HOW THE FORECLOSURE CRISIS IS COSTING NEW YORK …salsa.wiredforchange.com/o/6245/images/nycc how...

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HOW THE FORECLOSURE CRISIS IS COSTING NEW YORK CITY MILLIONS & THE ECONOMIC STIMULUS THAT WOULD RESULT FROM ACTION BY LOCAL GOVERNMENT A REPORT BY: NY for change C Communities

Transcript of HOW THE FORECLOSURE CRISIS IS COSTING NEW YORK …salsa.wiredforchange.com/o/6245/images/nycc how...

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HOW THE FORECLOSURE CRISIS IS COSTING NEW YORK CITY MILLIONS & THE ECONOMIC STIMULUS THAT WOULD RESULT FROM ACTION BY LOCAL GOVERNMENT

A REPORT BY:

NY for changeCCommunities

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! 6,904 properties have become bank owned and vacant from 2008 to date.

! There are 82,175 underwater mortgages in the City. ! New York City underwater homeowners are collectively $15.4 bil-

lion underwater. ! A $910 million annual stimulus for the NYC economy could be

generated through principal and interest-rate reduction. ! Principal and interest-rate reduction would generate $1,325 average

monthly savings per underwater homeowner. ! Principal and interest-rate reduction has the potential to create

13,286 new jobs annually as a result of the stimulus. ! Total $1.8 billion lost in revenue and from additional costs from

foreclosures over five- year period. ! $75.9 million of revenue is lost from property taxes to city govern-

ment from foreclosed properties; $1.6 billion in property taxes is lost from the declining value of surrounding properties.

! REOs have cost the city $133 million in additional services. ! There are more underwater New York homes than Baltimore and

Atlanta combined. ! New York City has the seventh-highest number of underwater

homes in the country. ! There are only three cities where underwater homeowners have

more negative equity than in NYC.

BACKGROUND

84,375 foreclosures took place from Jan ’08 through Oct ’12.

Homeowners in NYC are collectively $15.4 billion underwater

$NYC has more underwater homes than Baltimore & Atlanta combined.

1 in 5 NYC mortgages is underwater.

ï

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3table of contents

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Background 2

Executive Summary 4

Introduction 6

The Cost of Foreclosures 8

The Negative-Equity Cycle of Decline 12

The Opportunity for Economic Stimulus 12

Breaking the Cycle 14

Recommendations for Local Government 15

Conclusion 18

Table 1 • The 24 Cities with the Highest 7 Number of Underwater Mortgages

Table 2 • The 24 Cities with the Highest 7 Total Dollar Amount of Negative-equity

Table 3 • The Cost of Foreclosures 8

Table 4 • Estimated Stimulus 14

Figure 1 • The Negative-Equity Cycle of Decline 13

Figure 2 • Breaking the Negative-Equity Cycle of Decline 15

Map 1 • The Number of Foreclosures by 9 City Council District Since 2008

Map 2 • REO Properties by City Council District 11

Map 3 • The Number of Underwater 11 Mortgages By City Council District

1

2

3

4

5

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Foreclosures represent a huge financial burden to New York City. The declining property values of both the foreclosed homes as well as other neighborhood properties create a self-perpetuating negative feedback loop of declining values. Reducing mortgage balances when home values are below current mortgage levels will break this loop, and will allow thousands of homeowners to be able to afford their mortgage payments each month. But lenders, servicers and investors have not made a large-scale effort to modify loans and reduce their principal to align mortgages with current home values. The solution requires government intervention; local government must intercede in order to protect family and community wealth as well as to preserve the region’s economic health. Direct, bold action by local government to compel lenders and servicers to stop foreclosing, reduce principal, and provide homeowners with long-term permanently affordable mortgages will not only rejuvenate the market but will pave the way for an overall economic recovery.

CYCLE OF FORECLOSURES AND THEIR COST

Foreclosed and vacant homes drive down the values of each foreclosed property as well as the values of surrounding homes. As a result, the city has lost or stands to lose $1.8 billion in property taxes and increased expenses connected to vacant property over five years. If the foreclosure and abandonment continues, the cost to the city will continue to increase.

The more than 80,000 homeowners who currently have underwater mortgages are a major indicator that the cycle of default will continue. Collectively, in New York City, these homes create a gap of $15.4 billion between the inflated and outstanding mortgage balances and the actual current value of the homes. Homeowners with negative equity are more likely to go into foreclosure, which then drags down values of neighboring homes causing them to be even more underwater and at greater risk of foreclosure, creating a cycle.

