HUM11-12

HUMasopis Filozofskog fakulteta Sveuilita u Mostaru

vol. IX (2014.) no. 11-12

osniva i nakladnik Filozofski fakultet Sveuilita u Mostaru

za nakladnikaZoran Tomiurednitvo

Boris Beri (Osijek) Stipe Botica (Zagreb) Ruggero Cattaneo (Milano) Mirko Gojmerac (Zagreb) Boo Golua (Mostar) Serafin Hrka (Mostar) Slavica Juka (Mostar) Antun Karaman (Dubrovnik) Antun Lui (Mostar) Mile Mami (Zadar) Anto Mii (Zagreb) imun Musa (Mostar) Ivica Musi (Mostar) Vladimir Pandi (Zagreb) Robert Sullivan (Champaige) Zoran Tomi (Mostar)

glavni urednikimun Musa

izvrni urednik Ivica Musi

tajnikMate Penava

lektura i korekturaMartina Juki

prijevod saetaka na engleski jezikIvana Zovkonaslovnica

Kreimir Ledigrafika priprema i tisak

FRAM ZIRAL, Mostaradresa urednitva

Matice hrvatske b. b., 88000 MostarTelefon: +387/036/355-400

Faks: +387/036/355-401E-pota: [email protected]

naklada 500 primjeraka

asopis izlazi dvaput godinje.asopis je referiran u sljedeim bazama podataka:

Central and Eastern European Online Library (www.ceeol.com)EBSCO Full text online library (www.ebschohost.com)

ISSN 1840-233XMostar 2014. vol. IX no. 11-12 p. 384

HUMasopis Filozofskog fakulteta

Sveuilita u Mostaru

vol. IX (2014.) no. 11-12

Mostar, prosinca 2014.

5Sadraj

Tanja Gradeak-Erdelji Jadranka ZlomisliLINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE IN THE CITY OF OSIJEK....................................................7

Ivica aracINSTITUCIONALNA PRISUTNOST FRANJEVACA U MOSTARU POD OSMANSKOM VLAU (NEKA PITANJA OKO SAMOSTANA I CRKVI) .............................................................38

Lucia Kolega Rafaela Boi PJESMA 24 A 1971 OA IOSIFA BRODSKOGA U PRIJEVODIMA NA HRVATSKI JEZIK ......................................................................... 62

Marijana Sivri Aneta AniiGENDER DIFFERENCES IN PRE-SCHOOL CHILDRENS COMMUNICATION ... 76

Josip LisacIVOT I RAD DALIBORA BROZOVIA ....................................................................... 100

imun NovakoviNEKE OSOBITOSTI KONSONANTSKOG SUSTAVA USPOMENA O RAMI I RAMSKOM FRANJEVAKOM SAMOSTANU ................................................................111

Ivica PetroviEUROPADISKURS IN DER DEUTSCHEN ESSAYISTIK DES 20. JAHRHUNDERTS ............................................................................................................ 138

Gordana IliiRAZUMIJEVANJE, VRSTE I STRUKTURNI ELEMENTI IZBORNIH SUSTAVA ....156

Sanja KneeviULOGA KRLEINA ESEJA O ZADARSKOM ZLATARSTVU U STVARANJU KULTURNOG I NACIONALNOG IDENTITETA ZADRA NAKON DRUGOGA SVJETSKOG RATA ................................................................................................................ 173

Jela Sablji VujicaKOROMANOV SVIJET ILI DVIJE POLOVICE .............................................................. 193

Valentina ZovkoPREGOVORI O PROIRENJU DUBROVAKIH GRANICA KROZ VIZURU ODNOSA MOI ...................................................................................................................206

6Miro RadaljDISTRIBUCIJA ZNANJA OD TISKANE DO E-KNJIGE .............................................................................................235

Adrijana VidiMAJKA GLAZBA POEZIJA: O MATRILINEARNOSTI U AUTOBIOGRAFSKOJ PROZI MARINE CVETAEVE ...................................................256

Zvjezdana Penava BrekaloOBRAZOVANJE ZA OSOBNI MARKETING KREATIVNI IZAZOV VISOKOKOLSKOGA POSLOVNOG OBRAZOVANJA ...........................................277

Damir MietiTO MOEMO REI O BUDUNOSTI? KRIZA FUTURA I. SAMO (?) U TALIJANSKOME GOVORNOM JEZIKU .......... 294

Ante Bekavac Tomislav PuljiEMOTIVIZAM U MORALNOJ FILOZOFIJI I KRJEPOST KAO KRANSKI ODGOVOR ............................................................................................................................. 303

Ivica SkokoUSMENA PREDAJA PUKA GORANACA O GRADNJI CRKVE ............................. 324

Iva Bego Branka HrkaKONVENCIJA O PRIJEVOZU PUTNIKA I NJIHOVE PRTLJAGE MOREM 2002., UREDBA 392/2009 EUROPSKE UNIJE I POMORSKI ZAKONIK REPUBLIKE HRVATSKE ......................................................................................................339

PRIKAZI, RECENZIJE, OSVRTIMatija Petar Katani Izabrana djela ................................................................................. 351Zbornik o Petru Bakuli ...........................................................................................................357Aktualnost filozofske tradicije u suvremeno doba ...........................................................365Fra Jozo Vasilj graditelj dobra .......................................................................................... 369Kako se baviti sportskim novinarstvom? ............................................................................ 371Ponos hrvatske znanosti i filozofije .....................................................................................375

NAPUTCI AUTORIMA ZA SURADNJU ...............................................................................408

7UDK 812728(497.5 Osijek)Izvorni znanstveni lanak

Primljen 9. X. 2014. Tanja Gradeak-Erdelji Jadranka ZlomisliFilozofski fakultet Sveuilita u [email protected] [email protected]

LINGUISTIC LANDSCAPE IN THE CITY OF OSIJEK

Abstract

Our linguistic landscape research explores the sociolinguistic situation in the city of Osijek with a particular emphasis on the linguistic and cul-tural implications for the Croatian speech community. The study aims to answer the following research question: To what extent does the linguis-tic landscape of Osijek reflect the influence of the American language and culture? Using theoretical paradigms and analytical instruments of linguistic landscape methodology we analyzed linguistic signs collected at survey areas in the city. This analysis considers the influence on the linguistic landscape of Osijek of factors such as geographic distribu-tion, power relations, prestige, symbolic value, identity issues, tourism, language vitality and literacy. Data analysis results have shown that the linguistic landscape in Osijek has been shaped by Americanization in all aspects of social and cultural identity. English prevails as the preferred language of Croatian non-native English speakers to the extent that not only has English pushed out Croatian as the language of popular use but American cultural values are competing with the local culture.

Key words: linguistic landscape, public sign, survey areas, visual imagery, Global English

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Tanja Gradeak-erdelji jadranka Zlomisli

1. Introduction

1.1. Global English

The last two centuries have witnessed the growth in economic and political power of the United Kingdom and the United States which has enabled the English language to take on a dominating role in to-days world. English has been globally used in fields such as science, technology, diplomacy, commerce, popular culture (music and movie industry) which makes it necessary to define it as a world language or as McArthur points out the global lingua franca1. Without resorting to the need to define more specifically what a lingua franca actually is or has been from the historical and sociolinguistic point of view, we consider English to be not the new Latin, but a rather fluid linguistic system under the constant pressure of different cultural and cognitive undertows. This fluidity and adaptability arises not only from the lan-guages linguistic structure with its tendencies towards simplification of linguistic forms but also from its susceptibility to accepting foreign influences. Both traits have lent English an image of a powerful tool in communicating ideas originating from different sources and with vari-ous communicative goals.

As claimed by Cergol Kovaevi2 Croatia belongs to the expanding (outer) circle countries according to Kachrus division of English lan-guage speakers3. It means that English is neither the mother tongue of the citizens (which would put Croatian citizens into the inner circle of speakers of English), nor does it belong to one of the former British Empire colonies (creating the outer circle of its influence). English in Croatia is recognized as an important means of international commu-nication, as the language of globalization used by speakers all over the world, who use it for the purposes of work, education and international

1 Cf. Tom McArthur, Interanto: the global language of signs, English Today, vol. XVI., (2000.), num. 1., p. 33.-43.

2 Cf. Kristina Cergol Kovaevi, Visual Cognate Processing in Croatian Speakers of Global English, Suvremena lingvistika, vol. XXXVIII., (2012.), num. 74., p. 155.173.

3 Cf. Braj Kachru, World Englishes and EnglishUsing Communities, Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, vol. XVII., (1997.), p. 66.87.

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communication. English is the most frequently taught foreign language in Croatian schools at all levels, but the Croatian population is also very much exposed to it through media (TV, the Internet) and it may be safe-ly said that there is a general positive attitude towards its use in every-day life. This general positive motivation to use English has been under a constant pressure by national authorities trying to curb the practice of borrowing words, not only from English but from other languages as well. Thus, Croatian linguists have been inventing lexemes to replace English loan words such as notebook, chat or web page. Consequently, there is a constant counterattack from below where those frequently used lexemes are used by non-linguists, creating a situation of constant fluctuation of word forms. Hence, it is usually quite an arbitrary de-cision of a context or a situation whether an English loan word or its Croatian equivalent will be used.

When the context or the situation refers to specific visual imagery created by public linguistic signs in geographical areas inhabited by hu-mans, we describe it as a linguistic landscape (LL). It is usually the case that various elements of cultural interaction or social activities involved in the process of linguistic communication influence this particular ver-sion of landscape.

The aim of this paper is to determine to what extent the linguistic landscape (LL) of the authors hometown of Osijek, Croatia, reflects the influence of American language and culture on the everyday life of the town and its inhabitants. The visual imagery should provide a direct link to the attitudes of the community groups that shape the immediate linguistic chart of the towns streets or other venues to which the towns inhabitants or visitors are exposed. The immediate motivation for our research was the fact that Osijek is a multilingual and multicultural city with a very rich history of both cultural and linguistic influence. Hence, it was a logical step to try framing in scientific terms what had been obvious to our linguistically and culturally honed eyes: that there is a multitude of evidence that not only English as a language but American cultural influence is pervasive on its streets and among its inhabitants.

