Human development across the lifespan: Chapter 7 (2008)

Dacey−Travers−Fiore: Human Development Across the Lifespan, Seventh Edition

IV. Early Childhood 7. Physical and Cognitive Development in Early Childhood

© The McGraw−Hill Companies, 2009

162

7c h a p t e r

PHYSICAL AND COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Chapter Outline

Chapter Objectives

Physical and Motor Development 164Features of Physical Development 164Sequence of Early Childhood Growth 165Continuing Brain Development 165Boys’ and Girls’ Brains 166Infl uences on Physical Development in Early Childhood 168Growing Motor Skills 169

Cognitive Development 172Piaget’s Preoperational Period 172Information Processing Theory 176Children’s Theory of Mind 177

Early Childhood Education 179Piaget and Montessori 179

Project Head Start 180Language Development 181

Language As Rule Learning 183Pattern of Language Development 183Language Irregularities 184Bilingualism 185

Conclusion & Summary 189Key Terms 190What Do You Think? 190Chapter Review Test 190

After reading this chapter, you should be able to answer the following questions.

• What are the major physical and motor accomplishments of the early-childhood years?

• How do Piaget’s views on cognitive development differ from information-processing theorists?

• What types of early childhood education seem most promising?

• How does children’s language acquisition proceed during these years?

� � � � � � � � �Part Four Early Childhood




c h a p t e r 7 Physical and Cognitive Development in Early Childhood 163

How would you describe the early childhood years? You would probably make comments like these: “Active little rascals aren’t they?” “They are getting so smart!” “When did they learn to talk like that?” “Oh, they’re so cute!” Do you think the experts would agree with you? Surprisingly,

yes; perhaps their comments would be a bit more detailed, but, on the whole, they would say similar things. With regard to physical development, T. Berry Brazelton, Professor of pediat-rics at Harvard Medical School, summarizes the physical pace of these years as follows (Brazelton & Sparrow, 2001, p. 3).

Children were mostly under 4 . . . Freed from the pressure of their older sibling’s domination, the 2- and 3-year olds raced from one activity to another. Watch-ful parents or caregivers needed to race back and forth with them to maintain conversation. Children were stimulated to keep up with each other’s activities.

Movement, constant activity, bursting exuberance—the early childhood years in action. But what do the experts say about cognitive development? Let’s turn to the grand master of cognitive development, Jean Piaget, for his views on the mental life of the early childhood child.

In the course of the second year (and continuing from Stage 6 of infancy), however, certain behavior patterns appear which imply the representative evocation of an object or event not present and which consequently presup-poses the formation or use of differentiated signifi ers, since they must be able to refer to elements not percepitbile at the time as well as to those which are present. (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969, p. 53)

Did Piaget really write that way? Yes, because he wanted to be precise. If we translate his words, they simply tell us that children of these years have memory of objects or events not immediately present, and they also have the ability to label that memory in some way—an exciting developmental milestone. Next we turn to the cognitive neuropsychologist Steven Pinker. From about 18 months to about 3 years, early childhood youngsters resemble language machines, accessing their languages at a phenomenal rate. Pinker characterizes language development during these years as the time when “all hell breaks loose.” In Pinker’s words (1994, p. 269):

Between the late 2s and the mid-3s, children’s language blooms into fl uent grammatical conversation so rapidly that it overwhelms the researchers who study it, and no one has worked out the exact sequence. Sentence length increases steadily, and, because grammar is a discrete combinatorial system, the number of synaptic types increases exponentially, doubling every month, reaching the thousands before the third birthday.

Finally, we address the “cute” comment. In one of the great classics describing the early childhood years, Selma Fraiberg immortalized them as The Magic Years. Children believe that their thoughts and actions bring about the events they witness. Wonderful at times, such as when such “magic thought” enables chil-dren to see themselves as the heroic fi refi ghter saving others, magical thought can also be upsetting, such as when children blame them-selves for their parents’ divorce. Our goal in this and the preceding chapter is to understand this magical world of the child.

In this photo of children playing together, how is development being stimulated?




164 p a r t 4 Early Childhood

These are “magic” years because children in their early years are magicians—in the psychological sense. Their earliest conceptions of the world are magical ones; they believe that their actions and thoughts can bring about events. Later, they extend this magic system and fi nd human attribute in natural phenomena and see human or suprahuman causes for natural events or for ordinary occur-rences in their lives. (Fraiberg, 1959, p. ix)

These, then, are the early childhood years—exciting, rewarding, and yet (as you’ll see), challenging. Have you ever seen a 2-year-old strutting around in one of those prophetic T-shirts that says:

Watch out—I just turned two!

Cries of frustration, frequently uttered by tired parents, don’t mark parents as uncar-ing or heartless. Rather, they are a too-human reaction to the reality of dealing with a dynamo. Boundless energy, constant curiosity, and growing mental maturity all characterize children from 2 to 6 years of age. By age 2, typical children walk, talk, and eagerly explore their environment, gradually acquiring greater mastery over their bodies. The rounded bodies of infancy give way to the slimmer torsos of early childhood, muscles begin to fi rm, bones begin to harden, and continued brain development pro-vides a foundation for a world of symbolic promise. When these changes combine with feelings of confi dence—”No, no, I can do it”—parents and other adults working with children of this age face challenges that can try their patience. Cognitively, it’s the time of Piaget’s preoperational period, which traces a child’s mental odyssey during these years. During these years, children also begin to form a theory of mind. Many of today’s early-childhood youngsters also experience some form of preschool education. Finally, these are the years when children acquire their language so rapidly that we refer to the “language explosion.” In this chapter, we fi rst trace the important physical changes of the period. We then analyze cognitive development and trace the growing symbolic ability of the early-childhood youngster. We conclude our discussion by analyzing how children of these years begin to control their environment by their use of rapidly developing language skills, which is often referred to as the language explosion.

PHYSICAL AND MOTOR DEVELOPMENT

One of the most obvious facts about grownups, to a child, is that they have forgotten what it’s like to be a child.

—Randall Jarrell

Growth in childhood proceeds at a less frantic pace than in infancy. Children dur-ing this period grow about another 12 inches and continue to gain weight at the rate of about 5 pounds a year. Body proportions are also changing, with the legs growing faster than the rest of the body. By about age 6, the legs make up almost 45% of body length. At the beginning of this period, children usually have all their baby teeth; and at the end of the period, they begin to lose them. Boys and girls show about the same rate of growth during these years.

Features of Physical Development

Look at Figure 7.1, the human growth curve. (Note that 10 centimeters equal 4 inches.) This curve strikingly illustrates the regularity of physical growth. Most parts of the body (except the brain and the reproductive organs) follow this pattern.

Early childhood youngsters fi nd the world a fascinating place. Giving these children the freedom to explore and learn, coupled with sensible restrictions, encourages the development of mastery. Suggest other constructive materials for children of this age to manipulate.





With the exception of the two spurts at infancy and adolescence, growth is highly predictable for almost all boys and girls, given satisfactory conditions.

Sequence of Early Childhood Growth

We know that different cells, tissues, and organs grow at different rates. (Some tissues never lose the ability to grow, such as hair, skin, and nails.) In humans, for example, body length at birth is about four times the length of the face at birth, so the head is relatively large. But the head grows more slowly than the trunk or limbs do, so that they gradually become proportional. Parents and children alike are quite conscious of the appearance and loss of “baby” teeth and the arrival of the fi rst permanent teeth. At about 21⁄2 years, all the primary teeth have come through, which most children begin to lose between 5 and 6 years. At about this time, the fi rst permanent teeth appear. Children continue to lose their primary teeth and gain new permanent teeth at about the same time. The timing can be different for some children, however, so that gaps between teeth may appear or new teeth arrive before the baby teeth have fallen out, causing a space problem that may require professional attention.

Continuing Brain Development

Thus the assembly of the general architecture of the brain occurs during the fi rst two trimesters of fetal life, with the last trimester and the fi rst few post-natal years reserved for changes in connectivity and function. The most pro-longed changes occur in the wiring of the brain (synaptogenesis) and in making the brain work more effi ciently (myelination) both of which show dramatic, nonlinear changes from the preschool period through the end of adolescence. (Nelson, Thomas, & DeHaan, 2006)

Arguing forcefully that brain development begins within weeks of conception and continues through adolescence, these authors believe that including the molecular biology of the brain in “development” adds a more holistic view of children. Changes in brain development that occur during the early childhood period are interesting to trace. Microscopic examinations have repeatedly shown an increase in dendrites, accompanied by growth in the number of synapses. These changes, although not changes in structure, nevertheless help to explain the growing cogni-tive ability of 2- to 6-year-olds. The neural foundation is being laid for children to form more connections, providing a network that furthers cognition and learning. The great task of the early childhood years is to form connections. Children of these years gobble up information from the outside word through their eyes, ears,

Age (years)

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2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20

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ght (

cm)

F IGURE 7.1

The human growth curve.

From John F. Travers, The Growing Child, Scott Foresman and Company, Glenview, IL 1982. Reprinted by permission of the author.

Children’s rapidly developing motor skills are clearly seen in their drawings from uncontrolled scribbling to controlled “within the lines” attempts to their own creative expressions. Summarize the many developmental benefi ts of drawing.





nose, hands and translate it into nerve impulses that travel along neurons (axon of one cell to dendrites of another), making connection with the dendrites of other neurons along its pathway. The brain cells that receive this information survive; those that don’t, die. It’s as simple as that. Two types of cells make up the brain: the neurons, which we have previously described in Chapter 5, and the glia cells, which are essentially support cells. The glia cells aid both the metabolism and the function of the neurons and also coat the axons with a substance called myelin, which controls the speed with which the axons transmit information (Ratey, 2001, p. 24). For example, there probably is no more important stimulation than parents talking to their child. The language areas of the brain respond, resulting in superior language skills for a child. Children also need a warm, emotionally supportive environment, which results in more connections in those parts of the brain respon-sible for developing emotions. The result? Children who are blessed with feelings of security and an emotional well-being that spreads throughout all aspects of their lives. Consequently, we can say that continued brain growth during the early child-hood years parallels cognitive and language accomplishments, another example of the continued effects of biopsychosocial forces (Andreasen, 2001; Eliot, 2000; Ratey, 2001; Rose, 2005). For example, at 4 years of age, children understand much more about the world around them. They probably experience some type of preschool world, which they enjoy because they fi nd pleasure in interacting with others. They’re beginning to decide which of their playmates they like and which they don’t; most importantly, they’re learning why they like some and dislike others. They can run, jump, chase others, and PLAY! With their steadily growing cognitive abilities, they imagine all kinds of playmates and engage in fantastic activities. During these years, children experience a slower brain growth pattern. In other words, whereas it took 21⁄2 years to grow 75%, in the next 31⁄2 years brain growth increases only 15%. Figure 7.2 illustrates this process.

