 ) t h e app rova l o f t h e new

c o n s t i t u t i o n , 'human r i g h t s , l e g a l s e r v i c e s and deve lopment ' and ' t h e f o r e s t r y codes o f

t h e P h i l i p p i n e s ' . P h i l i p p i n e I n s i g h t (Vo l 1, No 5 ) wh i ch s t a r t e d i n November 1986 i s a

mon th l y magazine f o r t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l r eade r . I n T h i r d World, ' P h i l i p p i n e s , army/guer-

r i l l a : a chance f o r peace ' . On South A f r i c a , ' A f t e r a p a r t h e i d ' i s t h e main theme o f Third World Q u a r t e r l y (Vo l 9, No 2 ) ; 'South A f r i c a n m i n e r s - unde rm in ing a p a r t h e i d ' i n I n t e r n a -

t i o n a l Labour Repo r t s (No 21 ). The Sh ipp ing Research Bureau c o n t i n u e s t h e p u b l i c a t i o n o f

i t s N e w s l e t t e r on t h e o i l embargo a g a i n s t South A f r i c a , whose No 7 was p u b l i s h e d i n A p r i l .

' V i e t Nam. une economie i l a d e r i v e ' dans l e s D o s s i e r s Faim-Developpement (No 154 ) .

NEW PERIODICALS

Congad i n f o s , don t I e No 1 v i e n t de p a r a i t r e , e s t I e b u l l e t i n de l i a i s o n e t d ' i n f o r m a t i o n

du Conse i l des organisations non gouvernementa les d ' appu i au d&veloppement, i Dakar,

Senegal. Cmme 1 ' e c r i t Mazide Ndiaye, son p r e s i d e n t , il s ' a g i t d ' expose r 'nos idees, nos

e s p o i r s e t nos e f f o r t s . P a r t a g e r nos doutes su r ce que nous f a i sons , ou c e que f o n t l e s

au t res , avouer nos l i m i t e s e t meme nos f a i b l e s s e s ' . Couraqeux programme. Nous y r e v i e n -

drons.

E c o a f r i c a i s a new b i - m o n t h l y env i ronment and development ne two rk i ng magazine p u b l i s h e d by ANEN ( c f . IFDA Doss ie r 59) f o r A f r i c a n c i t i z e n s ' groups. I t i n t e n d s t o focus on g r a s s r o o t s

i n i t i a t i v e s t h a t promote e n v i r o n m e n t a l l y sound and s u s t a i n a b l e development. Free f o r A f r i - can ' nqos ' ; annual s u b s c r i p t i o n US$ 15 f o r o t h e r s .

K a l i b u , l e magazine p u b l i e p a r un groupe de jeunes A f r i c a i n s r 6 s i d a n t en Suisse, comence une seconde v i e avec sa n o u v e l l e s g r i e , don t deux num6ros s o n t parus. Au sommaire du No

1, ' O r o i t d ' a s i l e en Europe, l e s annees de p l m b ' e t 3 c e l u i du No 2, I e Fespaco, F e s t i v a l p a n a f r i c a i n du cinema de Ouagadougou, ' l a f e t e pour un cinema malade, mais n e c e s s a i r o ' .

Abonnements ( 10 numkros) 25 f r ancs su i sses (ou p l u s ) .

Workteam - Letsema, l l i m a , Nhirnbe i s a new magazine f o r p r o d u c t i o n c o - o p e r a t i v e s t h rough - o u t Southern A f r i c a . The second i s s u e o f f e r s 'co-op e v a l u a t i o n ' , e s p e c i a l l y i n Mozambique

and Zimbabwe.