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1.2. Globalization and visual imagery

The period after the Second World War created a structural and ideological infrastructure for a new development referred to as globali-zation. This process was brought about by the virtual permeability of national borders via modern communications channels, such as televi-sion, entertainment industry and, eventually, the Internet. Economic as well as cultural goods are being exchanged, which implies that not only the economy (i.e. production, transportation, trade), but also cultural products such as art, music, fashion, lifestyle, communications (World Wide Web) and language are being globalized. The process of globali-zation is thus taking place on various levels and to different degrees, reflecting in its complexity the network of mutually dependent factors of social organization, tradition and ideology.

Not surprisingly, the degree of globalization is directly connected to the medium of its application in a given space or geographical area, and it can be freely concluded that the decidedly visual nature of all the media involved in the process of globalization contributes greatly to its rapid spreading. Visual imagery is intricately involved in all elements of cultural globalization, particularly in the more recent decades when the visual image has replaced e.g. the audio image, as can be observed in the transition that popular music underwent from the radio era in the first decade of the twentieth century to the expansion of video spots toward the end of the century.

When visual imagery becomes predominant in communications among the members of a community, their cultural patterns inevitably succumb to the pressure of frequency of exposure to visual prompts or to their sensory appeal, which is more immediate and permanent than other senses, such as sound or touch. Written words set off not only a cultural, but also an anthropological revolution in the transition from the Dark Ages to the modern era in human history, and the reflection of the impact that a written word may have can be seen in the process of globalization we have been witnessing in this century. Along with its power to impose and cement the preferred variety of a national language standard, written language has become a powerful tool in the process

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of both unification and diversification on a global level. The world is becoming increasingly multilingual in its current historical stage of late capitalism or post-modernity and as Graddol4 argues, previously estab-lished nation-state institutions of language control and language plan-ning have been undermined by the global flows of information, media, people, and technology.

Urban areas are typically epicenters of cultural and linguistic changes and they both reflect and feed the sociolinguistic undercurrents con-tributing to the (r)evolutionary forces of language. Younger generations contribute mostly to these processes of cultural adaptation, creating an unmistakable dividing line between the elitist high culture ruled by na-tional authorities that suggest certain expected behavior and the mass culture and its conditioned behavior guided by indirect influence of mass media and popular culture. The result is very frequently a cultural vacuum where there obtains specific cultural bias, or structures of ex-pectation as Tannen5 calls them, with which everyone belonging to a certain group is expected to unconsciously and unerringly comply.

1.3. Language and culture

The relationship between language and culture is one of the most relevant vantage points both in general linguistics and in broader terms in semiology. Linguistic signs have been objects of research for schol-ars of different affiliations and relevance, from Plato to Humboldt to the structuralists and cognitivists of the new millennium. As Sapir6, one of the most influential scholars in this interface between language and culture, noticed: (l)anguage does not exist apart from culture, that is, from the socially inherited assemblage of practices and beliefs that

4 Vid. David Graddol, English Next. Why global English may mean the end of English as a Foreign Language, British Council, London, 2006.

5 Cf. Deborah Tannen, Whats in a frame? Surface evidence for underlying expectations, in: New Directions in Discourse Processing, vol. II., Roy O. Freedle (ed.), Ablex, Norwood, 1979., p. 137.-181.

6 Cf. Edward Sapir, Culture, Language and Personality, University of California Press, Oa-kland, 1970.

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determines the texture of our lives7. Language is an essential ingredi-ent in the network of information necessary to create an individuals cultural background; it is not only the means of communicating infor-mation; it is the tool for creating the pool of knowledge which repre-sents culture itself or, as Wardaugh defines it: whatever a person must know in order to function in a particular society.8 The definition here, as Wardhaugh further maintains, refers primarily to its general anthropological sense, to all socially conditioned aspects of human life, and not to the so called high culture seen as the advanced intellectual development of mankind as reflected in its artistic expression. In the words of Deborah Peck9, this pragmatic view of culture sees it as the so-called deep culture, that is, as a body of ready-made solutions to the problems encountered by the group. It is a cushion between man and his environment.

The relevance of language for identifying a particular society and its culture is indisputable, and the focus of most research in linguistic land-scape is founded on the mutual relationship of society and its reactions to linguistic signs. If we assume that society is considered to be a com-munity organized around specific public and common interests, public signage represents a direct access to specific visual imagery pertaining to specific values and interests that society cherishes. In other words, public signage represents to a high degree the acceptable image a so-ciety wishes to maintain. Goodenoughs well-known definition claims: a societys culture consists of whatever it is one has to know or be-lieve in order to operate in a manner acceptable to its members, and to do so in any role that they accept for any one of themselves.10 Relevant here for the understanding of culture is the element of acceptability of a particular behavior and language use as one of the essential types of human behavior. On the assumption that communication is not only a

7 Ibid., p. 207. 8 Ronald Wardhaugh, An Introduction to Sociolinguistics, 4. ed., Blackwell Publishers,

Oxford, 2002., p. 221.9 Cf. Deborah Peck, Teaching Culture: Beyond Language. http://www.yale.edu/ynhti/cu-

rriculum/units/1984/ 3/84.03.06.x.html10 R. Wardhaugh, op. cit., p. 221.

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process of exchange of information but also a highly cognitive as well as affective and value-laden activity, we must assume that cultural knowl-edge is not only an aspect of communicative competence but of a gen-eral cognitive competence necessary to survive in the complex network of contemporary social relationships.

Salzmann is quoted by Thanasoulas11 as saying that language is a key to the cultural past, but it is also a key to the cultural present in its ability to express what is (and has been) thought, so our research hypothesis sets out to establish whether the present day LL of Osijek significantly differs from that of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century due to the frequent use of the English language in public spaces. Relying on the fieldwork method, as a principle research method in LL studies, and on the qualitative analyses method, we shall attempt to describe the cur-rent status of LL in Osijek in terms of its relationship to the influence of American culture. The research method is a simplified and adapted ver-sion of the standard research procedure described below, with a basic aim to illustrate the initial hypothesis.

We shall begin with a brief historical overview of Osijeks multicul-tural identity and how it relates to its multilingual background. We shall focus on the relationship of public signage and the visual imagery of LL in various public spaces of the city and introduce the basic scientific terminology for LL research. The research data will be analyzed and de-scribed using two major approaches, the top-down, and the bottom up approach, more specifically related to the monolingual or multilingual character of linguistic signs. Visual prompts will be provided in order to illustrate some major points of relevance and we shall conclude our research by presenting some more humorous examples of the abuse of the multilingual character of public signs.

11 Cf. Dimitrios Thanasoulas, The Importance of Teaching Culture in the Foreign Lan-guage Classroom, Radical Pedagogy http://radicalpedagogy.icaap.org/content/issue3_3/7-thanasoulas.html,

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2. Multculturality and multilingualism in public life in Osijek

Osijek has a very rich history of both cultural and linguistic influence from its founding as the Roman colony Aelia Mursa, but the linguistic influence from that period cannot be considered as relevant and Latin influence was more to be assigned to the general status of Latin as the European lingua franca in the medieval period. Being at the crossroads of various trade routes and situated in a rich and fertile area along the river Drava, the town has always attracted a multitude of immigrants and invaders.

The Turkish influence following the invasion of the Ottoman army in 1526 is to be viewed as an integral part of the general cultural heritage the Turks left in the whole Balkan region.

However, the major linguistic influence is to be seen following the events happening in the early 18th century in the Habsburg Empire, of which Osijek was then a part, when there was a planned immigration and settlement of population from German regions of Baden-Wrt-temberg, Hessen and Bayern, some Austrian regions, as well as from the Czech Republic and Hungary. It is no wonder, that Mauran noted the following: At the beginning of the 18th century the town of Osijek seemed to be a foreign town, linguistically speaking.12

The Town council and military government used German and Latin (e.g. Festung a German official name for the fortified part of the origi-nal town area called Tvra) and everyday communication was based on Croatian and German as co-existing languages; the proof of which are documented street signs in both languages and there was a steady, but inconspicuous use of Hungarian by the ever-growing Hungarian population.

In 19th and early 20th century Osijek, the German population of mid-dle and lower classes developed a distinct Osijek dialect called Esseker-isch13 with a German basis and some Croatian, Serbian, Hungarian and 12 Ive Mauran, Srednjovjekovni i turski Osijek, kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1994., p. 26.13 Esseker Deutsch or Osijek German is the official name of the dialect, where Essek is a Ger-

man rendition of the name of Osijek).

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even Turkish lexical infiltrations (e.g. monika derived from Mann: man, husband + Hungarian suffix ika; foter or fojdo -derived from Vater: father + Hungarian suffix o; halasfi Hungarian: halasz: fish-erman + Fisch: fish stew). Public spaces were swarming with signs in German, even street names were written in German, so it can be freely concluded that the LL of Osijek in this period was under the firm grip of German cultural authority.

Picture 1. A postcard from the beginning of the 20th century with Croatian and German street names is just one example of bilingual street signs

2.1. Beginnings of English in Osijek

The blending of cultures in the Ottoman Empire, or in the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy is quite similar to the initial stages of the sub-sequent Anglo-American influence born in the expansion of British

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colonial power. The second wave of this influence, which somehow seems to supersede colonialism, is the emergence of the United States as the leading economic power in the 20th century.

In the decades after World War II, during times of scarcity, many European societies were strongly influenced by Hollywood and the American consumer culture. The process of globalization boosted the further spreading of the English language, therefore influencing the lan-guage of technology, science and commerce. In the 20th century, due to the social and political circumstances in Yugoslavia, which as a socio-communist state nominally belonged to the Eastern block of countries behind the iron curtain, the conditions for the use of English were not quite favorable.