Boys’ and Girls’ Brains

Boys and girls are different. Although this comes as no surprise to anyone, we are only now beginning to realize how subtle these dissimilarities are, particularly when we ask the question: Are there differences in brain structures between the sexes? As Rose (2005, p. 82) noted, any claims about differences in size and structure are so controversial that heated conclusions and interpretations are easily misappropri-ated. About the safest conclusion we can draw concerning structural differences is that any differences are few and tiny (Rose, 2005). Research must probe for answers in different domains, for example, neural connection, the neurochemistry of the brain, and the infl uence of sex-related hormones. Still, questions remain, and in the fi nal analysis variations between the sexes translate into different types of behavior, including interests, attitudes, even the

Age (years)

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F IGURE 7.2

Slowing growth of the brain.





kinds of books they like to read. What causes these differences? If in the biologi-cal structure, where do the answers lie? Or does it come down to a matter of nature versus nurture? Answering these questions has led scientists to focus on the manner in which girls’ and boys’ brains are wired and what this means for development and behavior. As a result, several promising leads—both biological and environmental—have been investigated. For example, there is general agreement that the sex chromosomes—XX and XY—are the starting point to trace diversity between the sexes. What we now know (see Bear, Connors, & Paradiso, 2007) is that the smaller Y chromosome con-tains a gene identifi ed as the sex-determining region of the chromosome (SRY). A human child born with the Y chromosome and SRY develops as a male; otherwise, the individual develops as a female. (SRY, however, is not the only component in sex determination; other clusters of genes are also involved.) Thus, given the chromosomes of the parent, the stage is set for the development of the testes and the hormone that is responsible for producing a male fetus. The next step in the process forces us to address a question posed by Bear, Connors, & Paradiso (2007): When and how during development does the fetus differentiate into one sex or the other? An important marker in our biological time-table is that at about the 7th or 8th month a surge of testosterone is produced and continues until about the 24th week of pregnancy. Remember, however, that both males and females manufacture testosterone; it is the surge we have described that ‘masculinises’ a brain otherwise destined to be female (Rose, 2005, p. 82). In other words, until that 7th week, the gonads remain undifferentiated. Here we see for the fi rst time the divergent paths that males and females begin to follow. With the ovaries producing the estrogens responsible for the female reproductive system and ultimately such secondary sexual characteristics as breast development, and with the testes directing the fl ow of testosterone leading to the male reproductive system and such secondary sexual characteristics as heavy beards, the differences between male and female have been established. Development now proceeds along recognizable pathways.

Role of the Environment

For better or worse, the brain is tightly bound to all aspects of children’s lives. The neuroscientist Lise Eliot (2000) summarizes this reality when she notes that the genes may pass on the genetic program that forms the nervous system, the brain may direct your children’s behavior, but experience ultimately determines the extent of children’s brain development. Brain enrichment is an idea whose time has come. Children are born with about 1,000 trillion connections in their brains, but by age 10 that number is down to 500 trillion, which under normal circumstances remains fairly constant for most of the remaining years. The original number was mainly due to nature’s generous oversupply to insure that children would be able to make all the connections they needed. How did this come about? Eliot (2000) has summarized the process as follows. Brain wiring involves an intricate dance between nature and nurture. Initially, genes direct the formation and the distribution of the neurons, but, thanks to the Human Genome Project (see Chapter 3), research has established that the number of functioning genes (about 25,000 to 30,000) is not up to the job of providing adequate wiring to insure survival. It’s at this point that nurture steps in and completes the wiring process. The heightened stimulation furnished by the environment now leads to the production of new neural connections, that is, continued vital brain wiring, additional synapses, and enriched brain activity. Unless these connections are repeatedly fi red, nature has determined that they will perish, hence the truth of that old cliché, use it or lose it. Consequently, given the relative lack of knowledge concerning structural brain differences between the sexes, we are probably most comfortable in stating





that any signifi cant brain differences between the brains of males and females is undoubtedly due to the richness or paucity of environmental stimulation. We know now that the brain is perfectly capable of rewiring itself, and, if not suffi ciently stimulated, once-active neurons will fade and perish, or be comman-deered by some other activity. We also realize that, although the hemispheres seem to be almost identical, there are important differences between the two. These dif-ferences are clues to a brain’s organization. If you are right-handed, for example, your left cerebral hemisphere is lateralized for handedness and also for control of your speech—you are “left lateralized.” Figure 7.3 illustrates lateralization.

Infl uences on Physical Development in Early Childhood

In an excellent overview of physical development, Tanner (1989) indicated how the interaction of heredity and environment produces the rate and kinds of physical growth. Among the chief contributing forces are the following:

• Genetic elements. Hereditary elements, as we have seen, are of immense importance to the regulation of growth. The genetic growth plan is given at conception and functions throughout the entire growth period.

• Nutrition. Active preschoolers need a well-balanced diet—bread, cereal, fruit, vegetables, meat, milk—and they also require wholesome snacks. Parents, for as long as possible, should restrict sweets and soda drinks. Almost as important, they should begin to develop good eating habits (Grodner, Long, & DeYoung, 2004).

• Disease. Short-term illnesses cause no permanent retardation of the growth rate, although they may cause some disturbance if the child’s diet is consis-tently inadequate (an abundance of empty calories). Major disease usually causes a slowing of growth, followed by a catch-up period if circumstances become more favorable.

• Psychological disturbance. Stress can produce decided effects on physical devel-opment, beginning with the prenatal period. For example, stress and anxiety are associated with a predisposition to physical and mental disorders (Rutter & Taylor, 2002). During the early-childhood years, children experience the trauma of leaving home for preschool and kindergarten, adjusting to new adults and peers. If these events are coupled with any trouble at home (confl ict, divorce), the impact on the children can be decidedly negative. There is always the danger that adverse experiences can—not always—cause a negative self-concept (Rutter & Rutter, 1993). (We’ll explore this topic at greater length in Chapter 10.)

• Socioeconomic status. Children from different social classes differ in average body size at all ages. Tanner gives the example of differences in height between British children of the professional class and those of laborers. Children of the

F IGURE 7.3

Lateralization of handedness.





professional class are 1 inch or more taller at age 3 and 2 inches taller at adolescence. A consistent pattern appears in all such studies, indicating that children in more favorable circumstances are larger than those growing up under less favorable economic conditions. The difference seems to stem from nutrition, sleep, exercise, and recreation.

• Secular trends. During the past 100 years, the tendency has been for children to become progres-sively larger at all ages. This is especially true in Europe and America.

This brief overview of physical development again illustrates the importance of the biopsychosocial model. For example, you may be tempted to think that physical growth is essentially biological, mainly determined by heredity. Note, however, the roles played by nutrition and socioeconomic status. The interaction among biological, psychological, and social infl uences testifi es to the power of the biopsychosocial model in explaining development.

Growing Motor Skills

When early-childhood children reach the age of 6, no one—neither parents nor teachers—is surprised by what they can do physically. Think back to the infancy period and recall how often we referred to what children couldn’t do. Stand, walk, run. We tend to take the accomplishments of the 6-year-old for granted, but a great deal of neu-romuscular development had to occur before these motor skills became so effortless. We are concerned here with two types of motor skills: gross (using the large muscles) and fi ne (using the small muscles of the hands and fi ngers). Thanks to perceptual and motor development, 3- and 4-year-old children can hold crayons, copy triangles, button their clothes, and unlace their shoes. Table 7.1 summarizes the development of motor skills.

motor skillsSkills (both gross and fi ne) resulting from physical development enabling children to perform smooth and coordinated physical acts.

motor skillsSkills (both gross and fi ne) resulting from physical development enabling children to perform smooth and coordinated physical acts.

The energy of the early-childhood years is seen in the physical activities of the period: constant motion followed by periods of rest and nutrition. Can you propose techniques by which the energy of these years can be safely and positively directed?

The Emergence of Motor SkillsTA B L E 7.1

Age Gross Skills Fine Skills

2 Runs, climbs stairs, jumps from object (both feet) Throws ball, kicks ball, turns page, begins to scribble

3 Hops, climbs stairs with alternating feet, jumps from Copies circle, opposes thumb to fi nger, scribbling bottom step continues to improve

4 Runs well, skillful jumping, begins to skip, pedals Holds pencil, copies square, walks balance beam tricycle

5 Hops about 50 feet, balances on one foot, can catch Colors within lines, forms letters, dresses and undresses large ball, good skipping self with help, eats more neatly

6 Carries bundles, begins to ride bicycle, jumps rope, Ties shoes, uses scissors, uses knife and fork, washes chins self, can catch a tennis ball self with help





The physical picture of the early-childhood youngster is one of energy and growing motor skills. Adequate rest is critical, and parents should establish a routine to avoid problems. For example, to reconcile a rambunctious child with the necessity of sleep, parents should minimize stimulation through a consistent, easily recognized program: washing, brushing teeth, storytelling, and gentle but fi rm pressure to sleep. Careful and thoughtful adult care should prevent undue diffi culties.

The Special Case of Drawing

Although we still lack considerable knowledge about children’s aesthetic develop-ment, evidence suggests that sociocultural elements are infl uential (Szechter & Liben, 2007). Children love to draw, and their artwork has long attracted the atten-tion of scholars as far back as John Ruskin in 1857 with his book, The Elements of Drawing. In a fi nely tuned sequence, which no one has to teach them, children move from the pincer movements of infancy to random scribbles to skillful cre-ations. Learning to draw is like learning a language: Children acquire increasingly complex and effective drawing rules, which is one of the major achievements of the human mind (Willat, 2005, p. 1). In analyzing children’s art, one must remember that the drawings are the expression of what children are capable of doing. That is, the early-childhood youngster is limited in eye-hand coordination, motor ability, and manual dexterity. But a child’s drawings, as crude as an adult may think they are, tells us much about the child’s personality and emotional state. For example, 2-year-olds grab markers and scribble enthusiastically (using dots and lines) and seem fascinated by their ability to produce lines as a result of their movements. Parents and preschool teachers should encourage this random scribblingas a necessary fi rst step in children’s creative growth. During this phase of random scribbling, which continues until about age 3, children are free from any evaluation of their drawings; they’re simply having fun. Three-year-olds hold a crayon with their whole hand and then begin to use their wrists, which permits them to draw curves and loops; this process is called controlled scribbling. Children become engrossed with geometric fi gures and

random scribblingDrawing in which children use dots and lines with simple arm movements.

random scribblingDrawing in which children use dots and lines with simple arm movements.

controlled scribblingDrawing in which children carefully watch what they are doing, when before they looked away (random scribbling)

controlled scribblingDrawing in which children carefully watch what they are doing, when before they looked away (random scribbling)

The early-childhood years are a time when children show a great love for drawing. Not only are their drawings a sign of motor development, but they also indicate levels of cognitive development and can be emotionally revealing.





begin to realize that their lines can represent objects. Now their art matches their cognitive development and refl ects their growing symbolic power. For example, they’ll point to their creation and say, “That’s a man.” This phase lasts until about age 4. When children outgrow the scribbling stage, they then use dots, followed by curved lines to represent round areas and then move on to apply straight lines in their drawings (Willat, 2005). Four- and 5-year-olds show greater control and atten-tion to what they are doing, deliberately attempting to create representations of objects. For example, they’ll use a circle to represent a head or the sun. Artistic expression seems to peak by the end of the early-childhood period. During these years, children begin to paint and hold the brush with thumb and fi ngers. They hold the paper in place with the free hand. They give names to their drawings and begin to show representation (using one thing for another—see the cognitive section of the chapter). After Kellogg’s (1970) detailed analysis of children’s drawings, she con-cluded that child art contains the aesthetic forms most commonly used in all art. Children’s drawings not only are good clues to children’s motor coordination but, as we’ll see, also provide insights into their cognitive and emotional lives, another example of how a biopsychosocial perspective helps us to understand development.

