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Ident i ty in Refuge

Identity in Refuge: The Distinct Experiences of Asylum Seekers in Ireland

stacy vanderhurst

since the mid-1990s, Ireland has experienced unprecedentedtransformationintheeconomicboomcommonlyreferredtoasthe“CelticTiger.”Withanattractivecorporatetaxpolicy,aloweuro,andalargeavailablehumancapital,theIrisheconomywasconsis-tentlythefastestgrowingintheentireEuropeanUnion,andtodayIrelandranksasoneofthewealthiestcountriesintheworld.Withstrongdominanceinthetechandpharmaceuticalindustries,Irelandhasanewfaceofprosperityandmodernityaftercenturiesofendem-icpovertyandemigrationinthelastingshadowoftheFamine.TheCelticTiger thusmarkednotonly rapidgrowth in the economicsectorbutalsoacceleratingsocialchange,particularlywitnessedinthedramaticincreaseofmigrationintoIreland. In 1996, for the first time since its Great Famine of the1840s,Irelandturnedfrombeinganetexportertoanetimporterofpeople.By2002,therewereover400,000foreign-bornpeopleusu-allyresidentinIreland,or10%ofthetotalpopulation.1Theseim-migrantswerecomposedofreturningIrishmigrants,asylum-seek-ers,andeconomicmigrantsseekingtostartafreshlifeinthenewIreland.

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Nationality 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004Irish 26,700 24,800 26,300 27,000 17,500 16,900United Kingdom 8,200 8,400 9,000 7,400 6,900 5,900Rest of EU (EU-15) 6,900 8,200 6,500 8,100 6,900 10,600United States 2,500 2,500 3,700 2,700 1,600 1,800Rest of World 4,500 8,600 13,600 21,700 17,700 14,900Total 48,900 52,600 59,000 66,900 50,500 50,100

Figure 1: Immigration to Ireland Classified by Region2

WiththeIrisheconomyrunningatalmostfullemployment,laborimmigrantswerevitaltosustainingitsbreakneckexpansion.Howev-er,thiswelcomehasbeenperhapslessevidentontheground.AmorenegativereactionhasbeendocumentedinthemediaandscholarlyworksthathaveidentifiednewformsandexpressionsofIrishracismtomeettheincreasedintroductionofraciallydiversemigrants.3 Animosity has been particularly targeted at asylum seek-ers—individualswhohavetraveledtoIrelandindependentlyandap-pliedforrefugeestatusaftertheirarrival.Europeanlawguaranteesthembasicserviceswhiletheirapplicationsareunderconsideration,sparking thehostile accusations of “welfare spongers” and “bogusrefugees”whoarejustinIrelandtoexploititswealthandgeneros-ity.TheywereoriginallyentitledtothesamewelfareclaimsasIrishcitizens,butratesofapplicationcontinuedtoincrease,fromfewerthan50applicationsin1992,toover10,000peryearin2000-2002andover4,000in2005.4Toaccommodatethesenumbers,theIrishgovernmentinitiatedaprogramofdispersalanddirectprovisionin1999basedonasimilarUKpolicy. Ratherthanprovidemonetarywelfarestipendsforasylumseekers to purchase their own food, rent, and other necessities asithaddonepreviously, the Irishgovernment leasedover50 inns,hotels, andhostelsacross thecountrywhere theseneedscouldbedirectlyprovidedbythestate.Mealsarepreparedbyakitchenstaffandhousing isassignedbytheReceptionandIntegrationAgency(RIA),withonlya€19weeklystipendperadultand€9perchildto

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supplementadditionalrequirements,includingclothing,recreation,andtravelexpenses.AccordingtotheIrishRefugeeCouncil:

AttheendofMarch2005,therewere7,280asylumseekersin68directprovisioncenters(4receptionand64accommodationcenters)ofwhom1,678asylumseekers (21%)hadbeen residing indirectprovisionforover2years.Aquarter(2,094)ofthoselivingindirectprovisioncentersareundertheageof4.5

TheoriginalgoaloftheDepartmentofJustice,Immigration,andLawReformwastoprocessallapplicationswithin6monthssonoonewould reside in thecenters for such lengthyperiods. Al-thoughmanyasylumseekersareshuffledthroughmultipleaccom-modationcenters, the relativelypermanentnatureof these forcedcommunitiesmakesthemaninterestingobjectofstudy,especiallywhen considered against the strong national diversity of asylumseekerpopulations. InIreland,asylumseekersrepresentmorethan100differentcountries,includingmanythataretraditionallyethnicallydivided,afactthatoftenpartlyexplainswhyindividualsmayfleetheirowncountriestoseekasyluminothers. Accordingly,thegovernment-imposed residential communities should not casually be equatedwithactualfeelingsofcommunityacrossveryheterogeneousrefugeepopulations. Meanwhile,theemergenceofrefugeestudiesinthepastfewdecades, marked particularly by the establishment of the RefugeeStudiesCentreatOxfordin1982andtheassociatedJournal of Refu-gee Studiesfoundedin1988,hasfocusedlargelyonspecificincidentsofashared“refugeeidentity”amongnationalorethnicgroups,mostoftenresidinginregionsneighboringtherefugee-producingconflictorcomparablegroupsof“programrefugees”thathavebeenrelocatedenmasseunderUnitedNationsHighCommissiononRefugees(UN-HCR)resettlementplans.Supposedlycomprehensivetheorieshavebeendrawnprimarilyfromthesestudiesaswell,producingdepic-tionsofallrefugeepopulationsasdiasporiccommunitieswithstrongtransnationalsocialidentitiesandlocalrefugeesolidarity.Asappli-

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cantsforlegalrefugeestatus,asylumseekersaregenerallypresumedtobesociallysynonymouswithrefugeepopulationslikethese,iftheyareexplicitlyconsideredatall.However,asylumseekers’experiencesabroaddivergemarkedlyfromthoseofotherrefugees. As casually observed byTaylor, while program refugees—thoseresettledenmasseunderthedirectionoftheUNHCR—areconsciouslysettledinregionswithestablishedethniccommunities,asylumseekerstendtotravelalone(assinglepersonsorsinglefami-lies)andoftenresettleinareaswithoutestablishedethniccommu-nities, exhibiting little orno ties to their homeland.6 In Ireland,asylumseekers indeedarrive alone,but arequicklyhoused in theaccommodation centers described above. This thesis clarifies thedistinctionsbetweenasylumseekerexperienceswithinimposedresi-dentialcommunitiesinIrelandandthedocumentedexperiencesofotherrefugeepopulations.Refugeetheory Arefugee is formallydefinedthrough international law inthe1951UnitedNationsConventionasanypersonwho:

Owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or po-litical opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it.7

It isestimatedthatnearlythreequartersoftheworld’s12millionrefugeesliveincountrieswithpercapitaincomesoflessthan$2000,andapproximately80%of refugees travel fromone impoverishedstateorregiontoanother,whileonly4%liveincountries(likeIre-land)withpercapitaincomesover$10,000.8Consequently,mostacademictheorizingonrefugeeshasbeenfoundedupontheresearchconductedwithindevelopingcountriesneartherefugee-producingconflict.For example,Steindescribes the refugee campas abasicstageof the refugee experience,despite the fact that asylumseek-