However, despite this nominal membership to the communist bloc, Yugoslavia was much more open to Western influences, so that as early as the 1950s English was introduced into primary schools as an alternate subject to Russian as a foreign language. However, exposure to spoken English through media or direct contact with native speakers was lim-ited. During times of scarcity, many European societies were strongly influenced by Hollywood and the American consumer culture, and its influence in the then Yugoslav geographical area was slow, but steady. In 1961 one of the first teacher training colleges with a program in English was founded in Osijek and in the years between 1961 and 1977 around 200 students graduated and received a diploma in English language and literature. These beginnings of the institutionalized education in Eng-lish language mark the official merging of the cultural scene of Osijek with the Anglo-American culture and tradition.

2.2. From national to global and back

One of the tenets of teaching foreign languages is the merging of lin-guistic instruction with the cultural background of the target language. The degree to which this merging is successfully implemented varies from nation to nation, depending to a high degree on national teaching curricula and teachers themselves. Teaching languages and cultures is a

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direct approach to exposing individuals to foreign cultures, whereas one of the indirect channels of exposure to a foreign language is the linguis-tic environment of the habitat or the linguistic landscape of a particular settlement.

It goes without saying that learners must first become conversant with what it means to be part of a culture, their own culture. By explor-ing their own culture, i.e., by discussing the very values, expectations, traditions, customs, and rituals they unconsciously take part in, they are ready to reflect upon the values, expectations, and traditions of others with a higher degree of intellectual objectivity.14

After the resolution of the Yugoslav state in the 1990s, Croatia as an independent country strongly embraced everything Western, including the postwar and post-socialist desire to get rid of everything regressive, which tended to clash with the images many had of the idyllic U.S. life-styles. At the same time, there is an obvious tendency of all past govern-ments to promote distinct national identity in all areas of life, language being, not surprisingly so, among the most important battle venues. It is not only the struggle of the official bodies and institutes to create gram-mars, orthography manuals and dictionaries that would make a clear distinction between Croatian and Serbian, seen by some purists as a major threat to Croatian as an independent language, but a clear orien-tation toward purging Croatian of all borrowings and internationalisms from the officially promoted literature.

3. Researching linguistic landscapes

3.1. Multilingualism and public space

Public use of a foreign language thus becomes a bona fide open ex-pression of the attitude of the towns inhabitants towards their mother tongue as well as towards different foreign languages. It is the reflection of the deliberate human intervention in the physical space in order to communicate a culturally relevant message.

14 Cf. Hans Straub, Designing a Cross-Cultural Course, English Forum, vol. XXXVII., (1999.), num. 3., p. 2.-9.

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Public spaces become a way to publicize not only information of com-mon civic value (general knowledge) but of the sociolinguistic structure on a par with other media such as press, electronic media, TV or radio. As all media types, public space creates a functional type of discourse, i.e. the type of discourse indicative of the targeted audience. Each audi-ence has a distinctive ideological character such as can be found in e.g. political or academic discourse where a bias toward a particular idea is shaped through language and other means of expression. Some such cases of an ideological bias may be observed in the use of a higher reg-ister and slang with elements of the opposition between the overt and covert prestige contributing to the level of bonding among members of a group. Public spaces can thus be viewed as maps that provide a key to the accurate reading of the role a language plays in the sociological and linguistic dynamics of the city.

And although we may be carried away by the romantic idea of an individual freely accepting other cultures by embracing their language, as should be the basic requirement in the process of learning a foreign language (cf. section 2.3), it would be much more plausible to assume different motivation for using foreign language in the domestic environ-ment. It is much less embracing the otherness as it is very frequently op-posing the self and ones own culture and identity. As pointed out by Gr-bavac15, it is the symbolic value of linguistic signs that is very frequently pushed into the foreground of the use of public signage, so that only specific elements of the cultural weight represented by those linguistic signs are put into the foreground.

In view of the observations stated above, the type of research under-taken in the study of the linguistic landscape of a town such as Osijek may provide a fine grained image of how public signs and their visual imagery transfer the elements of a foreign culture, in our case, Ameri-can. As noted by Jaworski and Thurlow16, such studies have much to say about issues relating to demographic and institutional power, ethnic 15 Cf. Ivana Grbavac, Linguistic landscape in Mostar, Jezikoslovlje, vol. XIV., (2013.), num.

2.-3., p. 501.-515. 16 Cf. Adam Jaworski, Crispin Thurlow, (ed.), Semiotic Landscapes: Language, Image,

Space, Continuum International Publishing Group, London, 2010.

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and racial relations, linguistic vitality, and language ideologies. Within contemporary geography, space is now seen as a discursive as well as physical formation.

3.2. Linguistic landscape

As a discursive formation it represents a new phenomenon called linguistic landscape by sociolinguistic scholars. As a new scientific field it thus borrows from its visual content the very name for the geographi-cal structure it represents, but it is the geographical structure construed with the help of linguistic signs of different kinds.

Linguistic landscape research falls under the category of the soci-ology of language since its scope of research includes both language conflict and multilingualism, two major phenomena present in the sphere of language contact among different social groups, as stressed by Chien17. Both phenomena are present in the principal areas of research covered in numerous scientific papers across the globe dealing with what has been labeled by using different referents (e. g. visual land-scaping (Jaworski & Thurlow, forthcoming); cityscapes (Gorter, 2006); geosemiotics (Scollon & Scollon, 2003); urban linguistics (Rosenbaum i dr., 1977), etc.)18

The term linguistic landscape was first used by Landry and Bourhis in 1997: The language of public road signs, advertising billboards, street names, place names, commercial shop signs, and public signs on gov-ernment buildings combines to form the linguistic landscape of a given territory, region, or urban agglomeration.19

17 Cf. Su-Chiao Chien, Sociology of Language, in: Encyclopedia of Language and Educa-tion, Volume 8: Research Methods in Language and Education, Nancy H. Hornberger, David Corson, (ed.), Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrect, 1997., p. 1.-13.

18 Cf. Selim Ben Said, Representations of Multilingualism in Urban Space: An Analysis of the Linguistic Landscape of Tunisia, http://www.personal.psu.edu/users/s/b/sbb170/SBS2.pdf

19 Rodrigue Landry, Richard Y. Bourhis, Linguistic Landscape and Ethnolinguistic Vita-lity: An Empirical Study, Journal of language and social psychology, vol. XVI., (1997.), num. 1., p. 25.

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The study of public signage goes as far as back as the 70s of the 20th century when the pioneering works in the field emerged (Massai, 1972, according to Backhaus, 2007; Rosenbaum et al., 1977; Tulp, 1978, ac-cording to Backhaus, 2007). In Grbavac we find out that these stud-ies have been reporting on language on public and commercial signs in various multilingual spaces: Jerusalem (Ben-Rafael et al., 2006), Lira in Uganda (Reh, 2004), Bangkok (Huebner, 2006), Tokyo (Backhaus, 2007), the Bask Country and Friesland (Cenoz and Gorter, 2006) etc.20

But as noted by Jaworski and Thurlow, the study of linguistic land-scapes has the potential to inform a range of intellectual issues above and beyond the mere analysis of linguistic form. One example of this from our research data below is, for example, a case of shop signs where the mere image creates an impression of the owners, the effort and money invested in other words, their business policy.21

Such research involves the study of many concerns: multilingualism and language policies of different speech communities, the treatment of minority and majority languages, the relationship of the authorities towards the role of language in the public life of a nation, etc.

In view of this, Ben Rafael et al. suggest that the first step to put some order in the analysis of LL consists in distinguishing top-down and bot-tom-up flows of LL elements, that is, between LL elements used and ex-hibited by institutional agencies which in one way or another act under the control of local or central policies, and those utilized by individual, associative or corporative actors who enjoy autonomy of action within legal limits.22 The main difference between these two wide categories of LL elements resides in the fact that the former are expected to reflect a general commitment to the dominant culture while the latter are de-signed much more freely according to individual strategies. Both those categories carry specific symbolic value of public life, but may be per-

20 Cf. Kingsley Bolton, World Englishes and lingusitic landscapes, World Englishes, vol. XXXI., (2012.), num. 1., p. 30.33.

21 Vid. A. Jaworski, C. Thurlow, op. cit.22 Cf. Elizier Ben-Rafael et. al., Linguistic landscape as symbolic construction of the pu-

blic space: The case of Israel, International Journal of Multilingualism, vol. III., (2006.), num. 1., p. 7.30.

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ceived differently by different people (according to their age, gender or profession).

Our research data were first categorized according to the top-down versus bottom-up distinction, and subsequently according to specific sub-areas of activity. Top-down signs were coded according to their be-longing to national or local, and cultural, social, educational, medical or legal institutions. Bottom-up items were coded according to categories such as professional (legal, medical, consulting), commercial (and sub-sequently, according to branches like food, clothing, furniture etc.) and services (agencies like real estate, translation or manpower).

The next step in our study is the categorization of the signs. That dimension of categorization refers to a difference between official signs placed by the government or related institution and nonofficial signs put there by commercial enterprises or by private organizations or persons.Table 1. Typical items sampled in the process of the LL research. (In: Ben-Rafael et. al., 2006)

Category Type of item Sampling criteria

Top-down 1. Public institutions: religious, governmental, municipal cultural and educational, medical

20-30 samples at each site (30% of all items in each site)

2. Public signs of general interest

3. Public announcements

4. Signs of street names

Bottom-up 1. Shop signs: e.g. clothing, food, jewellery

70-100 items in each of the main streets of the sites and/or in commercial areas (70% of all items sampled at each site)

2. Private business signs: offices, factories, agencies

3. Private announcements: wanted ads, sale or rentals of flats or cars

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4. Osijek in the process of Americanization

Osijek may not have been exposed to the process of immigration in recent years, more likely quite the opposite, but there is a strong orien-tation in its recent economic agenda to develop as an important trading center with an aim of attracting buyers and customers from neighbor-ing regions in Hungary, Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. If Hungar-ians are excluded from this linguistic equation, it leaves only the Serbian and Bosnian customers with their shared knowledge of the Croatian language as a genetically related--if not the same--language, as some linguists claim. Therefore, it would be a puzzling phenomenon to have such a large number of signs in English.

Shopping malls borrow not only the structure and design from their American paragons but the language itself plays a role in the marketing strategy for many of them. Thus, we have the direct borrowing of whole advertising campaigns (e.g. Nike: Just do it etc.) where the English lan-guage plays a purely embellishing and luring role, attracting customers attention to the products displayed in the shops.