Children love to draw and are fascinated by the illustrations in the books they read. One reason for the appeal of these illus-trations is that many illustrators have adapted the style of children’s drawings to their own work. Among them are Lois Ehlert (Color Zoo, Chicka Chicka Boom Boom, and so on), who constantly uses bright primary-colored geometric shapes to create letters and objects of nature. In Todd Parr’s The Feel Good Book, the illustrations resemble the primitive drawings of small artists. Children’s own art work has long attracted the attention of scholars for many reasons, ranging from artistic to psychological. (For an interesting discussion of this topic see Milbrath, 1998.) We have previously mentioned the work of Rhoda Kellogg (1970), who taught preschool children for many years. During this time she collected over one million children’s drawings and paintings that were done by thousands of children. You would enjoy reading Kellogg’s description of children’s art and derive insights from her work, such as her belief that the basic line formation and motifs that are appealing in children’s art are also to be found in the art of adults (Kellogg, 1970, p. 44). Kellogg believed that children’s drawing passes through the following four stages, with the fi rst stage of artistic devel-opment consisting of 20 basic scribbles.

1. Placement, which refers to where on the paper the child places the drawing (2 to 3 years).

2. Shape, which refers to diagrams with different shapes (about 3 years).

AN INFORMED VIEW

Children and Their Drawings

3. Design, which refers to a combination of forms (about 3 to 4 years).

4. Pictorial, which refers to representations of humans, ani-mals, buildings, and so on (about 4 to 5 years).

By 2 years of age, children have achieved 17 placement patterns. At 3 years, they’re using circles, crosses, squares and rectangles. By the time children are 4 years of age, they enter the pictorial stage. As well-known artist, Mitsumasa Anno (in Marcus, 2002), points out, remarkable as it may seem, even children as young as 2 years understand when shown a simple drawing with circles for heads and rectangles for bodies and single lines for arms and legs that “this is Father, this is Mother.” This is one of a child’s fi rst steps toward abstract understanding (You may also wish to learn more about children’s art by going to our website at www.mhhe.com/dacey7.





COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT

Physical developments, while observable and exciting, are not the only signifi cant changes occurring during early childhood. Early-childhood youngsters expand their mental horizons by their increasing use of ideas and by their rapid growth in lan-guage. Although there is no denying this growing cognitive ability, explaining it is much more diffi cult. To help us understand what is happening in the cognitive world of these children and how it happens, we turn once more to Piaget.

Piaget’s Preoperational Period

During Piaget’s preoperational period, children of about 2 to 7 years begin to represent the objects and event of their environment. They remember and talk about their memories, which signals growing symbolic ability and language acquisition. They gradually acquire the basics of their language, a feat of such magnitude that its secret still eludes scholars. With no formal training, and often exposed to incor-rect language models, children learn sounds; they combine the sounds into words; and, following a complex sequence of grammatical rules, they form sentences from the words. They put words in the correct order; they distinguish past from present, they identify plurals. They understand that we park in a driveway and drive on a parkway, that we play at a recital and recite at a play. They become more comfortable with symbols, for example, reading and understanding what they read. They continue to explore and learn about their environment through their play. Yet their mental ability during these years remains limited. For Piaget, preoperational refers to children who cannot take two things into consideration at the same time (take something apart and put it together again), who cannot return to the beginning of a thought sequence (cannot com-prehend how to reverse the action of 2 1 2), who cannot believe that water poured

preoperationalPiaget’s second stage of cognitive development, extending from about 2 to 7 years.

preoperationalPiaget’s second stage of cognitive development, extending from about 2 to 7 years.

Guided Review

1. The period of early childhood extends from the age of to the age of .

2. During this period a child can grow as much as inches and gain about pounds per year.

3. By the end of this period, children begin to lose their .

4. Hemispheric specialization is often referred to as .

5. By 2 to 2½ years of age, the brain has achieved about % of its adult weight.

6. SRY is a chromosomal region determining .

7. Much of our knowledge about the development of children’s art is based on the millions of children’s drawings collected by .

8. A child using his/her left hand to draw signals that the cerebral hemi-sphere is lateralized for handedness.

9. Motor skills fall into two types: and .

10. Kellogg believes that the themes found in children’s drawings are also found in the art of .

Answers 1. 2, 6 2. 12, 5 3. baby teeth 4. lateralization 5. 75 6. sex 7. Kellogg 8. right 9. gross, fi ne 10. adults





from a short, fat glass into a taller, thinner one retains the same volume (can’t mentally pour the water back)—these children are at a level of thinking that pre-cedes operational thought. An example of the limitations of preoperational thought is seen in the pre-schooler’s notion of death. Studying 157 children ages 3 to 17 who had experienced a parent’s illness and death, Christ (2000) discovered that children 3 to 5 years could not accept the fi nality of the parent’s death. For months, they would ask when the parent was coming back. They needed repeated concrete explanations of what death meant. Several examples of preoperational thinking are as follows.

• Realism, which means that children slowly distinguish and accept a real world. They now have identifi ed both an external and internal world.

• Animism, which means that children consider a large number of objects as alive and conscious that adults consider inert. For example, a child who sees a necklace wound up and then released explains that it is moving because it “wants to unwind.” Piaget believed that comparison with the thoughts of others slowly conquers animism as it does egocentrism.

• Artifi cialism, which consists of attributing human creation to everything. For example, when asked how the moon began, some of Piaget’s subjects replied, “because we began to be alive.” As egocentrism decreases, youngsters become more objective and they steadily assimilate objective reality to their cognitive structures. They proceed from a purely human or divine explanation to an explanation that is half natural, half artifi cial: The moon comes from the clouds, but the clouds come from people’s houses. (The decline of artifi cialism paral-lels the growth of realism.)

Features of Preoperational Thought

For Piaget, the great accomplishment of the preoperational period is a growing ability to represent, which is how we record or express information. For example, the word “car” is a representation since it represents a certain idea. Pointing an index fi nger at a playmate and saying “Stick ’em up” is also an example of representation. Other activities typical of preoperational children refl ect their use of internal representation and include the following (Piaget & Inhelder, 1969). Deferred Imitation. Preoperational children can imitate some object or activ-ity that they have previously witnessed; for example, they walk like an animal that they saw at the zoo earlier in the day. Piaget gave the example of a child who visited his home one day and while there had a temper tantrum. His daughter Jac-queline, about 18 months old, watched, absolutely fascinated. Later, after the child had gone, Jacqueline had her own tantrum. Piaget interpreted this to mean that Jacqueline had a mental image of the event. Symbolic Play. Children enjoy pretending that they are asleep, or that they are someone or something else. Piaget argued eloquently for recognizing the importance of play in a youngster’s life. Obliged to adapt themselves to social and physical worlds that they only slightly understand and appreciate, children must make intellectual adaptations that leave personality needs unmet. For their mental health, they must have some outlet, some technique that permits them to assimilate reality to self, and not vice versa. Children fi nd this mechanism in play, using the tools characteristic of symbolic play. (We’ll discuss the role of play in greater detail in Chapter 8.) Drawing. We have previously discussed drawing in a broad context, but here Piaget concentrated on its cognitive elements. Children of this age project their mental representations into their drawings. Highly symbolic, their artwork refl ects the level of their thinking and what they are thinking. Encourage children to talk about their art.

realismRefers to when children learn to distinguish and accept the real world; a form of Piagetian preoperational thinking.

animismChildren consider inert objects as alive and conscious; a form of Piagetian preoperational thinking.

artifi cialismChildren attribute human life to inanimate objects; a form of Piagetian preoperational thinking.

realismRefers to when children learn to distinguish and accept the real world; a form of Piagetian preoperational thinking.

animismChildren consider inert objects as alive and conscious; a form of Piagetian preoperational thinking.

artifi cialismChildren attribute human life to inanimate objects; a form of Piagetian preoperational thinking.

representationChild’s application of abstract thinking during Piaget’s preoperational period.

deferred imitationImitative behavior that continues after the disappearance of the model to be imitated; a form of Piagetian preoperational thinking.

symbolic playThe game of pretending; one of fi ve Piagetian preoperational behavior patterns.

drawingAccording to Piaget, a skill that indicates a growing symbolic ability.





Mental Images. Mental images appear late in this period because of their depen-dence on internalized imitation. Piaget’s studies of the development of mental images of children between the ages of 4 and 5 showed that they fall into two categories. (1) Reproductive images are images restricted to those sights previously perceived. (2) Anticipatory images are images that include movements and transformations. At the preoperational level, children are limited to reproductive images. A good illustration of the difference between the two types of images is Piaget’s famous example of matching tokens. Piaget showed 5- and 6-year-old children a row of red tokens and asked them to put down the same number of blue tokens. At this age, children put one blue token opposite each red one. When Piaget changed the arrangement, however, and spread out the row of red tokens, the children were baffl ed because they thought there were more red tokens than blue. Thus, children of this age can reproduce but not anticipate, which refl ects the nature of their cognitive structures and level of cognitive functioning. Language. For preoperational children, language becomes a vehicle for thought. Children of this age need ample opportunities to talk with adults and with one another. (See the language section of this chapter.)