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ers and other refugees in industrialized countries may never havelivedinone.9Giventheverydiverseandhistoricallyspecificnatureofrefugeesituations,theassertionofanysingularorgeneralizable“refugeeexperience”isinitselfproblematic. Evenifsuchcontinuitiescouldbeidentifiedacrossallrefu-gees,however,itwouldnotbesufficienttoprovethatbeingarefu-geeisactuallyexperiencedasasharedphenomenon.Avruchperhapsismostguiltyofoverlookingthiscrucial factor,goingsofaras toidentifyrefugeesnotjustasasocialcategorybut“asasortofsuperethnicity”:

For it may be used to constitute a social group that is closely bounded, ecologically situated, with a shared history (oppression, persecution, ethnic/religious identity), a shared present (famine, isolation, uncer-tainty, the ‘wards’ of UN and NGOs and reluctant host refuge-states) and shared visions of the future (a state of their own, a return to the homeland, revenge taken on their oppressors)…and the ‘culture’ of the ‘international community’.10

YetthehypotheticalorpotentialunifyingfactorsAvruchdescribesare insufficient evidence that suchunity and camaraderie actuallyexistandareexperiencedbyrefugees.AsobservedbyMalkki:

Researchers tend to seek to fix and make permanent something ‘es-sential’ about these processes… positing a single essential refugee condition… almost like an essentialized anthropological tribe…Ref-ugees thus become not just a mixed category of people sharing a certain legal status; they become ‘a culture,’ ‘an identity,’ ‘a social world,’ or ‘a community.’11

Malkki,however,appearstobetheexceptioninmakingthiscritiquewhileotherscholarscontinuetohomogenizerefugees,firstbyneglectingthelesserbutstillsignificantnumberofrefugeeswhodonotfitsomepossibletrends,andsecondbyfailingtoconfirmanyactualexperiencesofsuchuniversalsolidarity inflightandexile.12Inferencesofpan-refugeeculture,identity,andcommunityaretheresultoftheinjudiciousconflationofactual,specific,homogenous

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refugeecommunitieswithsomeallegedglobalrefugeecommunity.Inconflict-adjacentrefugeecamps,allrefugeeresidentsarebasicallyproductsofthesameconflict,withrelatedthoughdiverseorevenopposingbackgroundsandbeliefs.Malkki’scasestudyofBurundianHutuslivingincampsinTanzaniaisatypicalexampleofrealcom-munity withinarefugeepopulation.13 Inthesetypesofethnogra-phies,itmakessensetospeakofa“refugeecommunity”wheretherefugeepopulation is relativelycoterminouswithspecificpersonalandhistoricalexperiences,oftenpromotingparticularpoliticalposi-tionsandprofessionsofsocialsolidarity.Forinstance,Avruchex-plicitlydescribesPalestiniancampsasthe“paradigmaticcase”where

refugeecampsfunctionedas“veritablehothouses for the forced-growth andnurturance of ethnic (or national)identities,” ultimately constituting“oneoftheprimesitesof[ethnic]con-struction.”14 Many studies supportthisobservation,concludingthat“formanyPalestinians,nationalism, class,andrefugeestatusareinextricablyin-tertwined.”15 One may deduce fromtheexamplesAvruchprovides,includ-ingthePalestiniancase,theHutucase,and others, that when refugee status

reinforces ethnic affiliations insteadof superseding them, refugeesactasasub-ethnicityratherthanthe“superethnicity”Avruchclaimsabove. Zetterspecificallydescribeshowthebureaucraticlegallabelof “refugee” can itself become an important expression of ethno-nationalpoliticalpositions,asevidencedbyGreek-CypriotandAf-ricanrefugees, includingtheHutusportrayedbyMalkki.16 Theserefugees used their status and entitlements, housing especially, todistinguishthemselvesfrompermanentresidentsandresistassimila-tion, effectively maintaining aspirations of repatriation even afterextended stay in the region. Accordingly, maintaining a “refugee

Maintaining a “refugee identity” for these communities means maintaining a very specific socio-political ethnic identity and not a universal solidarity shared with all the refugees of the world.

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identity”forthesecommunitiesmeansmaintainingaveryspecificsocio-politicalethnicidentityandnotauniversalsolidaritysharedwithalltherefugeesoftheworld.Kibreab(1999)usesZetter’sstudyandotherstodisputedirectlythe“anti-sedentarist”positiontakenbyMalkki,arguingthat“mostrefugeecommunities seenofutureforthemselvesortheiroffspringintheircountriesofasylum”andthatany(futile)effortstowardassimilationaremadeoutofnecessityratherthandesire.17 Yet, inadditiontoherabove-citedethnogra-phyofthecollectivehistoryandidentitywithinaBurundirefugeecamp,Malkki’sworkinTanzaniaincludedacontrastingaccountofthemorecosmopolitan-mindedandsocially-integratedBurundian“townrefugees”inTanzania.18

Whileoftenframingtheirassimilationintermsoftheprag-maticsKibreabdescribes,thesetownrefugeesalsoexhibitedamorecomplexsocialidentityandmorevariedattitudestowardtheirhostcountryandcountryoforiginthandidthenearbycamprefugees.InthewhollymorediversesocialsceneofurbanlivinginKigoma,theserefugeesdidnotadopttheshared“mythico-history”foundintherefugeecamp,andtheyindeedrarelyseemedtowillinglyidenti-fyasrefugeesatall.Motivatedbymorethanjustpracticalconcerns,thetownrefugeesexpressedgreatambivalenceabouttheirnationalalliances,especiallyinreferencetoahypotheticalreturntoBurundi.However,thisisnotnecessarilytrueforallrefugeesinurbanland-scapes. Many refugees living in industrialized nations, especially,still demonstrate the same collective social identity anddecidedlyliminal transnationalpositionobservedbyZetter. MarcMaguirereveals thepowerof established ethnic communities and transna-tional ties for Vietnamese refugees in Ireland, who arrived as so-called“BoatPeople”in1979throughaUNHCRresettlementplanfor“programrefugees.”19Forexample,manyprofesstohaveonlyVietnamesefriendsanddesiretoreturntoVietnam“asmuchaspos-sible.”20 ThisstrongidentificationwithhomelandsupportsÖstenWahlbeck’sgeneralobservationaboutthediasporicqualityofrefugeecommunitiesinEurope.Withreferencestohisownresearchwith

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KurdishrefugeesinEuropeaswellasotherethnographiesofViet-nameserefugeesinFranceandTamilrefugeesinNorway,Wahlbeckarguesthat“theconceptofdiaspora,understoodasatransnationalsocialorganization relatingboth to the countryoforiginand thecountryofexile,cangiveadeeperunderstandingofthesocialreal-ityinwhichrefugeeslive.”21TherefugeesinEuropethatWahlbeckandMaguiredepict thusexhibitsomeof thesamesocialqualitiesasthosedemonstratedbyrefugeeslivinginconflict-adjacentcom-munities,includingexclusivesocialnetworks,aspirationsofreturn,andpoliticalactivism.However,muchlikethediversepopulationof refugees living in theKigoma township,22 these traitswerenotsharedbytheasylumseekerswithwhomIworkedonthewestcoastofIrelandinthesummerof2006.