Although our focus was on the area around the town center, we could not neglect the obvious prevalence of advertisements in English found in the shopping malls at the periphery of Osijek.

4.1. The appeal of the mall culture

Once again, due to globalization, traditional Croatian customs are being overtaken by novelties like the American mall culture which has changed not only the buying habits but also the lifestyle of average families. Shopping malls in Croatia are literal translations of Ameri-can malls, their architectural design and structural organization being followed by typical linguistic inventory, so that e.g. the mall researched for the purposes of our study bears the very English name of Avenue Mall and is advertised as Osijeks new promenade, where the tradi-tional walk along the river Drava, called promenada (the Promenade) is transferred into an enclosed space of a commercial building.

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Picture 2. A shopping mall in Osijek

City centers are becoming ghost towns and there is also a tendency of Croatian businesses with a long-standing tradition of quality mer-chandize to give way to shops with low cost goods, destroying along the way the traditional value scale. So, even though there is a convention in linguistic landscape research to study the influence of the immigration population on the structure of public language signs, we found it even more interesting how a strong presence of one culture in public life may influence the linguistic map of a town.

5. Research data

In our research we retained the skeleton of the basic procedure of LL research methods, but we did not limit ourselves to a strictly limited and delineated geographical area. The rigidity of such an approach is required when a purely quantitative analysis of LL signs is undertaken, but since the focus of our interest was in the qualitative analysis of the results, we concentrated on gathering a pool of photos illustrating most precisely the previously noticed tendencies in the LL of Osijek. We took pictures of public signs in the area of the towns center, main public

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square and the shopping area--with the addition of two peripherally positioned shopping malls--and then analyzed such signs according to language, location, and domains.

The collected data in the form of digital photos are organized in two distinct subsets: one that refers to the number of languages present on the signs and a second subset that refers to the top-down, bottom-up distinction mentioned earlier in section 3.2.

The city center and the outskirts were selected for this investigation because these areas are rich in linguistic signs; for ease of analysis, these signs have been categorized into Croatian-only signs, bilingual signs, and English-only signs.

5.1. The top-down subset

5.1.1. Croatian-only signs

Most frequent examples of the top-down subset are found, as expect-ed, in Croatian only, since the institutionalized status of the national language is, naturally, promoted through inscriptions and signs (tables on buildings, building entrances) of national, municipal and county in-stitutions (state archives, agencies, courts, prison, councils etc.)

Picture 3. A public sign advertising a national institution: Republic of Croatia. Ministry of Finance. Customs Administration. Customs Office in Osijek

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Picture 4. A public sign advertising municipal institutions: Republic of Croatia. Osijek-Baranja County. City of Osijek. City Council. Osijek (above). Republic of Croatia. Osijek-Baranja County. City of Osijek. Mayor. Osijek (below)

The institutional status of those signs is promoted not only by their linguistic contents but there is also a certain visual impact created by the use of the national and towns coat of arms and the uniformity of their design, which is rather austere. This approach to official public signage is quite universal and in our opinion implies that in planning their physical appearance the authors do not put much stress on visual creativity since the authority of the institution itself suffices to impose the necessary impact of institutional relevance. The opposite is found in the bottom-up subset of public signs, where the impact of a foreign lan-guage is paired with visually more attractive designs. In that subset the advertising power of public signs is achieved through a combined effort of the more varied spectrum of colors, as well as in the choice of fonts, added illustrations etc. (cf. illustrations in section 5.3 below).

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In this subset we also found public signs put up by public institutions or authorities which advertise essential services from the public sphere (medical, educational, religious institutions) which are otherwise sole-ly in Croatian, but from time to time international symbols are added for non-Croatian speakers, derived from the set of international traffic signs or similar internationally recognized systems of signs.

Picture 5. A public sign advertising essential services from the public sphere (top-down: Emergency, Faculty of Civil Engineering, Orthodox church, Church of the Sacred Name of Mary)

Without resorting to the qualitative analysis of the Croatian-only signs, we may tentatively conclude that they dominate the LL in Osi-jek since the sheer number of official institutions and businesses in the towns center relating explicitly to their national, i.e. Croatian character forces Croatian in the foreground of the visual imagery of Osijek.

5.1.2. Bilingual and multilingual signs

In this subset we found public signs put up by public institutions or authorities which are otherwise solely in Croatian, but from time to time international inscriptions are added for non-Croatian speakers. This subset may be regarded as bilingual although the ratio of Croatian and English words was not equal in all cases. The signs mostly contain

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the Croatian core with individual English words and sometime trans-lations into English or other foreign languages are added. Those signs are aimed at international visitors and tourists visiting Osijek, providing information about locations and objects of public interest which may be of practical value (Picture 6) or of more educational and informative quality (Picture 7).

Picture 6. A parking sign intended to provide information to visitors of Osijek, both foreign and domestic

Picture 7. A billboard with maps and images of the old Turkish bridge across the river Drava in Osijek with explanations in Croatian and their translations in six different languages

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It is important to stress that in the top-down subset we were un-able to trace any English-only public signs, which supports our basic hy-pothesis of foreign languages, in our research English, belonging to the non-institutionalized level of public life, where national or municipal authorities do not find it relevant to present any kind of information of public interest in any other language but Croatian. Croatian is imposed as the language of the dominant culture and it is difficult to imagine any part of Croatia where English would be predominant in official public signage.

Although we did not perform a quantitative analysis of the data, it may be safely said that Croatian is still predominant in the public sig-nage of the LL in Osijek, but for the sake of economizing space, we find it more relevant to present the English-only and the bilingual set of the bottom-up subset of public signs. In the following section, thus, we shall concentrate on those two sub-sets with an aim to establish which loca-tions and areas of public life in the LL of Osijek are typically influenced by the English language and elements of the American culture.

5.2. The bottom-up subset

As it turns out, the results of the analysis of our research data comply with the model of the bottom-up flow of LL elements where public signs usually come from small or large business either local or otherwise. The primary goal of LL signs in the bottom-up subset is not to provide infor-mation about the offer but to attract attention and enhance the impact of the hidden message, in other words, to stand out from the rest. Eng-lish inscriptions are used as a marketing tool to draw attention of the viewer and escapism, in the sense that they are buying not just goods and services but an attractive life style.

5.2.1. English-only signs

English is used quite liberally in the LL of Osijek, despite the fact that the target audience does not necessarily imply speakers of English. Potential buyers are expected to recognize the sign as an indicator of

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the prestige that the offer represents and not necessarily the actual qual-ity of the goods. In this region imported goods have added value as opposed to domestic ones so that it is not infrequent that e.g. Croa-tian fashion brands use English for both the brand name and slogans to bring over a message of either expensive clothing not in the price range of the lower income or lower middle class buyers (Picture 8) or even to boost the value of low cost goods as in the case of the second hand shop (Picture 9).

Picture 8. A Croatian fashion brand

Picture 9. A second hand shop in Osijek

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In the case of the second hand shop, we have a case of the transfer of the whole commercial concept from the Anglo-American culture, so that there is no appropriate expression in Croatian for the type of the commercial establishment selling hand-me-downs23 and the English ex-pression is used in all types of discourse.

Two further examples of the total cultural transfer visible in the LL of Osijek is the case of the phenomena typically originating in the US involving businesses dealing with new technologies (e.g. information technology (IT)) or the urban trend in popular culture involving the sports and the music of new urban generations. The example of an Eng-lish-only sign can thus be found on the official plaque advertising a soft-ware company that obviously targets the international market (Picture 10) or in the case of the international skateboard and BMX competition held annually in Osijek, which has English as its official language and is advertised mostly in English (Picture 11)

Picture 10. An IT business office plaque

23 The expression rabljena odjea (used clothes) can be found occasionally, but not in the context of designating a shop.

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Picture 11. A sign for the international skateboard and BMX competition

We would claim that in the two above cases the authors of signs were not solely profit-driven but showing awareness of cultural diversity and hospitality. They want to reach as many customers as possible and they realize that English can boost the market value of their goods and ser-vices. However, thereby they are treading the fine line between being miscomprehended due to the use of a foreign language and being ac-cepted due to the use of language as a tool of cultural transfer.

Furthermore, although British English has dominated the Croatian school curriculum from the very beginning, the preference of American spelling is evident in the LL (c.f. the spelling of center and not centre in Pictures 12 and 13). Except for the obvious dominance of American cultural elements in todays popular culture, we find this phenomenon interesting because it conforms to the principle of the bottom-up subset as a type of opposition to the dominant culture or authority and since the educational system promotes British English, it is felt to be not fash-ionable enough for the role that the English language has to play in the context of public signage.

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Picture 12. American spelling of center e.g. 1

Picture 13. American spelling of center e.g. 2

5.2.2. Bilingual signs

Bilingual Croatian-English signs are primarily used to give informa-tion to residents and visitors about essential or basic goods and services available in the observed area, e.g. pharmacy, bank, exchange office, parking, hotels, restaurants etc. They designate both the commercial

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contents of the business conducted on a given location but also the ba-sic life necessities such as health or money.

Picture 14. Bilingual signs in Osijek 1


The use of English is primarily aimed at providing positive connota-tions where the language serves both as a luring hand but also the hand of hospitality, inviting customers to use the services provided in English, which is supposed to ensure communication without language barriers or any cultural impediments.

As the final point of our research we would like to present the con-cept of bilingualism taken to its extreme in the form of a clumsy and absurd street billboard advertising a car wash.

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This image is a typical reflection of the cultural background derived from American movies and music, with scenes from carwashes, initial-izing a whole scenario of a recognizable and desirable life style although this service has been offered in Croatia only in recent years.

The picture reads: Wellness for your car, assuming that that well-ness or pampering is not only for you but also for your four-wheeled pet. As another new concept, wellness, which to the better informed Croats presents total pampering of body and soul and the highest de-gree of luxury that not many can afford creates an impression of elitism at its best.