. A f r i c a Development, BP 3304, Dakar, Senegal

. m, PO0 5627, 1007 AP Amsterdam, Ne the r l ands

. A l t e r n a t i v a s , O u i l c a 431, %, Peru

. A l t e r n a t i v e , 54 E s t r e l l a S t . , Makd t i , M e t r o Man i l a , P h i l i p p i n e s

. A l t e r n a t i v e s , 29 Ra jpu r Rd, 110054, I n d i a / 777 U n i t e d Na t i ons P1 aza, New York

. As ia Labour Mon i t o r , 444 Nathan Road, 8-B, -, Hongkong

. As ian A c t i o n , WO Box 2930, Bangkok 10501, Tha i l and

. E l B imest re , Pueyrredbn 510. 6 - p i s o , 1032 Buanos A i res , A rgen t i na

. B o l e t i n de medio ambiente y u rban i zac i&n , C o r r i e n t e s 2835, 6'0, Cuerpo A, 1193 &, Argen t i na

. Breakthrough, G loba l Educa t i on Assoc ia tes , S u i t e 570, 475 R i v e r s i d e

D r i v e , New York, NY 10115, USA

. B u l l e t i n CRIDEV, 41 avenue Janv ier , 35000 e, France

. Comerclo E x t e r i o r , Cerrada de M a l i n t z i n 28, Co l . Carmen, Coyoacan,

Mexico OF 04100, Mexico . Congad i n f o s , BP 4109, Dakar, Senegal

. Cono Sur, FLACSO, C a s i l l a 3213, Co r reo C e n t r a l , Sant iago, C h i l e

. Cuadernos d e l CITCUA, Apdo p o s t a l 20-668, Mexico DF 01000, Mexico

. C u l t u r a l S u r v i v a l Q u a r t e r l y , 11 D i v i n i t y Ave, Cambridge, MA 02138, USA

. Development, SID, Pa lazzo d e l l a C l v i l t i d e l Lavoro, 00144 *, l t a l i a

. D o s s i e r s Faim-D6veloppementt 4 r u e Jean -Lan t l e r , 75001 P a r i s , France

. E c o a f r i c a , FOB 58504, N a i r o b i , Kenya

. Eden, c / o CIRED, 54 bd R a s p a d , 75270 P a r i s Cedex 06, France

. En fan t s e t f e m e s d ' A f r i q u e , UNICEF, BP 443, Ab id j an 04, Cote d ' l v o i r e

. EPA Jou rna l , Wa te rs i de M a l l , 401 M St . , SW, Washington, DC 20460, USA

. ESRC N e n s l e t t e r , 160 Grea t P o r t l a n d S t r e e t , London WIN 6BA, UK

. F u t u r i b l e s , 55 r u e de Varenne, 75341 Cedex 07, France

. Grass roo t s , PO0 l, K0Y SB IJakse l , Jaka r t a , Indones ia

. Guatemala Derechos Humanos, 5 r u e de Carouge, 1205 C ineb ra , Su iza

. H a b i t a t I n t e r n a t i o n a l , 15 The Mount Square, NW3 6SX, UK

. H e a l t h f o r t h e M i l l i o n s , VHAI, 40 I n s t i t u t i o n a l Area, New D e l h i 110 016, I n d i a

. - IDOC, V ia S.M. d e I l q A n i m a 30, 00186 E, l t a l i a

. IDS B u l l e t i n , U n i v e r s i t y o f Sussex, B r i g h t o n BN1 9RE, UK

. In former ' R ' C a s i l l a 20194, La Paz, B o l i v i a

. INSTRAW Nouve l l es , PO0 21 747, S Dominqo, Rep. Dominicans

. I n t e r n a t i o n a l Labour R e ~ o r t s , 214 Oxford Rd, Manchester M1 5QA, UK

. IWCIA News le t t e r , F i o l s t r a e d e 10, 1171 Copenhagen K, Denmark

. - Kalibu , Case p o s t a l e 2054, 1002 Lausanne, Su i sse

. Kasa r i n l an , P06 210, U n i v e r s i t y o f t h e P h i l i p p i n e s , D i l iman , Quezon C i t y , P h i l i p p i n e s