With an imbalance between home values and existing mortgage balances exacerbated by a weak economy and job loss, homeowners and neighborhoods continue to be at risk of foreclosure. Homeowners paying on overvalued mortgages are pumping money that could be going into the economy into inflated mortgage payments. Homeowners who cannot afford to pay their mortgages due to reduced income are also not able to contribute to the general economy, as they have no surplus cash. Either way, overpaying on an inflated mortgage or having unavailable income to pay a mortgage has the same result: the reduction of property values in affected neighborhoods and less cash circulating through the economy. This

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

“THE MORE THAN 80,000 HOMEOWNERS WHO CURRENTLY HAVE UNDERWATER MORTGAGES ARE A MAJOR INDICATOR THAT THE CYCLE OF DEFAULT WILL CONTINUE.”

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5executive summary

destructive cycle of declining property values continues to erode the quality of the city’s neighborhoods, drain the city’s coffers, and damage its economy.

POLICY SOLUTIONS TO BREAK THE CYCLE

Modifying mortgages by reducing both the principal to reflect current home values and the interest rate to reflect current rates is the key to turning around the housing market and the economy. Principal reduction is the most effective way to ensure families continue to pay their mortgage and stay in their homes, which helps to re-stabilize neighborhoods by breaking the cycle of foreclosures and declining values.

The federal government, however, has failed to compel banks and servicers to institute principal reduction through its mortgage modification programs (such as Home Affordable Modification Program), and lenders and investors have been unwilling to initiate principal-reduction modifications on a large scale even as neighborhoods and the broader city economy suffer.

Local government intervention is needed to break this impasse. There are three powers at the mayor’s and city’s disposal that could be used to prevent unneces-sary foreclosures:

1 Utilize the mayor’s authority to control the city’s finances by only doing busi-ness with banks that make decisions in the city’s best economic interest. For example, the mayor could use the banking commission to ask that the banks provide sustainable and timely loan modifications that prioritize principal and interest rate reduction over term extension as a condition banks must meet in order for the city’s banking contracts and municipal deposits to go to a particular institution;

2 Develop a city-sponsored program for the purchase at market prices of under-water mortgage loans – focusing on at-risk borrowers, whether or not they are in default or foreclosure. The purchasing entity will be able to make prin-cipal reductions and other loan modifications to enable many borrowers, with the assistance of HUD-approved loan counselors, to remain in their homes as long-term owners. The mortgage loan market would provide financing for these restructured loans.

3 Use the power of eminent domain to purchase mortgages, pay lenders a fair price based on current market value, and rewrite the mortgages for home-owners that are at current market value creating loans that are affordable to existing homeowners.

The city’s economy would benefit substantially if it were to use its power to induce widespread principal-reduction mortgage modifications. Homeowners’ monthly payments would be lowered by a total $1.3 billion annually, stimulating the economy and increasing consumer spending by $910 million. Such a stimulus would create 13,286 jobs for New Yorkers and additional revenue for city services.

“PRINCIPAL REDUCTION IS THE MOST EFFECTIVE WAY TO ENSURE FAMILIES CONTINUE TO PAY THEIR MORTGAGE AND STAY IN THEIR HOMES.”

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INTRODUCTION

Since 2008, there have been nearly 85,000 foreclosure filings in New York City, and almost 7,000 homes have been abandoned and now sit vacant as a result of this crisis.1 New York City, with more than 8 million residents, is often referred to as a city of renters, but due to its sheer size and population, it has a greater number of homeowners than most cities. Currently one in five homeowners with a mortgage in New York City has a mortgage balance that is more than the property is worth.2 These loans are called underwater loans, and homeowners are considered to be in a negative-equity position. With more than 80,000 homeowners underwater, New York City has the seventh-largest number of underwater homeowners in the country (Table 1). That is more than Baltimore (38,816) and Atlanta (38,246) combined. Cities like San Diego, Detroit, Charlotte, Denver, and Philadelphia all have significantly fewer underwater mortgages than New York City.

The average New York City homeowner in a negative-equity position has a mortgage that is more than $125,000 higher than the current value of the home (Zillow Research 2012). With this gap between actual home value and mortgage balance, combined with the number of houses in this position, New York City has the fourth-largest negative-equity dollar amount in the country. New York City homeowners owe $15 billion (Table 2) more than their properties are worth. Only in Chicago, Los Angeles, and Las Vegas are homeowners underwater by higher dollar amounts. In fact, homeowners in New York City are further underwater than those in Detroit, Atlanta, Baltimore, and Philadelphia combined. Foreclosure “hotspots” such as Phoenix, San Diego, and Jacksonville are all substantially less underwater than New York City.