6. Concluding comments

Our research has shown that the linguistic landscape in Osijek is dominated today by the Croatian language, mostly due to street signs and state and town institution signs (top-down signs) but there is a high frequency of English only and bilingual English-Croatian signs. The es-sential role of the English language is that of a means of transfer of cul-tural items and concepts found in American culture and the English signs range accordingly from those intended to provide information to residents and visitors to those used to boost the market value of goods and services offered.

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The historical overview of the linguistic background of Osijek, as a typical, middle-sized continental town in Croatia has proven the influ-ence of American culture not only on the linguistic landscape of Osijek, but also on the traditional beliefs, values and customs of its residents..

The qualitative analysis of the research data provided in our paper represents only a fraction of the potential a more thorough analysis of the linguistic landscape in Osijek could offer, so it is our hope to con-tinue in this venue and provide a more insightful image of the actual impact American culture exhibits in this part of the global map.

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Graddol, David, English Next. Why global English may mean the end of English as a Foreign Language, British Council, Lon-don, 2006.

Grbavac, Ivana, Linguistic landscape in Mostar, Jezikoslovlje, vol. XIV., (2013.), num. 2.-3., p. 501.-515.

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Jaworski, Adam, Thurlow, Crispin (ed.), Semiotic Landscapes: Language, Image, Space, Continuum International Publishing Group, London, 2010.

Kachru, Braj, World Englishes and EnglishUsing Communi-ties, Annual Review of Applied Linguistics, vol. XVII., (1997.), p. 66.87.

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McArthur, Tom, Interanto: the global language of signs, Eng-lish Today, vol. XVI., (2000.), num. 1., p. 33.-43.

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Tanja Gradeak-Erdelji Jadranka Zlomisli

JEZINI KRAJOBRAZ GRADA OSIJEKA

Saetak

Ova studija jezinoga krajobraza istrauje sociolingvistiku situaciju u gradu Osijeku s posebnim naglaskom na jezine i kulturoloke impli-kacije za hrvatsku jezinu zajednicu. Cilj istraivanja jest odgovoriti na sljedee istraivako pitanje: U kojoj mjeri jezini krajobraz Osijeka odraava utjecaj amerike kulture i jezika? Koristei teoretske paradi-gme i analitike instrumente metodologije istraivanja jezinoga krajo-braza, analizirali smo jezine znakove prikupljene na odreenim istrai-vanim lokacijama u gradu. U obzir su uzeti imbenici poput geografske distribucije, odnosa moi, prestia, simbolike vrijednosti, pitanja iden-titeta, turizma, vitalnosti jezika i pismenosti. Rezultati analize podataka pokazali su da je jezini krajobraz Osijeka oblikovan amerikanizacijom u svim aspektima drutvenoga i kulturnoga identiteta. Engleski jezik pre-vladava kao preferirani jezik Hrvata koji nisu izvorni govornici engle-skoga jezika do te mjere da ne samo da je engleski izgurao hrvatski jezik kao popularni jezik uporabe nego su i amerike kulturne vrijednosti u stalnom natjecanju s lokalnom kulturom.

Kljune rijei: jezini krajobraz, javni znak, istraivana lokacija, vizualna slika, globalni engleski

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UDK 272-789.32(497.6 Mostar)14/18(091)Pregledni lanak

Primljen 6. X. 2014. Ivica aracFilozofski fakultet Sveuilita u [email protected]

INSTITUCIONALNA PRISUTNOST FRANJEVACA U MOSTARU POD OSMANSKOM VLAU

(NEKA PITANJA OKO SAMOSTANA I CRKVI)1

Saetak

Reaktualiziranjem nekih historiografskih pitanja o sudbini franjevakih objekata u Mostaru u ranoosmanskom i kasnoosmanskom razdoblju ovaj prilog nastoji skrenuti pozornost na to da su u dvije razliite povije-sne epohe lanovi Reda manje brae (franjevci) participirali u oblikova-nju identitetskog kompleksa grada Mostara.

Kljune rijei: osmansko razdoblje, Mostar, franjevaki samostan, franje-vaka crkva

Uvod

Naviknuti smo da se Mostar zbog ratnih sukoba i poslijeratnih meu-nacionalnih i politikih napetosti doivljava kao strogo podijeljen grad u svim vanijim segmentima ivota, pa stoga i ne iznenauje to se i nje-govoj prolosti pristupa sukladno slici suvremenih odnosa. O prolosti Mostara pie se na predvidljiv, shematiziran nain kojim se uniformira 1 Ovaj prilog posveen je 170. obljetnici od osamostaljivanja hercegovakih franjevaca od fra-

njevake provincije Bosne Srebrene (1844.-2014.).

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povijesni narativ i istie pravo samo jedne povijesne memorije na prolost ovoga grada. Praksa isticanja ekskluzivnog prava na prolost kroz stereotipe to ih oblikuju aktualni politiki i drutveni odnosi nije novost u podijeljenim drutvima niti neto to bi bilo imanentno samo naem narataju i duhu naega vremena, ali je injenica da je takav re-dukcionistiki pristup kod nas poprimio ve groteskna obiljeja. Povi-jest se u takvu diskursu (re)interpretira transponiranjem suvremenih odnosa u prolost, odnosno prolost se pokuava (re)konstruirati isklju-ivo prema potrebama i eljama koje dirigiraju suvremeni odnosi. Uz neobjektivnost, anakronizam i neizbjenu karikaturalnost u pristupu, krajnji je rezultat ovakvih problematinih metodolokih postupaka ri-gidni povijesni redukcionizam, a to se u sluaju kompleksnog identi-teta grada Mostara najoitije manifestira kroz nastojanja da se one drukijeg identiteta, pripadnike neke druge etnike/nacionalne/vjerske zajednice jednostavno izbrie iz ranije povijesti grada, kako bi se stekao dojam da se, eto, radi o modernim uzurpatorima, pridolicama i ulje-zima, o onima koji su tek nedavno doli i ratom osvojili grad i time neopravdano stekli pravo participiranja u njegovu identitetu.2 U ovom se prilogu reaktualiziraju neka pitanja iz zajednikoga dijela povijesti franjevaca i grada Mostara i to iz dvije vremenski vrlo udaljene epohe, ranoosmanske i kasnoosmanske, ime se ujedno eli podsjetiti da su u dugovjeni i raznoliki povijesno-identitetski mozaik ovoga grada i fra-njevci odavna ve ugraivali kamenie vlastitoga identiteta.

2 Indikativan primjer takva diskursa u kojem se oni drugi (koji su takoer sudjelovali u izgradnji identitetskoga kompleksa grada) potpuno preuuju ili izbacuju iz ranije povijesti grada jest lanak Hivzije Hasandedia, objavljen u 9. broju asopisa Hercegovina (cijeli broj posveen je temi Mostara). Vidi Hivzija Hasandedi, Mostar od postanka do raza-ranja 1992/93. godine, u: Hercegovina. asopis za kulturno i historijsko naslijee, Mostar, br. 9., 1997., str. 19.-30. Za primjer koritenja istoga metodolokog obrasca poput Hasande-dieva, dakako s potpuno oprjenim ciljevima, vidi Anto Augustinovi, Mostar. Ljudi kultura civilizacija, Hrvatska kulturna zajednica u Federaciji BiH, Mostar, 1999.

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IvIca arac

1. Neka prijeporna pitanja oko franjevakog samostana i crkve u Mostaru u srednjovjekovnom i ranoosmanskom razdoblju

Poimo od onoga to u historiografskoj literaturi ve odavno vie nije sporno, a to je: da su prije osmanskoga osvajanja Humske zemlje posto-jali franjevaki samostani u dolini Neretve; da su franjevci djelovali u Mostaru skoro jedno stoljee nakon osmanskih osvajanja; da su franjev-ci u drugoj polovici 16. stoljea zbog nepovoljnih prilika za katolike pod osmanskom vlau nasilno protjerani iz Mostara te su stoga tri sljedea stoljea bili potpuno odsutni iz (su)oblikovanja povijesti grada, sve tamo do sredine 19. stoljea kada im je opet doputeno duobriniko, pasto-ralno i kulturalno djelovanje u gradu.3 Bilo je nekada meu povjesnia-rima sumnji u postojanje franjevakoga samostana u Mostaru u tako ranom razdoblju,4 no danas su zahvaljujui najprije onim podatcima koje je prikupio i objavio hercegovaki franjevac dr. fra Dominik Man-di (1889.-1973.) tridesetih godina prologa stoljea,5 a onda i istraiva-njima novijega datuma u dubrovakom arhivu6 te sumnje definitivno

3 Usp. Bazilije S. Pandi, Hercegovaki franjevci. Sedam stoljea s narodom, Ziral, Mostar Zagreb, 2001., str. 22.-49., Franjevci i Hercegovina. Zbornik radova, Robert Joli (prir.), Hercegovaka franjevaka provincija, Mostar, 2009., str. 17.-105.

4 Tog je miljenja primjerice bio Vladimir orovi, Mostar i njegova srpska pravoslavna optina, Srpske pravoslavne optine mostarske, Beograd, 1933., str. 15.

5 Acta franciscana Hercegovinae Provinciarumque finitimarum tempore dominationis Otho-manae, tom. I., ab an. 1463.-1699., Dominik Mandi (prir.), Mostar, 1934.

6 Rije je o podatcima na koje je prva ukazala Desanka Kovaevi-Koji na znanstvenom skupu od 18. do 20. travnja 1991. u Sarajevu (skup je organiziran povodom obiljeavanja sedam stoljea djelovanja bosanskih franjevaca). Budui da je 8. lipnja 1992. izgorjela zgrada Franjevake teologije, a s njom i navedeni referat, taj rad je objavljen nekoliko godina kasni-je. Vidi Desanka Kovaevi-Koji, Franjevci u gradskim naseljima srednjovjekovne Bo-sne, u: Radovi hrvatskog drutva za znanost i umjetnost, Sarajevo, god. III., 1995., str. 33.-45. Vidi i Andrija Zirdum, Karta srednjovjekovnih crkava na tlu Bosne i Hercegovine, u: Bo-sna franciscana, Sarajevo, god. IX., (2001.), br. 15., str. 207. Za rezultate novijih istraivanja u dubrovakom arhivu vidi Marijan Sivri, Nekoliko nepoznatih podataka o franjevcima u Zahumu i Biu kod Mostara u srednjem vijeku, u: Hercegovina. Godinjak za kulturno i povijesno naslijee, Mostar, br. 19., 2005., str. 43.-53.; Isti, Dolazak franjevaca u Humsku zemlju i susjedno podruje u srednjem vijeku prema vrelima dubrovakoga podrijetla, u: R. Joli, Franjevci i Hercegovina..., str. 51.-81. Usp. Andrija Niki, Srednjovjekovni franje-vaki samostani u Hercegovini, Hercegovina. Godinjak za kulturno i povijesno naslijee, Mostar, br. 6.-7., (14.-15.), 2000.-2001., str. 203.-225.