Ethnographic field site

IconductedethnographicresearchatDunGibbons,agov-ernment-sponsoreddirectprovisioncenterinthetownofClifden,CountyGalway.LocalarchaeologistMichaelGibbonsfirstdesignedandconstructedDunGibbonsInninthemid-1990stoaccommo-datethemanyhill-walkersandothertouristsheledondailywalkingtoursoftheregion’spre-historicalsites.However,upondiscoveringanadvertisementinThe Irish Timesseekinghousingforrecentasy-lumapplicants,GibbonsbeganacontractwiththeIrishgovernmentto rent the facilities to Reception and Integration Agency (RIA).Over thenext fewyearsover50centerswouldbesimilarlyestab-lishedacross theIrishcountryside,althoughtheyvariedwidely inmanagement, location (within Irelandandrelative to localcities),andoriginalpurposeordesign.DunGibbonsInncaninnowaybetakenas“typical”ofthiswidersystem,norcanthesummerof2006evenbetakenas“representative”oftheyearsthatprecededit.Onthecontrary,residents,whotypicallyliveinseveralcentersthrough-outtheirasylumapplicationprocess, regularlyasserted itsdistinc-tiveness,insisting“wecannotcompareitwithotherhostels.” DunGibbonswasfirstnotableforitsphysicalaspects—its

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location,condition,andfacilities.Relativetoothercentersthatin-cludedoutdatedholidaycampsandyouthhostels,itwasanewandhighqualityhotelwithallexpectedmodernamenities.DunGibbonswasbuiltinamodernlog-cabinstyle(dun isIrishfor“fort”)withwidehallwaysandlargeroomsforluggage,bicycles,andotherbulkyitems;alargeinformaldiningroomwithviewsofthesurroundinghills;conferencefacilitiesforlargegroupmeetings;andperhapsmostimportantly,privatebedroomsforeverycoupleorfamilywithbath-roomsensuite.AtthepeakofIrishasylumapplicationsattheturnofthemillennium,DunGibbonsInnhostedover180residentsofallkinds.However,withfewerasylumapplicationsoverall,fasterap-plicationprocessing,andatransitiontogovernment-ownedaccom-modationfacilitiesforremainingapplicants,bythetimeofmyvisitin2006,DunGibbonshadclosedofftwowingsofthefacilityandhousedatotalofonly30asylumseekerresidentsandonestaffmem-ber.Itwasalsodesignatedasafamilycenter,meaningthatnosingleadultswithoutchildrenwerepermittedtolivethere.EachfamilyinDunGibbonshadaprivatebedroom,althoughresidentsdescribedsharingroomswithothersinglemothersandtheirinfantchildreninotherresidentialcenters,sometimeswithothergrownfamilies.TheDunGibbonsfloorplan,incontrast,offeredvariedroomsizesandsuiteswithmultiplebedroomstoaccommodatebothsmallandlargefamilies.Additionally,eachbedroomwasequippedwithnew,attrac-tivewoodfurnishingsincludingheadandfootboards,adesk,colortelevision,adresser,andanarmoire,contrastingstronglywiththemetalbedframes,bunks,andmodularsetsfoundinothercenters.Whilemanyresidentsdidregretthesignificantdistancetothenear-estbigcity(aonehourbusridecosting€14.50roundtrip,over75%ofanadult’s€19weeklystipend),mostseemedgratefulforitsquietrural/suburbansettingwhichofferedscenicwalks,beaches,andeasyaccesstotowncenterofClifdenforshops,churches,andtransporta-tiontoGalwayorDublin.AsdescribedintheGeneralInformationleaflet distributed by the RIA to asylum seekers assigned to DunGibbons. Clifden is located in Co. Galway in the west of Ireland. It

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is 80 kilometers from Galway city. Clifden is part of the dramatic mountain landscape of west Galway called Connemara. Industry in the town is varied and includes catering to a large tourist population. The town is well supplied with a selection of shops and entertain-ment venues. It is located close to Clifden bay with a fine sandy beach and a shore walk. Clifden has a population of approximately 1000 with almost 8700 living in the rural district in the vicinity of Clifden.23 Finally,DunGibbonswasoneofonlytwoknowncenterstoprovideon-sitepreschool for residents,whichofferednotonlyimprovededucationalaccessbutmuchappreciatedandanticipated

childcarereliefforresidentfamilies. Residents suggested that Dun Gib-bons was even more exceptional fortheoverallattitudeandphilosophyofthestaffandmanagementthanforitsmaterialbenefits.Asanearlyforerun-ner in theIrishDispersalandDirectAccommodation Programs (whichwere inspired by similar schemes inBritain),thestaffatDunGibbonsInnplayeda large role indeveloping thestandards and regulations that werelater adopted formally by the RIAand applied to accommodation cen-tersacross thecountry. Accordingly,Michael Gibbons always showed afairamountofconfidenceinhisown

approach to managing the center, with relatively lax enforcementof thepolicies thathedidnot support.Residents cited these rarefreedomsasgreatsourcesofcomfortandrelief.Forexample,onewomandescribed,

Thebestpartof living inDunGibbons is that they allowyou totravel.We(herselfandtwoyoungsons)gotoGalwayandtoDublin,

“The best part of living in Dun Gibbons is that they allow you to travel. We go to Galway and to Dublin, and they will accommodate. I left once for ten days. Other hostels won’t let you; it’s against the rules and you won’t get your allowance.”

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andtheywillaccommodate.Ileftoncefortendays.Otherhostelswon’t let you; it’s against the rules and you won’t get your allow-ance.

Residentsalsotookadvantageofthefreedomtokeepandeatmealsin their own bedrooms; indeed, the only mother during my staywhoregularlychosetoeatinthediningroomwithhertwoyoungsonslaterexplainedtomethatsheonlystartedthishabitwhensheheardtheywouldsoonbetransferredtoanewcenter,wheretheywouldundoubtedlyenforcetheofficialRIApolicyregardingfoodintherooms.ThestaffofDunGibbonsalsoexhibitedsomeacqui-escencetowardtheillegalemploymentofresidents.Theymight,forexample,savemealspastkitchenhoursandignoreregularweekdayabsences,recognizingthatitwasgoodfortheresidentstobebusyandtoearnextramoneyfortheirfamilies,anditbenefitedthelocalcommunityaswell,economicallyandsocially.Inaddition,thelib-eralmanagementphilosophiesatDunGibbonspermittedmyownresearchwithinthecenter,forfewothercentermanagerswererecep-tivetotheprospectofmyon-site interviews, letalonemyon-siteresidency.

Methods

IspenttwoweeksdoingparticipantobservationresearchatDunGibbonsinthesummerof2006.Ilivedinastandardroom,atemealswith the residents, and spent time in the sharedpublicspacesofthecenter.Althoughmyroomwasinaseparatedhallwayfromthatoftheregularresidents,Iwasabletospendtimeinsomeoftheroomsspeakingwiththeresidentsandplayingwithchildren.Interviews were relatively informal and open, often conducted inthepresenceofchildrenandwithbothspousespresent.Othercon-versations and observations took place mostly in the dining hall,patioarea,andlobby.Additionally,residentswereperceptiblymorecomfortable talking to me with the implicit endorsement of thetrustedDunGibbonsstaffandthegenerallyrelaxedenvironment,