“HOMEOWNERS IN NEW YORK CITY ARE FURTHER UNDERWATER THAN THOSE IN DETROIT, ATLANTA, BALTIMORE, & PHILADELPHIA COMBINED.”

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table 1: the 24 cities with the highest number of underwater mortgages3

CITY STATE # OF UNDERWATERMORTGAGES

CITY STATE # OF UNDERWATERMORTGAGES

Las Vegas NV 158,292 Columbus OH 50,605

Chicago IL 157,516 San Antonio TX 50,474

Phoenix AZ 132,635 Detroit MI 49,896

Los Angeles CA 116,521 Fort Worth TX 49,058

Houston TX 92,351 Dallas TX 47,257

Jacksonville FL 86,450 Mesa AZ 44,120

New York NY 82,175 Milwaukee WI 41,077

Charlotte NC 61,261 Fresno CA 39,458

Indianapolis IN 59,866 Tucson AZ 39,327

Memphis TN 59,586 Bakersfield CA 39,001

Philadelphia PA 58,918 Baltimore MD 38,816

San Diego CA 54,840 Atlanta GA 38,246

table 2: the 24 cities with highest total dollar amount of negative-equity4

CITY STATE TOTAL NEGATIVE EQUITY IN BILLIONS

CITY STATE TOTAL NEGATIVE EQUITY IN BILLIONS

Chicago IL $18 Philadelphia PA $3.7

Las Angeles CA $17.5 Charlotte NC $3.6

Las Vegas NV $16.5 Mesa AZ $3.5

New York NY $15.4 Fresno CA $3.5

Phoenix AZ $11.8 Bakersfield CA $3.3

San Diego CA $7.0 Oakland CA $3.0

Jacksonville FL $5.6 Stockton CA $3.0

San Jose CA $5.3 Detroit MI $3.0

Houston TX $5.2 N. Las Vegas NV $2.9

Sacramento CA $4.0 Washington DC $2.9

Atlanta GA $3.9 Baltimore MD $2.9

Henderson NV $3.8 Seattle WA $2.9

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During the past five years foreclosures have cost (or will cost – the city’s property tax system is complicated, and it may take years for the loss of property value to be reflected in tax revenue) New York City $1.8 billion dollars in expenses and lost revenue. Foreclosures cost the city money in two ways. First, foreclosures cause property-tax revenues to decline as property values erode. Secondly, many properties that enter the foreclosure process end up as vacant, bank-owned properties, which result in significantly increased costs to the city for maintenance.

Since January 2008, the city has lost an estimated $75.9 million in property-tax revenues from declining values of foreclosed properties. This loss of revenue is directly related to the nearly 85,000 foreclosure filings in New York City since 2008. One study that analyzed sales data from all 50 states for 12,000 properties listed as real-estate owned (REO), i.e. bank owned, determined that REO properties sell for an average of 22% less than non-REO homes.5 Three other studies conducted during the last 20 years documented sale discounts for foreclosed property between 22-24%.6

Assuming a median home value of $450,0007, each foreclosed property lost $90,000 in value (approximately 20%), resulting in a total loss of real-estate value of $7.6 billion.8 Using New York City’s average property-tax rate for residential property of approximately 1%9, there has been a loss of $75.9 million in property-tax revenue.

The loss in tax revenue is not attributable solely to properties that are the subject of foreclosure actions. Homes in close proximity to foreclosed properties end up losing value and in turn selling at a discount. It is estimated that the city has lost $1.6 billion in revenue due to losses in value incurred by properties with foreclosed properties nearby since 2008.

A study measuring the impact of single-family home foreclosures on nearby single-family property values in Chicago found the value of homes within roughly an eighth of a mile of a foreclosure decreases by approximately 0.9%.10 Another study looking at New York City between 2000-2006 showed that homes up to 1,000

THE COST OF FORECLOSURES

table 3: the cost of foreclosures

SOURCE OF COST LOSS IN VALUE PER INSTANCE

COST PER INSTANCE NUMBER OF INSTANCES TOTAL COST

Property tax loss from foreclosed properties

-20% $900 84,375 $75.9 million

Property tax loss from surrounding homes

-1% $45 35,300,000 $1.6 billion

REO properties $19,277 6,904 $133 million

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feet from foreclosure properties declined in value by 1.2-2.2%.11 Based on this data, every foreclosure within an eighth of a mile (660 feet) of a particular property can cause its value to decrease by an estimated 1%.