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INSTITUCIONALNA PRISUTNOST FRANJEVACA U MOSTARU POD OSMANSKOM VLAU...

otklonjene, pa se danas u popisu srednjovjekovnih crkava i samostana kao injenica navodi postojanje franjevakoga samostana i crkve u Mo-staru prije prodora Osmanlija u ove krajeve.7 To, meutim, ne znai da su rijeene sve zagonetke vezane za poetke zajednike povijesti franje-vaca i grada Mostara. U historiografskoj je literaturi bilo i jo uvijek ima nejasnoa oko ubikacije i datiranja prvih franjevakih zdanja u gradu na Neretvi. Ova se problematika ak i dodatno zakomplicirala upravo iznoenjem novih podataka iz dubrovakoga arhiva, jer nisu vie samo sporni lokalitet i vrijeme podizanja nego i broj franjevakih objekata u Mostaru i njegovoj blioj okolici u srednjovjekovnome razdoblju!

Okvirno je mogue u rasponu s kraja 14. do poetka 16. stoljea tra-iti poetak podizanja prvih franjevakih zdanja u Mostaru, jer se u pr-vom popisu samostana Bosanske vikarije (oko 1380. godine) meu 35 sa-mostana razdijeljenih u 7 kustodija ne spominje samostan u Mostaru,8 a spominje se pak poetkom 16. stoljea, konkretno u popisu franjevakih samostana koji se datira otprilike oko god. 1514.9 Premda se u starijoj franjevakoj tradiciji bez konkretnijih dokaza dugo njegovala i ouvala predaja o postojanju franjevakog samostana u Mostaru u prvoj polovi-ci 16. stoljea, na definitivnu potvrdu moralo se ekati do objavljivanja prvoga dokumenta u kojemu se jasno potvruje djelovanje franjevaca iz crkve u Mostaru, a radi se o dopisu sultana Sulejmana I. (1520.-1566.) mostarskom kadiji iz 1538. godine.10 O poetcima djelovanja franjeva-ca na tom podruju sve su do nedavno jedini relevantni zakljuci bili oni fra Dominika Mandia koji je njihov dolazak kronoloki smjestio na polovicu 15. stoljea. Mandi je taj dogaaj povezao sa zamolbom hercega Stjepana Vukia Kosae (1404.-1466.) napuljsko-aragonskom kralju Alfonsu (1416.-1458.) da mu poalje nekoliko franjevaca za pou-ku puka u vrenju vjerskih dunosti. Kralj Alfons udovoljio je njegovoj 7 Usp. A. Zirdum, n. dj., str. 207.8 Usp. B. S. Pandi, n. dj., str. 13., D. Mandi, Franjevaka Bosna. Razvoj i Uprava Bosanske

Vikarije i Provincije 1340., Hrvatski povijesni institut, Rim, 1968., str. 228.9 Acta franciscana Hercegovinae, I., str. 10.10 Mostarski franjevci su se preko svoga izaslanika potuili u Carigradu to im se naplauje

carina na redovniku odjeu koju preko Makarske uvoze u zemlju. Sultan pie mostar-skom kadiji da pozove stranke i istrai stvar: ako franjevci do tada nisu plaali carinu, mora se zabraniti da im se ubudue carini roba. Vidi Acta franciscana Hercegovinae, I., str. 22.-23.

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zamolbi i tu misiju povjerio nekolicini napuljskih franjevaca na elu s jednim biskupom sa Sardinije, a oni su u Hercegovini, prema Mandiu, mogli biti potkraj studenoga ili poetkom prosinca 1454. Mandi na-glaava da je njihova misija imala stalni i trajni karakter, pa on prema tome dovodi u izravnu vezu podizanje franjevakoga samostana u Mo-staru s tim dogaajem.11 to se tie spomena prve franjevake crkve u Mostaru, Mandi tvrdi (pozivajui se na jedan dokument iz 1556. koji potjee iz arhiva franjevakog samostana u Makarskoj) da je prva fra-njevaka crkva u Mostaru izgraena 1454.; da je bila sagraena od drve-ta; da je nakon 1470. godine, tj. u prvim godinama osmanske vladavine, bila zamijenjena novom kamenom crkvom;12 i da je kamena crkva sru-ena najvjerojatnije u razdoblju 1539./40., tijekom estokim progonom katolika u Hercegovini.13 Franjevci su tada, tvrdi Mandi dalje, bili ili poubijani ili protjerani te je njihov povratak u Mostar uslijedio barem 10-12 godina kasnije, kada su erijatskim rjeenjima ishodili da im se 11 Usp. D. Mandi, Osnutak franjevakog samostana i bogoslovije u Mostaru, u: Stopama

otaca. Almanah hercegovake franjevake omladine, Mostar, god. I., 1934./35., str. 11. Mandi povezuje s ovim dogaajem ne samo osnutak mostarskog samostana, nego i samostana u Ljubukom. Meutim, Bazilije Pandi nije drao ovu tezu utemeljenom te je napomenuo kako se ve 1444. godine spominje crkva u Ljubukom, a ta je prema njegovu miljenju vjerojatno bila franjevaka. Vidi B. S. Pandi, n. dj., str. 16. Tu su pretpostavku potvrdila i korigirala novija istraivanja koja na temelju dostupnih podataka iz dubrovakog arhiva pomiu najstariji spomen franjevaca u Ljubukom najprije u 1438. (Vidi Dijana Kora, Vjera u humskoj zemlji, Crkva na kamenu, Mostar, 2008., str. 51.), a odnedavno u 1435. godi-nu. Vidi M. Sivri, Dolazak franjevaca u Humsku zemlju i susjedno podruje u srednjem vijeku prema vrelima dubrovakoga podrijetla, R. Joli, Franjevci i Hercegovina..., str. 71.

12 Usp. D. Mandi, Etnika povijest Bosne i Hercegovine, Ziral, Toronto Zrich Roma Chicago, 1982., str. 94. Ovdje s posebnim razlogom navodimo Mandiev tekst doslovce, jer se radi o vrlo zanimljivom podatku, ali sa zbunjujuim navoenjem izvora. Mandi, naime, pie: Kako vidimo iz rjeenja hercegovakog sandaka M. Malkoa od g. 1556, koje se i danas uva u izvorniku u arhivu franjevakog samostana u Makarskoj, i prva je crkva franjevakog samostana u Mostaru iz g. 1454 bila podignuta od drveta, ali je poslije g. 1470, prvih godina turske vladavine, bila zamijenjena novom kamenom crkvom. to se tie izvora za ovaj bitan podatak, Mandi nas upuuje na bilj. 81. na str. 211. svoga djela, no tamo (u prijevodu doku-menta) ne nalazimo nita to bi se odnosilo na materijal od kojeg bi ta crkva bila graena, niti na godinu njezine gradnje. Osim toga, tu se navodi da je to izvorna bujruldija hercegovakog sandak-bega Huseina (a ne M. Malkoa, kako je navedeno na str. 94.), koja dodue spominje franjevaki samostan u Mostaru, ali u jednom sasvim drukijem kontekstu.

13 To temelji na odredbi kanun-name od 1. muharema 946. (19. svibnja 1539.), kada je u bosan-skom, hercegovakom i zvornikom sandakatu nareeno ruenje kasnije sagraenih crkava na onim mjestima, gdje nije bilo stare crkve. D. Mandi, Etnika povijest..., str. 207.

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povrati samostansko imanje i kue.14 Mandi se za ovaj zakljuak pozi-va na jedan drugi dokument iz makarskog franjevakog samostana u ko-jemu stoji da su se dvojica mostarskih franjevaca, Jure i Nikola, potuili mostarskom kadiji zbog prisvajanja fratarskog zemljita u Zahumu i taj spor dobili. U tom sudskom rjeenju (hudetu) iz 1558. godine (Mandi ga pogrjeno smjeta u 1553. godinu!) navodi se izjava Huseina, inae zakupnika starih i novih hasova u sandaku Hercegovina, kojega spo-menuti franjevci (Jure i Nikola) optuuju pred mostarskim kadijom. Taj je Husein u prisutnosti franjevaca i svjedoka izjavio sljedee:

Crkva, koja je podignuta u zaseoku ili mahali Zahumu, jednoj od mahala kasabe Mostara, je poruena i sruena (sic!). Pa sam ja kupio vinograd, batu i kuu uz spomenutu crkvu s razlogom, da se njezin vlasnik nije znao. Meutim, spomenuti popovi su zatraili ferman, na osnovu koga je spomenuti vinograd bata i kue/!/ dosuen tim popovima. Ja sam o tome i dalje sporio. Sada meutim posredovanjem dobrih ljudi mi smo se nagodili s tim to sam ja od spomenutih popova primio komad ohe za jedne akire. I u budue ne mogu da se sporim u pitanju navedenog imanja. Kad su to spomenuti popovi oi u oi potvrdili, napisana je na njihovo traenje ova isprava da im slui kao dokaz.15

Ovaj tekst osim to potvruje da je bila sruena franjevaka crkva, ot-kriva i da je ostala kua s vinogradom i batom dakle ostalo je neto to bi se moglo smatrati samostanskim imanjem. Mandi pretpostavlja da je prigodom ruenja mostarske crkve nastao takav progon, da su svi franjevci bili poubijani ili pobjegli iz Mostara, jer je zakupnik dravnih poreza, kada je doao u Mostar, bio uvjeren, da samostanske kue, vi-nograd i vrt nemaju gospodara, vlasnika.16 Ovdje se postavlja pitanje zato bi u jednom relativno kratkome vremenskom okviru od ruenja

14 Isto, str. 209.-210.15 Arhiv franjevakog samostana u Makarskoj, Acta turcica, dok. P5070095, P5070096 i

P5070097 (Zahvaljujui dr. fra Robertu Joliu dobio sam prijevod dokumenta u digitalnoj verziji). Fra Dominik Mandi donosi dio ove izjave (ali je pogrjeno datira!) s neto druk-ijim prijevodom: Crkva, koja je sagraena, a prije postojala, u mahali Zahum, jednoj od mahala varoi Mostara, bila je sruena i oborena, a ja bijah prodao njezin vinograd, bau i kue, koje su uz nju kao predmete, od kojih je preanji vlasnik bio nepoznat. D. Mandi, Etnika povijest..., str. 199.