Limitations of Preoperational Thought

Although we see the steady development of thought during this period, preopera-tional thought still has limitations. To know an object is to act on it, to modify it, to transform it, and to join objects in a class. The action is also reversible. If two is added to two, the result is four; but if two is taken away from four, the original two returns. Preoperational children can’t perform such operations on concepts and objects. Several reasons account for the restricted nature of preoperational thought. In the period of preoperational thought, children cannot assume the role of another person or recognize that other viewpoints exist, a state called egocentrism. This differs from sensorimotor egocentrism, which is primarily the inability to distin-guish oneself from the world. For example, children may believe that the moon follows them around; everything focuses on them.

egocentrismChild focuses on self in early phases of cognitive development; term associated with Piaget.

egocentrismChild focuses on self in early phases of cognitive development; term associated with Piaget.

These children, playing doctor and patients, are furthering all aspects of their development. They are discovering what objects in their environment are supposed to do, they are learning about the give and take of human relationships, and they are channeling their emotional energies into acceptable outlets. What is the common thread that runs through all of these activities?

mental imagesInternal representation of people, objects, or events.

reproductive imagesMental images that are faithful to the original object or event being represented; Piaget’s term for images that are restricted to those sights previously perceived.

anticipatory imagesPiaget’s term for images (which include movements and transformation) that enable the child to anticipate change.

languageAccording to Piaget, a vehicle for thought for preoperational children.





In Piaget’s classic experiment, a child is shown a display of three mountains varying in height and color. The child stands on one side of the table, looking at the mountains; a doll is then placed at various spots around the mountains. The child is next shown several pictures of the mountains and asked to pick the one that shows what part of the mountains the doll saw. Egocentric children pick the photo that shows the mountains as they saw them. Another striking feature of preoperational thought is the centering of atten-tion on one aspect of an object and the neglecting of any other features—called centration. Consequently, reasoning is often distorted. Preoperational young-sters are unable to decenter, to notice features that would give balance to their reasoning. A good example of this is the process of classifi cation. At this stage, the classifi cation seems rational, but Piaget and Inhelder (1969) provide a fas-cinating example of the limitations of classifi cation at this age. If in a group of 12 fl owers, there are 6 roses, preoperational youngsters can differentiate between the other fl owers and the roses. But when asked if there are more fl owers or more roses, they are unable to reply because they cannot distinguish the whole from the part (see Figure 7.4). This understanding does not appear until the third phase of classifi cation, at about the age of 8. Another limitation of the period is the lack of conservation. Conservation means understanding that an object retains certain properties, no matter how its form changes. The most popular illustration is to show a 5-year-old two glasses, each half fi lled with water. The child agrees that each glass contains an equal amount. But if you then pour the water from one of the glasses into a taller, thin-ner glass, the youngster now says that the new glass contains more liquid (see Figure 7.5). Youngsters consider only the appearance of the liquid and ignore what happened. They also do not perceive the reversibility of the transformation. In their minds they do not pour the water back into the fi rst glass.

centrationFeature of preoperational thought; the centering of attention on one aspect of an object and the neglecting of any other features.

classifi cationAbility to group objects with some similarities within a larger category.

conservationChildren conserve the essence of something even though surface features change.

centrationFeature of preoperational thought; the centering of attention on one aspect of an object and the neglecting of any other features.

classifi cationAbility to group objects with some similarities within a larger category.

conservationChildren conserve the essence of something even though surface features change.

F IGURE 7.5

Piaget used the beaker task to determine whether children had conservation of liquid. In 1, two identical beakers (A and B) are presented to the child; then the experimenter pours the liquid from B into beaker C, which is taller and thinner than A and B. The child is asked if beakers B and C have the same amount of liquid. The preoperational child says no, responding that the taller, thinner beaker (C) has more.

From John Santrock, Child Development: An Introduction, 9th ed., p. 245, Figure 8.8. Copyright © 2001 by The McGraw-Hill Companies. Reproduced with permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.

1. How many flowers are there?

2. How many roses are there?

3. Are there more roses than flowers?

12 flowers

6 roses

Unable to answer

? ? ? ? ? ? Roses

Tulips

F IGURE 7.4

Lack of genuine classifi cation.

From John F. Travers, The Growing Child, Scott Foresman and Company, Glenview, IL 1982. Reprinted by permission of the author.

A

I II

B C CA B





Finally, preoperational thought lacks reversibility. A truly cognitive act is reversible if it can use stages of reasoning to solve a problem and then proceed in reverse, tracing its steps back to the original question or premise. The preop-erational child’s thought is irreversible and entangles the child in a series of contradictions in logic. In the water-level problem, for example, the child believes that the taller, thinner glass contains more water. Youngsters cannot mentally reverse the task (imagine pouring the contents back into the original glass). At the conclusion of the preoperational period, children slowly decenter and learn reversibility as a way of mental life.

Challenges to Piaget

As you can well imagine, Piaget’s theory, which has been with us for more than 70 years, has been tested, retested, challenged, and refuted in many respects. Train-ing studies have repeatedly shown that early childhood youngsters possess more cognitive competence than Piaget believed. For example, 4-year-old nonconservers can be taught to conserve (Bjorklund, 2000). Evidence continues to mount supporting the conclusion that Piaget underesti-mated the cognitive abilities of young children: They conserve, classify, and over-come egocentrism earlier than Piaget realized. For example, preschoolers show clear evidence that they understand basic concepts that Piaget believed were too advanced for them. As Siegler (1998) noted, although some preschoolers may not understand the number concept, they know a lot about numbers.

Information-Processing Theory

In Chapter 5, we noted that information-processing theorists argued that cognitive development occurred by improvement of such cognitive processes as attention and memory. Applying these concepts to children’s development helps us to focus on what information children represent, how they process this information, how these cognitive changes affect their behavior, and what are the underlying psychological mechanisms responsible for these changes (Munakata, 2006). During the early childhood years, the amount of information a child can attend to steadily increases. For example, studying what is called span of apprehension (how much information people can attend to at one time), Cowan and his colleagues (1999) compared fi rst graders with fourth graders and discovered that the fi rst grad-ers could attend to 2.5 items, whereas fourth graders attended to 3 items. Such research raises the issue of the basic psychological mechanisms responsible. Can the difference between the two groups be attributed to capacity alone? More recent research has focused on the importance of a detailed knowledge base to explain the differences (Bjorklund, 2005, p. 125). Attention, as we have seen, involves a lengthy process in which children trans-late what they know into appropriate actions and then rely on these strategies to gather new information (Bjorklund, 2005). Selective attention becomes increasingly important as children move through the early-childhood years and they become more profi cient in focusing on pertinent information. The selectivity with which children focus their attention on relevant items increases greatly between 3 and 8 years (NICHD, 2005b; Siegler & Alibali, 2005). Much the same holds true for memory. During the early childhood years, chil-dren begin to develop memory strategies, such as rehearsal, organization, and retrieval. For example, rehearsal (repeating target information) shows a clear devel-opmental pattern. In a classic study, Flavell, Beach, and Chinsky (1966) studied list learning in 5-, 7-, and 10-year-olds. The results showed that as rehearsal increased with the older children, recall also improved. Eighty-fi ve percent of the

span of apprehensionThe amount of information a person can attend to at one time.

span of apprehensionThe amount of information a person can attend to at one time.

rehearsalMnemonic strategy that describes a person repeating target information.

rehearsalMnemonic strategy that describes a person repeating target information.

reversibilityA thought that can be retraced by an opposite action (2 1 2 5 4; 4 2 2 5 2).





10-year-olds displayed spontaneous rehearsal, whereas only 10% of the 5-year-olds did so. Organization (discovering or imposing structure on a set of items to guide behavior) follows much the same developmental path as attention. When chil-dren are given a randomized list of items that can be sorted into categories (fruit, cars, tools, and so on), older children cluster the items and improve their recall. Preschool children, however, cluster items only by chance; but studies have shown that training exercises can improve their ability to organize (Bjorklund, 2005, p. 159). Retrieval (obtaining information from memory) takes two forms: recogni-tion and recall. Most children fi nd recognition tasks fairly simple, but recall tests offer a more serious challenge. Helping younger children to recall demands that the circumstances under which they fi rst acquired the material need to be repeated. Older children spontaneously use retrieval cues more often than pre-schoolers do.

Children’s Theory of Mind

You can see, then, how rapidly improving cognitive processes such as attention and memory help children to acquire a theory of mind. Many developmental psycholo-gists believe that today’s cognitive psychology is actually the psychology of chil-dren’s theory of mind, that is, the beliefs, desires, knowledge, and thoughts of children’s mental states (Flavell, 1998). In other words, theory of mind describes children’s understanding of other people’s thoughts, desires, and emotional states, an ability that begins to emerge at about 2 to 3 years of age (Cole, 2006). As children’s cognitive processes show steady growth, their theory of mind also shows developmental changes (Bartsch & Wellman, 1995; Flavell, 1999):

• Around 2 years of age, children acquire a desire psychology, which is an expression of simple emotions and desires about what they’re attending to. Cross-cultural studies consistently show a similar pattern of mental state lan-guage in children: desire, thinking, and knowing. Studying theory of mind development in Mandarin- and Cantonese-speaking children, Tardif and Well-man (2000) found that, although the pattern of development was similar, the Chinese-speaking children used desire terms much earlier than did English-speaking children.

• About 3 years of age, children begin to talk about beliefs and thoughts as well as desires. Nevertheless, they still explain people’s behavior by desires rather than beliefs. This level of understanding is called desire-belief psychology.

• At approximately 4 years of age, children begin to understand that what people think and believe, as well as what they desire, affect how they behave. This level is referred to as belief-desire psychology.

For example, in a typical study (called a false-belief task) an experimenter showed a 5-year-old a candy box with pictures of candy on the cover. When asked what’s in it, she replied, “Candy.” She then looked inside and was surprised to fi nd crayons, not candy. The experimenter then asked her what another child would expect to fi nd in the box. “Candy,” was the fi rm reply. Next, the experiment was done with a 3-year-old, who said she expected to fi nd candy inside. But when asked the second question, the three-year-old said, “Crayons!” She insisted that she thought the box always contained cray-ons. That is, children of this age don’t realize that people think and act in accordance with the way they represent the world rather than the way the world actually is (Flavell, 1999). How can we explain these differences? In their excellent meta-analysis, Wellman, Cross, and Watson (2001) analyze such competing explanations as early competence

organizationMemory strategy that entails discovering and imposing an easy-to-remember structure on items to be memorized.

organizationMemory strategy that entails discovering and imposing an easy-to-remember structure on items to be memorized.

retrievalObtaining information from memory.

retrievalObtaining information from memory.

theory of mindChildren’s understanding of others’ thoughts, desires, and emotional states; emerges at about 2–3 years of age.

theory of mindChildren’s understanding of others’ thoughts, desires, and emotional states; emerges at about 2–3 years of age.





or genuine conceptual change. We can’t emphasize enough the importance of these competing claims, since they go to the heart of children’s representations of the world. For example, conceptual change theorists argue that actual changes occur in children’s conceptions of persons, whereas early-competence theorists believe that poor performance (such as that seen in the preceding example of the 3-year-old child) is due to developmental limitations of children’s information-processing skills. As a result of their research, Wellman and his colleagues conclude that real and signifi cant conceptual changes take place in children’s thinking from 2½ to 5 years of age. Finally, Flavell (1999) summarizes children’s knowledge about mind as follows.