In New York City, there are an estimated 3,344 owner-occupied housing units per square mile, or 418 per eighth of a mile.12 Therefore, each of the 84,375 foreclosures during the last five years affected the values of an additional 418 homes, on average. Each of the city’s 1,100,00013 owner-occupied properties has been affected by 32 foreclosures, and each of the foreclosures resulted in an average decrease of $4,500 (1% of the $450,000 median home value) per property. The result is a $160 billion loss in value since 2008 (1,100,000 times 32 times $4,500). Thus, $1.6 billion in property taxes were lost to foreclosure-caused property-value decreases (New York City’s average tax rate is approximately 1% of market value).

Bank-owned properties have also cost the city nearly $133 million since 2008. A property becomes REO when it is auctioned at a foreclosure sale, and, in the absence of a third-party buyer, the bank bids the amount of the outstanding mortgage.14 With the high number of foreclosures experienced in recent years, there is rarely a third-party buyer at foreclosure auctions so almost all properties that complete the foreclosure process end up REO.15 REO properties are nearly always vacant16 because either the homeowners abandon hope and leave before the foreclosure process is completed or lenders evict the homeowners who stay when they take possession.17

Studies have also documented additional costs to the city due to foreclosures or homes in foreclosure. It is estimated that the annual cost per block of police and fire services in Baltimore increased by $1,472 per vacant property on the block.18 A study approximating the cost of foreclosures to the city of Chicago for a variety of

NUMBER OF FORECLOSURES

< 500 501-1,000

1,001-2,000

2,001-3,000

>3,000

map 1: the number of foreclosures by city council district since 2008

“BANK OWNED PROPERTIES HAVE COST THE CITY NEARLY $133 MILLION SINCE 2008.”

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scenarios found costs to vary from as little as $27 to more than $30,000. Absent a fire, the cost of REOs to New York City government is likely to be around $19,277.19

In New York City, since the economic collapse of 2008, 6,904 properties have become REO.20 Many homes are abandoned before the foreclosure sale occurs, which means ownership has not transferred to the bank and would not show up in a search of REOs. However, the cost of the vacancy is still the same to the city, making $133 million a very conservative estimate of the cost of foreclosure-related vacancies to the city.

Over a five-year period, foreclosed properties have cost the city an estimated $76 million in lost property-tax revenue directly, $1.6 billion in lost property-tax revenue from neighboring properties, and $133 million in additional city-costs – totaling more than $1.8 billion in revenue the city is losing because of foreclosures and their direct effects.

“MANY HOMES ARE ABANDONED BEFORE THE FORECLOSURE SALE OCCURS, MAKING $133 MILLION A CONSERVATIVE ESTIMATE OF THE COST OF FORECLOSURE-RELATED VACANCIES.”

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NUMBER OF UNDERWATER HOMES

< 500 501-1,000

1,001-2,500

> 2,500

map 3: the number of underwater mortgages by city council district

REO PROPERTIES

< 35 36-70 71-149 150-300 >300

map 2: the number of reo properties by city council district since 2008

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Homes currently in negative-equity positions foreshadow a deepening of the existing crisis. In New York City, there are 82,175 homes in negative-equity positions totaling $15.4 billion.21 Map 3 shows the number of underwater mortgages by City Council District (CCD).

Underwater properties are an obstacle to the recovery of the housing market and the economy in general because they create a self-perpetuating cycle of decline.

Homes that are currently underwater are likely to become foreclosures in the future. Homeowners who are underwater on their mortgages have an economic incentive to walk away from their homes and default on their mortgages22, and homeowners who are underwater on their mortgage generally have payments they cannot afford to make. Across all types of mortgages and borrower FICO scores, the strongest indicator of whether or not a homeowner will default on his or her mortgage is the equity position: As equity decreases, the probability of default increases.23 Robert Hockett says those underwater mortgages are an “impending foreclosure tsunami of apparently unprecedented proportions.”24 Homeowners in a negative-equity position are at risk of foreclosure because the home, which has historically been the bedrock of many people’s savings, has become a liability rather than an asset. While the Federal Reserve has kept interest-rates low, partly as a tool for homeowners to incentivize the housing market, underwater families cannot take advantage of the low rates because they have no equity with which to refinance. This cycle of declining property values has wider-reaching effects on the economy as well.