16 Isto, str. 199.

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crkve (1539./40.) do sudske presude (1558.) vlasnitvo nad kuom, vi-nogradom i batom (p)ostalo nepoznato!? Problem se dodatno uslo-njava kad mu pridodamo podatke iz jednoga drugog dokumenta iz tog vremena. Postoji jedna potvrda (temesuk) hercegovakog sandak-bega Sinana iz 1553. godine, u kojoj se uz franjevce iz tri samostana (Ljubuki, Zaostrog i Makarska) spominju i oni iz samostana Svete Marije koji se nalazi blizu kasabe Mostara.17 Budui da se 1553. godine spominje mostarski samostan i u njemu franjevci, nelogino bi bilo da se za pet godina (1558.) ne bi znalo tko je vlasnik gore spomenutog franjevakog imanja, osim moda ukoliko ne pretpostavimo da se Husein, kao zaku-pnik osmanskih poreza u hercegovakom sandaku, pokuao poslui-ti tim argumentom da se lake preuzme franjevako imanje. Bilo kako bilo, samostan je bio na uzgoru barem jo pet godina nakon spome-nute sudske presude. Franjevaka predaja, a i historiografska tradicija suglasne su u tome da je franjevaki samostan u Mostaru definitivno poruen 1563. godine,18 a franjevci nakon toga nisu bili u prilici podizati 17 Potvrda iz 1553. glasi: Raniji sandak-bezi su redovnicima manastira Sveta Marija blizu ka-

sabe Mostara i Sveta Gospoa blizu Ljubukog i Sveta Gospoa u mjestima Zaostrog i Ma-karska, kao i prema zemljama, koje pripadaju njihovim crkvama i prema njima lino imali naroito obzira i uzimali ih u zatitu. Ti redovnici su ljudi koji u svakom pogledu zasluuju panju. Oni su osloboeni od svih obveza prema sandak-begu, kao i od svih izvanrednih nameta /tekalif/. /Raniji sandak-bezi/ su im podijelili asna pisma. Ovi su sada doli k meni, izrazili svoju vjernost i postojanost. Sada je /doao/ fra Petar Soljanin sa drugovima redov-nicima iz etiri manastira. Oni su od starine osloboeni od /navedenih obveza/. Drei se uobiajenog obzira prema njima, ja sam na njihovo traenje ovo napisao i predao im. Popisi-va vilajeta je napisao da redovnici samostana Svete Marije blizu Mostara plaaju paualno 10 aki. Meutim raniji sandak-bezi iz obzira prema njima nijesu uzimali spomenuti paual, nego su ih oslobodili od toga. Na njihovo traenje i ja sam im o tome izdao ovaj temesuk i na-dam se, da e moja cijenjena i potovana braa, koji budu namjesnici u ovoj visoko cijenjenoj pokrajini to na izloeni nain potvrditi i osnaiti, i da e im od svoje visoke dobrote podijeliti svoja pisma. Prijevod prema Arhiv franjevakog samostana u Makarskoj. Acta turcica, dok. P5070089. Neto drukiji prijevod kod D. Mandi, Etnika povijest..., str. 210.-211.

18 Pozivajui se na franjevaku predaju fra Dominik Mandi istie da je franjevaki samo-stan u Mostaru stradao za velikog vezira Ali-pae Semiza iz Prae (1560.-1564.), jer su, tvrdi Mandi, tada zapoeli trei po redu progoni katolika na hercegovakom podruju. D. Man-di, Etnika povijest..., str. 211. Prema sauvanoj predaji franjevaki samostani u Mostaru i Ljubukomu porueni su 1563. godine, nakon to su tamonji franjevci pruili utoite duvanjskome biskupu Danielu Vocensisu (Glasniu ili Glasnoviu?), koji je bjeao pred Tur-cima. Usp. Acta franciscana Hercegovinae, I., str. 30.-31.; B. S. Pandi, n. dj., str. 22.; A. Niki, n. dj., str. 215.; R. Joli (prir.), ematizam Hercegovake franjevake provincije 2012. godine, Hercegovaka franjevaka provincija, Mostar, 2012., str. 22.-23.

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samostan u ovom gradu sve do potkraj 19. stoljea, do dolaska austrou-garske uprave.

Sumirajui podatke koje je u svojim istraivanjima prikupio fra D. Mandi, moglo bi se njegove zakljuke ovako posloiti: franjevci su sti-gli u Humsku zemlju 1454., iste su godine u naselju na Neretvi19 podi-gli drvenu crkvu; nova crkva od kamena izgraena je 1470., a sruena u progonima katolika 1539./40.; franjevaki samostan nalazio se blizu kasabe Mostara ili konkretnije u jednoj od mahala kasabe Mostara ili jo konkretnije u mahali Zahum, a bio je posveen Sv. Mariji.

Rezultati Mandievih istraivanja u osnovi su kasnije potvreni, premda u detaljima dobrim dijelom revidirani, osobito novim spozna-jama iz dubrovakog arhiva. Prema novijim istraivanjima franjevci su na sredinji prostor Humske zemlje doli prije 1454. godine, odnosno barem tri desetljea ranije nego to je to Mandi pretpostavljao. U jed-nom dokumentu iz dubrovakog arhiva spominju se franjevci i njihov samostan u Biu ve u prosincu 1423.,20 a njihova se prisutnost na tom podruju potvruje i sljedeih godina u jo nekoliko dokumenata: 1426., 1428., 1429., 1430., 1432., 1433., 1449. i 1451. godine.21 U dubrovakim ar-hivskim vrelima spominju se Hum i Zahum kao lokaliteti na kojima su djelovali franjevci.22 Prvi spomen franjevaca u Zahumu datira iz 1431. godine,23 to je potvreno i u dokumentima s kraja 1432. te iz 1437. 19 Naselje nastalo uz dvije kastele pokraj drvenog mosta na Neretvi prvi se put spominje u

dubrovakim izvorima (3. travnja 1452.), gdje stoji da je Vladislav Hercegovi, sukobivi se s ocem Herceg-Stjepanom, zauzeo Blagaj et duo castelli da ponte di Neretua (i dvije kastele na mostu Neretve). O kastelama na desnoj i lijevoj obali Neretve (Cimski grad i Neboj-a) ijim spajanjem je i nastao grad Mostar vidi Pavao Aneli, Srednjovjekovna upa Veenike (Veeri) i postanak Mostara, u: Pavao Aneli, Marijan Sivri, Tomislav Aneli, Srednjovjekovne Humske upe, Ziral, Mostar, 1999., str. 161.-189. Usp. Anelko Zelenika, Obljetnica grada Mostara (1452.-2002.), u: Hercegovina. Godinjak za kulturno i povijesno naslijee, Mostar, br. 8.-9., (16.-17.), 2002./2003., str. 53.-63. Prvi spomen Mostara pod tim imenom datira iz 1469. godine. H. Hasandedi, Spomenici..., str. 5-6.

20 Radi se o oporuci Stjepka Pavlovia koji je darivao franjevake samostane u Stonu, Koruli, Ombli (Rijeci Dubrovakoj) i na Biu: Ancora lasso al c(on)vento delli frari da Bisce ypp. diece. Vidi M. Sivri, Dolazak franjevaca..., str. 67.

21 Usp. D. Kovaevi-Koji, n. dj., str. 37.-38. Usp. M. Sivri, Dolazak franjevaca..., str. 67.-69.

22 Usp. D. Kovaevi-Koji, n. dj., str. 37.23 Franjevci u Zahumu spominju se prvi put u testamentu Ostoje Radosalia, trgovca iz Trga

na Neretvi. Testament je napisan 10. sijenja 1431., a proglaen u Notarijatu u Dubrovniku

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godine.24 U jednoj se oporuci s kraja 1449. spominju franjevci u Zahumu i na Biu.25 Svi ovi podatci nepobitno dokazuju barem to da su franjevci ve sredinom prve polovice 15. stoljea zasigurno boravili na prostoru Humske zemlje, na lokalitetima koji se u zajednikom kontekstu s fra-njevcima pojavljuju pod razliitim nazivima: Bie, Novi de Bisce, Bisce de Xachum, Xachum /e/ in Biscce, Hum i Trahumie. Moe li se iz toga izvui zakljuak da su u tom vremenu postojala dva franjevaka samo-stana: recimo jedan u Zahumu, a drugi na Biu? Bolje upueni autori iskljuuju tu mogunost. Prema D. Kovaevi-Koji radilo bi se o vie naziva za jedan te isti samostan: Pored toga to u okolini dananjeg Mostara ima vie lokaliteta izvedenih od naziva Hum, ne izgleda vjero-jatno da su tri franjevaka samostana (Novi u Biu, Zahum, Hum) bila tako blizu jedan drugom.26 I fra R. Joli sumnja da bi franjevci imali dva samostana u Mostaru i okolici jer je tee povjerovati da su dva sa-mostana bila na tako maloj udaljenosti jedan od drugoga, a i kasnije se u izvorima iz turskoga razdoblja spominje samo jedan porueni samostan u Mostaru, a ne dva.27

Legitimno je propitivati i hipoteze i sumnje u njih. Osnovno bi pola-zite trebali biti oni podatci iz dokumenata oko kojih se barem za sada (tj. do eventualnih otkria nekih novih podataka koji bi one prethodne demantirali) nemogue ne sloiti: osmanski izvori, kako je gore navede-no, potvruju da je u 16. st. postojao franjevaki samostan iji je lokalitet usko bio povezan s Mostarom. Teko bi, isto tako, bilo ne sloiti se da taj samostan nije mogao biti podignut nakon dolaska Osmanlija jer oni, po-znato je, u pravilu nisu doputali gradnju crkava ni samostana tamo gdje

28. listopada 1432. Franjevci se u ovom kontekstu spominju indirektno, i to u svezi s duni-kim odnosima njihova ovjeka Radaka otia ili moda Kotia (Radach Chottich /h/omo del/l/i fra Menori in Xachum) koji je Radosaliu ostao duan 18 groa. Podatci prema M. Sivri, Dolazak franjevaca..., str. 69.; isti, Nekoliko nepoznatih podataka..., str. 43.-44. Za ve ranije objavljene spoznaje o tomu vidi A. Zirdum, n. dj., str. 207.-208.