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comparedtointerviewsandobservationsmadeattheotheraccom-modationcenterIvisited. DunGibbonsresidentsfrequentlycommentedonDunGib-bons’distinctiveness,soIalsovisitedtwootheraccommodationcen-terstogaingreaterperspectiveonthediversityoflivingconditionsanditspossibleconsequencesonsocial interactions.TheEglintonHotelislocatedintheformerresorttownofSalthill,justoutsidethenowlargecityofGalwayandonehoursouthofClifden.Itsupportsbothfamiliesandsinglemenandwomen,butithadapoorreputa-tionamongasylumseekersandstaffmembersatDunGibbonsforovercrowdingandstrictmanagementpolicies,asreportedbackbyformerDunGibbons residentswhohad transferred to theEglin-

ton.Thoughnotallowedintheinteriorof thecenter, Iwasable toconductfiveinterviews inthe“coffeeroom”adjacenttothefront lobbyofthehotel. Duringmytimethere,mendidnotlingerintheroom,somy interviewswereexclusivelywithwomen. Of those I spokewith attheEglinton,thewomenwithhusbandswereabletokeepprivatebedrooms,whileothers shared space with other singlewomen and mothers of small children.Becauseofitshigheroccupancyratesanditsmoreurbansetting,theEglintonwasalsoabletoprovidemoreserviceswithinthehostelthanDunGibbons,including

avarietyofclassestaughtbylocalvolunteersforbothchildrenandadultresidents.Onesuchclasstaughtseveraladultresidentshowtobuildandmaintainpersonalwebsitesandweblogs(“blogs”)whichalsocontributedtomyresearch. Finally, I spent time inDublin contactingvarious refugeeagenciesandactiviststobetterascertainthepoliticalcontextofrefu-geecommunities.Iattendedthe2006WorldRefugeDayAwards,sponsored by the Africa Centre in Dublin, which honored local

“The ethnic community lessens the danger of social and personality disorganization, and it provides a group identity and a network of relationships, associations, and institutions.”

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peoplefortheirworkintherefugeecommunityofIreland.IalsointerviewedJeanPierreEyanga,thedirectorandco-founderofIn-tegratingIreland,anumbrellaorganizationforimmigrantandrefu-geegroupsacrosstheislandofIreland.EyangawascoincidentallyalsotherecipientoftheWorldRefugeeDay“SpecialJudgesAward,”whichischosenexclusivelybyrefugeesthemselves.IspokewithanofficeroftheIrishRefugeeCouncil(IRC),whoprovidedmewithvaluable internal reportsandback issuesofAsyland, themagazinesponsoredbytheIRC,whichfeaturesshortessaysbyanumberofprominentacademics,journalists,andactivistsinIreland.Finally,Iattendedadiscussion,sponsoredbytheInstituteforEuropeanAf-fairs,oncurrentasylumissuesinIrelandwiththeUnitedNationsAssistantHighCommissioneronRefugees,ErikaFeller.

Social relationships among asylum seekers

Ethnicandnationalgroupsdoseemtoprovideimmediateandfunctionalmeansofsupportamongasylumseekers.OneNige-rianresidentremarked,“IamfriendswithalotofNigerians,mostlybecause[of ]thelanguagebarrier.NoteveryoneisfluentinEnglish,andwecanspeakinourtraditionallanguageorintraditionalpid-gin. That iswhatkeepspeoplefromthesamenationalitycloser.”AsSteinobserves,“theethniccommunityeasestheshockofadjust-mentandtransitionfortherefugee.Itlessensthedangerofsocialandpersonalitydisorganization,anditprovidesagroupidentityanda network of relationships, associations, and institutions.”24 OneLiberian-nationalEglinton resident,Musu,describedmeeting theotherLiberianresidentearlyuponherarrivalattheEglinton,eatingsomeofherfirstmealswithherinthediningroom.Althoughthesocial benefits of ethnic communities to newcomers are relativelyobvious,Steincontendsthatitisonlytheseethniccommunitiesthatcan“allowtherefugeetofunction,”disregardingotherpossiblesup-portstructuresthatasylumseekersinIrelandutilize.25Forinstance,soonafterwards,MusumetmoreofthewomenattheEglintonandmadebetterfriendsamongthem.Shecontinued,“theonewoman

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fromLiberia,sheisok,butmostofmyfriendsarefromNigeria,andotherplacestoo.” Most residents of both the Eglinton and Dun Gibbonssimilarlyexpressedhavingmultipleanddiversefriendships,aswassupported by my own observations. Although all Dun Gibbonsresidents preferred eating their meals in the privacy of their ownbedrooms (“you don’t want to eat like in a restaurant every day,”oneexplainedtome),theyallseemedtosocializewhilewaitinginlineformealsinthediningroom.Womenmostlycametoretrievethefoodfortheirfamilies,oftenwiththeirsmallchildrenrunningalongside them and a baby tied to their back. They would takebacktotheirrooms largetrayswithtallmoundsofrice, stacksofbowls,andsoon,butwhilewaiting,theywouldconverseaboutanyof thedays’ events,perhapsanewlycompletedknit scarf, rumorsabouttransfersordecisions,ortheupcomingschoolyear.TheNi-gerianwomenwouldoftenswitchintoEnglishwhentheGeorgianorAlgerianmothersapproached.Personalitiesobviouslyvaried,butfriendlychildrenengagedeventhequietestofresidents,andmotherswouldthenexchangepleasantries. Overall,residentsatDunGibbonsseemedtoagreethatmostpeopletherewere“friends”andgotalongwellwitheachother,re-gardlessofwheretheycamefrom.AsFaridobserved,“Wehavelotsoffriendshere.European,African,alltypes.IwasinLebanonandtheSudanbefore,wherewehad[friendswith] thesame languageandthesamereligion.Atfirstitwashardbutnowitisnormal.”InthewordsofSamuel,“withsomefriendshere,withmyfamily,we’rea whole community of residents here.” This multiplicity can belargelyattributedtotheimposedresidentialdiversityoftheaccom-modationcenters,aswellas therelaxedenvironmentwithinDunGibbonsthatreducesstressandconfrontationamongtheresidents.Asoneresidentexplained:“Everyonelivinghere,theyarenice.Ihaveseenfightswherewewerelivingbefore…Ithinkitisbecauseprivacy—people[atDunGibbons]gototheirroomandmindtheirbusiness.Indining,Ijusthavetosaygoodafternoon.Thereisnoth-ingtoshareforfighting.”

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Eglintonresidents,ontheotherhand,laughedwhenIaskedif everyone there seemed to get along: “some people here are al-waysfighting,withthestaff,there’salwayssomething.”Therefore,resources andmanagementpolicies canbeas important as ethnicdifferences(ifnotmoreimportant)inpredictingsocialconflictsanddivisions. Ethnicitycouldstillcontributeto internal frictionswithintheaccommodationcenters.OneEastAfricanasylumseekerinaLimerick accommodation centerwasquoted in aComhlámh (anIrishNGOpromotingglobalsolidarityondevelopmentissuesandsponsorofarefugeesolidaritygroup)publicationassaying,“Theyexpectmorethan100peoplefromdifferentculturalbackgroundstoco-habitatelikebreadandbutter!”26However,oftheasylumseekerswithwhomIspoke,mosthadwitnessedexceptionallystrongeth-nicgroupingswithinthecenters,butrejected them as sometimes divisiveor subversive within the communitysettingattheaccommodationcenters.Onecouple,forinstance,describedagroupofSomaliswhostucktogether,makingotherpeopleresentfulorfear-ful of offending them. “Gatheringtogethercanpushpeopleaway,”theyexplained.Indeed,asoneformerref-ugee pointed out, “for refugees, eth-nicitysometimesistheproblem,”anditcanchange thewaypeoplebehaveor relate to others. Another asylumseeker in the Comhlámh report de-scribedthatthoughhewasstill“veryproudtobeaSomali,”inIre-land,“Idonot seekotherSomalis,aswedonot trusteachotheranymore.”27Accordingly,manyresidentsdidseemtorejectethniccategoriesaltogetherasbeingnotrelevanttotheirlivesinIreland,at least within the center, since many would still suffer ethnic orracialbigotrywithinIrishsociety.Mostasylumseekersthemselves,

Most asylum seekers had witnessed exceptionally strong ethnic groupings within the centers, but rejected them as sometimes divisive or subversive within the community setting at the accommodation centers.