• Early childhood youngsters come to realize that only people are capable of thinking.

• Thinking is an internal, “in-the-head” process.

• People can think about objects not present to them.

• Other people are also capable of thinking.

“Why did daddy tiptoe past the medicine cabinet?”“Because he didn’t want to wake the sleeping pills.”

Jokes such as these have spurred Paul McGhee (1979, 1988; McGhee & Paniutsopoulous, 1995) to analyze children’s humor and trace its developmental path. Noting that little is known about how children develop humor, McGhee turned to cognitive development as a possible explanation. He begins by noting that the basis of most children’s humor is incongruity, which is the realization that the rela-tionship between different things just isn’t “right.” Using this as a basis, he traces four stages of incongruous humor. He treats stages as does Piaget: The sequence of stages re-mains the same, but the ages at which children pass through them vary.

• Stage 1: Incongruous Actions toward Objects. Stage 1 usu-ally occurs sometime during the second year, when children play with objects. They are able to form internal images of the object and thus start to “make believe.” For example, one of Piaget’s children picked up a leaf, put it to her ear, and talked to it as if it were a telephone, laughing all the time. One of the main characteristics of stage 1 humor is the child’s physical activity directed at the object.

• Stage 2: Incongruous Labeling of Objects and Events. Stage 2 humor is more verbal, which seems to be its most important difference from stage 1. McGhee (1979) notes that the absence of action toward objects is quite noticeable. Piaget’s 22-month-old daughter put a shell on the table and said, “sitting.” She then put another shell on top of the fi rst, looked at them, and said, “sitting on pot.” She then began to laugh. Children in this stage delight in calling a dog a cat, a foot a hand, and then start laughing.

• Stage 3: Conceptual Incongruity. Around age 3, most chil-dren begin to play with ideas, which refl ects their growing cognitive ability. For example, stage 3 children laugh when they see a drawing of a cat with two heads.

• Stage 4: Multiple Meanings. Once children begin to play with the ambiguity of words, their humor approaches the adult level.

“Hey, did you take a bath?”

“No. Why, is one missing?”

Children at stage 4 (usually around age 7) understand the different meaning of take in both instances. Stage 3 chil-dren could not understand the following joke:

“Order! Order! Order in the court.”

“Ham and cheese on rye, your honor.”

Stage 4 youngsters appreciate its ambiguity. You can see how cognitive development is linked to hu-mor: The effective use of humor with children can help stimu-late new learning and creative thinking, instill an interest in literature, facilitate social development, and enhance emo-tional development and adjustment (Franzini, 2002). Meltz (2005) has identifi ed another interpretation of the emergence of the cognitive achievements we have mentioned.

• 6–12 months: Enjoys unexpected actions such as peekaboo.• 12–15 months: Initiates humorous actions.• 2 years: Makes deliberate mistakes.• 3 years: Consciously misinterprets words and ideas• 4–5 years: Begin to appreciate riddles but doesn’t quite

understand them.• 6–7 years: Finds humor in knock-knock jokes and riddles.

AN APPLIED VIEW

Children and Their Humor





EARLY-CHILDHOOD EDUCATION

Early-education programs, often referred to as preschool and kindergarten pro-grams, usually take one of two directions. They are either physically, socially, and emotionally oriented or more cognitively centered, which is not to say that pro-grams are exclusively social or cognitive; typically elements of both occur in all programs. As Gardner (2003) noted, two considerations are critical in any preschool program: assumptions about the minds of children and visions about the kind of soci-ety we desire. Early-childhood education today refl ects a rich mixture of ideas from educational philosophy, educational psychology, and developmental psychology. For example, the U.S. Department of Education, through the National Institute on Early Childhood Development and Education (ECI), has identifi ed the “Three Rs” of early-childhood education as follows.

• Relationships, which implies loving relationships in early childhood, with parents and others, to encourage children’s security and confi dence in themselves.

• Resilience, which refers to a child’s ability to meet challenges successfully, chal-lenges that include violence, poverty, bias, and/or disability. The concern here is to discover why some children overcome these challenges better than others.

• Readiness, which combines good health, positive educational activities, and productive schools.

These goals have been identifi ed to help young children physically, perceptually, cognitively, emotionally, and socially. Although the writings of Rousseau, Froebel, Watson, Freud, Erikson, and oth-ers have helped shape current policy, given today’s concern with educational achievement, many preschool programs rely particularly on the ideas of individuals such as Piaget and Montessori.

Piaget and Montessori

In these programs, which are based on a developmental theory of behavior, children are encouraged to learn through interacting with their environments and to be active participants in constructing knowledge. Early-childhood programs stress integrated subject matter; for example, mathematics is taught by having the children weigh different objects and measure amounts to cook. Peer relationships are stressed, and the line between work and play fades.

Guided Review

11. According to Piaget, is the means that permits children to assimilate reality to self.

12. Attributing life to inanimate objects is known as .

13. To understand that an object retains properties no matter how its form changes is called .

14. Researchers have used - tasks to study a child’s theory of mind.

15. When children understand that what people believe affects what they do, they are at the - level.

Answers 11. play 12. animism 13. conservation14. false-belief 15. belief-desire.





Although Piaget never advocated using his developmental theory in this manner, you can see how his ideas could form the basis for early-childhood programs. His emphasis on a child’s progression through intellectual stages of development has clearly defi ned program implications (use of concrete materials, and so on). Since Piaget’s is an interactive theory, children’s energy and activities can be directed at interesting cognitive outcomes rather than having children passively accept facts. In contrast, Montessori (1912/2003; 1967) was a strong proponent of early-childhood programs. She believed that developing children pass through different physical and mental growth phases that alternate with periods of transition, suggest-ing that children possess different types of minds at different periods. These periods differ so sharply that Montessori referred to them as a series of new births. She described three major periods of development. The fi rst stage, which is called the absorbent mind phase to indicate a child’s tremendous ability to absorb experiences from its environment, extends from birth to age 6. The second stage, which is referred to as the uniform growth phase to identify these years as a time of considerable stability, extends from age 6 to age 12. Finally, the third stage extends from 12 to 18 years. A youngster reaches this level by what Montessori calls the prepared environ-ment. For children under age 6, the prepared environment includes sensorial mate-rials, such as rods to teach lengths, cubes to teach size, and bells to teach musical pitch, materials for the acquisition of cultural geography, history, art, and arithme-tic, and materials and techniques necessary for the development of a child’s reli-gious life. Montessori also devised concrete materials to encourage learning in 6- to 12-year-old children. The stages we have just described lead to what is perhaps the best known of Montessori’s ideas, that of sensitive periods. Montessori believed that there are times when a child is especially sensitive or ready for certain types of learning. One of the earliest and most vital of these periods is concerned with the attainment of language, which, as we have seen, children acquire effortlessly, a good example of a sensitive period.

PROJECT HEAD START

Other preschool programs, such as Head Start, have also helped disadvantaged children. Originally conceived as part of President Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty in the 1960s, Project Head Start, since its beginnings in 1965, has enrolled more than 24 mil-lion children in its programs. Head Start provides grants to local public and private non-profi t and for-profi t agencies to offer comprehensive child development services to economically disadvantaged children and families. In 2007, the Offi ce of Head Start reported that with a budget of about seven billion dollars, one million children are registered in its almost 20,000 Head Start Centers (Offi ce of Head Start, 2007). From its beginnings, Head Start programs have attempted to improve the social and cognitive development of enrolled children by providing educational, health, nutritional, and other services. These Head Start centers supervise 50,000 class-rooms and feature the characteristics of good preschools: low teacher-child ratio, specially trained teachers, availability of resources, and recognition of children’s individual differences. The programs are all child centered and are designed to emphasize the well-being of individual children. They also provide children with age-appropriate, enriching, enjoyable experiences, which is especially desirable given the social needs of early childhood youngsters. Their long-term benefi ts have been receiving recent scrutiny and the positive results of these early interventions have been clearly documented. For example, a 25-year evaluation of the BEEP Program—Brookline Early Education Program—demonstrated substantial gains in educational achievement, health, and general behavior. As the authors noted, participants in high-quality intervention programs are less likely to cost taxpayers money for health, educational, and public assistance

absorbent mindMontessori’s term for a child’s ability to absorb experiences from the environment (0–6 years).

uniform growthMontessori’s term to describe the developmental period in which children show considerable stability.

prepared environmentMontessori’s term for use of age-appropriate materials to further cognitive development.

sensitive periodsMontessori’s term for ideal times of readiness for learning.

absorbent mindMontessori’s term for a child’s ability to absorb experiences from the environment (0–6 years).

uniform growthMontessori’s term to describe the developmental period in which children show considerable stability.

prepared environmentMontessori’s term for use of age-appropriate materials to further cognitive development.

sensitive periodsMontessori’s term for ideal times of readiness for learning.

Project Head StartPrograms intended to provide educational and developmental services to preschool children from low-income families.

Project Head StartPrograms intended to provide educational and developmental services to preschool children from low-income families.

P. Hauser-Cram, D. Pierson, D. Klein Walker, and T. Tivnan (1991).

Early Education in the Public Schools. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. An excellent review of early childhood

programs designed according to developmentally appropriate

principles.





LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT

Did you ever try to learn a second language, perhaps in high school or college? Do you remember the diffi culties you experienced with everything, from pronun-ciation to vocabulary? Yet youngsters naturally and easily acquire language, a task of such scope and intricacy that its secrets have eluded investigators for centuries. During the early childhood period, language fi guratively “explodes.” At about the same age, children manifest similar patterns of speech development, whether they live in a ghetto or in a wealthy suburb.

An outstanding example of the principles we have been discuss-ing can be found in the Reggio Emilia approach. Recognized in 1991 by Newsweek magazine as having exellent preschool pro-grams, Reggio Emilia has been widely adopted in the United States, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Australia, and many other countries (Edwards, Gandini, & Forman, 1998). Following World War II in the community of Reggio Emilia, a young jounalist named Loris Malaguzzi, emotionally moved by the destruction he observed, determined to develop good schools for children aged about 1 to 3 years (the infant schools) and for preschoolers 3 to 6 years of age. With the support of the community of Reggio Emilia in northern Italy, an effort began to upgrade the community’s schools using the ideas of Dewey, Piaget, Gardner, and Vygotsky. Viewing children as curious and competent enabled teachers to devise a curriculum based on children’s emerging interests and their desire to build relationships with others. This interpre-tation of the child as a competent learner leads to a strong child-directed curriculum in which skilled teachers guide children for several months in their pursuit of a theme that interests them.