, La L e t t r e du DIPA, BP 1369, Cotonou, Benin

. La L e t t r e de S o l a g r a l , S rue F r a n ~ o i s B i z e t t e , 35000 W, France

. La L e t t r e u rba ine , c / o ENDA, BP 3370, Dakar, Senegal

. Mujer y soc iedad, av . N i c o l i s de P i e r o l d 677 Of . 503, Lima, Pe ru

. M u l t i n a t i o n a l Mon i t o r , PO0 19405, Washington, DC 20036, USA

. News ( f r o m t h e ) w e a n Cen t re f o r Work and Soc ie t y , PO6 3073, 6202 NB M a a s t r i c h t , - Nether1 ands

. N e w s l e t t e r o f I n t e r n a t i o n a l Labour S tud ies , G a l i l e i s t r a a t 130, 2561 TK The Hague,

Ne the r l ands

. N e w s l e t t e r on t h e o i l embargo a g a i n s t South A f r i c a , POB 11898, 1001 C'< Amsterdam,

V e t h e r l ands

. m, CIPEP, Avenida TGpac Amaru 7045 San M a r t i n de Porres, z, Peru

. Notas de l CLAEH, C a s i l l a 5021, Montev ideo, Uruguay

. OAPEC Month ly B u l l e t i n , POB 20501, -, Kuwa i t

. Peace News f o r Non V i o l e n t R e v o l u t i o n , 8 Elm Ave,Nott inqham NC3 +CF. UK

. Pensamiento p r o p r i o , Apar tado 3516, Managua, N icaragua

. P h i l i p p i n e s I n s i g h t , EPIC, Rm 403, FMSG 81dg 9, B a l e t e D r i v e c o r 3 r d s t r . , Quezon C i t y ,

Ph i 1 i p p i n e s

. Revue i n t e r n a t i o n a l e des sc i ences s o c i a l e s , Uriesco, 7 PI. Fontenoy, 75700, -, France

. Rudoc News, 6/14 So i T innakorn, D i n Dang Rd, Phya tha i , Bangkok 10400, Tha l l and

. Satyodaya, 30 Pushpadana Mawatha, Kandy, S r i Lanka

. S ~ a ~ n d i n a v i a n Jou rna l o f Development A l t e r n a t i v e s , PO0 7339, 103 90 Stockholm, Sweden

. Seminar, PO0 338, New D e l h i l, I n d i a

. Sindbad, 10 p l a c e des A laou i t es , Rabat, Maroc

. S o c i a l Change, 53 Lod i Es ta te , New D e l h i 110003, I n d i a

. Soc ia l !smo y p a r t i c i p a c i h n , Apar tddo 11-0201 11, Pe ru

. S o c i a ? i s t A f f a i r s , M a r i t i m e House, O l d Town, Clapham, m SW4 OJW

. Thai Development News le t t e r , 121/90 Near C h a l o m l a B r i dge , Phya tha i Rd, l 0 40a m, Thai l and

. T h i r d World, Canada do C m b r o 10, 1 s t f1 ., 1200 L isbon, P o r t u g a l

. T h i r d Wor ld Q u a r t e r l y , New Zealand House, 8 Haymarket, SWlY 415, UK

. Timbangan, NCCP Ecumenical Center , 879 E p i f a n i o de 10s Santos Avenue. Quezon C i t y ,

P h i l i p p i n e s

. La T r i bune , l n t . Women's T r i bune Cen t re , 777 UN P laza , New York, NY 10017, GSA

. The U tne Reader, PO0 1974, Mar ion, OH 43306-1974, USA

. V i v r e aut rement , ENDA, BP 3370, Daka r ,Senega l

. Workteam, POB 20906, Gaborone, Botswana

. Wor ld Connect ions, FOB 337, Washington, V i r g i n i a 22747, USA

. World Development, S u i t e 501, 1717 Mass. AVB NW, Washington DC 20030, USA

ifda dossier 60 materials received for publication

'V .B. L i s t i ng a p a p r below does not imply t h a t i t ui-lt be p o l i s h e d . dec i s ions ir. t h i s respect- are based on the need fc-r a ce r ta in balance betueen t he se s , ac to r s , regions and lar.gziages. The ed i to r s Tegret t ha t time makes it impossible t o engage i n d i r e c t corresponderne w i t h authors abo'ut papers. Papers nay be ob-tair.sd directly from t'm i u t h o r .