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however,professedratherliberalassessmentsofothersocialgroups.For instance,anotherDunGibbonsresident,FunmilayoofNige-ria,explicitlyinsistedthatyoucouldn’tpredictaperson’scharacterbasedonethnicornationalaffiliations:“Wearenotallthesame.Somepeoplearegood,andsomepeoplearenotgood,likeanywhereyougo.HumanbeingsarethemostdifficultofallGod’screaturestomanage.Youcan’thandpickthem.Butgoodisgood,andbadisbad,andyouhavethemineverycountry.”Instead,shecarefullychoseherownsupportnetworksfromneighborsinasylumcentersbasedonsharedreligiousbeliefsandparentingpractices. Ultimately, without the almost structured camaraderie ofculturally-consciousrefugeeresettlementplans,seekingasylumcanbeaverylonelyexperience.Somepeopleexpressedthismoreexplic-itly,likeFunmilayo:

Betweenresidents,Ikeepmostlytomyself.Itrynottointerfere,nottoasktoomuch.Ionlycomeinhere(tothekitchen)totakemyfood,andpeoplemightsaythishashappenedandthat’showIwouldknow.ButmostlyIkeeptomyself.I’mmostlylikethisinNigeriatoo. Maybe it’sbecausemyparentsdiedwhen Iwasveryyoung. AndinNigeria,it’snotlikeit ishere.It’snotlikethegovernmentandeveryoneistakingcareofyou.SoIlearnedtokeeptomyself.Ihaveenoughtrouble,andI’mnotwantingmore.EverytimeImakefriends,theyhurtme.ThereisnooneI’mcallingbackhome.

Othersexpressedsimilar,thoughperhapslessextremesenti-ments,indiscussionsofpersonalsupport.Mostwomenweretre-mendouslyreluctanttosharechildcareduties,theseeminglylargestsymboloftrustandrelianceamongindividualsatthehostel,despiteconstantlyconfessingitstaxingnature.Eventhosewhoeagerlylist-edtheirmanyfriendsandacquaintancesadmittedquicklythattheyboretheweightofseriousmattersalone,withouttrustedfriendsorconfidantesinwhomtheycouldconfide.Problemsmosttypicallywouldbesharedstrictlywithspouses,or,inthecaseofasinglepar-ent,perhapswithamemberofthestaff,dependingonthenatureoftheproblem.

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Overallrejectionsofethnicdesignationsmayrepresentare-jectionofwhathasforcedindividualasylumseekerstoseekrefuge.Formanyrefugeesandasylumseekers,basicassumptionsaboutlifeathome,aswellasconceptsofhomeitself,canbedevastatedduringthe timepreceding theirflightorescape.Steinclassicallyoverem-phasizesthenecessityofethnicsupportstructuresingeneraltoeaseatransitionfromanalmostidyllichometothe‘foreign’hostcoun-try,neglectingtheproblematicqualitiestheseethnicgroupsorotherfeaturesmayhaveassumed:

Inthe initialperiod,therefugeeswillbeconfrontedbytherealityofwhathasbeenlost.Fromahighoccupationalandsocialstatusathometheywillplungedownwardintheirnewland—fromprofes-sionaltomenial,fromelitetoanimpoverishedminority.Theywillconfrontthelossoftheirculture—theiridentity,theirhabits.28

However,formanyrefugees,itisexactlythisidentitythathasforcedthemtoflee.AsMalkkiobserves,“massdisplacementsoccurpreciselywhenone’sown,accustomedsocietyhasbecome‘strangeandfrightening’becauseofwar,massacres,politicalterror,orotherformsofviolenceanduncertainty.”29OneresidentsuggestedthiswhilecomparingthequalityofstayatDunGibbonswithherhomeinNigeria:“Ifeelmoreathomehere,becauseit’snotlikeasylumseekersarepaupers.Nigeria,asacountry,isnoplacetostay—vio-lence.ButitisnotasifwearelivingintreeswhereIcomefrom.Sothisismorelikehomebecausetheenvironmentismorelikeathome.” Thus, Stein should not assume that a loss of culture andgroupidentityisconsistentwiththe“refugeeexperience,”notonlyforrefugeeswhohavecrossedlocalborders,butalsoforthosewhohavetraveledacrosscontinents.

Integration and permanency

ManyrefugeesinsisteduponthegreatsimilaritiesbetweenIrelandandtheircountriesoforigin,oftenreadilyexpressingtheir

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love forboth and theirpreference for Ireland, asFunmilayodoesabove. For example,FaridofAlgeria,observed that “there itwasquick tomake friends,andIreland is likeAlgerian thinking. MycousincameherebeforemeandhelovedIreland.AllmyfriendshereloveIreland.It’sgreen,wespeakEnglish,andthepeoplearegood…Imiss familythemost,butIprefer tomakemylifehereandreturnthereonlyforholiday.”Althoughsomeresidentsseemeduneasy about discussing plans for the future given the suspicionssurroundingtheirintentionsinherentintheasylumdecisionmak-ing process, those who did speak about the future seemed filledwithhopeandoptimismforalong,betterlifeinIreland,indirectcontrasttoKibreab’s(1999,389)generalizationthat“mostrefugeecommunitiesseenofutureforthemselvesortheiroffspringintheircountriesofasylum.”30

Kibreabbasesthisassumptiononhisobservationof“institu-tional,structural,andattitudinalbarriers[that]constrainincorpora-tionofrefugeesintohostsocieties.”31However,manyasylumseek-ersenthusiasticallydescribedfriendshipsandrelationshipswithIrishpeople.Forexample,theDunGibbonsresidentswhowereChris-tiansdescribedthegreatsatisfactiontheyfoundintheirinvolvementwiththelocalChurchofIreland.Oneresidentactuallywasabletopreachthereandproudlydisplayedthekeytothechurchpropertyentrustedtohim.Hepointeditouttome,explaining,“Weliketocontributetothecommunity,sowestartedtohelp.Theylikedwhatwedidsotheygavemethekey.”Otherslistedformethepeopletheyknewintown.Forexample,FunmilayoofNigeriareported:Iknowpeople—peoplefromchurch,fromthepostoffice,fromSu-perValue.Idon’tknowalltheirnames,butIknowthemanagerofSuperValue’sname.Andatthepharmacy,Iknowtheirnamesandtheirchildren.Andonthestreet,Iknowpeople.Mysonsayshello,andwetalkandtalk.AndIseethemwiththeirchildren,soIlearnaboutthem. Theserelationshipsareperhapsminimalbutstillsignificantwhenconsideredinlightofthelimitedresourcesofasylumseekers,financiallyandmaterially,sincetheycannotaffordthepubandcafé