The Reggio Emilia concept views the environment as an-other teacher, which transfers to the look and feel of the class-room. Classrooms become a place of happiness and motivation where children learn to cooperate in their search for solutions to problems and where they also learn to construct meaningful relationships with others. As Gardner noted (1999b, p. 87):

If you walk into one of the preschools on a given morning, you will fi rst be struck by the beauty and spaciousness of the building. Reggio buildings are ample, open, streaming with light; potted plants and inviting chairs and couches are strategically placed, adding color and comfort to the surroundings.

The educators at Reggio Emilia have developed and im-proved techniques for considering the ideas aspirations, and performances of children seriously. Can these ideas transfer to other parts of the world? As Gardner (1999b, p. 92) also recog-nized, transplantation will not be easy given its location, the dedication of its staff, and traditions from which these ideas emerged. It can be done but will refl ect its own unique culture.

AN APPLIED VIEW

Good Preschools

Guided Review

16. Preschool programs are usually oriented to either or // development.

17. Two individuals who have had great infl uence on the nature of preschool pro-grams are and .

18. Since its beginning, Project Head Start has enrolled children.

Answers 16. cognitive, physical, social, emotional17. Piaget, Montessori 18. 24 million

services. (For an excellent discussion of this program and comparison with other successful interventions such as the Perry Preschool Project and the Abecedarian Project see Palfrey and others, 2005.) As you can tell from our discussion thus far, children of these years have marched fi rmly into a symbolic world, a major part of which is language.





Within a short span of time and with almost no direct instruction, children com-pletely analyze language. Although refi nements are made between ages 5 and 10, most children have completed the greater part of the process of language acquisition by the age of 4 or 5. Recent fi ndings have also shown that when children acquire the various parts of their language, they do so in the same order. For example, in English, children learn in and on before other prepositions, and they learn to use ing as a verb ending before other endings such as ed (Hulit & Howard, 1997). Language acquisition is a tremendous accomplishment; if you remember how you may have tried to learn a foreign language as an adult, you’ll recall how diffi cult it was to acquire vocabulary and to master rules of grammar and the subtleties of usage. Yet preschool children do this with no formal training. By the time they are ready to

Understanding the brain’s role in language seems to be a simple matter, probably because we’re still learning about it! Beginning in 1864, certain parts of the brain were identifi ed as performing specifi c language functions. It was then that the French neurolo-gist Paul Broca, working with stroke victims whose speech had been impaired and who suffered from paralysis of the right side of the body, determined that “we speak with the left hemisphere.” Broca’s area (in the left frontal lobe), as it came to be known, is thought to be responsible for the production of speech. In 1876, the German psychiatrist Karl Wernicke described a section of the brain that receives incoming speech sounds. Called Wernicke’s area (in the temporal lobe), it is responsible for interpreting and translating the speech sounds just heard and putting together the words for a reply. This composition is then passed on to Broca’s area through a bundle of nerve fi bers. But that isn’t the end of it. The motor area of the brain now becomes involved and causes movements of the face, tongue, jaw, and throat. And, of course, our speech is often quite emotional. Think of it this way. A child says something to you, which is immediately transferred to Wernicke’s area. You understand what was said and think about a reply. When you decide to respond, your message is transferred to Broca’s area along a pathway of nerve fi bers, where a plan for vocalizing your ideas is formed. Parts of the motor cortex are now alerted, and the appropriate muscles of the mouth, lips, tongue, and the larynx swing into action and you answer your child. Estimates are that language resides in the left hemisphere for about 90% of the population. About 5% have their main language activity in the right hemisphere, and another 5% split their language functions between both hemispheres. Remem-ber, however, that both hemispheres are connected, and both hemispheres are involved in language production. For example, the right hemisphere, mainly responsible for our emotional state, determines the emotional reactions of the speaker. Current studies have made us uncomfortable with the neat statement that “Broca’s area does this” and “Wernicke’s area does that.” Thanks to data supplied by EEG studies, PET scans, CAT scans, and MRIs, a different picture is emerging. We now think that language functions are spread throughout the brain. (See Eliot, 2000, for an excellent discussion of this topic.)

How do these ideas translate into techniques for helping children with their language?

1. Research and theory are clear that a child’s environment infl uences the number of connections made in the brain. Consequently, parents who speak to, not at, their children are providing an enriched language environment for their children.

2. The type of stimulation parents and teachers use must be appropriate for a child’s age and abilities. Merely expos-ing children to language doesn’t work. A 2-year-old lis-tening to its mother on the telephone doesn’t necessarily form connections in the language areas of the brain. Speech must communicate meaning and not merely be a source of noise.

3. Remember that children’s emotions are as involved in lan-guage development as are their ability to form words and move their lips and tongue. As our knowledge of develop-ment during these crucial years has increased, we now re-alize that children, from birth, are remarkably sensitive to how they are spoken to and treated. They instinctively know when negative, harsh, and unpleasant talk is directed at them, which in turn affects all aspects of development.

4. Parents and teachers must be good observers of a child’s speech. Children typically leave a trail of clues—at all ages—that point to defi nite behaviors as clearly as an ar-row seeking its target. Respond to these cues with sup-portive speech. One of the biggest mistakes a parent can make is to ignore the channels of communication their children are trying to open with them. Such missed op-portunities result in not only the loss of simple pleasures (such as a new word or idea) but also the loss of the chance to promote a warm relationship.

5. Finally, remember the direction of brain growth men-tioned earlier: Wernicke’s area develops before Broca’s, so children understand (receive) more than they speak (produce). Consequently, parents in particular should talk constantly to their children to enrich their under-standing of the meanings of words, and then encourage and support their efforts at speech.

AN APPLIED VIEW

The Biological Basis of Language





enter fi rst grade, most children have a vocabulary of about 8,000 words; use questions, negative statements, and dependent clauses; and have learned to use language in a variety of social situations. They are relatively sophisticated language users.

Language As Rule Learning

As children acquire the basics of their language, they are also learning the guide-lines that make language such a powerful tool. For example, by the age of 4 or 5, children will have discovered that rules exist for combining sounds into words, that individual words have specifi c meanings, and that there are rules for combining words into meaningful sentences, and for participating in a dialogue. These rules help children to detect the meaning of a word with which they are unfamiliar. This mental process is called fast mapping; it enables children, upon only one exposure, to use context to fi gure out a word’s meaning, thus causing continual rapid vocab-ulary development (see also Chapter 5). We can summarize these accomplishments as follows.

• The rules of phonology describe a language’s sound system—that is, how to put sounds together to form words.

• The rules of syntax determine sentence structure.

• The rules of semantics describe how to interpret the meaning of words.

• The rules of pragmatics describe how language is used in social contexts—that is, how people converse.

As we trace the path of language development in the early childhood years, remember a basic distinction that children quite clearly demonstrate. At about 1 year (the infancy period), children show an ability for receptive language (“show me your nose”—they receive and understand these words). Now, in early childhood, they produce language themselves, expressive language (McLaughlin, 1998). How do children acquire these language skills?

Simply by making noises with our mouths, we can reliably cause precise new combi-nations of ideas to arise in each other’s minds.

—Steven Pinker

Pattern of Language Development

As mentioned earlier, all children learn language, and at similar ages they manifest similar patterns of language development. The basic sequence of language develop-ment during early childhood is that, at about 21⁄2 years, most children produce complete sentences, begin to ask questions, and use negative statements. At about 4 years, they have acquired the complicated structure of their main language (and perhaps of another language), and in about two or three more years they speak and understand sentences that they have never previously used or heard. As children grow, specifying the extent of their vocabularies is diffi cult. Do we mean spoken words only? Or do we include words that children may not use but clearly understand? Building a vocabulary is an amazing accomplishment. For exam-ple, the vocabulary of every language is categorized; that is, some words are nouns, some are verbs, still others are adjectives, prepositions, or conjunctions. If English had only 1,000 nouns and 1,000 verbs, we could form 1 million sentences (1,000 3 1,000). But nouns can be used as objects as well as subjects. Therefore, the number of pos-sible three-word sentences increases to one billion (1,000 3 1,000 3 1,000). One billion sentences is the result of a starkly impoverished vocabulary. The number of sentences that could be generated from English, with its thousands of nouns and verbs, plus adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, and conjunctions, staggers the imagination. Estimates are that it would take trillions of years to say all possible

The attention that adults (especially parents) give children encourages positive interactions and leads to satisfactory and fulfi lling relationships. Adult attention also furthers language development and enhances a child’s self-concept. Do you agree with the statement that a linguistic environment is the most enriched environment?

fast mappingMental process whereby children use context to detect word meanings.

phonologyA language’s sound system.

syntaxRules of sentence structure.

semanticsRules that describe how to interpret the meaning of words.

pragmaticsRules that describe how people converse.

receptive languageChildren’s indication that they understand words without necessarily producing them.

expressive languageLanguage that children use to express their own ideas and needs.





English sentences of 20 words. In this context, the ability of children to acquire language is an astounding achievement. Although most youngsters experience prob-lems with some tasks during this period—diffi culty with reading or mathematics—they acquire language easily and in just a few years.

Language Irregularities

When speech emerges, certain irregularities appear in children’s speech that are quite normal and to be expected. For example, overextensions mark children’s beginning words. Assume that a child has learned the name of the house pet, doggy. Think what that label means: an animal with a head, tail, body, and four legs. Now consider what other animals “fi t” this label: cats, horses, donkeys, and cows. Con-sequently, children may briefl y apply doggy to all four-legged creatures; they quickly eliminate overextensions, however, as they learn about their world. Overregularities are similarly fl eeting phenomena. As youngsters begin to use two- and three-word sentences, they struggle to convey more precise meanings by mastering the grammatical rules of their language. For example, many English verbs add ed to indicate past tense.

I want to play ball.

I wanted to play ball.

Other verbs change their form much more radically.

Did Daddy come home?

Daddy came home.

Most children, even after they have mastered the correct forms of such verbs as come, see, and run, still add to the original form. That is, youngsters who know that the past tense of come is came still say:

Daddy comed home.

overextensionsChildren’s over-broad applications of words.

overextensionsChildren’s over-broad applications of words.

overregulationChildren’s inappropriate use of language rules they have learned.

overregulationChildren’s inappropriate use of language rules they have learned.