Declining real estate values not only impede the recovery of the housing market but also obstruct economic growth in general. As home values fall and homeowners slip into underwater positions, they stop spending as much, which weakens the economy, hurts businesses, and further “feeds into housing declines.”25 A “vicious cycle” has emerged: Homeowners who lose wealth cut back on spending, which causes business sales to drop, leading to layoffs, which cause foreclosures that drag down nearby home values and cause homeowners to spend less, and so on. There is an undeniable link between home values, consumer spending, jobs, and foreclosures.26

THE OPPORTUNITY FOR ECONOMIC STIMULUS

If the principal balance and interest rates of all of the city’s underwater mortgages were modified to reflect current home values and interest rates, it would generate an annual stimulus of almost $1 billion that would allow for the creation of more than 13,000 jobs.

THE NEGATIVE-EQUITY CYCLE OF

DECLINE

“UNDERWATER PROPERTIES CREATE A SELF-PERPETUATING CYCLE OF DECLINE.”

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A principal and interest-rate reduction modification program would provide underwater homeowners with substantial payment savings, which would translate to an economic stimulus for the city. If the principal balance of every underwater mortgage in NYC were reduced to 100% of the homes’ value and the interest rates were reduced to slightly above the going rate, homeowners would save $1,325 a month, a total of $1.3 billion annually.

Cash-strapped homeowners would likely spend at least some their savings generated by modifications, in turn creating a direct consumer-spending driven stimulus.27 The payments would function similarly to the tax cuts for personal consumption used by the federal government in 2008 to stimulate the economy. The New York Times reported that consumer spending was elevated in the months following the 2008 stimulus.28 Consumers spent 50-90% of their 2008 economic stimulus payments on durable or non-durable goods.29 Many underwater homeowners are currently struggling to make their payments; a modification that lowers their payments would have the same economic impact as receiving a check in the mail.

In addition to curbing defaults by easing payment pressures and removing the strategic incentive to walk away, such a modification program would increase consumer spending, thus stimulating the economy and leading to job creation.

Modifications that lower monthly payments will create more than 13,000 jobs. It has been estimated that it takes $68,493 to create one job through tax cuts for personal consumption.30 Since mortgage-payment reductions act like a tax cut for personal consumption, about 70% of payment savings (more that $900 million),

figure 1: the negative equity cycle of decline

FORECLOSURES

DECLINING VALUES

UNDERWATER MORTGAGESLOWER

CONSUMER SPENDING

LOWER SALES FOR BUSINESSES

LAYOFFS

“IF THE PRINCIPAL BALANCE OF EVERY UNDERWATER MORTGAGE IN NYC WERE REDUCED TO 100% OF THE HOMES’ VALUE, HOMEOWNERS WOULD SAVE A TOTAL OF $1.3 BILLION ANNUALLY.”

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would flow directly into the city’s economy. Modifications would lower payments and increase consumer spending, allowing businesses to create jobs.

BREAKING THE CYCLE

Addressing the problem of negative equity is paramount to stemming the tide of foreclosures. Principal-reduction modifications can break the cycle of decline, and such modifications would be in the best interest of both the homeowners and the investors holding those mortgages. However, there are several impediments preventing lenders from acting on their own, and the government must intervene.

While lenders have modified some mortgages, these programs have been small in scale and prone to re-default.31 The majority of modifications have left payments at or higher than pre-default levels, and relied on interest-rate reductions and term extensions to lower payments.32 By leaving borrowers in negative-equity positions, the primary default-risk factor was not addressed. Modifications that included principal reductions, on the other hand, have a much higher success rate.33 Principal-reduction modifications will bring mortgage balances inline with home values, preventing further foreclosures and allowing the real-estate market to heal, which will allow for greater general economic recovery.

Principal-reduction modifications are also better for mortgage investors over the long run. Once a mortgage goes into default, it is rarely brought current without a modification.34 When a homeowner defaults on the mortgage, the choice for investors is to foreclose or modify. Legal fees, maintenance of the property, and selling costs that go along with foreclosing on a property can cost investors anywhere from 49-75% of the unpaid mortgage balance.35 In many cases, the investor would lose less if a borrower were given a principal-reduction modification than by foreclosing;36 faced with foreclosing on a property or accepting a principal-reduction modification, it often makes better financial sense for the investor to allow modification.