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socializingofIrishculture,andsometimescannoteveninvitepeopleintotheirhomesattheaccommodationcenter,accordingtoofficialcenter rules. Most importantly, these statementsdemonstrate thepositiveorientationasylumseekershavetowardintegrationinIre-land. Instarkcontrast,theVietnameserefugeesdescribedbyMa-guireproclaimtohavenoIrishfriendsor,insomecases,denyevenhavingcontactwithIrishpeople.32 Ofcourse,atthetimeoftheirarrival in1979,Irelandwaseven lessconsciously a multicultural society,sobarriers to these relationshipsmayhave proven greater, and their ex-tendedstay (nowover25years)mayhavejadedthemregardingthehopeofanysignificantrelationshipswithIrishpeople,asopposedtotheperhapsna-ïveoptimismofrecentasylumseekers.Alsosignificant,however,isthesimplealternativeofarealethniccommunity,consciously constructed and main-tained inDublinandother largecit-ies. In fact, the Vietnamese refugeeswereonlytemporarilyhousedtogeth-erupontheirarrivalinIrelandbeforebeingdispersedacrossthecountrysidein small rural towns, much like asy-lumseekerstoday.However,by1981,mosthadrelocatedbacktoDublin.33WhileDublinremainsastrongimmi-grantcentertoday,theasylumseekersIspokewithdidnotnecessarilywishtolivethere. ManyDunGibbons residents specifically exhibited a ten-dencytowardlocalintegration,oftendeclaringthat,ifgrantedtheopportunity,theywouldliketolivelocallyinClifden.Allresidentsdescribedthemanybenefitsoflivinginlargercities,butmostulti-

“I know people—people from church, from the post office, from Super Value. I don’t know all their names, but I know the manager of Super Value’s name. And at the pharmacy, I know their names and their children. And on the street, I know people. My son says hello, and we talk and talk. And I see them with their children, so I learn about them.”

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matelyfavoredClifdenasabetterplacetoraiseafamilyandhaveapeacefullife.AsChristianobserved,“Weliketobeinthesmallcommunity (ofClifden). It isgoodtobringupthechildren,andtogettoknowpeople.”Anotherinsisted,“Clifdenisanicetown,withveryfriendlypeople.It’snotlikeDublin,wherenoonecares.InClifden,oldandyoung,everyonesayshello.Mysonhaslearnedthisculture.Hesayshellotoeveryonewhopasses.”Asidefrombe-moaningthelimitedavailabilityofgoodethnicfood,fewresidentsexpressedregretaboutthelackofastrongAfrican(orAraborRus-sian)culturalcommunity,butinsteademphasizedthepositivequali-tiesClifdenhadtooffer.Thisculturalmaintenancedidnotappeartobeaprioritywhenmakingchoices(orhypotheticalones)abouttheirfutures. Similarly, nation-based refugee community organizationsthatdoexistinIreland(mostlyinDublin)aremoreoutwardfacingthananalogousrefugeecommunitiesinregionsadjacenttooriginalconflicts,withprofessedgoalsofgreateradjustmentandintegrationintoIrishsocietyandnotthepreservationofculturalpracticesandbeliefsassociatedwiththeirspecifictraditionalsociety.ThepurposeofDublin’sCongoSolidarityGroup,asdescribedbyitsfounder,istohelpindividualsbuild“roots”intheirnewenvironment,bypro-vidingcontacts—peoplewholiveinIrelandbutarefromtheirsamecountryoforigin—tohelpestablishbridgestothelifestyles,prac-tices,andpeopleofIrishsociety,bothlinguisticallyandculturally.This is consistent with findings on wider immigrant populationsthat have concluded, for example, that, while there are extensiveinformalnetworksofAfricanimmigrants,thereisnoexperienceofcommunityamongthem.34SuchintegrationandadjustmentgoalsareverydifferentfromthosefoundwithinrefugeesolidaritytrendsobservedbyZetter, Malkki, andothers,where intense feelings ofrefugee community sustainor even enhancepolitical activism to-wardthesharedcountryorregionoforigin. Politicalactivismconcerninghomepoliticsseemsespeciallyfeasible forNigerian asylum seekers, given their highnumbers inIreland.However,despitecomprisingnearlyathirdofallasylum

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seekers in Ireland, ethnically-based political development akin tothatseeninothercasestudiesisnotevidentfrommyresearch.AllresidentswithwhomIspokewatchedtelevisionnewsregularly,de-scribing itasawelcomeinterruptionfroma longdayofcartoonsand other children’s television shows. Many further insisted thatthey“nevermissit,”andappearedinformedabouttopicscovered.However,noneappearedexceptionallyinterestedinnewsandpoli-ticsfromtheirhomeregions.AsoneNigerianresidentdescribed:

Ilistentothenewsallthetime.I’manewsaddict.RTE,SkyNews,CNN,BBC,allofthem.Everythingaroundtheworld;that’swhyIlikeCNN.SkyNews,it’salwayswars,fighting,knifing.ButCNNtheytoldmeaboutthebigwigofTesco[thesupermarketmagnate],whatyouwanttoknowaboutAfrica,abouttheMiddleEast,aboutmanythings.

Here,sheactuallyappearstopreferglobalnewsandstoriestocov-erageof “wars” and“fighting” thatmaybehappening inNigeria.Anotherdescribedwatchingthenews“everyday,at5:30,Irishnewsandworldnews.I justwanttoknowwhat’sgoingonwhereIamfromandeverywhere.”Asylumseekersthusappearedsignificantlyengagedwithcurrenteventsbutnotespeciallysowithhomepolitics.OneinterestingexceptiontothispatternisthewebblogofoneNi-gerianasylumseekerfromtheEglinton,Helen,whoregularlycopiesbriefsfromtheNigeriannewssourceNajia.Sheappearsparticularlyinterested in items concerning political corruption, the oil indus-try,andpoliticalandbusinessrelationshipsbetweenNigeriaandtheUnitedStates.However,thisexpressionofinterestmaybeexplainedinpartbyherapparentseparationfromherhusbandwhoremainsinNigeria,formingastrongertransnationalorientationthanotherasylumseekersmightexhibit,aswellastheparticularmedia,sinceNigeriannewsisonlyaccessibleontheinternetwhileothertopicsaremorewidelyavailableinotherforms.Whileunderstandablyin-terestedinlocalandglobalpolitics,Nigeriansandotherasylumseek-ersdonotappeargalvanizedaroundthepoliticsoftheircountriesoforigin,reflectingalimitednationalidentity,whereoneexistsatall.

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Asylum seekers and refugees in Ireland tend also to rejectthe label of refugee as integral to their identity,while theGreek-Cypriot refugeesZetterdescribedembraced it as anexpressionofpoliticalallegiancetotheirregionsoforigin.Asoneformerrefugeedescribedtome,“beingarefugeeisjustrelatedtocircumstance—it’snotwhoIam.Changingcategoriescreateadditionalfactorsthatcan

beused to identify aperson,maybe,butit’snotessentialtowhoIam,likemygenderandsoon.”Indeed,manypeople inIrelandenterand leave theasylumsystemaccordingtotheirownimmediateconcernsandobjectives,incontrast to the Greek-Cypriots whoinsisteduponkeepingthelabel,evenagainst their own interests after tenyearsofresidence. 35Legalcategoriesdonotappeartobesymbolicallyim-portant.Forinstance,aftertheGoodFridayAgreementin1998,allchildrenborninIrelandweregrantedIrishciti-zenshipandallparentsofIrishcitizenchildrenhadarighttostayinIreland.