Reading aloud to children is benefi cial for them in many ways. It introduces them to vocabulary, grammar, and the literary elements so important for an appreciation of high-quality lit-erature. Yet, reading aloud should be a time not only for in-struction but also for child and adult to share a love of reading and language in a secure environment. Reading is an accrued skill, which means that as long as children associate reading with pleasure and as long as they continue to read they will continue to improve their reading, increase their achievement level, and do well in school. Much of what a child learns is determined by the amount and rich-ness of the language he hears from adults around him. As Trelease notes (2001), when you read to a child you introduce words that help the most when it’s time for school and formal learning. You’re also surrounding the child with books and print that bring enjoyment and satisfaction (Trelease, 2001). To insure that reading aloud is a happy experience for both adult and child, the book should be a selection that both choose. Also, adults should be patient when the child wants to stop intermittently and talk about the book.

When we join our children in talks about the characters, in musing over what happens next, or in noticing the craft of the author, it is crucial to remember that these conversations are not detours around reading but are instead the essence of what it means to be thoughtful readers. To read well is to think well. (Calkins, 1997, p. 48)

As adults continue to read aloud to children, they should sense whether the child genuinely likes the book or would prefer another. Alternate choices should be available so that children can make another choice. (Young children readily listen to a favorite book over and over again.) Also, it may be wise for the reader to skim the book fi rst to make sure the child is emotionally ready to hear, for example, that the dog is lost in the new large picture-book version written by Rosemary Wells of Lassie Come Home, or the cat is injured in Lynne Rae Perkins’ Broken Cat, or the little boy is alone in a large Japanese department store in Toro Gomi’s I Lost My Father. Reading aloud to children: enjoyable, enriching, and (often) exciting.

AN INFORMED VIEW

Reading Aloud to Children





Again, overregularities persist only briefl y and are another example of the close link between language and thought. We know that from birth, children respond to patterns. They look longer at a human face than at diagrams because the human face is more complex. (Remember the Fantz study?) Once they have learned a pattern such as adding ed to signify past tense, they have considerable diffi culty in changing the pattern. An interesting development occurs as children’s sentences grow longer: Chil-dren’s use of word order becomes closely linked to grammar rather than merely refl ecting meaning. That is, their language becomes more syntactic. Infl ections such as s and ed are correctly added to words, and, thanks to Roger Brown’s ground-breaking work (1973), we now know quite a bit more about these grammatical morphemes (s, ed). Brown studied 14 morphemes, including the three s infl ections: plural (girls), possessive (girl’s), and verb endings (runs). Using these morphemes correctly requires considerable language sophistica-tion. Children who correctly add ed to a word tell us in no uncertain terms that something happened in the past. Brown also discovered that all children acquire these 14 morphemes in the same sequence. For example, although the three s infl ec-tions look exactly alike, children learn the plural usage fi rst, followed by the pos-sessive, and fi nally the verb infl ection. During the early childhood years, children begin to display a growing mastery of meaning. As we mentioned, their vocabulary continues to increase quite dra-matically, and they begin to combine words to refi ne their meaning. Yet they also display a sense of constraint in the way they use words; that is, they quickly learn to suggest the correct meaning for the correct word.

“That’s right,” suggesting correctness.

“That’s right,” suggesting direction.

Summarizing, then: As children come to the end of the early childhood period, several language milestones have been achieved.

• Children become skillful in building words; adding suffi xes such as er, man, and ist to form nouns (the person who performs experiments is an experimenter).

• They begin to be comfortable with passive sentences (the glass was broken by the wind).

• By the end of the early-childhood period, children can pronounce almost all speech sounds accurately.

• As we have noted, this is the time of the “language explosion”; vocabulary has grown rapidly.

• Children of this age are aware of grammatical correctness.

Bilingualism

As migration patterns have increased rapidly, many societies are faced with prob-lems that relate directly to language and cultural issues. As Snow and Kang (2006) note, migrants must learn to adapt to new and challenging situations, acquire a new language, and adjust to novel social, educational, and occupational settings as well. Migrant children, of course, are immediately faced with language issues in school, with friends, and with general social skills. The conclusion that such children have a risk of greater academic problems is solidly supported by research results. (For a summary of these results, see Snow & Kang, 2006). To sharpen our focus on these children, they are identifi ed as L2/C2 learners.

• L2 children. Those children who need to acquire a second language.

• C2 children. Those children who need to adjust to a second culture.

• L2/C2 children. Those children who need to acquire both a second language and a second culture.

B. Moskowitz (1979). The Acquisition of Language, Scientifi c American, 239, 92–108. If you, as most readers, are

encountering the basics of language development for the fi rst time, you probably would like to do more reading about it. This article

(still one of the best) is clear, thorough, and well written. You should fi nd it easily in your library.





Many children in the United States who do not speak or write English as their native language face language problems on a daily basis. Our country has become more diverse ethnically and linguistically than ever before. Consequently, a major question facing language experts and educators is this: What is the most effective way to teach English to non-English speaking students while at the same time helping them to maintain the richness and cultural values of their own languages? The value of helping bilingual children maintain profi ciency in both languages is also seen in brain research that testifi es to the benefi ts bilingualism brings to brain development. For example, these children seem to be superior in ignoring misleading information. Estimates of the number of English Language Learners (ELLs) in school range from 2 to 6 million (Marshall, 2002). But this fi gure is deceptive owing to differences within the ELL population that represent a wide range of economic and ethnic diver-sity. For many children, economic conditions dictate their access to resources that contribute to the acquisition of necessary English language skills. Ethnic diversity speaks for itself. Although the largest number of ELL students are of Hispanic/Latino origin (approximately 74%), the number of languages spoken within the ELL popu-lation literally know no boundary. Given the large number of these children, several different techniques of teaching needed language skills have been proposed.

The tranquility of Temple City, California, was shattered in November, 1970, by disquieting, almost unbelievable, news. Screeching headlines described the discovery of a young girl who had been “held prisoner” by her family for 13 years. Her mother, almost completely blind and feeling the ravages of an abusive marriage, sought assistance for the blind in the local welfare offi ce. With Genie, she mistakenly stumbled into a social services offi ce, where an alert eligibility worker became fascinated, not by the mother but by the girl. No wonder. The 13-year-old girl weighed only 59 pounds and was 54 inches tall. She was even in worse condition than she looked. She wasn’t toilet trained, she couldn’t chew solid food, and she could barely swallow. She drooled continuously and had no compunction about spitting—no matter where she was. And these were Genie’s less obnoxious characteristics. Perhaps most important of all, she couldn’t talk. After her discovery, investigators began to trace the road that led Genie to her present state. At about 20 months of age, she received a rare physical examination by a pediatrician who stated that she seemed a little “slow,” which the father interpreted as meaning that she was profoundly retarded. With the physician’s label ringing in his ears, Genie’s father, Clark, developed a weird and abusive style of childrearing for his youngest child. He kept her in a small bedroom tied to an infant’s potty seat. Trapped in this harness, Genie couldn’t move anything but her hands and feet. She sat there, day after day, month after month, year after year. At night, she was placed in a sleeping bag de-signed by her father that kept her arms motionless, much like a straitjacket. She was then placed in a crib with an overhead cover and wire mesh sides. She heard nothing—no human voices (only when her father swore at her), no radio, no language. When she made noise, her father beat her. She quickly learned to keep quiet rather than be beaten by a board her father kept in the room.

The room contained no other furniture, no pictures, one ceiling bulb. She was allowed to play with two dirty plastic raincoats, empty cottage cheese containers, and empty spools of thread. Her diet was baby foods, cereal, and an occasional soft-boiled egg. If she choked and spit out any food, Clark rubbed her face in it. Almost totally blind, Genie’s mother was helpless; she was at the mercy of her husband. Finally, things became so bad that Clark relented and called Genie’s maternal grandparents, who took Genie and her mother with them, which eventually led to Genie’s discovery. Her parents were arrested. Despondent about the emotional valleys in his life, Clark killed himself. Genie was hospitalized and became the object of intensive and prolonged study. The startling case of Genie illustrates the durability of lan-guage but also demonstrates its vulnerability. After treatment in the Children’s Hospital of Los Angeles, Genie was placed in a foster home where she acquired language, more from ex-posure than any formal training. Estimates are that she has acquired as much language in eight years as the normal child acquires in three. She continues to have articulation problems and diffi culty with word order. Although Genie made remarkable language progress, diffi -culties persist. For example, she does not appear to have mas-tered the rules of language (her grammar is unpredictable), she continues to use the stereotypic speech of the language-dis-abled child, and she seems to understand more language than she can produce. Thus the case of Genie suggests that although language is diffi cult to retard, suffi ciently severe conditions can affect progress in language. Here we see the meaning of sensi-tive period applied to language development. If you’d like to learn more about this tragic case, read R. Rymer (1993). Genie: A Scientifi c Tragedy. New York: Harper. This is one of the best summaries of Genie’s years of hell.

AN APPLIED VIEW

Meet Genie—A Child You’ll Never Forget





Bilingual Education Programs

In a landmark decision in 1974 (Lau v. Nichols), the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that Limited English Profi ciency (LEP) students in San Francisco were being discrimi-nated against because they were not receiving the same education as their English-speaking classmates. The school district was ordered to provide means for LEP students to participate in all instructional programs. The manner of implementing the decision was left to the school district under the guidance of the lower courts. This decision provided the impetus for the implementation of bilingual education programs in the United States. With the bilingual technique, three major goals are identifi ed (Brisk, 1998; Ovando & Collier, 1998):

• The continued development of the student’s primary language.

• Acquisition of a second language, usually English.

• Instruction in content subjects using both languages.

Many schools in the country are today enrolling children of immigrant parents. Imagine the language problems facing these children, their parents, and grandparents. What can we do to help? Through TESOL (Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages) (Wong, 2006), teachers are encouraged to use their students’ families and communities as resources (Kachru, 2005). Three questions guide their work.

1. What do we know about the nature of the language?2. What do we know about the nature of the learner?3. What are the aims of your instruction?

Probably the most effective step is to obtain as much informa-tion as possible about the cultures of the children so that we understand them at the signifi cant or at least the intermediate level. In this way, adults who work with immigrant children can better appreciate the needs, attitudes, and values underly-ing their behaviors. Parents, grandparents, and other interested adults should also be encouraged to share books with the chil-dren even though they may not read or write English. Wordless books, for example, that portray touching themes are excellent bridges for non-English speaking children to share with their families. Books such as those by Pat Hutchins, (Changes, Changes), Mitsumasa Anno (Anno’s, Journal), Molly Bang (The Grey Lady and The Strawberry Snatcher), and Quentin Blake (Clown) are very helpful. By taking turns ex-plaining to each other what is happening on each page both adult and child undertake a rewarding learning experience together. Books by such well-known authors and illustrators as William Steig and Tomie dePaola are also available in other languages. Rebecca Emberley’s My Numbers/Mis Numeros uses everyday objects and paints the objects in bright, vivid colors to encourage children to match English words with Spanish words. Step by step, teachers, librarians and interested adults are constantly exploring many innovative ways to en-courage and motivate all children to be readers.