But there are many entrenched barriers preventing principal write-downs on a wide scale. As securities, mortgage-ownership interests are fragmented in such a way that makes it nearly impossible for investors to act jointly to modify loans.37 Collection authority for these securitized mortgages is entrusted to an agent known as the servicer, and mortgages entrusted to a servicer are subject to pooling and servicing agreements that often prohibit modification.38 Furthermore, compensation

table 4: estimated stimulus

UNDERWATER MORTGAGES 82,175 OUTSTANDING DEBT ON UNDERWATER MORTGAGES

AFTER REDUCTION

$37 billion

TOTAL MONTHLY STIMULUS PER HOMEOWNER

$1,325

UNDERWATER MORTGAGE DEBT OUTSTANDING

$47.5 billion

TOTAL MONTHLY MORTGAGE PAYMENT AFTER REDUCTION

$188.5 million

TOTAL ANNUAL STIMULUS PER HOMEOWNER

$15,900

AVERAGE MORTGAGE PAYMENT CURRENTLY

$297.4 million

TOTAL MONTHLY STIMULUS $108.9 million

ANNUAL JOB CREATION THROUGH STIMULUS

13,286

TOTAL ANNUAL STIMULUS $1.3 billion

“IN MANY CASES, THE INVESTOR WOULD LOSE LESS IF A BORROWER WERE GIVEN A PRINCIPAL-REDUCTION MODIFICATION THAN BY FORECLOSING.”

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to servicers is often structured to be independent of borrower principal payments so that it is more profitable for servicers to proceed with a foreclosure even if that isn’t what is better for the investors.39 Finally, acting individually, it is rational for each creditor to wait for other creditors to revalue the mortgages they hold first because of the belief that “whomever revalues last revalues least.” Thus, no lender will, acting on its own behest, rewrite any mortgage.40 Acting as an outside agent, the government can go around obstacles to lender action inducing and coordinating a robust mortgage-modification effort.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT

To date, federal action by two administrations has proved ineffective in stopping the negative-equity cycle of decline. City government is in a position to take successful action. There are tools at the city’s disposal that could be used to prevent unnecessary foreclosures. The city should take a three-pronged strategy, first by attempting to compel banks to provide loan modifications with principal reductions; if that is unsuccessful, additional measures would allow the city to directly mitigate the negative effects of foreclosure through loan acquisition.

! Establish conditions that banks must meet in order for the city’s bank-ing contracts and deposits to go to that particular lender.

First, the next mayor can succeed where the federal government has not through his or her control of the city’s finances, granted by the City Charter

figure 2: breaking the negative-equity cycle of decline

UNDERWATERMORTGAGES

LOANMODIFICATIONS

MORECONSUMERSPENDINGMORE

JOBS

FEWERFORECLOSURES

HOME VALUESSTABILIZE

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§ 8(c). For example, the banking commission, a little-known three-member municipal body, has a primary power that allows it to determine what financial institutions are fit to receive city deposits. As the appointer of two commissioners, the mayor can direct a majority of the commission to re-quire that banks agree to certain mortgage-modification rules and criteria as a condition of certification. Independently, the mayor could then track banks’ modification performance using statistics from third-party HUD-certified loan-counseling agencies. Other financial decisions, such as which institutions to bond and to contract with, can also be made using this data.

The mayor should implement a policy requesting that all banks who want to do business with the City of New York make sustainable loan modifications a priority and routine practice, particularly when the loan modification produces a positive net value outcome for the investor. Every homeowner facing hardship should be offered a loan modification within three months of the proposal being submitted. Every homeowner who submitted an application more than six months ago should receive a modi-fication based on the circumstances when the proposal was first submit-ted. That modification should be based on an affordable debt-to-income ratio, achieved through a waterfall that prioritizes principal reduction and reduces the interest rate before extending the loan term and includes a proportional modification on any junior leans. Loan payments should be permanently set at an affordable level without large balloon payments. Additional modifications must be offered when a homeowner experiences subsequent hardships.

It is important for banks to be able to issue bonds and hold deposits for a city the size of New York because there is a great deal of potential profit, giving significant leverage to the city when negotiating for principal reduc-tion. Several California cities, namely Oakland, San Jose, and San Francisco are attempting to tie banking contracts to foreclosure-prevention efforts.41

! Develop a program (at scale) to purchase mortgages at a market-de-termined price (generally below the outstanding principal balance).