Individuals could apply for asylum, have a child in Ireland as anasylumseeker,obtainresidencerightsundertheirIrish-bornchildorIBC,andwithdrawtheirapplicationforrefugeestatus. AlthoughthisrightwasterminatedundertheIrishCitizen-shipReferendumin2004, someexceptions still apply tochildrenbornnearthetimeofthereferendum.WhileIwasatDunGibbons,oneresidentreceivedatextmessagefromanotherasylumseeker(herformerroommateinadifferentaccommodationcenter)thatsuchanexceptionmightapplytoher.Cautiouslyexcited,sherushedtothefrontdesktoinquireabouttherulewiththestaff,whohadaccessto a computer. Together,we lookedup thepolicybut couldnotdetermineexactlyforwhomitapplied.Regardless,mypointhereisthatthewomanathandwasgenuinelyelatedatanyprospectof

Being a refugee to asylum seekers in Ireland is less about emphasizing a temporary and liminal position within the host society than it is a means to obtain permanent residency rights and integration.

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securinglegalpermanentresidencywithinthestate,and,incontrasttotheGreek-Cypriotrefugees,wasnotconcernedaboutthelabelitconfers. Inotherwords,beingarefugeetoasylumseekersinIrelandislessaboutemphasizingatemporaryandliminalpositionwithinthehost society than it isameans toobtainpermanentresidencyrightsandintegration.StaffmembersatDunGibbonsevenassertedthattheresidentspreferrednottotraveltogetherinlargenumbersinpublic,forfearofbeingperceivedonlyincollectivetermsasasy-lumseekers.Similarly,inIreland,eventhosewhoidentifiedstronglywithfellowandformerresidentsdidnotgeneralizetheassociationtoallasylumseekersinIreland,asnoneexpressedanyspecialinterestinnewsaboutotherrefugeesinIrelandorelsewhere,forexample.ThissentimentisechoedbythemoreexplicitclaimsmadebyyoungOromorefugeeslivinginCanada,whodeclareoutright“Iamnota refugee!,” rejecting social connotationsof the termdespite theirindisputablelegalstatus.36 The Canadian social connotations of being a refugee re-jectedbytheOromosareverysimilar to those foundwithinIrishsociety—constructionsoftherefugeeasethnicallyOther,freeload-ing,displaced,andculturallyunfit. This“anti-refugeeracism”hasbeenwell-documented in Irish academia, especially inLentin andMcVeigh’s Racism and Anti-Racism in Ireland.37 For instance, de-spitethestrongdiversityofnationalitieswithintheasylumseekingpopulationandimmigrantsoverall,thesignificantnumberofNige-riansapplyingforstatus(approximately30%ofallasylumseekers)hasbeenoverrepresentedinthemedia. Oftencitingthemasthesourceofsomeallegedasylumcrisisorinundation,Irishmediaandsocietyoftenregardallblackpeople inIrelandasNigerianandallofthoseasasylumseekers,tothepointthatthelegaldesignationsofasylumseekerandrefugeehavebecomefullyracialized,andtheterm“Nigerian”appearstohavemutatedintolittlemorethanarac-istslur.38ThesenegativeassociationshavebeenexacerbatedbythefloodmetaphorusedbypopularIrishprintmediathatrunheadlineslike:“AGROWINGfloodofimmigrants…;”“Servicesfaceoverload

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asrefugeefloodcontinues;”“Promisedlanddrawshumanflood;”“Ahumantidesweepsin;”andsoon,producinganimageofanaturaldisasterforIrishservicesandsociety.39

ThisperceptiblehostilityfromIrishsocietytowardrefugeesandasylumseekersmayofcoursediminishthedesirabilityofmain-tainingarefugeeidentity,forcingasylumseekersintoamoreassimi-lation-orientedpositionthantheyotherwisewouldhaveassumed,asKibreabarguesisthecaseofAfricanrefugeesespecially.40However,heconcludesthatthisenmitygenerallypreventsrefugeesfromdevel-opingmorepermanentorientationstowardthehostcountryoverall,aconclusionnotsuggestedbymyownresearch.Instead,manyasy-lumseekerswithwhomIspokeexpressedtheirdesiretostayper-manentlyinIreland,asdiscussedabove.Furthermore,ratherthanmaintainpoliticalinvolvementwiththeircountriesoforigin,someasylumseekersandrefugees turnedtheirpoliticalactivismtowardIrishsocietyitself,tobetterfacilitatethisintegrationprocess.

Exceptions: pan-asylum political activism in Ireland

ItappearsthatonlyrefugeeactivistsinIreland,whichincludesomeasylumseekers,refugees,andformerrefugeesaswellas“native”Irishandotherimmigrants,maybelikelytoemploytheideaofawider“refugeeandasylumseekercommunity”inIreland.AstheGreek-Cypriotrefugeesusedtheseideastoexpresstheirtemporarystatusandpoliticalposition,41activistsinIrelandalsoseemtoemphasizerefugeecommunitystrategically.However,ratherthanreflectapre-existing actual community of people, these assertions represent areappropriationof a legal category topromote social solidarity asa means toward political mobilization for greater legal and socialrights within the host society. For example, at the Dublin 2006WorldRefugeeDayAwards,sponsoredbytheUNHCR,theAfricaCentre,andotherlocalintegrationandculturalorganizations,manyawardhosts,presenters,andrecipientsmadepublicspeechescallingforgreateractiontoassertfundamentalrightsofasylum,includingtherighttoworkandtherighttoafairdecisionhearing.Fromone

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perspective,theeventactuallyrepresentedtheentirerefugeecom-munityofIrelandas itactuallyexists—that is,consistingofthosepoliticallyactivememberswhoactuallyexperiencetheirrefugeesta-tuscollectively. Thesamecanbesaidformostpublicrefugeefigures,includ-ingthecontributingauthorsofAsyland,themagazineoftheIrishRefugeeCouncil.Politically active (in thebroadest sense) asylumseekers,refugees,andmigrantsareself-selectingascommunitylead-ers,meaningtheyexperiencethesecircumstancesasapartofawid-ercommunity. Forinstance,BenedictaAttoh,theformerasylumseekerfromNigeriaandco-hostoftheWorldRefugeeDayAwards,ran forpublicoffice inCountyLouthand laterwrotea reflectiveessayforAsyland.Shewrites:“ThenewsoftherighttoparticipateinlocalIrishpoliticswasawelcomeonesincewealsolivehereasnormalandordinarypeople.ItthenmeanswehaveastakeintheIrishsocietyonissuesaffectingus!”42Thisdiscourseofcollectivityisperhapsillustratedinthesoleauto-ethnographicorautobiographicpieceincludedintheseminalbookRacism and Anti-racism in Ire-land,wheretheauthorclaims“theasylumcommunity”as“myonlytribe,”brought“evenclosertogether”bypoliticalandsocialrepres-sioninIrelandand“thestrongemotionalbondofthoseofuswhohavebeenunwillingly ‘initiated’ into refugeeship.”43 Incidentally,theauthorwastechnicallyadmittedasanasylumseekerbutarrivedin Ireland only a day before “program” refugees arrived from hishomeinBosnia. Accordingly,thisaccountcontrastssubstantiallywiththeaccountsofasylumseekersdescribedaboveandcanonlybeunderstoodinacontextofuniquesocialconditionsandlaterhisownpoliticalactivism.