L O C A L S P A C E

. Alain Retiere, Personne ne d6veloppe personnel Propositions pour un r3le nouveau du technicien au sein de la communaut6 paysanne (38 rue Jean Brunet, 92190 Meudon, France) 22pp.

. Robert Russell, Memo to Developers - Paper ?2 (4001 N. 9th St., Apt. 707, Arlington, VA 22203 USA) 19pp.

. Felix A. Ryan, Pumps without Water (8 Wesr Mada St., Srinagar Colo- ny, Saidapet, Madras 600 015, India) 8pp.

R E G I O N A L S P A C E

. Ismail-Sabri Abdalla, The reverse oil shocks, harsh effects and mild responses (Third World Forum, FOB 43, Orman, Cairo, Egypt) 26pp.

. Tsudi Wa Kibuti Mambu-Lo et Muambu Ifulu Kia-Butandu, Dialogue in- terafricain, Dialogue Sud-Sud: La condition de la r6ussite (ISDR/MBEO, BP 8251, Kinshasa 1, Zaire) 12pp.

G L O B A L S P A C E

. Ahmad Abubakar, The New International Economic Order, The West and Selfish Economics (CIRDAFRICA, FOB 6115, Arusha, Tanzania) 12pp.

. Sam Cole, World Bank Forecasts and Planning in the Third World (En- vironmental Design & Planning, State University of New York, Hayes Hall, Main Street Campus, Buffalo, MY 14214, USA) 32pp.

. Vojin Dakovic, Two kinds of Labour and the Laws of Marginal Equili- brum (Podi 53, 81340 Herceg Novi, Yugoslavia) 3pp.

. Martin Huslid, Disarmament, Development and international solidarity: simpleminded idealism or practical policy? (Mission of Norway, Case 274, 1211 Geneva 19, Switzerland) 29pp.

. Mekki Mtewa, Basic Principles for the Equal Treatment and Protec- tion of Overseas Scholars and Students in North American and European Universities (Assoc.for the Advancement of Policy, Research & Develop- ment in the Third World, FOB 70257, Kashington, DC 20024-1534, USA) 3pp.

t h e i f d a d o s s i e r i s p u b l i s h e d e v e r y o t h e r month by t h e

A- &+ -- A 1 y L-JjJJl -91 international foundation for development alternatives fundacion intemacional para alternativas de desarrollo fondation internationale pour un autre developpement

s t e e r i n g commit tee: i s m a i l - s a b r i abda l l a , a b e d ben sa lah , gamani corea, j a n T ie i j e r , marc

n e r f i n ( p r e s i d e n t ) , ignacy sachs, ma r i e -angh l i que savan6, Juan somavia, r o d o l f o

stavenhagen, i nga t ho rsson

c o u n c i l co - cha i rpe rsons : a l d o a j e l l o , r a j n i k o t h a r i

4 p l a c e du march*, 1260 nyon, s w i t z e r l a n d ; phone 41 (22 ) 61 82 81; t e l e x 419 953 i f d a ch

rome o f f i c e : 207 v i a pan isperna, 00184 rome, I t a l y ; phone 39 ( 6 ) 48 65 87

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Nor th S o u t h and young p e o p l e

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Transcript of ifda dossier 60 - Burma Libraryifda dossier 60 . july/august 1987 editorial A GLEAM IN THE SOUTH?...