If the financial pressure of losing New York City’s business proves insuf-ficient to changing banks’ habits, the city should then sponsor a program for the purchase of underwater mortgage loans at market prices – focus-ing on at-risk borrowers, whether or not they are in default or foreclosure. Since market prices for these mortgage loans will generally be lower than the principal balance, the purchasing entity will be able to make principal reductions and other loan modifications to enable many borrowers, with the assistance of HUD-approved loan counselors, to remain in their homes as long-term owners. The mortgage loan market would provide financing for these restructured loans. The purchasing entity would also work with not-for-profit housing managers to retain as affordable housing, under dif-ferent structures, the homes for which there are no feasible loan modifica-tions to convert them to performing loans.

“THE MAYOR SHOULD IMPLEMENT A POLICY REQUESTING THAT ALL BANKS WHO WANT TO DO BUSINESS WITH THE CITY MAKE SUSTAINABLE LOAN MODIFICATIONS A PRIORITY.”

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17the negative -equity cycle of decline

! Use the power of eminent domain to reset investor-owned mortgages to positive equity.

Finally, if banks refuse to both voluntarily reduce principal and sell underwater properties to the city, eminent domain could be used to seize underwater mortgages. The power of eminent domain allows the city to take private property, in this case mortgages, and pay the owner market value for that property, if it serves a public purpose.42 Robert Hockett, a Cornell Law Professor, has advanced a plan whereby cities, in partnership with private investors, would purchase underwater mortgages (the loan not the actual property) for the fair-market value. By using eminent domain, the city can take possession of mortgages and write them down to current mar-ket values, preventing the loss of billions of taxpayer dollars and creating an enormous economic stimulus for the city.

Many of the foreclosure initiatives advanced by both the Bush and Obama Administrations have not had an impact because they failed to reach a significant number of homeowners and didn’t address the issues of negative-equity.43 The willingness of New York City’s executive to act on foreclosures is essential for homeowners, as significant future action by the federal government is unlikely because 1) Congress is so ideologi-cally divided, and 2) local governments feel the negative effects of foreclo-sures most acutely.44 It falls on local government to protect its citizens and neighborhoods.

“THE WILLINGNESS OF NYC'S EXECUTIVE TO ACT ON FORECLOSURES IS ESSENTIAL, SINCE THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IS UNLIKELY TO INTERVENE.”

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18 how the foreclosure crisis is costing nyc millions

With more than 80,000 mortgages underwater, New York has more homeowners in negative-equity and at risk of defaulting than most other cities. Existing foreclosures have already cost the city $1.8 billion through decreasing property-tax revenues, as a result of falling values, and direct expenses to city departments associated with the foreclosure process and vacant property. These declines in property value caused by foreclosure have left thousands of homeowners underwater. There is a higher likelihood underwater homeowners will default, which will further deflate values, putt more homeowners underwater, and generate more foreclosures. As homeowners fall into negative-equity positions, they stop spending, which hurts businesses, causes lay-offs, and leads to even more foreclosures. These coinciding negative feedback loops make it likely that time will worsen rather than remedy this problem. This is the negative-equity cycle of declining values.

Principal-reduction mortgage modifications can stabilize the housing market by preventing a further wave of foreclosures. Such modifications would serve the interests of homeowners and the owners of the loans, but competing interests between lenders, servicers, and investors too often prevent reasonable action that would benefit everyone. Therefore, the crisis is not likely to work itself out without government intervention. If the government were able to induce modifications with principal reduction, those modifications will significantly lower payments for homeowners. Lower payments will directly decrease defaults by easing the payment burden and indirectly by increasing spending, which would create jobs and make it easier for homeowners to make their payments. Principal-reduction modifications not only break the underwater cycle of decline but also reverse it. •

CONCLUSION

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19conclusion

Notes1. RealtyTrac.2. Zillow Real-estate Research. Zillow

Negative-equity Report. (June 2012), 5. www.zillow.com/research.

3. Zillow Real-estate Research. Zillow Negative-equity Report. June 2012. www.zillow.com/research.

4. Zillow Real-estate Research. Zillow Negative-equity Report. June 2012. www.zillow.com/research.

5. Pennington-Cross, Anthony. The Value of Foreclosed Property. Journal of Real-estate Research, Volume 28, No. 2. (April-June 2006).

6. W. Scott Fame. Estimating the Effects of Foreclosures on Nearby Property Values; A Critical Review of the Literature. Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta Economic Review, Volume 95, November 2010.

7. Zillow Home Value Index.8. RealtyTrac9. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dof/html/

property/property_bill_calculate.shtml10. Immergluck, Dan and Geoff Smith. The

External Cost of Foreclosure: The Impact of Single-Familiy Mortgage Foreclosures on Property Values. Housing Policy Debate, Volume 17, Issue 1. 2006.