Conclusion

Asylumseekerpoliticalself-consciousnessmayexistwithinIrish society, but it is not the norm. Populations of asylum seek-ersarehighlydiverse,distant,anddisconnectedfromotherasylumseekersand fromthe societies in theircountriesoforigin. While

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many program and conflict-adjacent camp refugees desire to andareabletosustainstronganddistinctethniccommunitiesaccordingtotheirresettlementplans,this isnotthecaseforasylumseekers.Nordotheimposedresidentialcommunitiesofasylumseekersfromvariousconflictssubstituteanynewformofactualcommunity.Onthecontrary,whenresourcesare limitedandtension ishigh, theycanpromotedivision and isolation.Managementpolicies and re-sources can greatly influence this process, promoting cooperationandrespectinthespiritofcommunity,buttheassumptionofsuchfeelingsisunfounded.Nothinginherenttotheasylumcenters,ortheexperienceofasylumseekinginIrelandingeneral,actuallygen-eratescommunity. Relationships are insteadbuilt through individual personsandindividual families,whoremaintheprimaryunitsoftheasy-lumseekingprocess,both legallyand socially. This is incontrasttothelargelycommunalexperiencesofrefugeesinothercontexts,both inUNHCRresettlementplans in industrializednationsandin UNHCR-recognized camps immediately adjacent to originalconflicts. The assumption of wider refugee trends in discussionsofasylumseekersnotonlymisrepresentsthem,butalsoencouragesthetreatmentofasylumseekersassociallyOther.Thisisaparticu-larlydamning fate for thosewhosee themselves,orhope to soonseethemselves,asquiteathomeintheir“host”country,challengingwhatitmeanstobeIrishintheprocess.Indeed,thissubtletransfor-mationoftheIrishidentitymayprovetobetheultimateexpressionoftheCelticTigerintheremakingofmodernIreland.

Acknowledgements

ThisresearchwassponsoredbyBarrettFamilyFundoftheNanovicInstituteforEuropeanStudiesandtheUndergraduateRe-searchOpportunityProgram(adivisionoftheInstituteforScholar-shipintheLiberalArts)attheUniversityofNotreDame,underthedirectionofDr.SusanBlum.

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Endnotes

1 Central Statistics Office, “Persons, males and females, usually resident and present in the State on Census night, classified by place of birth 2002,” Population Statistics (2004), Available online at: http://www.cso.ie/statistics/personsclassbyplaceofbirth2002.htm.2 Immigrant Council of Ireland, “Background Information and Statistics on Immigration to Ireland,” (2005), Available online at: http://www.immigrantcouncil.ie/stats.pdf.3 For example, see Ronit Lentin and Robbie McVeigh, eds. Racism and Anti-Racism in Ireland. (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 2002).4 ORAC, “Annual Statistics, 2005” (Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner, 2006), Available online at: http://www.orac.ie/pdf/PDFStats/Annual%20Statistics/ORAC_2005_Annual_Statistics.pdf.5 Irish Refugee Council, “Asylum statistics, for the period January to 31st March 2005,” Irish Asylum Statistics (2005), Available online at: http://www.irishrefugeecouncil.ie/stats.html.6 Allison B. Taylor, “Social Services for Refugees: Parallel narratives of help and need,” American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting (San Jose, California: November 19 2006).7 UNHCR, “Text of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees,” Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, UNHCR Public Information Section (1996), Available online at: http://www.unhcr.org/protect/PROTECTION/3b66c2aa10.pdf.8 USCRI, World Refugee Survey, 2006: Risks and Rights (U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, 2006).9 Barry N. Stein, “The Refugee Experience: Defining the Parameters of a Field Study,” in International Migration Review 15.1/2, Refugees Today (Spring-Summer 1981), 320-330.10 Kevin Avruch, “Constructing Ethnicity: Culture and Ethnic Conflict in the New World Disorder,” in American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 71.3 (July 2001), 288.11 Liisa H. Malkki, “Refugees and Exile: From ‘Refugee Studies’ to the National Order of Things,” in Annual Review of Anthropology 24 (1995), 511.12 For other possible exceptions, see: D. Turton, “Migrants and Refugees: A Mursi Case Study,” in In Search of Cool Ground: War, Flight, and Homecoming in Northeast Africa, ed T. Allen (Oxford: James Curey, 1996).13 Liisa Malkki, Purity and Exile: Violence, Memory, and National Cosmology among Hutu Refugees in Tanzania, (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1995). 14 Avruch, “Constructing Ethnicity.”15 Rosemary Sayigh, “Dis/Solving the ‘Refugee Problem’,” Middle East Report 19 (Summer 1998).

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16 Roger Zetter, “Labeling Refugees: Forming and Transforming a Bureaucratic Identity,” Journal of Refugee Studies 4.1 (1991), 39-62; Liisa Malkki, Purity and Exile. 17 Gaim Kibreab, “Revisiting the Debate on People, Place, Identity, and Displacement,” Journal of Refugee Studies 12.4 (1999), 389.18 Liisa Malkki, Purity and Exile.19 Marc Maguire, Differently Irish: a cultural history: exploring 25 years of Vietnamese-Irish identity (Dublin: Woodfield, 2004).20 Marc Maguire, “Belonging Transnationally: The Vietnamese-Irish Example,” American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting (San Jose, California: November 18 2006). 21 Östen Wahlbeck, “The concept of diaspora an analytical tool in the study of refugee communities,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 28.2 (April 1 2002), 222.22 Liisa Malkki, Purity and Exile. 23 RIA, “General Information on Clifden” (Reception and Integration Agency, 2004), Available online at: http://www.ria.gov.ie/filestore/publications/English-GALWAY-Dun_Gibbons_Inn,_Clifden_FINALISED.pdf.24 Stein, “The Refugee Experience,” 329.25 ibid.26 Comhlámh, Refugee Lives: The failure of direct provision as a social response to the needs of asylum seekers in Ireland (Dublin: Comhlámh, 2001), 34.27 ibid, 32.28 Stein, “The Refugee Experience,” 325.29 Malkki, Purity and Exile, 509.30 Kibreab, “Revisiting the Debate on People, Place, Identity, and Displacement,” 389.31 ibid. 32 Maguire, Differently Irish.33 ibid.34 Fidele Mutwarasibo and Suzanne Smith. 2000. “Africans in Ireland: Developing Communities.” African Cultural Project. (December). 35 Zetter, “Labeling Refugees.”36 Martha Kuwee Kumsa, “‘No! I’m Not a Refugee!’ The Poetics of Be-Longing among Young Oromos in Toronto,” Journal of Refugee Studies 19.2 (2006), 230-255.37 Ronit Lentin and Robbie McVeigh, Racism and Anti-Racism in Ireland. 38 Elisa Joy White, “The new Irish storytelling: Media, representations, and racialized identities,” in Racism and Anti-racism in Ireland, eds. Ronit Lentin and Robbie McVeigh (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 2002),102-115.39 Pat Guerin, “Racism and the Media in Ireland: Setting the anti-immigrant agenda,” in Racism and Anti-Racism in Ireland, eds. Ronit Lentin and Robbie

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McVeigh (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 2002), 91-101.40 Kibreab, “Revisiting the Debate on People, Place, Identity, and Displacement.”41 Zetter, “Labeling Refugees.”42 Emphasis added; Benedicta Attoh, “Straight from the Heart,” Asyland 10 (Autumn/Winter 2004), 18.43 Drazen Nozinic, “One refugee experience,” in Racism and Anti-racism in Ireland, eds. Ronit Lentin and Robbie McVeigh (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 2002), 76.