24 Usp. M. Sivri, Dolazak franjevaca..., str. 69.25 U oporuci Matka, sina Bogdana Gojakovia, napisanoj 12. 11. 1449. spominje se popravak

franjevakoga samostana u Zahumu i Biu (Item lasso al/l/i fra Menori in Xachum /e/ in Biscce in repa/ra/tion del detto c/on/vento yppi XX.). M. Sivri, Nekoliko nepoznatih podataka..., str. 47.

26 D. Kovaevi-Koji, n. dj., str. 37.-38.27 R. Joli, ematizam..., str. 59.

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tih objekata nije bilo prije uspostave njihove vlasti.28 Dakle sve upuuje na zakljuak da ne treba sumnjati u postojanje samostana u Mostaru prije dolaska Osmanlija. U kakvim bi odnosima mogao biti taj samostan s onim podatcima koji se pojavljuju u dokumentima iz dubrovakog ar-hiva? Po svemu sudei ni u kakvim! Nazivi Zahum, Hum i Trahumie (Zahumlje) iz dubrovakih vrela ne odnose se na onaj Zahum koji se stoljee kasnije spominje u osmanskim vrelima u kojima jasno stoji da je rije o jednoj od mahala kasabe Mostara. Logino bi bilo zakljuiti da se Zahum iz dubrovakih dokumenata odnosi na podruje (jednako tako i Hum i Zahumlje),29 a ne na mahalu ili gradsku etvrt Mostara. S jedne strane je D. Kovaevi-Koji po svoj prilici bila u pravu: svi oni razliiti nazivi iz dubrovakih dokumenata odnose se samo na jedan samostan, ali ne na onaj u Mostaru nego na jedan drugi koji se vjerojatno nalazio neto junije od Mostara, negdje na prostoru Bia koje se, uz Blagaj, u izvorima pojavljuje kao politiko sredite Humske zemlje,30 to je, kako istie i sama D. Kovaevi-Koji svakako bilo od znaaja i za razvoj samostana.31 Ne treba zanemariti ni podatak da se na jednom mjestu poblie odreuje lokalitet franjevakog samostana na Biu: de Novi in

28 Prva odredba poznatog Omarova ugovora glasila je: Krani i idovi u zemljama nama podlonim ne smiju podizati samostane, ni crkve, ni pustinjake naseobine. Osmanski pravnici tumaili su da mogu ostati samo oni objekti koji su dokazano postojali u asu uspostave islamske vlasti, pa je prema tomu podizanje novih zgrada bilo (je) iskljueno. Sreko M. Daja, Katolici u Bosni i Zapadnoj Hercegovini na prijelazu iz 18. u 19. stoljee, Kranska sadanjost, Zagreb, 1971., str. 20.-21. Da se u sluaju krenja ove odredbe rigo-rozno postupalo potvruje i kanun-nama za bosanski vilajet iz 1516. godine, koja je glasila: Podignute su crkve u nekim mjestima u kojima one nisu postojale od starog nevjernikog vremena. Neka se takve novopodignute crkve dadu poruiti, a oni nevjernici i sveenici koji boravei u njima, uhode stanje i dojavljuju u nevjernike zemlje, neka se kazne strogo, i neka se kazne tekim tjelesnim kaznama. Neka se porue krievi koji su postavljeni na putevima i neka se ne doputa da ih ubudue postavljaju. A ako ih postave, neka se kazne tjelesnim kaznama oni koji to urade. Navod prema A. Zirdum, n. dj., str. 162.

29 Za suvremena promiljanja o zemljopisno-politikim pojmovima Hum i Zahumlje vidi Mladen Ani, Ranosrednjovjekovni Neretvani ili Humljani Tragom zabune koju je prouzroilo djelo De administrando imperio, u: Hum i Hercegovina kroz povijest, I. Zbornik radova s meunarodnoga znanstvenog skupa odranog u Mostaru 5. i 6. studenoga 2009., Ivica Lui (ur.), Hrvatski institut za povijest, Zagreb, 2011., str. 217.-279.

30 Iscrpnije o tome Pavao Aneli, Bie i Blagaj, politiki centar Humske zemlje u srednjem vijeku, u: Hercegovina. asopis za kulturno i istorijsko nasljee, Mostar, br. 1., 1981., str. 41.-73.

31 D. Kovaevi-Koji, n. dj., str. 38.

48 HUM IX (2014.) 11-12

IvIca arac

Bisce (Novi na Biu).32 A argument o maloj udaljenosti izmeu samo-stana nije uvjerljiv ni dostatan za odbaciti tezu o dva samostana u dolini Neretve, jer hrvatsko priobalje prua takve primjere gdje su franjevaki samostani prostorno veoma blizu razmjeteni.

Vratimo se samostanu u Mostaru i njegovoj ubikaciji. Da je lokalitet u mahali Zahum vjerojatno toan, potvruje se na odreeni nain i u sauvanoj franjevakoj predaji koja samostan u svakom sluaju povezuje s podnojem brda Huma (ponad Mostara), meutim zagonetno je to je u osmanskim izvorima samostan posveen sv. Mariji, dok se u franje-vakoj predaji spominje samostan posveen sv. Anti Padovanskom.33 No, ne upuuje li moda i ova zagonetka, na neki svoj, jo uvijek skriven nam nain, na postojanje dvaju samostana? A nije vjerojatno bez razlo-ga to i A. Zirdum u svom popisu srednjovjekovnih crkava na tlu Bosne i Hercegovine ovako biljei dva franjevaka samostana s crkvama: pod br. 386. Mostar, Crkva i franjevaki samostan i pod br. 387. Blagaj, Mostar, Crkva i franjevaki samostan Bie ispod Blagaja 34.

32 Usp. isto, str. 37., M. Sivri, Dolazak franjevaca..., str. 68.33 Tako fra Petar Bakula (1816.-1873.) navodi na temelju sauvane predaje da je franjevaki

samostan u Mostaru, posveen sv. Anti, bio smjeten kod Radobolje pod Humom. Vidi Her-cegovina prije sto godina ili ematizam fra Petra Bakule. S latinskog originala (iz 1867.) preveo dr. fra Vencel Kosir, Mostar, 1979., str. 58. I fra Radoslav Glava stariji (1867.-1913.) spominje franjevaki samostan posveen sv. Anti i pri tome se takoer poziva na predaju koja je u narodu ivo sauvana. I Glava ga smjeta pod Hum, ali dodaje da o lokalitetu po-stoje sauvane dvije razliite predaje. Prema jednoj predaji, franjevaki samostan se nalazio, navodi Glava, gdje se sada nahode kue Jusufa Bakamovia. (...) Ovdje se i sada nalaze svo-dovi, koji svjedoe, da niesu raa turska, nadalje, ovdje su se do nazad njekoliko vremena jo viali cipresi, po kojima narod uviek sudi, da je bila tude crkva oli samostan. Prije jedno 30. godina gradei se na ovom istom mjestu mlinica radnicu su nali jedan podosta velik kri zlatan. to je pako od kria bilo niesam mogo saznati. Ovi znaci, a k tomu neprekidna i ivo sauvana predaja potvruje, da se je tu u blizini morao nalaziti stari franjevaki samostan. Prema drugoj predaji, samostan je bio desno kraj sadanje ulice Pjesak nie Bakamovia kua, upravo gdje se Radobolja u dva toka raztie, i to odmah kraj desnoga toka u bai zvanoj Alajbegovia ada. Glava dodaje da ovu predaju donosi i Ljetopis Marka Kalamuta iz samostana u Rami, no ini se da je on osobno skloniji onoj prvoj verziji. Usp. Radoslav Glava, Spomenica pedesetgodinjice Hercegovake Franjevake Redodrave, tamparija knjiarnice Pacher i Kisia, Mostar, 1897., str. 75., bilj. 1.

34 A. Zirdum, n. dj., str. 207.

49prosinca 2014.


2. Franjevci u Mostaru u kasnoosmanskom razdoblju

Ve je reeno da su i franjevaka predaja i historiografska literatura suglasne u tvrdnji da je franjevaki samostan u Mostaru poruen 1563. Bijeg preivjelih franjevaca iz Mostara dovodi se u najuu vezu s osnut-kom franjevakoga samostana u ivogou, jer je ivogoki samostan zaista preuzeo duobriniku skrb za nekadanje podruje mostarskog samostana.35 Iz Dnevnika makarskog biskupa Stjepana Blakovia, koji je 1735. godine obiao neke hercegovake krajeve, dade se zakljuiti da u to doba u Mostaru vie nije bilo nijedne katolike crkve jer je biskup prilikom svoga boravka u Mostaru htio drati misu u jednoj kui, ali turske starjeine to nisu dopustile pa je morao drati svete obrede na sred groblja, na jednom posebno za tu priliku pripremljenom ivcu kamenu.36 U inae vrlo tekim prilikama za katolike kroz viestoljetno razdoblje osmanske vladavin

HUM11-12

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