11. Schuetz, Jenny, Vicki Been, and Inrgid Gould Ellen. Neighborhood Effects of Concentrated Mortgage Foreclosures. Journal of Housing Economics, Volume 17, 306-319. 2008.

12. American Community Survey, Five Year Estimates, 2006-2010.

13. 2011 HPD Housing and Vacancy Survey.14. Immergluck, Dan. Neighborhoods in the

Wake of the Debacle: Intrametropolitan Patterns of Foreclosed Properties. Urban Affairs Review 2010 46: 3, page 7.

15. Immergluck 2010, page 8. Citing; Cutts, A. C., and W. Merrill. 2008. Interventions in mortgage default: Policies and practices to prevent home loss and lower costs. In Borrowing to live: Consumer and mortgage credit revisited, edited by N. Retsinas and E. Belsky, 203–54. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.

16. Immergluck 2010, page 8. Also, Whitaker, Stephen. Foreclosure Related Vacancy Rates. Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland; Economic Commentary. July, 2012. Page 1.

17. Immergluck 2010, page 8, citing: Rao, J., and G. Walsh. 2009. Foreclosing a dream: State laws deprive homeowners of basic protections. Boston: National Consumer Law Center. http://www.nclc.org/ issues/foreclosure/content/FORE-Report0209.pdf (accessed November 24, 2009).

18. Winthrop, Bob and Rebecca Herr. Determining the Cost of Vacancies in Baltimore. Government Finance Review, June 2008. Volume 25, Issue 3, pg. 39.

19. Apgar, William C., Mark Duda, and Rochelle Nawrocki Gorey. The Municipal Cost of Foreclosure: A Chicago Case Study. Homeownership Preservation Foundation. February 2005. Pages 24-27.

20. ReatyTrac.21. Zillow Real-estate Research 2012, page 5.22. Papagianis, Christopher, Arpit Gupta.

Making the Housing Market Work Again23. Policy Review; Feb/Mar 2012; 171; ProQuest

pg. 3.24. Goodman, Lori S., Roger Ashworth, Brain

Landy, Lidan Yang. The Case For Principal Reductions. The Journal of Structured Finance 2011.17.3:29-41. Downloaded from www.iijournals.com by Brook Hill on 10/18/12.

25. Hockett, Robert. Breaking the Mortgage Debt Impasse: Municipal Condemnation Proceedings and Public / Private Partnerships for Mortgage Loan Modification, Value Preservation, and Local Economic Recovery. Page 13. online.wsj.com/public/resources/.../EMINENT-legal-brief.pdf

26. Papagianis and Gupta, 2012, 4. Also; Hockett 2012, 13.

27. Win / Win Solution; How Fixing the Housing Crisis will Create One Million Jobs. The New Bottom Line, 2011. www.thenewbottomline.com.

28. New Bottom Line, 2011.29. Grynbaum, Michael M. Stimulus Payments

Elevate Consumer Spending. New York Times [New York, N.Y] 28 June 2008: C.4.

30. Parker, Joshua A., Nicholas S. Souleles, David S. Johnson, and Robert McClelland. Consumer Spending and the Economic Stimulus Payments of 2008. National Bureau of Economic Research. January 2011. Page 3.

31. Pollin, Robert, and Heidi Garrett-Peltier. The U.S. Employment Effects of Military and Domestic Spending Priorities. Department of Economics and Political Economy Research Institute. University of Massachusetts, Amherst, page 6. October 2007.

32. Goodman et al. 2012, pages 32-35. Also; Li, Wei, and Sonia Garrison. Fix or Evict; Loan Modifications Return More Value Than Foreclosures. Center for Responsible Lending. March 2012. www.responsiblelending.org.

33. Goodman et. al 2012 and Li and Garrison 2011.

34. Goodman et. al 2012 and Li and Garrison 2011

35. Goodman et. al 2012 and Li and Garrison 2011

36. Li and Garrision 2011, page 2.37. Carr, James H., Katherine Lucas-Smith.

Five Realities About the Current Financial and Economic Crisis. 44 Suffolk U. L. Rev. 7 2011. Also; Li and Garrison 2011.

38. Hockett 2012.39. Hockett 2012.40. Hockett, 201241. Hockett 2012, pages 17-18.42. Artz, Matthew. Oakland wants Wells Fargo

concessions. Oakland Tribune; 12 Mar 2012.43. Schiller, 2012.44. Papagianis and Gupta, 2012.45. Hockett, 2012, pg. 22.

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