CDs, audiotapes, and videotapes of books for English lan-guage learners are available at public libraries. Examples of videotapes that are expertly produced and appeal to small chil-dren are There Was an Old Lady Who Swallowed a Fly (Simms Taback), How Do Dinosaurs Say Good Night? (Jane Yolen), and Merry Christmas, Space Case (James Marshall). The American Library Association annually selects videos, record-ings, and software for all ages that are based on the recom-mendations of committees of librarians and educators from across the country who consider their originality, creativity, and suitability. Recordings of books such as The Frogs Wore Red Suspend-ers (Jack Prelutsky), Good Night Gorilla (Peggy Rathmann), and Martin’s Big Words (Doreen Rappaport) are also helpful as adults and young children follow the words of the book, together. In each recording, the narrator speaks slowly and distinctly so that the listener follows easily.

A SOCIOCULTURAL VIEWWhen English Is Not Spoken





Answers 19. 5 20. Phonology 21. overextension 22. Broca 23. TESOL24. Limited English Profi ciency 25. bilingual immersion

Guided Review

19. Most children have completed the greater part of language acquisition by the age of .

20. describes how to put sounds together to form words.

21. Calling all four-legged, furry animals doggy is an example of .

22. _______ was the fi rst to determine that we “speak with the left hemisphere.”

23. A popular method for teaching English to non-English speaking students is .

24. LEP refers to .

25. A program that has children initially spend 90% of their time using the minority language is called .

Students are taught partly in English and partly in their native language. The objec-tive here is to help pupils to learn English by subject matter instruction in their own language and in English. Thus they acquire subject matter knowledge simul-taneously with English. Bilingual programs also allow students to retain their cul-tural identities while simultaneously progressing in their school subjects. In today’s schools, bilingual education has become the program of choice. Bilingual education programs can also be divided into two categories. First are those programs (sometimes called transitional programs) in which the rapid devel-opment of English is to occur so that students may switch as soon as possible to an all-English program. Second are those programs (sometimes referred to as main-tenance programs) that permit LEP students to remain in them even after they have become profi cient in English. The rationale for such programs is that students can use both languages to develop mature skills and to become fully bilingual. Transi-tional programs are the most widely used in the schools. A third type of bilingual program, called bilingual immersion, has become increasingly popular in the United States (Brisk, 2005). Originally introduced in Canada in the 1960s, the program has children spend 90% of their day using the minority language in kindergarten and fi rst grade. The majority language is intro-duced in grades two or three, and usage gradually increases until subjects are taught equally in both languages by grades four and fi ve. The controversy surrounding bilingual education programs recently came to a head in the state of California when voters decided to replace bilingual programs with structured English immersion (SEI). SEI programs have several variations, but each is characterized by extensive use of English and the use of English-as-a-second language (ESL) methodology (Baker, 1999). Whatever program is chosen, a consensus seems to have gathered around tech-niques that in no way show disrespect to a student’s language. For example, schools effective with culturally different populations are suffi ciently fl exible to accom-modate a range of dialects that learners bring to school. Teachers are urged to allow dialects in social and recreational settings and encourage these students to use Standard English in school settings (Manning & Baruth, 2004). Table 7.2. summarizes several of the outstanding characteristics of early-childhood youngsters.

bilingual immersionStudents are taught partly in English and partly in their own language.

bilingual immersionStudents are taught partly in English and partly in their own language.





Some Developmental Characteristics of Early ChildhoodTA B L E 7.2

Can walk on tiptoes; can jump with both feet off the fl oor

Can stand on one foot; jumps from bottom of stairs; rides tricycle

Continues to improve 3-year-old skills; begins to play with others

Walks downstairs, one foot to step; skips on one foot; throws ball overhand

Hops on one foot; dramatic play

Skips alternating feet; walks straight line; stands for longer period on one foot

Draws recognizable person; continues to develop throwing skill

21⁄2

3

31⁄2

4

41⁄2

5

51⁄2

Can identify object by use

Answers questions; uses brief sentences

Begins to build sentences

Names and counts several objects; uses conjunctions; understands prepositions

Mean length of utterance 4.5 words

Begins to show language mastery; uses words apart from specifi c situation

Asks meaning of words; more complex sentences of 5 or 6 words

30

32

34

36

38

41

45

36

38

39

41

42

43

45

Continued symbolic development; thought still egocentric

Discriminates 4 objects from 5; mental images are representations of objects

Understands that thoughts differ from objects; some signs of conservation of number

Continued growth of symbolic ability; profi cient at counting

Begins to understand concept of time

Some understanding of conservation of weight; begins to use rehearsal to help memory

Continuing signs of conservation; still tends to focus on perceptual aspects

Age Height Weight Cognitive Language Motor(yrs.) (in.) (lbs.) Development Development Development

• Height is a good indicator of normal development when heredity and envi-ronment are considered in evaluating health.

• Increasing competence and mastery are seen in a child’s acquisition of motor skills.

How do Piaget’s views on cognitive development differ from those of information-processing theorists?

• These years are the time of Piaget’s preoperational period and the contin-ued appearance of symbolic abilities.

• During these years children develop a theory of mind.

• Children’s growing cognitive profi -ciency is seen in their use of humor.

• Many current early childhood pro-grams have a cognitive orientation.

What types of early-childhood education seem most promising?

• Many preschool programs are based on the ideas of Piaget and Montessori.

• Project Head Start was originally designed to offer educational and developmental services to disadvan-taged children.

• Several positive social and emotional outcomes seem to be associated with Head Start programs.

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cha

pter 7

Review

Thus far in our discussion of the early childhood years, we have seen that al-though the rate of physical growth slows somewhat, it still continues at a steady pace. Physical and motor skills become more refi ned. Cognitive development dur-ing these years leads to a world of repre-sentation in which children are expected to acquire and manipulate symbols. Lan-guage gradually becomes a powerful tool in adapting to the environment.

What are the major physical and motor accomplishments of the early childhood years?

• Growth continues at a steady, less rapid rate during these years.

• Brain lateralization seems to be well established by the age of 5 or 6.

CONCLUSION & SUMMARY





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cha

pte

r 7

Rev

iew

How does children’s language acquisition proceed during these years?

• Children acquire the basics of their language during these years with little, if any, instruction.

• All children seem to follow the same pattern in acquiring language.

• Migrant children in the USA whose native language is not English need a

carefully designed program to sup-port their native language and to help them acquire English as effi ciently as possible.

absorbent mind

animism

anticipatory images

artifi cialism

bilingual immersion

centration

classifi cation

conservation

controlled scribbling

deferred imitation

drawing

egocentrism

expressive language

fast mapping

KEY TERMS

language

mental images

motor skills

organization

overextensions

overregulation

phonology

pragmatics

preoperational

prepared environment

Project Head Start

random scribbling

realism

receptive language

rehearsal

representation

reproductive images

retrieval

reversibility

semantics

sensitive periods

span of apprehension

symbolic play

syntax

theory of mind

uniform growth

1. As you can tell from the data presented in this chapter, early-childhood youngsters continue their rapid growth, although at a less frantic rate than during infancy. If you were a parent of a child of this age (boy or girl), how much would you encourage him or her to partici-pate in organized, directed physical

WHAT DO YOU THINK?

activities (swimming, dancing, soc-cer, and so on)? Be sure to give spe-cifi c reasons for your answer.

2. As you read Paul McGhee’s account of the development of children’s humor, could you explain his stages by comparing them with Piaget’s work? Do you think this is a logical way to proceed? Why?

3. When you consider the tragic case of Genie compared to the enormous language growth of most children, what comes to your mind? Does it change your opinion about how lan-guage develops? In what way? What do you think this case implies for the existence of a sensitive period for language development?

1. Glia cells are mainly cells.a. support.b. transmissionc. synapticd. embryonic

2. By the age of 5 to 6 years, % of adult brain

weight is present.a. 70b. 80

CHAPTER REVIEW TEST

c. 90d. 100

3. When children show a preference for one hand or the other, this illustrates braina. lateralization.b. synapses.c. dendrites.d. initiative.

4. A frequent cause of psychological disturbance for children can be

a. brain adaptation.b. muscle growth.c. equilibration.d. stress.

5. Using the large muscles is re-ferred to as motor skills.a. fi neb. peripheralc. grossd. anatomical





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pter 7

Review

6. Which of the following factors is not known to infl uence physical development?a. genetic elementsb. SESc. diseased. ethnicity

7. Which of the following would not be considered a motor skill?a. runningb. skippingc. tying shoesd. concept formation

8. Controlled scribbling appears at about agea. 5.b. 3.c. 4.d. 2.

9. Which of the following behaviors is not associated with the preoper-ational period?a. symbolic playb. drawingc. languaged. walks steadily

10. A child’s belief that inanimate ob-jects are real and conscious is known asa. artifi cialism.b. delusion.c. animism.d. centration.

11. By the time children are ready to enter fi rst grade they have a vo-cabulary of about words.

a. 8,000b. 6,500c. 3,000d. 1,200

12. McGhee notes that the basis of most children’s humor isa. irony.b. play on words.c. incongruity.d. sarcasm.

13. Effective use of humor is not credited with stimulatinga. motor development.b. creative thinking.c. social development.d. emotional development.

14. Montessori’s ideas concerning periods are impor-

tant in planning preschool programs.a. lengthyb. classc. sensitived. time

15. Project Head Start was initiated in thea. 1960s.b. 1970s.c. 1980s.d. 1990s.

16. When children produce language, the result is calleda. vocables.b. receptive language.c. phonetic output.d. expressive language.

17. The rules of de-scribe how to put words together to form sentences.a. phonologyb. semanticsc. syntaxd. pragmatics

18. The brain area thought to inter-pret speech is calleda. Broca’s area.b. Wernicke’s area.c. Lau’s area.d. Bloom’s area.

19. A 3-year-old’s statement that “Daddy comed home” is an example ofa. overextension.b. mispronunciation.c. overregulation.d. delayed development.

20. Children who receive 90% of their instruction in a minority language are in programs.a. bilingual immersionb. sheltered languagec. autonomousd. gramatically correct

Answers

1. a 2. c 3. a 4. d 5. c 6. d 7. d 8. b 9. d 10. c 11. a 12. c 13. a 14. c 15. a 16. d 17. c 18. b 19. c 20. a

Human development across the lifespan: Chapter 7 (2008)

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